JPRS ID: 74854 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200040004-1
• Release Decision: RIF
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• Content Type: REPORTS

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- JPRS 74854
- 3- January '1980
Ne . a r East/North Africa Report
=
_ No. 2063
FB~$ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE -
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NOTE
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so2� -io,
r ~
Kcrvrc iwWuMEnrATION 1� REPORT MO,
PAGE JPRS 74854
4. litl� �nd Bubtltl�
NE:AR EAST /NORTH AFRICA REPORT, No. 2063
7. Author(s)
9. PoAormint OrQanl=itlon Nqme and Address
lutnt Publications Research Seivice
1000 North Glebe Road
Arlington, Virginia 22201
3. ReclDlent's Accnsion No.
5. Report Oat�
3 January 1980
6.
8. PeAorminQ Ortanixstion Rept. No.
10. ProJect/Task/Work Unit No.
11. Contract(C) or Grsnt(G) No.
cc>
(G)
13. Type of Report d Period Coverad
+c. aponsonnQ UrgenliOtlon Name and Address
As above
15. 9uPPl.m.nl.ry Nobs
16. Abatract (UmIL� 200 wordt)
u.
Thig serlal rPport contains information on socioeconomic, government, political,
and technical developments in the countries of the Near East and North Africa.
17. Documant Andysis p96COPlprs
F-11lrical Science
Suciology
Economics
Cuiture (Social
Sciencca)
Ethnology
Geography
Techological
Military Sciences
b. Id4n1ifi6n/Op*n�Ended Terms
x Inter-Arab Affairs
x Libya
North African
Mauritania
Affaire
x Morocco
Afghanistan
People's De-mo-
Algeria
cratic Republic
_2L_Bahrain
of Yemen
__X_Egypt
Persian Gulf
V Iran
Area
X Iraq
Qatar
X Israel
Saudi Arabia
X Jordan
Spanish North
X Kuwait
Africa
X Lebanon
X Sudan
c. C06AT1 Fleld/Oroup 5D, SC , 5K, 15
l&Unlimtte~~mAvailabilir
Sold by NTIS
Springlield, Virginia 22161
vQr. nr,mwV.le)
x Su'ltanate
of Oman
Syria
x Tunisia
United Arab
Emirates
x Western Sahara
Yemen Arab
Republic
19. Security Clau (Thls R.port)
UNCLASSIFIED
~o. s.eu.ity cia.. crni. P.i.i
UNCLASSIFIED
SN Imtruetlons on Rown�
F
i.
21. No. of Qy,�s
135
22. Priu
OPTIONAL fORM 272 (4-77)
(Formerly NTIS-35)
DepoRment o/ Commarc�
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JPRS 74854
3 January 1980
NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT
No. 2063
CONTENTS
:
INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
Arabs Nervous About Iranian Revolution Consequences
(AL-TALI'AH, 17 Oct 79)
Potential Dangers to Gulf Security Identified
(Samir 'Atallah; AL-MUSTAQBAL, 27 Oct 79)
Habash Restates PFLP Position on Pa.lestinian State
(AL-TALI'AA, 24 Oct 79)
Palestinian E'ducation Efforts Discussed
(CUMEiURIYEr, 30 Nov 79)
BAHRAIN
Nation Takes Over Oi1 Production Facilities

(AL-SIYASAH, 5 Nov 79)
EGYPP
Egyptian Opposition Leader Views Political, Socioeconomic
Problems
(Khal_id Muhyi Al-Din Interview; 23 JUI,Y, 10 Dec 79)
Defense for Communist Organizations Begins
(Ahmad Al-Aswani; AL-AIiRAM AL-IQTISADI, 5 Nov 79)
More Restrictions on Using Telecommunication System
(Sami Mintwal]_i; AL-A.HRAM, 3 Nov 79 ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
aadat Meets With Universities Personnel
(Labib al-Sibati; AL-AHIiAM AL-IQTISADI, 15 Oct 79)
- a -
[III - NE & A - 1211
PAGE
1
6
11
12
14 -
ln
27
38 _
30
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CONTENTS (Continued) page
IRAN
- Surge of Anti-Americanism Grips Tehran
(NAMEii-E RUZ, 6 Nov 79) 34
Khomeyni Calls for Purge of All Western E_ements
(BAMDAD, 30 Uct 79) . 37
Khomeyni's Son Also Wants Clergy Purged
(Seyyed Ahmad Khomeyni Interview; HAMDALI, 30 Sep 79) . 41
- Conditions for Imposing Martial Law Approved
(BANIDAD, 30 SeP 79) 1+5
TRAQ
New Developments in Northern Refining Plants Reviewed
(Mu'ayyad 'Abd-al-Zahrah; AL-JUMFiURI}CAH, 23 Nov 79)... 47
ISRAEL
J Government Must Reriew Public Confidence
- (Editorial; HAMODI'A, 5 Nov 79)
54
Writer Looks at U.S. Proposals on Southern Lebanon
(Zlev Shif; HA'ARETZ, 8 Nov 79) ..��..�..e........
56
Rabbinic Council Threatens Coalition F'uture
(Avraham Tirosh; MA'ARIV, 14 Nov 79)
59
- Religious Pa,rty Repudiates Abortion Vote
(Editorial; HAMODI'A, 14 Nov 79)
63
Effect of Nablus Mayor's Actions Vieired
(Editorial; HAMODI'A, 9 Nov 79)
65
Background of Police Inspector General Detailed
(Avi Dan; MA'ARIV, 5 Nov 79)
67
Sabbath Observance--First Step for Airline Recovery
(Editorial; HAMODI'A, 14 Nov 79)
70
JORDAN
Government's Working Pa,per to Arab Summit Scrutinized
(H. Hawrani; AL-HURRIyAIi, 26 Nov 79) 72
- b -
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CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
Various Measures To Compensate for Drought Reviewed
(AL-DUSTUR, 17 Nov 79) 76
Briefs
Municipality, Village Loans 78
Electronic Service Center 79
KUWAI'I'
'AL-WATAN' Weighs U.S. Motives in Iran, Sees Young Role
(Fu'ad Matar; AL-WATAN, 23 Nov 79) 80
'AL-WATAN' Denounces Threat of U.S. Military Action in Gulf
(Ibrahim al-Barghuti; AL-WATAN, 27 Nov 79) 82
'AL-RA'y AL_'.4NINI' Doubts Compromise in Iranian-U.S. Crisis
(KUNA, 1 Dec 79) 84
'KUWAIT TIMES1; Iran Should Seriously Consider Releasing
Hostages
(Ki7NA, 3 Dec 79) 85
~ 'AL_RA`y AL_tANIN!' Assails U.S. Attitudes Toward Third World
_ (Editorial; AL-RA4Y AL-'ANIM, 3 Dec 79) 86
Problems Seen for Non-Citizen Student Population
- (AL-TALI'AH, 17 Oct 79) 87
American Attendance at Algerian Independence Celebration
_ Analyzed
- (Fathi Sharif; AL-SIYASAH, 4 Nov 79) 89
- Supreme Oil Council Discusses Pr�ices, Organization
- (AL-sIYASAH, lo Nov 79) g1
- LETANON
~ North Korea Charged With Abducting Women
_ (AL-MUSTAQBAL, 17 Nov 79) 93
Deuxieme BureELu Criticized as Terrorist Arm of the
Authorities
_ (AL-HURRIYAH, 26 Nov 79) 95
Reviva7. of Secret Agencies
Israel9. Monetary Support
- c -
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CO1T1'E,N'1';; (ConL i riuerl) pLt;c
LIDYA
Role of Basic Conferences in Building Islamic Society
- Ext olled
( T Ali Yahya Mu' ammar; AL-USBU' AL-SIYASI, 19 Oct 79 ) 100
Briefs
Defective Defense System 109
Egyptian Intelligence Coup 109
Campaign Against Palestinians 109
- MOROCCO
Ties to World Jewish Congress by Moroccan Jews Criticized
(AL-NAHAR AL-'ARA.BI WA AL-DUWALI, 19-25 Nov 79)..... 111
_ SUDAN
Radical Leader Gives Press Conference in Syria
('Abd-al-Raluf al-Kafri; AL-BA'TH, 20 Nov 79) 113
SULTAPIATE OF OMAN
- Progress Made in Agriculture and Commercial Fishing
(tUM'AN, 18 Nov 79) 122
TUNISIA
Tunis Dai ly Scores Exploitation of Islam for Dark Designs
- (Editorial, Abdelhay Sghaier; L'ACTION, 6 Dec 79) 125
WESTERN SAHARA
Concensus for Political Solution to Sahara Problem Reported
(Shawqi al-Rayyis; AL-NAHAR AL-'ARABI WA AL-DUWALI,
19-25 Nov 79) 129
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INTER-�ARAB AFFAIRS
ARABS NERVOUS ABOUT IRANIAN REVOLUTION CONSEQUENCES
Kuwait A1-TALI'AH in Arabic 17 Oct 79 pp 12-15
[Article: "Extemal Secur:ity--And the National Front in the Petroleum
Gulf"]
- [Text] The events through which the Gulf area has passed and is passing
during the past few weeks have been the object of commentary and analysis
by the Arab and Western press, each handling the subject from the point
of view which it favors. Some of these comments are provocative and are
_ connected with events which have not yet happened--and perhaps which they
would like to see:: Some of them brought the area to the brink of "a
_ Lebanon," after the pattern of what happened in Lebanon, which will pro-
mote a similar struggle in the Gulf in the view of these journalists.
