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JPRS L/~039 ~
- 17 April 1980
_ Sub-Sahar~n Afric~ Re ort -
, ~
- FOUO No. 671 ~
~
_ ~8~~ FOREIGN ~ROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/9039
17 April 1980
SUB-SAiIARAN AFR~CA REPORT
FOUO No. 671 ~
CONTENTS
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
Briefs
. OMVG Council of Ministers Meeting 1
- B~nin-Niger Corrunon Organization Meeting 1 -
ANGOLA
F~ench Political Asylum for Holden Arouses Questions -
(AF.QIQUE-ASIE, 17 Mar 80) 2
, Envoy Views Relations Wi.th F~ance, ~outhern African Scene
(Ginette Cot; AFB.IQUE-ASIE, 17-31 Mar 80) 3
Brief s
ADB Benguela Ra.ilroad Financing b _
BENIN
Kerekou Political Maneuverings Reported
(Francois Soudan; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 27 Feb 80) 7
Election Victory Lends Regime an Air of Legality
_ (Maxiam Sysle; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 3 Mar 80) 10
CAMEROON ~
Bri ef s
Final Election Results 13
CHAD
Danger of Resumption of Wax Continues
(AFRIQUE~ASIE, 1~-17 Feb 80) l~,
_ a_ [ I I I - NE & A- 12 0 FOUO )
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CONTENTS (C~ntinued) Page ~
Indications of French 'Imperialism'
- (AF'RIQUE-ASIE, 3-16 Mar 80) 15
Briefs
New Corrnnander of French Forces 17
World Bank To Resume ~nancing 17
Government Position on Trade Unionism 17
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC -
- Effects of Soviet Teachers' Departure Reported
~MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 1t Feb 80) 18
France Accused of Pillaging Nation
(AFRIQUE-ASIE, 3-16 Mar 80) 19
Bases for Economic Recovery Said To E~.st
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERR,ANEENS, 1 Feb 80) 21
- River Transportation Company Is Established
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, Feb 80) 25
Kerosene Shortage Noted, Thefts Reported
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, Feb 80) 26
Briefs
National Islamic Corrm?unity Banned ~ 27
French Financing Agreement Signed 27 -
France Approves Economic Recovery Plan 27
Meeting Change Symbolic 28
COMORO ISLANDS
Finance Minister Outlines Monetary, Economic Gains
- (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 1Lt Mar 80) 29 '
Briefs
Almost Bankrupt 31
CONGO
Joint French-Congolese Corrunission Meets in Paris
(MARCHES TROPICAUY. ET MEDITERRANEENS, 8 Feb 80) 3~ _
New Law Continues National Solidaxity Ftiznd
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 8 Feb 80) 3~
- b -
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CONTEN TS (Continued) Page -
Bri ef s
~ench-Congolese Relations 35
President on UJSC 35
State Companies Conference 35
~QUATORIAL GUINEA
Bri ef s
_ EEC gnergency Aid 36 ~
LIBERIA ~
Briefs
Iron Ore Export Prospects 37 _
French Trade Mission 37
MADAGASCAR
Details on Increasing Socialist Control Given
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 22 Feb 8Q) 38 _
MAUR.ITIUS
Government Dependence on Foreign Backing Hit
(Herve-Masson; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 18 Feb 80) ~0
Brief s
Dependency orl 5ugar ~3
MOZAMBIQUE . �
UK 'TIlKES' Sees Mozambique as Wanting Closer Ties With West
(Nicholas Ashford; THE TIMES, 26 Mar 80) 41~
Economic Conditions, F~ench Possibilities Revie~aed
(Jacques I,atremoliere; MARCHES TROPICAUX ET
MEDITERRANEENS, 22 Feb 80) L~6
Hopes for Increased Cooperation With FY~ance Expressed .
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERI~ANEEN5, 28 Mar 80) 55 -
NAMIBIA
SWAPO, Its Background, Present Position Reviewed
(F`rancois Soudan; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 13 Feb 80) 56
- c -
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- CONTENTS (Continued) Page _
Administratar Sees SWAPO Defeat at Even+.ual Elections
(Michael Knipe; THE TIl~IES, 2 Apr 80) 60
RHODESIA
Threat To Success of Elections Seen =
(Jane Bergerol; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 1~-17 Feb 80) 62 -
SENEGAL
_ Details of Usury Practiced Almost Universally in Dakar
~ (Sylviane Kamara; JEITNE AFRIQUE, 13 Feb 80) 65
Recent Factors in Economic Situation Noted
(1~.ARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITFRRANEENS, 15 Feb 80) 67
New Organization of Economy, F~nance Ministry Described _
_ (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 22 Feb 80) 69
Briefs
ITiop's Arrest 71
Italian Cultural Agreement 71
Joint Senegalese-Portuguese Commission Meeting 71
Estimated Grain Deficit 72
- Air Fleet Additions 72
SEYCHELLES
Bri ef s
Tourist Development 73 -
SOMALIA
Brief s
Alleged Pro-3oviet Currer.t 74
TANZANIA
~
Briefs ~
Food Shortage 75
- ZAIRE
Economic Rehabilitation Dependent on Strict Remedi~l Measures
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET ~DITERRANEENS, 15 Feb 80) 76
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= CONTENTS (Continued) page -
Briefs
More Aggressive Activity Predicted 86 -
Record for Asylum Requests 86
ZANIBIA `
_ I
- Briefs
Cobalt for USSR 87
- - e -
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INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS -
BRIEFS
OMVG COUNCIL OF MINISTERS MEETING--At a meeting in Dakar on 9 February, the
Council of Ministers of the OMVG (Gambia River Development Organization) ap-
proved the working plans for the dams on the Gambia River. The Council also
approved the terms of reference of the basic studies for the master plan for
the projects in the baein of the watercourse, whicn provides for irrigation
of 210,000 hectares of land from three dams to be constructed, one of which
will furnish 100 megawatts of electric power. The participation of Guinea,
' which has alreday given its agreement to become the third member of the
OMVG, was studied during this meeting. Guniea's participation, it is stated
in a resolution, will make it possibte "to optimize the possibilities for
development of the whole of the Gambia River basin." [Text] [Paris MARCHES
TROPICAi1X ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 Feb 80 p 438] 11267
BENIN-NIGER COMMON ORGANIZATION MEETING--The board of directors of the
Benin-N~ger Common Organization met in Niamey on 4 February under the chair-
manship of the Niger minister of public works, transportation and urban -
development, Mr Moussa Bako, and in the presence of Mr Leopuld Ayoueya, -
Beninese minister of transportation. The Niger minister reported that the
cahinet examined the administration of the organization for the year 1979
and the status of its personnel, as well as the problem of extending the
Cotonou-Parakou railroad to Niamey. The minister pointed out that, while
passenger travel between Cotonou and Niamey has progressed during the first
10 months of the past year, freight transportation has undergone a definite ~
. setback. Regar.ding the Cotonou-Parako::-Niamey railroad, Mr Moussa Bako
declared that this is "a good project, technically feasible, economically
cost-effective, and financially viable." [Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX
ET MEDIT~RRANEENS in French 4 Feb 80 p 327] 11936
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ANGOLA
FRENCH POLITICAL ASYLUM FOR HOLDEN AROUSES QUESTIONS -
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French No 209, 17 Mar 80 p 38
[Text] Will the French Government jeopardize its future relations with the
Angolan Goverrnnent on account of war criminal Roberto Holden, leader of
the puppet organization FNLA and brother-in-law of President Mobutu?
Having obtained a tourist visa valid for 6 months from the French Embassy
in Libreville--headed by Col F.obert, the leader of the secret agents who -
had invaded Benin--Roberto Holden has been residing in Paris for 3 months. -
1fi e question being bandied about in diplomatic circles following the "
Angolan ambassador's press conference is why Paris broke the gentlemen's
agreement and reneged on the formal assurances given Luis de Almeida
_ by Jean Francois-Poncet, the then secretary general at the Elysee, on denying
residence in Paris to Angolan dissidents whose activities against thelr
- country are notorious.