_ Others have begun to speak in earnest behind the foreign fingers which
are kindling fires in the Gulf and the hostile states whose agents in
the Gulf have moved and are moving to show discord. In the end, Gulf
- security of the African continent and the Red Sea passageways had been
the foremost concern for everyone a few years ago out of fear for that
vital corridor:'.
- While the Red Sea events ebbed and then fell into silence, the events of
the Gulf are still interacting, and our proximity to them here is mixed
- with many dangers, since writing about a hot tonic is exposed to many
interpretations.
Core of Events
There are facts which cannot be skipped over or ignored surrounding us in
- this Gulf. They are our destiny, and therefore we must take pains to
understand them and study them.
- First: The Gulf, with its small, oil--rich countries, is the subject of
the ambitions of world powers, which now have, ahd in the past, and pro-
bably will continue to have in the future oil, commercial or strategic
interests.
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- Naturally, tbe oil interests are the core of all of these interests.
= Thus the stability of the Gulf is of great concern to them. Also, they
; could achieve other goals during a period of instability::
Second: The countries of the Gulf are small; the two largest Arab coun-
tries bordering the Gulf are Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Saudi Arabia, frum
the standpoint of progress in economic development, is relatively modern,
that is, after raising oil prices in the years since 1974, and it is
also an important source of Western oil financing. Its military size
and structure have not reached full potential, on the best assumptions to
date, and it is suffering from extremely complex development problems.
As for Iraq, in the past 10 years it has made great strides in develop-
ment. It is expected to have greater weight than it actually would
have attained if the National Front h ad continued in its coalition while
granting more internal participation.
Third: The third basic element is the presence of Iran and the influence
of its policy on the region.
Iran under the rule of the Shah, esp ecially in the 10 years prior to his
overthrow, was the "bosom buddy" of many Arab regimes. The Shah tried to
build his domestic and foreign strength toward one goal, which was to
impose his authority on the region. His main interest at first was to
weaken "Iraq of the Revolution." Th en all of his propaganda weapons
were concentrated on saying that the danger in the Gulf came from Iraq,
which had connections (so the Shah justified his thesis) with the Soviet
Union.
- However, the political step and the Iraqi-Iranian accord in recent years
before the Shah's overthrow removed this card from his hand, except that
_ the presence of the Shah's Iran was we11-known in the Gulf, from his
- withdrawal of nine ambassadors from Gulf countries as a protest against
= what he considered to be Arab coordination--without the Shah--in the Gulf,
to direct intervention in Oman with the approval or mutual consent of
several Arab parties.
The Shah's Iran extended its ambitions to more distant spots. He also
had ambiticns in the Red Sea and in the Indian Ocean. Some matters
continued to conr.ect the Shah's regime and the Arab regimes bordering
the Gulf, including the division of i nternational waters and the ques-
tion of Gulf security, on which a conference was held in Muscat but
failed because of Iraq's position at the time of rejecting any foreign
intervention.
_ Historically, then, and in the era af ter the official British withdrawal
from the Gulf, Iran played a role which could please or displease us.
= Naturally we were not pleased with th e role of the protector or the role
of the authority. Therefore, when the Shah's bases in Iran began to
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tremble, this tremor found strong sympathy with the Arab people in the
- Gulf. When the Iranian people finally.overthrew the Shah, joy filled the
hearts of most Gulf citizens, on the basis that a nightmare had ended,
placing the interests of the peoples bordering the Gulf above any other
- cor.s iderat ion.
Iran's revolution supported this hope by a group of gositions, including
supPort of the Palestinian Arab people, uprooting the American presence,
� and withdrawing Iranian forces from Oman, which were regarded as auspic:ious.
However, the Iranian revolution quickly entered what any revolution after
long oppression enters, that is, aggravation and accumulation of internal
_ incompatibilities, for exa.nple, the situation of the Arabs and the situa-
_ tion of the Kurds.
All sincere people on the Arab bank hope that the revolution will achieve
a satisfactory solutions to these problems, with the certain knowledge that
_ these solutions cannot come about overnight. However, the position of many
on the Arab bank of the Gulf was the wish that the Iranian revolution
would reach those solutions, and that the Iranian people no doubt will
= find their final solutions which achieve national goals.
And Gulf Goals
The sons of the small Arab Gulf countries believe in their Arabism, and
they have longstanding historical positions of rejecting any call to
, eliminate or wipe out this Arab character. Partition has been imposed
_ on them, and they strive constantly to go beyond this partition to some
form of unity. More than once these societies have acclaimed.anyone who
- aims at achieving their unity, whether in the Gulf or outside it.
They participate in demonstrations, send wires, and welcome anyone who calls
fcr unity. Their desire for unity and Arabdom was present even when they
were under the direct rule of British imperialism. In 1963, when the
' events of tripartite Egyptian-Iraqi-5yrian unity took place, the voices of
_ the pan Arabist sons of the Gulf hailed that unity.
Also, the masses of the Gulf moved forward to supnort each project for
- unity and Arabdom, for their feeling toward Arabdom ad unity is genuine
and springs from their own situation. There is no doubt that the Gulf,
by its proximity to the Indian subcontinent and the Iranian coast, has
received and sent emigrants. Written history is filled with emigrations
_ to the Iranian coast and settlements there. Some cf them may have returned
to the shores of the Arabian peninsula, and every fair man knaws that there
are.families living in more than one area of the Gulf, since the prominence
of the "modern state" as a result of tne presence of oil and other politi-
cal and geographic reasons cannot eliminate hLman interconnections. Here-
in lies the truth, that is, in the circumstances of human interconnections.
It is the root of the appearance of the force of unity for the people of
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" the region and adherence to their Arabdom. The emigrations, whether to
the shores of Africa or to the Iranian coasts, absorbed the culture of
- the society, and it assimilated them. Any ancient or modern emigrations
in history absorbed the culture of the society to which they emigrated:
- the Arabs in the United States, or the Italians, for exampZe, or the emi-
gration of Indians to Britain, for another example.
We could go into proof of those examples. However, if we in the Gulf look
into the origins of the individuals and families for our type of "national
unity," we find that the state accepts citizens under the provisions of
tha law. These citizens have their ambitions, just as any citizen in any
country of the world.
Bridging the Gulf
If we continue the preceding logic to arrive at the small Gulf state today,
its citizens face a group of difficulties. These difficulties are dif-
ferences in internal points of view about how the country should go about
- its public affairs. The question which confronts us is: do these diffi-
culties rPally exist?
We believe that these difficulties exist, and saying that they do not
- is burying your head in the sand. However, we also believe that while
- they may differ in level from one Gulf country to the next, the essence
is the same.
- In some Gulf countries we see that the gulf between the haves and have-nots
is wide. This was not created suddenly and was not accentuated by a
_ shortage. Rather, it is a result of long-term policies. This gap also
has an economic, political and social meaning. This gap may not be visible
in other countries because of the presence of huge resources, but it
" definitely is felt.
; What does this gap mean? It means oppression and repression at worst, and
fraud and feelings of the inadequacy of the citizen in less dire circutu-
stances. Al1 of the difficulties faced by the societies of the Gulf today
_ are generated by this balance.
Dangers for the Nation
If all today are agreed that this region is the object of ambitions ,and all
are also agreed that the region is disregarding these dangers, then it is
- illogical for us to look for a foreign "cause" by which we interpret the
_ situations as "dissatisfaction" on the part of sectors of our people which
are "imported from abroad." To point this up, it was clear from the visit
of Iranian officials to the Gulf countries that Iran of the Revolution
desires the stability of this area, as others have desired this stability.
The question remains: haw do we all face the dangers which we know surround
us?
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It is by continued ignorance of the demands of one group or another of our -
people, and trying to put thzm on the sidelines--the sidelines of economic _
and politcal innovation? Is it by attempting to express the ambitions of
our people in the Gulf, which are freedom from the economic subordination,
building a atrong national economy in the Gulf, and building a federal
relationship in areas which still drift with the wind?
Is it in disregarding the question of popular participation and postponing
it for real or imaginary reasons and letting opportunities pass for our
people La take advuntage of their resources, which we all know are dwindling,
if not in this generation then in the next?
= Is it by uttering slogans of Gulf unity, Gulf dinars, and travel by per- -
- sonal ticket only, with the knowledge that there are legal and moral impedi-
ments and limits wrich we place before the son of the Gulf and the Arab -
citizen to keep him from what he desires?
- These are examples of the questions which we must answer successfully to
_ overcome all of the obstacles before us in the next 10 years, tfie years of
the 80s.
The Situation Today
One cannot ignore the laws which restrict freedoms in the Gulf area. You
_ cannot ignore the political prisoners who have spent years in prison with-
out trial in some Gu1f countries. You cannot ignore the use of some pro-
visions of laws drawn up earlier in an arbitrary fashion as a result of people expressing their views in a peaceful public meeting. You cannot
_ ipnore the fact th at people are excluded from participating in the develop-
~ ment of their situation and the planning of their future. One also cannot
ignore despotic policies to distribute the wealth of the nation to the
fortunate few at a time wY:en the majority are not even allowed to express
= th eir opinions::
These are some of the characteristics of the situation today in the Gulf,
and a sincere effort to ch ange them is the first way to get out of this
sad situation.
National Front
Therefore, our demand for building a national front means basically resist-
ing foreign dangers by removing the causes of domestic dangers, and by
building the nation as a nation in which all take part under the auspices
of the law,-which is made by all, with contentment and participation by
_ al 1. Then the naticn does not become dinars, or dirhams, or cars or bar-
rels of oil. It is people, first and last. It becomes a society in
- which people move as citizens who hold their heads high and believe in
defending it, not as chimneys of fear that their fuel of greed for money
will destroy the humanity of people. When the interests of the nation
 are denied, the nation vanishes. God willing, our good GuJ.f and its
people will persevere through all of that.
7587
cso: 4802
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
= POTENTIAL DANGERS TO GULF SECURITY IDENTIFIED
_ Paris AL-MUSTAQBAL in Arabic 27 Oct 79 pp 12-13
_ [Article by Samir 'Atallah: "Who ihreatens Gulf Security?"]
r
[Text] It was clear to the journalists who were invited to A1-Ta'if last
week that the talks which they would follow were of the utmost importance.
The location of the meeting alone was enough to indicate that there was
an atmosphere of urgency. A1-Ta'if is usually the summer residence of
the Saudi state, and consequently the important meetings uihich have been
held there have been very few and very critical.
The meeting of Arab ministers last week was one of them. Although very
little leaked out about the conference, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince
- Sa'ud A1-Faysal left no doubr_ that they were fearful of dramatic develop-
ments when he said that those who met had agreed to try to hold the next
_ Arab summit on its scheduled date. As for the other ministers, especi- -
ally Bahraini Foreign Minister Shaykh Muhammad Ibn Mubarak, they looked
- as if they wished the summit would be held tomorrow.
What is the cause of the tifear? .
The Gulf. The struggle in the Gulf. Revolution in the Gulf.. Arrests in
the Gulf. Mass deportation in the Gulf. Essense of the Gulf. Fate of
- the Gulf, and naturally, oil of the Gulf.
However, even if the Gulf had as little oil as it has springs, the situa-
tion today would be the same. More important than oil is the Gulf's geo-
graphic position, which makes it the borders of the Arab nation and the
beginning of other borders.
- It is to the remaining quarter of the 20th Century what the Suez Canal was
to the first three-quarters: straits, islands, and seas, a stone's throw
f rom the Indian Ocean. In addition to that, it is not only half of the
= Arab nation but also its richest half, at a time when the energy issue
has been raised. The first strategic international dimension naturally
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is branching out to other dimensions, such as the money crisis, the igni-
tion of the world stock exchanges, and fear thlt the stages of economi.c
stagnation might reach the degree of explosions. _
At the time when the A1-Ta'if ineeting was discussing the political aspect
_ of the Gulf crisis, the Saudi minister of petroleum was warning that the
- world of prodlicers was approaching a confrontation with the world of con-
sumers, that is, the industrial world, as long as there was no end in
sight to the insane speculation in oil prices on the Rotterdam market.
- It is most likely that the minister was trying to get ahead as usual of -
a strange resolution or position toward the producing states of the type _
of the positions and resolutions which usually blame rising petroleum
- prices for crises in the economies of the West.
All of these events followed in succession to make the question of the
Gulf and the security of the Gulf the Arab topic of the hour. At a time
when the Arab rulers were ready to go to the Tunis summit, with the Leba-
nese situation at the top of the agenda, the southern part of the Gulf
- appeared as the most immediate question.
Th e Al-Ta'if conference convened, and the first thought of the conf erees
was the internal situation in some of the countries of the region. How-
ever, the conferees found that the question of "external" security kept
resurfacing, this time from the heart of the Gulf and not only from out-
side it, specifically, the Omani call to establish an alliance requiring
summoning Western forces to protect the Strait of Hormuz. From Oman also,
Egyptian Vice-President Husni Mubarak stated that his country was ready
_ to send Egyptian forces to the Gulf states which wanted them, in keeping
with the Egyptian proposal to send military aid to Morocco to help it in
the desert war.
Whether or not these were just attempts to break the Arab boycott which
came about in response to "Camp David," the strugg]_e in the Gulf has `
taken the following form in light of the new movements:
The Iranian situation, split into two pa;.allel lines: one advocates
transporting the revolution to the Gulf countries and Islamic unity
through this revolution. Another advocates achieving unity b,y peaceful
- methods, leaving the situation in the Gulf as ?L is, and not making the
i factions of the Gulf choose between denominational loyalty and nationalist
loyalty.
The Arab and Arabdom situation is what brought abaut a genuine meeting
between Saudi Arabia and Iraq before and after the Baghdad Summit. This
meeting was typified by the security agreement between the two countries -
_ and by what high Arab sources describe as complete harmony between
_ ,Eresident Saddam Husayn and Prince Fahd. T.'his position is summed up in ~
preserving the Arabdom of the Gulf first, and second, removing the area _
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~
_ from the arena of the international struggle. A group of Gulf countries
- adhere to this position--almost.
The international situation: The American position sees two complementary
strategic points in the Gulf: oil and geography. Both are vital mili-
tarily, economically and internally. Any possibility of using any Gulf
resolution for productive purposes or for influence [is to be exploited.]
Most of the Western states and Japan, for whom Arab oil and especially
Gulf oil constitutes the backbone of their financial empires, adhere to
this position.
The Soviet Union does not need to take the oil dimension into immediate
account. It seems content with what it iias in the Mediterranean Basin,
a military link within the scope of the Indian acean, and its ports of
entry on the African continent.
In light of these positions, the internal situation in the Gulf seems of
the utmost importance. Kuwait and Bahrain have operated on this basis
from the beginning. As for the decision to expel 118,000 people from
Saudi Arabia, which is an unusual figure in the history o:' rhe area, it
also is proof that the customary flexibility no longer is found at the
current stage.
Some Arab politicians even feel that the death sentences issued for some
members of the Iraqi Communist Party some months ago have significance
beyond the internal situation, since although the decision was internal
some Gulf countries see in it an indication that Iraq does not intend to
- intervene in any ideological struggle with them and that it is differen-
tiating between its position as a state ruled by an ideological party
and its position as a large state on the Gulf.
_ Such a position is in contrast to the Iranian position of transporting
the revolution to the Gulf, represented in the statements of the
Ayatollah Rohani who threatened to "lead a revoluntionary movement to
overthrow the amir of Bahrain, since he does not represent the teachings
- of Islam." However, Iranian Foreign Minister Dr Ibrahim Yazdi replied
to that by saying that Rohani "is an unofficial personality who does
not represent the view of the Iranian revolution." On ar.other occasion
Dr I'azdi also said that "the basic danger to the Gulf is the struggle
between the great powers in the Gulf area and outside it."
Who are these "great powers"? Is there a role for the Soviet Union?
The answer again is that if the Soviets have a role it is not yet clear
- or at worst is not overt, but it is clear from American statements for
at least 3 years that ther.e is "some sort of plan" or a group of alter-
nate steps to raise the question. Perhaps the Omani proposal to seek
help from "America and West German forces" is one of these steps or
rather one of the alternate s teps.
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In spite of American talk, official and otherwiae, about troop-landing
- operations at unspecified "oil wells," it is unlikely, for purely domes-
tIc rensons, that the rlmericana would offer to send soldiera abroad on
rnl.lltnry m1NalonK. The effecta of the Vietnam War have not yet ended,
although the American people are prepared mentally to nccept any step in
_ the direction of the producing states. I asked P4r George Ball, former
undersecretary of state and one of those concerned with conditions in
the Gulf, at a luncheon held by the Arab League and attende3 by Profes-
' sor Shafiq al-Hut, director of *he office of the Liberation Organization
in Lebanon, for his view on the American allusions to the troop-landing
operation, for I regard it as unlikely that that is mentioned, but he
stressed the importance which his country`s government gives to the
region.
- What Mr Ball did not say is that since Vietnam the United States has re-
_ placed a policy of direct intervention in the struggle with a policy of
_ destabilizing the target areas. The fact is, the situation in the Gulf
' today is more a situation of instability than a situation of struggle.
For more than a year the area has been in a state of extended and almost
daily turmoil, either by foreign threats or by way of internal disputes
" which have in turn facilitated the impact and effects of foreign threats.
, Although the Lloyd's Company recently changed its mind about its deci-
sion to raise the amount of insurance on sea transport in the Gulf, the
tiproar which the decision stirred up at first put the area into a state
of instability ard left economic effects which cannot be estimated.
Instability sometimes has greater effects than actual battle.
Thus it was clear from the A1-Ta'if Conference that the Arab trend at
- present is to try to end this new condition. There are those who say
that while the states of the region are tending to act with firmness at
home considering the fact that the question is wlthin their sovereignty
and their law, they are tending abroad toward flexibility and trying to
avoid confrontation. There are those who say that the foreign minister
of Kuwait, Shaykh Sabah al-Ahmad, had traveled to Baghdad first after
the A1-Ta'if Conference in order to inform the Iraqi leaders of the re-
sults of the conference and also to place them in an atmosphere to end
the tension with Tehran.
If it were impossible for Kuwait itself to undertake this sort of inedia-
~ tion, either because of its recent incidents or because of its nature as
a direct and basic party in the Gulf situation, then it is most likely
that it would entrust the Palestinian resistance with such a mission,
because of its position with both parties.
It is probable that the subject of inediation will be raised at the sunt-
mit in Tunis, viewing it as an Arab and not a Gulf issue. There are
those who say that although Saudi diplomacy has always been characterized
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by sil.ence, aCter the situation .in the Culf and especially after the
incidents in Kuwait and Bahrain there no longer was any justification
for slowness in achieving an immediate resolution to a complex crisis.