When Ambassador de Almeida learned about Roberto Holden's presence in Paris,
he immediately contacted Mr Georgy, chief ~f the African Affaire section
~t the Quai-d'Orsay, who expressed his astonishment even though he confirmed
- the Angolan puppet's presence after having learned about it .from AFRIQUE- _
ASIE. The French Government's reaction t~o the Angolan demarche was swift.
It is stated that Roberto Holden requested political asylum as a refugee
who is barred from returning to his country. The excuse was flimsy: after
all, how can one explain the fact that Roberto Holcien only asked for asylum
following the Angolan ambassador's prote~t? Who suggested this step to
= him? Can France, which expelled eminent foreign political or scientific
personalities for the simple reason that their government did not wish to
see them in France, acquiesce to the request for political asylum of a
man condemned to death by his own country for serious war crimes committed
against thousands of his countrymen? Would France grant political asylum to a
Nazi war criminal? It is not likely that the Angolan ambassador's convocation
by the secretary general at the Quai-d'Orsay will settle this question,
which is considered "particularly serious" in Luanda.
COPYRIGH'~'; 1980 Afrique-Asie
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ANGOLA
�~VOY~ VIEWS RELQTIONS "WITH ~'ItANCE, SOUTHERN AFRICAir SCENE
LD311011 Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 17-31 Mar 80 pp 33-34 LD
[Report by Ginette Cot on 6 March pr~ss conference by Angolan Ambassador
to France Luis de Almeida: "Improvement in Our Relations Depends on
Paris"]
[Textl One month after the opening of an Angolan Embassy in Paris on
; 4 Fe~ruary, which was the first tangible sign of a normalization of
relations betweQn the two countries, Luis de Almeida, ambassador of the
People's Republic of Angola to France, gave his first press conference
on 6 March.
The Patriotic Front's victory in Zimbabwe, relations between Luanda and
Paris and Sou~h Africa's plans for aggression against Angola were the
- main themes deve].oped during the oress conference which lasted more than
2 hours.
Hailing the Zimbabwe nationalists' election victory, Luis de Almeida
stated among other thing:.: "This is a lesson in maturity which the
Zimbabwe people has just given the world which has conf irmed what ~~e
have said all along, namely, that peoples are always on Che side of
fighters. This should give rise to reflection by those in Africa who
still believe that they can change the course of history, especially
Pretoria which has refused to hold free elections in Namibia hoping -
that it will be able to maintain 'Muzorewas' in Windhoek....
"Africa's free region has thus been further extended. This means that
a great victory has been achieved not only for the Zimbabwe people but -
also for peoples of Africa, in general, and Angola, which has always
_ sLpported the Patriotic Front, in particular. It is quite clear that
this event will have profound ~egercussions in the region since it is _
a great encouragement for our brothers in South Africa who have already
been spurred on by the victory achieved by the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola as shown by the thousands of letters sent from the
country of aparCheid ta Luanda at that time."
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Referring to his country's relations with Paris, the Angolan ambassador
emphasized: "As far as we are concerned, we want to have good relations
with France. However, some people are trying to hinder progress in this
sphere by attacking the agreement patiently concluded with the French
Government." Referring to the fact that Paris' relations with Africa
are only too often tainted with racism and paternalism, Luis de 9lmeida
emphasized that the French press has largely been responsible for this
situation since the French press "always refers to Africa in cliches,
dividing Af ricans into pro-Western and pro-Soviet. Certain newspapers
have asserted that Angola has changed its policy and one of them went
even as far as writing about Neto's secoad death and Luanda's alinement
on the Soviet Union. This is absolutely false. And it must be under-
stood once and for all that Angola will never again be anybody's colony."
Asked about the presence in France of Holden Roberto, former leader of
the puppet Angolan National Liberation Front Organization, Luis de
Almeida emphasized in substance that the presence of that man who is
merely a war criminal "does no credit to France, the country of human
rights." "We can hardly imagine this country turned into a refuse dump," _
the Angolan ambassador added, recalling that "after being requested to
leave Kinshasa," Holden Roberto "also had to leave Senegal for Libreville
thence demarches were made to enable him to settle in France. With
reference to this, we have officially approached the French Government
and asked it what that gentleman was doing a few hundred meters from my ~
residence. If Holden Roberto is allowed to pursue any political activ-
- ities in France, relations betwaen Luanda and Paris will obviously be -
affected by this both in the p~litical and eco:iomic spheres. This is a
question of honor. We will never accept any slur on our country's
honor."