Removal of a complicated crisis cannot be put off. Saudi Min.ister of
Defense Prince Sultan announced, as did Prince Nayif, minister of the
interior, and Prince Sa'ud al-Faysal, foreign minister, that the
, security of the Gulf is the responsibility of the Gulf alone. Note
that it is not r_ustomary for the minister of the interior to speak on
foreign a�fairs, but all of these situations seem to point up what the
- question of the Gulf ineans to Riyadh.
While awaiting the Tunis Summit, the unrest remains. Battle is not
_ the only unfortunate situation which requires a unanimous Arab deci-
sion rather than a non-unanimous decision or position.
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
HABASH RESTATES PFLP POSITION ON PALESTINIAN STATE
Kuwait AL-TALI'AH in Arabic 24 Oct 79 p 19
[Article: "Dr Habash Opposes Establishing Any Truce in South Lebanon"]
[Text] Dr George Habash, head of the Popular Front .for the Liberation of
Palestine, opposes establishing any truce in the south of Lebanon, since he
feels that the Palestinian resistance "has the right to fight the Zionist
enemy starting not only from the Lebanese borders, but from all Arab
borders."
_ In an interview which Dr Habash granted to the weekly magazine AL-USBU'
_ AL-'ARABI, he said that a condition for agreeing to send the Lebanese army
to the south should be "that its mission is to f ight Israel and its agents."
Dr Habash went on to say that "if the mission of the army were to be im--
peding the Palestinian freedom fighters and the Lebanese nationalists to
zhe north of the Litani River, then we would oppose its spread." He
spoke from another aspect about his opposition to making any contact between
. the Palestinian resistance and the American government.
Dr. Habash said: "There is no complete or almost complete conformity
between.the strategic goal of the Palestinian revolution, which is repre-
sented in the establishment of a democratic state on all the soil of
- Palestine, and the position of the Soviet Union." Dr Habash feels that
Moscow "is still the main supporter of the Arab national liberation move-
ment."
Dr Habash also expressed his belief that establishing a Palestinian state
on part of the Palestinian land might represent a basic solution with
_ respect to the Palestinians li.ving in Lebanon and Syria, with the condi-
tion that establishment of this state is not linked to recognition of
- Israel or signing a peace treaty with the Zionist state."
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INTER-A.RAB AFFAIRS
PALESTINIAN EDUCATION EFFORTS DlSCUSSED
Istanbul CUMHURIYET in Turkish 30 Nov 79 p 12
[Text] Abu Firas, the PLO representative in Turkey, is interviewed in Che
Novenber issue af EDUCATION STxiJGGLE sa6azine on the aubject of �'Education
in the Palestinian Revolution."
We will try to give a verp brief sunmsry of this interestin6 intervieW
which reflects the education efforts beirig advanced irith an eye to the
future b7 a people Who are fighting for thtir freedom and getting the world
to accept them snd their srgument and who still are unable to live in their
- osrr land. Or, more correctly, we are obliged to content ourselves With
excerptina those portions of Abu Firaa� statenents which we felt it neces-
sary to underscore:
_ "The Palestinians were driven frmm their land and today live in various
- countries. One portion of our people have been living nnder occupstion
for 30 qears. FIe are forced to start all over.again and build aa beat We
_ can everqthing that zioniaa ard imperialism have deatroyed and diatorted.
- Therefore, it is necesssry to conscioualy inculcste a brand neW set of
values. The organs of state vhich We have estabiiahed ard are establish-
ing are taking up the new values as the basic fabric of national unity.
"The Education Departnent of the PLO-affiliated Palestinian Reaearch Cen-
ter has determined the basic principles on ahich educational philosophq for
Palestinian Arabs rests, provided for organized education fram primarp
school to high achool, prepared text books in light of the principles set
dorm, developed curricnla and teaching and training nethoda, ard apecified
tfle requirenents for training and retraining of teachers While they are
active in their profeasions. -
"We have been given permiaaion to open our oWn schools in the Palestinian
refugee camps in certain friendly countries. Here, children are taught
from the books prepared by the Palestinian Research Center. HaWever, in
_ the countries Where we do not have our oxn schools, eapecially in the occu-
= pied lard s, our own books will be read, that is, Palestinian history,
Palestinian geographq and so forth. This clandestine education fs the
reaponsibility of the PLO.
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"The State of Israel, the sqmbol of zionism, is teacr,ing studenta a dis-
torted vieW of historp. Should our children, Pslestinian child ren be
taught such hiatory? 1"he pLp is trying to ensure that our children Who do
not attend Palestinian schools receive the same education as the others.
' Thia effort, I think, is the onlp educational experiment of its kind in
the Wurld.
_ "There is a question of presaures applied Chrough different methais in
ather countries. In particular, measures are taken to prevent developnent
of the Palestinian culture. The PLp has made iniatives to open a Pales-
tinian universitr in a friendly eountry, outside the occupied territories.
We have adeQuate staff. There are 24,000 Palestiniana who have completed
univeraity educations in various countries.
"What are xe fighting for? To liberate our eccupied lands ird establish a
Palestinian State. Thia state Will rest not on ignorance,but m a acienti-
f ic, technical foundation. After the revolution, we Will have no need fos
people who tell us heroic stories, uho live with their memories cof the
paat and are coratent to boast. AC that tiae, the development of the
Palestinian State will be ensured through the existence of a well-
educated generation Which can be used for the good of the society and the
people in every scientific anl technica2 field. Every Paleatinian qouth
has an obligation to be the best atzd the brightest in his oWn field."
8349
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BAHRAIN
I NATION TAKBS OVBR OIL PRODUCTION FACILITIBS
_ Kuwait AL-SIYASAH in Arabic 5 Nov 79 p 5
- /Article: "Bahrain Has Completed Procedures for National Takeover of En-
tfre Oil SecCOr"/
/Teat/ The Govercment of Bahrain announced recently that it hae completed
- the legal procedures for attainment of full naticaal dominance over the
- oil sector. Qn this occasion AL-SIYASAH is publiahing a report carried in
the latest issue of the monthly QAPBC publication.
Oil is considered Bahrain's main source of revenue, eince it accaunts for
- 60 percent of it. The main oilfields in Bahrain are the Bahrain and Abu
Sa'fah fields, xevenuea to be derived from the sales of oil from these
- tWO fields this year, 1979, ure eatirsated at 161 million Bahreiai dinara;
they totalled 181 million Bahraini dinars in 1977, 156 million in 1976 and
111 million in 1975.
The Bahrain field lies in the center of the main island, al-Mananah, and
the Abu Sa'fah field lies offshore about 50 miles north of Bahrain in an
ares situated betWeen Bahrain and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The two
countriea divide the income accruing fram the field.
Oa 30 June 1975, a participation agreement Was approved by the Bahrain
government and the Bahrain Oil Caupany Ltd, by virtue of Which the govern-
ment took poasesaion of 61 percent of production and exploration facilitiea
- aad 100 percent of the gas reaoutces aubsequently to be developed; tha
agreement was to be effective as of 1 January 1974.
The government assigned to the Bahrain National Oil Company (Banoco) estab-
liahed in 1976 aupervision of the ahare which it had obtainecl through the
participation egreement. It waa announced recently that agreement had been
reached that the government would taka control over all oil and gas produc-
tion and would take over the marketing of products in Bahsain, effective
1 JanuAry 1978. Although oil production etarted in 1934, annual produc-
tion volume is small. Production of the Jabal al Dukhan Field does not
- exceed 3.7 million tone per year. However, there is a major refinery in
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_ Sitrah whoee output totals 12 million tons per year. Moat of the oil it
refines comeg from Saudi Arabia; therefore Bahrain's role as a source of
refined petroleum producta is more important than its role as a crude
producer.
Production reached ite pQak in 1971 and has since begun to decline. The
following table gives the volumes of production from the Bahrain and Abu
Sa'fah fielda from 1966 to 1977:
Crude Oil Production, 1966-1977 (In Thouaands of US Barrela per Year)
Year Bahrain Field Abu Sa'fah Field
1966 22,521 11,488
- 1967 25,370 14,874
1968 27,598 22,733
= 1969 27,74 /digit miasing/ 24,351
1970 27,973 27,310
1971 27,347 32,121
1972 25,508 34,178
1973 24,948 39,411
1974 24,597 45,000
1975 22,342 21,000
1976 21,288 39,000
1977 21,237 45,000
At the preaent time much effort is being made to increase production while
- preserving maximum recovery potential. The oil production rate reached
about 56,000 barrela a day in 1977 while asphalt output came ta 2,100 bar-
_ rels a day. Bfforts are also bning made to implement aecondary and terti-
ary recovery.
The term primary oil recovery meana the production of oil from the reaer-
voir under iCs own pressure, that is, by flowing. Wells are aaid to be
- flaring under deficient presaure when there is need to use pumpe to lift
the oil to the eurface of the ground. When the flowing well drie8 up a
= large portion of the original oil remaina, contained within the producing
reaervair around it, but preseure ie too weak to bring the oil to the eur-
- face. It has become possible at the present time, thanka to improved
meana for additional recovesy, to lift a large portion of the remaining
oil after the primary recovary stage. The acquiaition of this remaining
oil ie called secondary recovery, which ia usually attained by injecting
- water or gas into the reservoir. Attempts made to recover what might
still be left after the aecond stage are called tertiary recovery.
Oil Reserves: The most recent estimates point out that reaerves will last
beyond the beginning of the coming century. There are continuous attempts
to diacover new oil deposite in various locationa, on land or offshore
(north of the island). However, the chances of finding major new discov-
eries remain limited.
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- In 1977, 35 percent of natural gae production was coneumed in poWer gener-
ation by the Alba Company ([he aluminum amelter), 26 parcent in maintain-
ing the necessary preseure Leval in the oil fielda, and 21 percent in op-
erating the refinery, while the remainder was uaed for electricity genera-
tion, local conaumption and field uaes.
Electric Power Generation and Conaumption
Sxcept in the case of the major induatries, which generate the electricity
they need, the State of Bahrain Electricity Department is the body which
generates electric power throughout Bahrain. Thie department operate�
four generating statione. The table of the capacities of theae etations
and eheir fuel requiremente is as followe:
al-Xhuff Gas xequirements (Million Cubic Feet per Day)
_ P ower in Megawatts Value Rate
Sitrah 120.0 33 ig -
al-Rifa' 200.0 (55) 23 (eatimate)
al-Muharraq 38.8 nil nil
_ al-Jufayr 133.1 35 26
_ Construction of the al-Rifa' etation will be completed in 1980. This ata-
ticn generated 100 megawatta in Auguat 1978 and a further 50 megawatts in
' mid-1979. It will be supplemented With an additional SO megawatts in mid- _
1980.
The al-Muharraq atation runs on diesel.
It is anticipated that electricity demand will rise to about 978 megawatts
in 1990, as compared with 308 megawstts thia year.
Associated Gas Exploitation
A project is currently being carried out in Bahrain to exploit a8sociated
gae; in the first atage of operation it will be possible to treat 100 mil-
- lion cubic feet of asaociated gas a day.
Solar Bnergy
Baghrain National 011 Company is studying a report on the feasibility of
ueing solar energy in the country, since it is a potential alternate
source to oil, whoae output is constantly declining. Bahrain's climate is
_ considered exemplary for aolar energy exploitation, aince the ground de-
_ rives most of its power from the sun in the form of electromagnetic rays,
of which 3 percent conaiats of ultr.aviolet ray8, 42 percent of viaible
rays and 55 percent of infrared rays. Thp study is concentrating on the
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poasibility of using aolar energy in Bahrain for air conditioning, farm-
ing, and deaalination, since the percentage of ealinity in artesian well
water has gtarted to rise, meaning that there is a need to diati 11 aea-
water.
Bahrain National Oil Campany's propoaed program in the field of solar
energy includes:
Coastruction of stationa to measure solar rays in all areas of Bahrain.
Bstabliahment of an experimental house to be heated and cooled by solar
energy.
Performance of numerous other experiments related to solar energy.
Bstablishment of a specialized eolar energy library. .
Atomic Power
The National Paper emphaaizes that nuclear power generation is to be con-
sidered more expensive than other forms of power; thus one cannot juatify
using it in a limited economy such as Bahrain's. However, there ie the
possibility of establishing central nuclear power plants in Saud i Arabia
to gerve the Gulf region.
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EGYPT
EGYPTIAN OPPOSITION LEADER VIEWS POLITICAL, SOCIOECONOMIC PROBLIIrIS
LD171211 London 23 JULY in Arabic 10 Dec 79 pp 3-6, 26, 27 LD
- [Interview with Khalid Muhyi Al-Din, leader of the Egyptian Nationalist
Progressive Unionist Grouping (NPUG) Party, to 23 JULY correspondent in
London; date not given]
- [Excerpts] [Question] Mr Khalid Muhyi A1-Din, what is the reason f cr
your presence in London?
[Answer] We have been invited by the general secretary of the Labor Party
to come to London to hold discussions with the party's executive cammittee,
the committee on Midd le East affairs, the foreign relations committee and
the parliamentary foreign relations group.
[Question] We would 1 ike to ask you about the NPUG's present role, the role
of the other opposition forces and the role the NPUG has played so far in
rallying these forces.
[Answer] Until 1979, that is until the signing of the [peace] treaty, the
party played a major r ole in rallying the nationalist forces against the
treaty. We also contr ibuted to the issuing of the statement by 13 people's
assembly members representing the religious group, the national front, the
independent Marxists, the NPUG and the independent elements. Afterward all
the nationalist forces issued statements condemning the treaty, including
the A1-Wafd party and the [former] revolution command council. There
appeared to be a nucleus of a broad national front movement. I believe that
the dissolution of the people's assembly then was because of the oppasition's
stand. Despite the small number in opposition, the stand was an expression
of rejection. The opp osition's voice during the assembly debate was very
strong despite the small number of those in opposition. It is not a ques-
tion of number but of a strong argument. Our strength and influence lay in
the fact that what we said was true. Nobody believed us when we said that
the Arab countries wou ld boycott Egypt and that the Arab League would
pull out. They though t that the Baghdad resolutions were mere "bluster."
Although we called on them [the government] not to sign the treaty and to
find a way out of it, nobody heeded us and the treaty was signed. One of
the fundamental things we clarified was that prime minister and f oreign
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- minister Mustafa Khalil`s memorandum objecting to the U.S.-Israeli memoran-
dum of understanding contained 16 objections each of which is sufficient for
rejection of the treaty. We told them that three foreign ministers had al-
ready resigned and that the f ourth foreign minister has 16 objections to the
= Egyptian-Israeli treaty. In my opinion the measures that were adopted after-
ward represented a radical change in the government's stand with regard to
future political action.
[Question] How?
[Answer] First, the dissolution of the people's assembly. This was uncon-
_ stitutional because the people's assembly is dissolved only after a consti-
= tutional c ollapse or a constitutional crisis or as a result of a real clash
between the president of the republic and the assembly because of the assem-
= bly's repeated rejection of a bill proposed by the president. In which case
the president of the republic is forced to go back to the people with a pub-
- lic ref erendum.
- But even the ruling National Democratic Party [NDP] was not consulted about
= the decision to dissolve the people's assembly. This means that the pres-
ident did not even consult his own institutions to seek their views on a
grave decision such as this.
Briefly, what happened was a constitutional coup, the way to which was paved
- by 1 host of f reedom-restricting laws, which was not surprising.
~ [Question] Why?
[Answer] Because the signing of the treaty and the normalization of rela-
tions with Israel consequent upon it, the ensuing political alliance against
the Arab world between Egypt and Israel, the Egyptian Government's attitude
toward what is happening in the Arab world, its encouragement of the U.S.
stand on freezing Iranian assets in U.S. banks as well as its encouragement
- for it to adopt certain attitudes toward the oil countries--all this goes
to show that the government's policy is part of a U.S.-Israeli plan. This
_ entails suppressing and gagging the opposition. It is no longer a question
of Egypt's ending the war and turning its attention to its internal problem.
The issue is much graver: it is a question of an Egyptian-Israeli alliance
to conf ront the Arab liberation movement.
' This question has forced many of those who supported the peace treaty inside
and outside the ruling party to reconsic'.er their stands f ollowing the con-
tinuing c oncessions on Egypt's part.
The seriousness of the matter lies in the fact that Israel's reaction to such
concessions has been to build more settlements, to expel [Nabulus mayor]
A1-Shak'ah and to threacen other mayors who object to the Israeli policy.
[LD171213] This undermines the basis of self-rule. All this goes to show
that Israel craves and is seeking further concessions. It wants the Nile
waters to irrigate the Negev. This generated a strong reaction in Egypt,
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particularly since the dream of affluence has not been achieved and the cut-
_ tiag off of Arab aid and trade with us has d irectly affected our economic
resources.
The government has paved the way for dealing with all these conditions with _
a host of laws.
But on the other hand, this favored our party. The violations committed dur- -
ing the recent elections were the best propaganda for the NPUG because what
matters was not our failure to win in the elections but the fact that we have
emerged from the elections much closer to the masses and with a substantial -
increase in party membership. We emerged from the electiona defeated by -
the government but not by the Egyptian public. Even had we spent large sums
of money we would not have been able to prov e the g wernment's false claims
about democracy, and we would not have had such an impact on the masses which
, have seen through the government's false and illegal actions that convinced
the man in the street that what was taking place was mere dictating to the ,
people and not a free election.
What we are concerned about is not the question of opposition, nor the NPLTG
- nor even the treaty; it is the question of Egypt's independence which is
being squandered, the Egyptian will which is being suppressed, and the ques-
_ tion of opening the door to Israeli culture, trade and tourism. This demands - that a11 citizens close ranks to thwart this danger which is threatening the -
future of their children and will strengthen Israeli Zionism inside Egypt.
Therefore, a front action has become the top priority in our activities.
[Question] What do you mean by front action? Is it coordination with
= other opposition factions? ,
- [Answer] Exactly. We are coordinating with the other nonparty forces, such
as all the nationalist forces that have not joined the NPUG, whether these
be Nasirite, Marxist, nationalist or religious, as well as the national front
= party, the independent nationalist forces, the Wafdist forces and the .
Egyptian nationalist capital forces that see the open-door policy as a dan-
ger to them. For this reason we urge cooperation to save Egypt on the basis
of a program which our party has already published concerning what is happen- -
ing now. What is at issue is no longer the treaty but,the future of Egypt.
[Question] Let us move on to the question of democracy.
[Answer] Those who accepted the treaty imagined that it would free us of
the martial law and of the problem of the battle [with Israel]. But although
- we now see that no foreign danger exists, every day we see more freedom-
- restricting exceptional measures and laws, the latest of which being the
= socialist attorney law giving the socialist attorney the power to conduct
poli_tical investigation.
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[Question] What is the difference between political investigation and _
_ judiciary investigation?
[Answer] Judiciary investigation means that you are interrogated about
incidents and your answer deals with incidents. But political ' vestigation
means discussing your ideas and cross-examining your political views. A
report is then written about your views on the basis of which of your views
are considered to be hostile to the state and, consequently, you will be
isolated politically. If you appeal you are referred to the court of values.