The Invincibility Myth
Among those who have been trying to hinder the normalization of relations
between Luanda and Paris, the Angolan ambassador mentioned the South
African lobby which is known to be very powerful in France, and recalled
in this context the case of Pretoria's pawn, the National Union for the
Total Independence of Angola [UNITA], which had opened an office at
No 15 Avenue Victor Hugo iri Paris. "We laid down two preconditions for
the opening ~f our embassy in Paris--closing down the UNITA office and
expulsion of its representative John Kakumba and ban on his reentry.
Formal assurances with respect to this were given to us by the French
president's office. Later, however, we learned that Mr Kakumba had
returned to France as diplomat or to be more precise, as Senegal's -
consul to Lichtenstein (a minuscule state consisting of a few mountains)
with residence in Paris! For whaC purpose? This is a real challenge to
the French authorities. As far as we are concerned, we are awaiting a
solution to this affair. As for President Senghor, it is known that he
is suffering from an obsession. However, if he believes that he will be
able to change the course of events in any way, he will have to change
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his tune. Much water will flow along the Senegal coast befor~ anything
changes in Angola...." -
[LD311013] Referring to continual attacks launched by the South African
Army against his country, the Luanda ambassador recalled that racists _
have not abandoned their dream about gaining control over Angola. "They
~ are now planning to occupy part of our territory ir: the south through
an Israeli-like blitzkrieg. This explains the big concentrations of
- South African troops recently noticed along our southern borders.
Obviously, it would later be explained that the UNITA has achieved a .
victory (AFRIQUE-ASIE note: A press agency dispatch, which was ~
reprinted by some Frenca daily newspapers, completely distorted the a
Angolan am~assador's statements. Luis de Almeida never said tha* any _
offensive by UNITA puppets against Arigola would force his government
to appeal to "Guineans and Cubans" for help. The r.ecording of the ~
ambass~dor's statements is quite clear. He simple stated that the South
- Africans are preparing new acts of aggression against Angola which they -
will later attribute to UNITA. This is n~thing new as far as "cover"
stories are concerned) and all this, it is expected, would force us to
engage in discussions with South Africa. and would put a fu~l stop to the
Ui~1 plan for creating a demilitarized zone iaetween Angola and Namibia,
which plan we support.
- "We re~lize that the racist and fascist Pretoria regime is capable of
anything but we will thwart this scheme by all means at our disposal. _
Therefore, we have to strengthen our defenses. Five years after ~
achieving independence, we have the best army in black Af rica. For we
have to defend ourselves against daily atCacks and South African plans
= for invasion (this explains the presence o� Cubans in our country) on
the one hand and prepare for the day of the great upheaval, that is,
- the unavoidable day when our South African brothers take up arms to _
liberate themselves, on t':e other hand. When this happens Pretoria
will certainly make Angola and Mozambique its taMgets. The racists
are prompted by a very special desire for revenge against us because _
on 26 March 1976 we defeated the South African troops, destroying at -
= the same time the myth of their armed for~es' invincibility.
"We have supported the Patriotic Front and we will continue to support
= tiie South West A.frican People's Organization and the African National
Congress. We realize that such bold attitude has to be paid for. But _
we believe that helping our brothers to liberate themselves is a sacred
principle which niust be upheld irrespective of cost. In this connec- _
_ tion, we wanC to draw attention to the responsibility borne by South
Africa's friends, that is, Western countries. It is, in fact, French
and British equigment that is being used against us despite the embargo
on arms' supplies to Pretoria decreed by ~he United Nations. _
"In particular, we want to draw France's attention to this state of affairs
since Frar.ce could play a useful role by helping a process which is to lead
to free and independent elections in Namibia out of the blind alley in
' which it has found itself."