It is a special court consisting of some judges and lay citizens in the
- same line of business. Appeal against the court of values' decisions takes
place before the people's assembly which is selected by the government.
[Question] Is this measure aimed against the NPUG in particular or against
all the opposition factions?
[Answer] It is directed against all the nationalist forces but because the
NPUG is the existing legitimate party most of the blows are directed against
it.
- [Question] Can you give an example of such measures?
[Answer] First, the law prohibiting parties publishing their own newspapera.
_ Pr.eviously every party had a right to publish a newspaper expressing its
views, but we have lost this right because a party must be represented
by 10 members in the people's assembly [to have the right to publish a paper].
- Second, the press law and the interference in the journalists union with the
aim of excluding progressive journalists.
Third, the new law on parties. Supposing that a party member in Naj'hammad, _
for example, committed a violation, the whole party would be dissolved. If
a party member travelled abroad and committed a violation the whole party -
would be punished and dissolved instead of action being taken agai;lst the -
_ member who committed the offense. -
In other words, the law places the existing parties at the mercy of the
authorities and thus paralyzes their activity. Of course, the NPUG can
_ only go on struggling to expose the truth to the masses.
[LD171309] [Question] The NPUG is constantly accused of the fact that most
- of its leadership is communist. How true is this? [Answer] This is not a new accusation. Strong accusations were made to this
effect when steps to form the party were taken.
- What is strange is that, despite the reiteration of such accusation, the par.ty
- membership is increasing steadily, which goes to show that the masses do not
- believe the accusation. If we take a look at the party general secretariat's
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. structure we find that the Marxist members number no more than 10 percent.
- In fact, there are exactly 4 Ma�rxist members out of the secre~ariat's 44
members. The NPUG members generally represent the left without any speci-
_ fic categorization. In other words, a Nasirite active member of the NPUG
is naturally socialist and religious. Generally they are leftists but
without any specific categorization. Categorization is noticeable only
among a number of the older leadership, that is, those who belonged to pre-
viously existing organizations. But an ordinary member can be called an
NPUG member who genErally believes in the NPUG program; he is generally
lef tist.
The secretariat decisions are handed down on the basis of a majority vote.
So far we have issued statements only on the basis of a large majority or
_ unanimity whenever major party issues are involved. How can there be Marx-
ist domination and on what basis do they claim that the party is Marxist
inclined? What decision has the party taken that indicates riarxist control?
T'here is another point. We have been accused of being agents of the Soviet
Union. I would like to see one party statement lauding the Soviet Union.
The only statement issued bq the party and mentioning the Soviet Union was
one criticizing it for attacking President A1-Sadat. We said that criti-
cism of A1-Sadat or the Egyptian leadership is the sole prerogative of the
Egyptian people. 4Ie said that our attitude toward the treaty or toward
A1-Sadat is a different matter and that we allow nobody to criticize our
leadership.
_ I wonder if there is a singie ,!ecision taken by the party betraying com-
munist domination. Today, for example, they say that we are agents of the
rejectionist states because our attitude toward the treaty is the same as
theirs. Can we, by the same tok.en sa,y that Saudi Arabia is an agent of
the Soviet Union because it has condemned the treaty in the same way the
- Soviet Union condemned it?
[Question] Let us move on to the economic situation and its effect on the
political situation in Egypt.
[Answer] What is happening in Egypt is the result of the problem of shift-
ing the Egyptian economy from being an independent economy to subservient
economy. TEie economic policy applied since 1971 and to this day has harmed
the Egyptian economy and caused it to deviate from the cour.se of independent
development to that of a subservient economy. In other words, a11ow:Lng the
entry of foreign capital and its participation in the public sector while
renouncing planning and encouraging certain Egyptian social factions to
operate in the Egyptian market has led to crises that will continue to afflict
- the Egyptian society--shortages of cigarettes, soap, public transport defi-
ciencies and so on and so forth.
It is not surprising that the term "development" Yas disappeared from the
_ vocabulary of daily life and has been replaced by "profit"--that is, the
road is paved for people to make profits or to become affluent. Affluence
22
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in a backward country in which the people do not find their daily livelihood
_ is different from affluence in English. What is needed in Egypt is to elim-
inate hardship and end the ever-:intensifying crises resulting from the slump
in Egyptian industry which iG suffering not only from foreign competition
but also because the purchasing power of the Egyptian citizen has declined
and, therefore, his ability to purchase manufactured goods has diminished.
For this reason we see millions of pounds worth of manufactured goods stock-
- piled in depots.
Meanwhile, foreign products are being imported in order to do away with
- what is left of Egyptian industry. Foreign cigarettes, for example, are
being imported, while production of local cigarettes is being reduced.
Take the telephone system, for example. From 1952 through 1965 telephone
exchanges were being built with Egyptian expertise and labor. lihy should
we now pay 1.8 billion pounds to have a telephone network built. Where is
the Egyptian worker and Egyptian expertise? Why have they been forsaken?
The answer is simple: we have no will to develop, f or if we had such a will
we would have nurtured the Egyptian workers and paid them sufficient wages
- to participate in development plans instead of paying high wages to the
foreign expertise we are now importing.
[LD171613] [Question] What about prosperity?
[Answer] In my opinion prosperity can be achieved if the crises can be
eased, in which case the government would make a significant advance. But
- the opposite is true. With every passing day the Egyptian people are suffer-
ing more hardships and difficulties in their daily life. This goes to prove
= that the myth of postwar prosperity is mere talk.
_ In the past they said that all Egypt's difficulties stem from its military
debts. We stopped payment of our military debts 2 years ago. Has the
Egyptian economy improved? They said prosperity will come after the peace
treaty is sib:ieu. .vow they liave signed it. What have they achieved? Noth-
ing. Where will prosperity come from? We must also take into consideration
the fact that we have lost the Arab market and Arab aid. In my opinion the
hopes on which prosperity is being conceived are false hopes.
Moreover, there is no serious intention for development. Develapment re-
quires a spirit, a will, sacrifices. Who is going to make sacrifices now?
Are the poor who are tightening thPir belts ready to make sacrifices, or are
the rich, whose bellies are growing bigger? This is a political decision;
- development is a political decision. As long as we are afraid to take de-
cisions that would force certain classes of people to make sacrifices--afraid
because their voice is louder--then there will be no development in Egypt.
- Development is a social and political problem more than an economic problem.
[Question] As an opposition political party do you have an alternative
policy?
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[Answer] The alternative is to be found in our program. But we also
_ propose practical solutions within the government's capitalist program.
In other words, we are proposing two alternatives: the first is our party
_ policy that basically disagrees with the government's general line, and the
second is our view of what the government should do in accordance with iCs
general life. But this is falling on deaf ears.
We have told them: Let us call your economists and our economists to a
joint meeting to agree on an alternative program for the rationalization
of the government's policy and the rescuing of Egypt's economy. But they
insist on their program; they i.nsist on furthering the open-door policy,
the entry of foreign capital, the freedom of foreign capital and economic
laissez-faire. But the practical result is that the price for this is
paid by the low-incone groups comprising 90 percent of the Egyptian people.
[Question] How do you view the political map of the Arab area following
the Camp David agreement?
[Answer] Camp David marked the peak in the retreat of the Arab liberation
_ movement because, thanks to it, U.S. imperialism achieved the first real
victory in the area. But on the other hand developments opposed to U.S.
imperialism have occurred as well.
- The Iranian revolution has altered the balance of power and changed Iran
from an imperialist reserve to a reserve of the liberation movement.
The second event was the Baghdad summit. The aim was for the Camp David ~
policy to extend to all the Arab countries and for all the Arab countries ~
to submit one after another to the U.S.-Israeli peace plans. But what hap-
= pened in Baghdad halted this march, despite what has been said--that the
Baghdad summit did not offer an alternative. The Arab-countries, despite
their disagreements and different regiuies, have been able to agree on one
thing--to oppose Camp David and to resist its extension to the rest of the
Arab world.
Another event was the victory achieved by the Palestinian revolution and the
widening recognition of the PLO, such as Kreisky's invitation to `Arafat
and the rapprochement with the socialist international. All these events are
regarded as a victory for the line opposing U.S. policy and strategy in the
area.
It is unfortunate, however, that some Egyptians believe that by signing the
Camp David agreements Egypt will end the state of war and will build itself
up. Instead, we find that we have entered into an alliance with the biggest
_ enemy of our nation, namely Zionism. In other words, Egypt has entered
- another battle and has become a party to a conflict with the rest of the
Arab nation.
The result has been that Egypt has become isolated in the nonalined groug.
It is also isolated on the African, Arab and Islamic levels. It is also
isolated internationally at the UN General Assembly.
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What is happening in the Arab world at present is the result of a U.S.
policy which has tried to embrace Camp David. The conflict has extended
beyond the Arab world. The thin veneer which the United States created
in Iran in order to deepen hostility between Islam and socialism and the
socialist orientation has been exposed. The situation has backfired on the
United States and the truth has surfaced. It was merely a thin veneer
designed to dull the citizen`s mind. .All the false propaganda has fallen
apart and it l:as emerged that the greatest enemy of imperialism is the
_ Islamic revolution and the religious trends within the nationalist senti-
ments. [LD171637] In other words, the U.S. plan is now being opposed by
an Arab movement that is daily proving its insistence on security its
rights. We are glad that the NPUG party has foreseen all this. All that
has happened now is that the United States has been trying to solve the
Middle East crisis within the framework of cold war and by excluding the
other parties--even the Arab parties--and isolating Egypt from them. The
Egyptian Government is now reaping the fruits of this policy in the prob-
lems it is facing at present.
[Question] What about the normalization of relations between Egypt and
. Israel? So far we have no idea about the exact form of such relations.
What is your view on this?
[Answer] I have noticed that all the aid Egypt will receive will go to the
Sinai region to build farming communities and implement joint projects
there with the aim of linking the Egyptian and Israeli economies. I be-
_ lieve that this will have far-reaching and very serious effects which the
Egyptians will not feel right away. The Israeli presence comes at a time
_ when the Egyptian people find themselves completely disarmed; that is, the
Israeli presence comes at a time when our economy is open and we can do
nothing to avert any future risks. This is because the treaty bans the
erection of any barriers. Moreover, the Egyptian citizen's awareness of
the Zionist danger is being blunted. There is a difference between ending
the state of war with Israel and maintaining one's sense of the danger of
the Zionist movement. You may establish relations with the United States
as a state, but there exists the U.S. imperialist interests. You must
always teach your people about the dangers of U.S. imperialism and its
existence. But to remove from your people`s books and their schools any
reference to the Zionist danger while Zionism has changed nothing of its
. objectives nor its indoctrination of its people that Israel is the country
_ of all world Jewry aiid that all Jews must come to Israel to dominate the
peoples of the area--this means that you are taking away from your people
their most important nationalist weapons. Therefore the upcoming stage
is a grave one. For this reason the NPUG raises the slogan of opposing
the Israeli presence in Egypt, boycotting it and suppressing it because
this presence will be serious.
[Question] We have spoken about everything
Egyptian public. Does the man on the street
now and with the normalization of relations?
25
but we have not discussed the
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[Anawer] The [:gyptian public is being apecifically manipulated. Day and
night the media try to brainwash the Egyptian man in the street. He is
being led to believe that there is no alternative and that there is no use
in cooperating with the Arabs. When the Egyptian man in the street discovers
- the truth the situation will be in his hands. There will be a reaction.
Don't f orget the question of dignity.
' There is another important point: the majority of Egyptian youth feels that
it can no longer live in this country and has to accept one of two alterna-
tives: emigrate or resist. Society cannot offer youth the hope of setting
up a happy and stable home. Whatever brainwashing is carried out, in the
final analysis youth must think of the future.
[Question] A final question: There are outside Egypt many societies of
partisans and friends of the NPUG. Do these groups officially represent
_ the NPUG?
[Answer] The NPUG has no branches abroad; it has no spokesman abroad. We
have given nobody the authority to speak on our behalf. These people estab-
lish what are known as societies of supporters and friends of the NPUG, and
during their activities they adopt and expound NPUG views. We are not
against this, but we are not responsible for them. This is merely an effort
on their part and a means to make the NPUG's voice heard. The party has not
yet begun planning to organize the activities of Egyptians abroad.
CSO: 4802
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EGYPT
DEFENSE FOR COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS BEGINS
_ Cairo AL-AHRAM AL-IQTISADI in Arabic 5 Nov 79 p 10
[Article by Ahmad A1-Aswani: "Defense of Communists and Inciting Disorder
_ Suit" ]
_ [Text] Yesterday the defense began its endeavor concerning communist organ-
izations and incitement to violence which occurred on January 18 and 19,
1977 and which involves 176 defendants.
The court held its session which lasted 3 hours with Judge Hakim. Munir Salib
presiding, and the membership of 'Ali 'Abd-al-Hakim and Ahmad Balakari as
members. Consultant Raga' al-'Arabi, the General Attorney for State Secur-
ity prosecution, Yusif Darraz, Chief of prosecution, Ahmad Ramadan and
Ramadan Nasr secretaries were present.
Attorney Adil Amin defended six of the defendants. He reviewed legally and
historically, decisions of The Court of Cessation related to similar cases
- and referr.ed to the previous Urief submitted on 11 February concerning the
_ inadmissability of reviewing the appeal before the State Security Court. He
said acceptance of the brief does not mean this case is out of the court's
jurisdiction but let a criminal court decide. This means submission of its
- decision to the court of cessation.
The defense pointed out that criticizing the present regime is not a crime
as long as good intentions for the general welfare exists. Also, criticiz-
_ ing the economic Iiberalism and American-Egyptian relations do not apply
to Article 98 "A" of the penal code because it specifies the change of the
basic organization of the social system by force.
The defense also said that the 25 November march from the university to the
Peuple's Assembly was not intended to clash with State authority.
After that, the court decided to continue the defense for today's session.
~ 9528
CSO: 4802
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EGYPT
MORE RESTRICTIONS ON USING TELECOMMUNICATION SYSTEM
Cairo AL-AHRAM in Arabic 3 Nov 79 p 8
[Article by Sami Mintwalli: "A Proposed Law To Be Discussed by Transpor-
- tation and Communication Committee in the People's National Assembly,
Prohibition To Operate Radio Systems or Telex Without Permission From the
- Minister. An Annual Fee of 300 Pounds To Be Paid for License To Operate
a Radio Transmitter,."]
[Text] This week the Transportation and Communications Comwittee in the
People's Assembly,*under the chairmanship of Engineer Muhyi-ad-Din' Abd-
E1-Latif, will discuss a proposed law which specifies that it is impermis-
sable to assemble or operate any radio apparatus for transmitting.telephone
calls, telex or telegraphic messages or photos without a license from the
Minister of Communications. This law would be applicable to fixe3 or mobile
apparatuses inside Egypt and to radio stations prepared for transmitting
and receiving aboard planes or ships registered in the Republic; also radio
- apparatuses prepared for transmitting in technical experiments and scien-
tific tests or in radio communications institutes.
Exempted from this are only radio apparatuses for transmitting and receiv-
ing whose power does not exceed 100 milli-wats and function on frequencies
less than 30 mega-hertz.
The minister of communications issued a decision on regulating the necessary
subscriptions for licensing in administering educational institutes for
radio communications which qualifiestheir graduates to earn qualification
certificates, the conditions which must be met by teachers who teach in
the institutes for radio comnunications as well as their curricula, the
system of examinations and granting certificates, and how the General
Egyptian Organization for Telecommunications would supervise these insti-
tutions and the progress of study in them.
The Board.of Egyptian Telecommunications Organization will fix the required
- fees for radio services not to exceed the following categories:
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--Three tiundred pounda paid annually for licensing to operate a radio
transmltting system;
--When operating the primary apparatuses to contact mobile or stationary
points an extra fee is levied on the dues which are determined according
to the previous provision, and renting the communication line according to
the schedule used by the Organization at the time of licensing for each
kilometer of the telecommunication line. The collected rent, in any case,
should not be less than the rent for a distance of 20 kilometers;
--Fifty pounds per annum for each extra channel in relation to multichannel
apparatuses. This is in addition to collecting the rent of the telecommuni-
cation line for each channel--according to the previous provision;
--One hundred pounds for licensing to operate any of the aforementioned
institutes;
--Tao pounds as a fee to apply to enter the examination of one of the qual-
ification certificates in telegraph and radio telephone, or granting the
successful student a license to practice his job.
- The proposed law sti.pulates that exempted from the provisions of this law
are the General Organization for Meteorology, the Civil Aviation Organiza-
tion, the Ports and Lighthouses Administration, Radio and Television Union,
Che Central Agency for Mobilization in the Presidency of the Republic, the
_ Armed Forces, the Intelligence Agency, the Ministry of Interior, Public
Appertenances of Traff ic, fire-Brigades and Rescue, Middle East News Agency,
and foreign Embassies with the condition of reciprocal treatment, and other
areas which are specified by a decree from the Minister of Communications.
_ Anyone violating the provisions of the law will be punished by not more than
6 months in prison and a fine not to exceed 500 pounds or one of either.
9528
- CSO: 4802
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EGYPT
- SADAT MEETS WITH UNIVERSITIES PERSONNEL
Cairo AL-AHRAM AL-IQTISADI in Arabic 15 Oct 79 pp 52-53
[Article by Labib al-Siba'i: "President Sadat Meets With Universities'
- Personnel: The Beginning of New Phase of Students' Action"]
[Text] President Anwar a.l-Sadat discussed a number of important university
and national issues with the presidents of universities and their faculties
for 3 consecutive days. The discussion focused on the responsibility and
the role of universities in up-grading the society, the accomplishment of
the Green Revolution, tax policy, and economy. Moreover, he discussed
aspects of students care and the form and responsibilities of students'
action in the forthcoming phase. It has been ascertained that the univer-
- sities' concern with student activities during the forthcoming phase need
vision as well as a new philosophy within the framework of the amendments
which were included in rhe Executive Ordinance for the reorganization of
_ universities and by which universities will start their new year for the
- first time with a new approach for student action whose ultimate goal is
the realization of student care as well as the direction of effective
student activities.
In a dialog with Dr Hasan Hamdi Ibrahim, Asyut University president and
, acting secretary of the Higher Council of Universities, concerning the
content of the new by-laws in the sphere of students' action, he says that
_ these laws emphasize the organization of scientific leadership policy in
such a way that each group of students in a department or college or an
institute should have a faculty leader assisted by an assistant professor
or a graduate assistant who meets with his student group regularly in order
- to know their academic problems, guiding them, and work to solve these
_ problems as well as facilitating printing and publishing books and academic
articles in addition to encouraging the formation of scientific associa-
tions by increasing the number of the faculty, organizing scientific activ-
ities which are suitable for the students as well as the projects rendering
service to the community in as much as it is related to their specialties.