COPYRIGHT: 1980 Afrique-Asia 5
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' ANGOLA
BRIEFS
ADB BENGUELA RAILRORD FINANCING--Ismael Martins, Angolan minister of finance, -
has declared that Angola has signed an agreement with the Arab Development -
_ Bank for the financing of the Benguela Railroad. Martins, who just returned
from a visit to Su~an, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi, spec~fied that the agreement
was for $10 million, and that still another agreement related to the fishing
sector was under study. Expressing himself very satisfied with the results -
of this visi*_--the first ever by an Angolan delegation to the Arab countries--
the minister of finance noted that cooperation could eventually be achieved
also in the field of petroleum, with Angolan cadre receiving training in
Kuwait. "Arab countries are very receptive to an eventual cooperation with
Angola," he stated. Martins also noted that delegations from Abu Dhabi,
OPEC (Angola is not a member of this organization) and the Arab Development -
Bank are expected in Angola next June. [Text] (Paris MARCHES TRdPICAUX
ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 28 Mar 80 p 765]
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BENIN
KEREKOU POLITICAL MANEUVERINGS REPORTED
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 27 Feb 80 pp 34-35 _
[Article by Francois Soudan: "The Chameleon Alone On His Branch"]
- [Text] President Kerekou has put Ollt uf the wa}� -
the military men who helped him take power. In
doing so, he landed one of the "counterthrusts"
as he knows so well how to do. -
- The Beninese land follows the breathing rhythm of Dan, the serpent god. -
Flurries o~ wakening between two parentheses of torpor. From 1300 to 1600
hours in the afternoon, Cotonou slumbers at the edge of its lagoon, a bit
like the voodoo gods, it seeins. Here, though, men have alh~ays enjoyed get-
- ting around injunetions from the other world. When the gods sleep, men act.
It was at siesta time on 26 October 1~72 when a 44-year-old, baby-faced major,
_ Mathieu Kerekou, plucked power like a ripe mango. It was in the early after-
noon that he almost lost it, on Monday 4 February 1980. _
- Just by reading the official communique relsased in Cotonou on 12 February,
which contained a list of the members of the new government, the Beninese
man in the street immediately felt that "something" had happened. True,
_ Radio Cocotier conjectured briefly on the matter: 8 military men fired;
2 demoted--and not the least of them: Michel Alladaye, in charge of foreign
affairs and A1artin Dohou Azonhiho, regime ideologist; a large civilian
influx that will now hold 13 portfolios out of 22. What was it? A house-
cl~aning? A purge? A palace revolution? Today, Radio Cocotier found out:
it was one of the counterthrusts that the "great comrade in struggle" Mathieu
Kerekou is the master of.
It all began at the end of November 1979. The first general cunsultations
since the coup d'etat of October 1972 had elected 336 people's commissioners ~ -
to the future National Revolutionary Assembly. It was a logical process in -
the "step by step" plans of Beninese Marxism-Leninism: the revolution was
to enter its institutional phase. But some peopie in Cotonou were gritting
- their teeth, especially the military men who had helped Kerekou come to power;
All those newly elected people from all over the country were civilians
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without any real ~~olitical training. Their icleology could not he ~;uar~inteecl
correct. Moreovcr, Kerekou had takcn it upon himself to organize a"seminar
of national leaders not belon~ing to the party" at the be~inning of Novemher,
and that worried t}iem a lot.
Lven words like the following were heard at the seminar: "Why is each minister
also a political commissioner, army officer, member of the central committee,
member of the political bureau, and the chairman of a dozen committees?"
- In short, for the radical soldier.s--or merely the ambitious ones in the
government, there could be no doubt about it: they were to be shunted aside _
and replaced ivith civilians. Four decided to react: Martin Dohou Azonhiho,
. with his impeccable major�s uniform and shaved head, an iron-fist~d minister
of Internal Affairs, "mean" if not quite clean. Philippe .Akpo, a lieutenant, _
in charge of agriculture, and an orthodox Marxist. Andre Atchade, a captain '
and minister of Commerce. And Michel Alladaye, in charge of foreign affairs. -
This sphinxlike lieutenant colonel, nicknamed the "Beninese Bouteflika," _
would like to see himself in the shoes of the "great comz~ade in struggle."
Alladaye is neither a radical nor a moderate, he is just hungry for power.
'I'he ~ang of Four
- This "gang of four" began their attack on Thursday 24 January at a national
budget meeting. They tried to have invalidated the project presented by
Kerekou's civilian councilors "as being contrary to the direction of the
revolution." Their first failure: a balanced budget passed.
= The "four" then intended to play their trump card: they knew that the z�evo-
- lutionary military government, the only organization within which the Preto-
rian guards were still in the majority, was soon to be replaced by a"National
- Fxecutive Council," which they saw as being already loaded with civilian
ministers: Their plan: pull another "Sassou coup," i.e. put Kerekou in the
minority within his own gov~rnment. This method had been tried successfully -
by the Congolese Sassou Nguesso in February 1979, against President Yhombi _
Opango. They then talked to their barracksmates on the classic theme of
- "civilians want to put us out of power. Us, the soldiers who made this ~
revolution." Many phone calls were made on the afternoon of Monday 4 February.
Some people were enticed by the idea of a legal coup d'etat, but most refused ~
and hastened to warn Kerekou. Azonhiho, Alladaye, and their friends had lost.
To the Dregs -
~n Thursday 7 February, Mathieu Kerekou was elected president of the People's
- Republic of Benin. "The party," he announced, "will never be a party of
- clans, groups, or a closed party." The next day, in a stifling Cotonou
gymnasium, the "great comrade in struggle," dressEd in the traditional light
green agbada, with a sculptured cane in his hand, was sworn in to the "Congo-
lese" accompaniment of the "All-Powerful Poly-Rhythmo Orchestra" and a 21-gun
salute.
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All the conspirators could do was drink the cup to the dregs, The new -
government was formed on 12 Fe~ruary; Atchade, Akpo and their supporters
were 1 eft ot~t : Richard Rodriguez (Supplies) , Dj ibril Morifia (.Justice) ,
Augtistin Honvoh (L'ducation) , Issifou Bouraima (}iealth) , Francois Kouyami
- (Culture), Leopold Aho~aeya (Transportation), Azonhiho and Alladaye were
not excluded but demoted, which was both more humilating and "safer," for
they will not return to their garrisons. Azonhiho got the Information job
and thus lost all power over the police, which he had organized so well.
Alladaye really comes down a peg in the Justice post: he had been a habitue ~
of international conferences with their soft chairs; now he will have to -
~ haunt the dusty halls of neighborhood courtrooms. Tough.
The new members of the government are essentially civilians "seeded" according
to their political sympathies. The minister of Foreign Affairs, Simon Ougouma, -
for example, a former prefect, a statistician by training, former vice-presi- -
dent of the Federation of Students from Black Africa in France (FEANF) at the
beginning of the 1960's, and is considered an orthodox Marxist, as are the
new chiefs of Culture and Commerce, Gratien Capo-Chichi and Sanni Gomina,
who are former student militants, But Manasse Ayayi, a professor of political ~
economy in charge of government coroporations, is more moderate, as is Abou-
bakar Baba Moussa, former director of the Beninese Development Bank, close
advisor to Mathieu Kerekou, and head of planning.
Contradictions are inevitable between these two groups in the mid-term.
With his sense of nuance and balance, Kerekou has built up around his group N
- of "stalwarts" (Girigissou Gado (Public Works), Roger Garba (Fiusbandry and
Fishing), and Vincent Guezodje (Internal Affairs)) a buffer group capable.
of inediating and absorbing shocks.
A Fon Proverb
Mathieu Kerekou was said by many seven years ago to be a narrow, insurrectionist -
- major, but he is now more than ever the only master aboard. Unlike Sekou Toure,
for example, he can boast of undeniable economic success. And when the Seme
offshore deposit is put into production, Benin ~ight well become an oil exporter
- a year fr.om now.
"The branch will not break under the weight of a chameleon," goes a Fon pro- _
verb that the leaders quote on their own behalf to emphasize that the revolu-
- tion will proceed like the chameleon on its branch: slowly and carefully,
Today, no doubt, many Beninese are a little less afraid that the chamele~n
_ might stop midway on its branch, as it often does, and go to sleep.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980 -
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BENIN
ELECTION VICTORX LENT~S REGIME AN AIR OF LEGALITY
Paris AFiRIQUE-ASIE in French 3 Mar 80 p 23
[Article by Mariam Sysle entitled: "The Era of Legitimacy"]
[Text] The parliamentary and presidential elections
now give Mathieu Ker2kou better means to achieve the
important tasks set forth by the Benin Revolution.
The People's Republic of Benin [RPBJ has just witnessed some of the most
crucial moments of its history with the creation of the las~ institutions
established by the Constitution, and particularly with Mathieu K~r~kou's
election ss president on 6 February 1980. The president was elected by the
National Revolutionary Assembly (ANR) which was elected last 20 November.
Yet a brief background of the situation is necessary to thP proper assessment
of these events. We know that the adopticn of the Constitution on 26 August
1977 following a year of studies and debates throughout the country was
considered as a victory for the Benin revolutionary and progressive forces.
nao objectives were set by tnis constitution which represents a total brsak
with the country's colonial and neocolonial past. On the one hand, the
people's vested interestG and democratic claims voiced since the struggle
for the national liberation had beg~n on 26 October 1972 had to be reflected
' in the new government Structures. On the other hand, one had to find the
proper mechanisms to iaunch the second phase of the struggle, namely "the _
people's democrat:~.c revolution" which is expected to lead sooner or later
to a socialist society.
Since 26 Augu~t 1977, the primary objective of the Beninese leaders has been
the implementation of the Constitution. Yet it took nearly 2 years of harsh
~ struggle against reactionary forces within as well as outside the country,
and against all types Qf opportunistic groups for the implementation process
to start. This is why a series of training sessions and conferences F*ere
organized by the GAR [expansion unknown], the National Federation of Worker _
_ Union of Benin (UNSTB), the C~~-~:~mittee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR),
and the organization of the masses by the People's Revoiution Party of Benin
(PRPB). They were followed by seminars for political cadres which revealed
the existence of some persistent contradictions. President K~r~kou had
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. warned ~igainst consciously or unconsci~usly confusing "the reA1 democr~icy,
on the one hand, and Leftism, verbal anarchism and revolutionary opportunism,
on the other hand."
Nevertheless, the first ordinary congress of the PRPB convened from
November 13 to 18 to discuss the subject of "criticism and self-criticism -
within the party with the goal of improving its work methods and of insuring
its rooting in the masses" had clarified the situation and strengthened
the revolutionary process. The 400 delegates gathered at this congress,
denounced "inadequacies stemming from burdensome bureaucratic procedures,"
and made recommendations for a number of new orientations. A 45-member
Central Committee and a 13-member Political Bureau were elected, and
Mathieu K~r~kou was suggested as a candidate for the presidency. This was
a necessary step since the Constitution establishes the P;irty's supremacy
over the state structures.
The Policy of the Nationalities
' It is in this context of revolutionary mobilization that the popular and
democratic elections preliminary to the election of the ANR were held from
October 19 to 31 within each socio-economic group to be represented in the
ANR. At last the process led to an overwhelming victory for the 336 people's
commissioners on the national list, at the 20 November elections. According
to sources in Cotonou, they were the first elections to unfold in a peaceful
atmosphere with the participation of all the people. The cycle was complete.
Thus, the election of the first president of the RPB to be vested with
constitutional legitimacy was one of the first tasks undertaken by the ANR.
Following the secret vote by the 320 commissioners who all voted for the
unique PRPB candidate, Mathieu K~r~kou, the latter made an appeal for the
consolidation of the large united front and invited the patroits to join
the PRPB.
President K~r~kou, who was to be sworn i.n 2 days later in the presence of a
cheerful crowd, als~ mentioned that the RPB "is a unified multinational
State where all nationalities are granted equal rights and dutias. It is a
sacred duty for the State to strengthen and develop their union, and to give
each af them an equaJ opportunity to grow in unity through a. fair policy
- of the nationalities and of inter-regional equilibrium."
Finally, the president also mentioned the importanc, ;,ermanent tasks of the ~
Benin revolution: "National productian and construction, extensive ideological,
- patriotic, and premilitary training; defense of the country and the revolution;
elimination of illi.teracy, and healthy management of