Moreover, he adds that it has been decided to establish funds for social
equali_ty which aims at student's social security in all its different forms
such as insurance, social care or loans as well as participating in provid-
ing services for the students to solve their problems which hinder quiet
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continuity in their studies as well as add to their financial difficulties.
He also decided to establish a central fund for social equality among uni-
versity students sponsored by the higher council of universities. Such a
trust would have an independent status and an administrative council chaired
by the president of the Higher Council of universities. It would also in-
clude representatives of university presidents for academic affairs, stu-
dents, a secretary for the council, and nine representatives from the
organizations whose function is related to the aims of the funds. The
sources of the funds would come from government subsidies which the state
would provide annually, from allocations provided by the Ministry of Endow-
_ ment, financial allocations which are available to equalize ministries,
provinces, and students' organizations. Other sources are the earned
~ interest from students' insurance contracts, income from parties, donations,
- festivals, and the revenue from investing the funds.
Then Dr Hasan Hamdi said that in addition to all that, a branch fund will
be established in every university for social equality. Its administrative
will be formed under the chairmanship of the vice president for academic
_ and student affairs. Moreover, in each college there will be another fund
which will take care of social equality between students. Its sources come
from donations and gifts and 20 percent of the revenue earmarked for the
students' union of that college. _
As for student unions, Asyut University president and general secretary for
the Higher Council of Universities says that the new organization of student
unions demands that such unions be formed entirely from regular studsnts
who are seniors in their colleges. New students who pay the union fee will
have the right to vote or be nominated. These unions are in charge of pro-
moting spiritual, moral, and educational awareness, providing the opportun-
ity for responsible expression of opinions, implanting the proper university
spirit among students, discovering students' talents and abilities, dissem-
inating and encouraging the formation of fraternities and students' coopera-
tive associations, organizing social, psychological and educational scout
activities, and organizing the use of students' energies to serve the
society. The college or institutions' union councils would work to realize
all that through five committees: the fraternity committee which encourages
the formation of fraternities in the college and coordinating fraternity
activities with the committee of athletic activities in the college; then
_ the cultural and artistic committee and the scout and general services
committee which is in charge of executing environmental programs approved
by the college as well as participating in social development and allowing
student participation in executing such programs, and participating in
public and national projects; finally, the social and travel activity com-
mittee,
Dr Hasan Hamdi adds that by the beginning of the present academic yea.r.,
these committees will be formed under the leadership of one faculty member -
and two students as members representing each academic group which the ~
students elect every year. The formation of a college council union will
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- be compl.eted under the leadership of the college dean or whoever he selects
to represent him. A council will be formed for each university to coordin-
_ ate student activities under the leadership of the vice president for aca-
demic and activity affairs.
According to the new by-laws and Dr Hasan Hamdi's discussion, it would be
impossible to form any organization on racial, political or religious basis
in all universities or their branches. It is also impossible to organize
any activity for the union councils or their committees or in their name on
the same bases. Every student without exception in the colleges or the
universities and their affiliate institutes must pay one pound and a half
as annual dues. These dues are collected during the first month of the
academic year. However, the university council, by decree can allocate
not more than 20 percent of these dues to finance competitions and projects.
Regarding nomination procedures for union council committees, the secretary
of the universities' higher council says that the nominee must be an Egyp-
tian citizen.who is morally upright and must be a new regular student in
his group but sh ould not stand for re-nomination for any reason. He nust
pay union dues and be known as an active member in the committee's activi-
ties to which he nominates himself. He also must aot have been convicted
or sen.anced which would limit his freedom or deci.de to drop or suspend
his membership in any student union.
_ The elections of Union Councils and their committees will take place before
. next November. For valid elections of the Student Union Committees, 50 per-
cent of the students who have the right to vote must vote. If the number
is insufficient, elections should be postponed to another date within 3 days.
In such a case, a t least 20 percent must vote to validate the elections. If
20 percent do not vore this time, all student groups must be eliminated
from representation. Dr Abd A1 Magid Uthman, president of the Suez Canal
University says that each by-law has come out in order to face the separa-
_ tion which has oc curred between the students' base and their unions which
resulted in the d eterioration of student activities. For this reason,
these by-laws, before anything else aim at the fact that the universities
must bear more re sponsibility to care and lead. Moreover, they should
provide a meeting of minds for more intellectual and scientific interplay
in addition to the fact that the university must cooperate equally with
the students on the basis of academic leadership by caring for their aca-
_ demic affairs, th e formation of fraternities, academic associations, and
follow-up their activities in serving the environment.
Indeed we have lost all that in the past years. That is why the new aca-
demic year will witness the true image of the university, faculty, and
students.
_ Dr Subhi Abd Al-Hakim, vice president of Cairo University says that the
_ position of student action with its forms in the past years created a call
_ for separating the stiident and the professor, which, in turn, has resulted
in certain phenomena, namely, the professor's avoidence to participate and
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- offer any service beyond the lecture hall. This was dictated by the sen-
- sitivity which has been created by such situations, including the monopoly
of a minority of students in students' action. This kept the wide base of
students away from participation. For this reason it was imperative to
search for a new system for student unions and actions. The success of
- these systems depends on two things: first the participation of the faculty
with their efforts and giving for the sake of creating a fatherly image,
educational, and fraternal spirit inside the university family; second
student participation and the realization of how important such student
participation is in student activities and the nature of the fraternal
relationship between the student and the professor inside the university.
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IRAN
SURGE QF ADLPI-ANIERICANISM GRIPS TFEFtAN
Paris NAMEEI-E RUZ in Persian 6 Nov 79 pp 10-11
_ [Text] Eric Rauleau, oo[Y[nentator of LE MONDE, who, last year, during _
_ the Iranian Rewlution, made many trips to Tehran, and who is the fixst
reporter to have gone to Tehran during that upheaval, writes:
"Does Sunday, 4 Navenbe.r mark a turning point in Iran's docriestic affairs
_ and foreign policy? Last February, for the first time after the aver-
_ thraw of the shah, mi.llians of Iranians tAOk part in danonstrations
huniliati.ng U. S. unperialist forces. The occupation of the U. S. snbassy
by students and the seizure of its enployees as hostages are viewed as
~ justified acts by most Iranians because the fisst maves in that incident
have been carried out with the support and encouragenent of Fh1am
- Khcrneyni.
Actualiy, the anti -Amesicanism which has gripped Iran aver past wwks _
ref lects Iranians' anger tawards a stxong ootuztry hosting a man Iranians -
despise. Indeed, in Iran, the shah is equated with Hitler as a blood- -
- thirsty tyrant who is respansible for the deaths of soores of thousands '
people. That is why neither his illness nor "the exclusively hunanita-
rian reasons" which induced his old U. S. sup-~. orters to host him has been
- able to mollify the masses of Iranians who are still traianatized by the
slaughters of last fall and winter. Iranians' feeJings tawards their
previous monarch was expr.essed in the gallaws tree carried by demonstra-
tors on Sunday.
~ A Forseeable Outburst -
But the hatred Iranians kindle taaards the U.S. government carmot be
- underestimated.
Nobody in Iran has forgatten that the deposed shah had been reinstalled
on the thrc?ne by a CIA-engineered coup d'etat in 1953, nor that the United _
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r
States had strengthened the Pahlavi rule through various forms of support,
_ especially by provi.ding tactical assistance for the establishment of the
- dreaded SAVAK organization. The slogans of hundred thousand dainnstrators
(avex a million according to the French news agency) wpxe movi.ng like
coritirnious waves on Tehran streets and included the follawing:
"Yankees, go harie," "Death to Carter and his guest," "America is
enemy rnanber one. "
Tte outburst of Iranians was not unforseeable: sane three weeks prior
- to it, Ayatollah Khaneyni lashed at western inqexialisn in general and
the United States in particular.
Such acrimanious statements wpxe astonishingly reniniscent of Nasser's
fervent speeches in 1950's and 1960's. Many senior religiaus leaders,
sane of whan, like Ayatollah Beheshti have been ]moHm to date as unccnpro-
mising conservatives, have naw adopted a"rebellious Marxist-like" rhe-
toric. In additim to Ayatollah IChcmeyni, sane msnbers of the clergy naw
constantly use terms such as "the working class" which, in the past, was
- consic3exed anti-Islami.c.
Qn 20 Octobex 1979 Mr Banisadr who naturally is not a supparter of the
USSR wrote in his newspapex ENQFLAB--E EST,AMT ("Islamic Revolution") an
article purporting that the Iranian Isl.amic Revolution caused more harm
to the LISSR than to the United States.
_ Hence he is attackang the Bazargan gaverr$nent. In the past Mr Banisadr
- has often accused the Bazargan goverrment of wishing to reestablish the
same shah regime, but without the shah. This view is shared kyy many
_ senior religious leaders, and especially lawer echelon clerics, as well as
- leftist pal.-ties.
It is in the context of this polluted anti-Amexican atmosphere that the
- � meeting, last week, of Engineer Bazargan with Brzezinskiin Algiexs, has
- been considered as a provocative act by the general public. In that
meeting, Prime Minister Bazargan was accaVanied by Ebrahim Yazdi,
Minister of Fareign Affairs, and Mostafa Chamran,. Defense Minister. Whe--
ther fixue or false, these two individuals have been labeled as pro-
_ Amec�icans. An added lack of precaution an their part was that not only
Mr Bazargan had not demanded the return of the shah, but had tacitly
acquiesced, witlwut any ccemlent, President Carter's report accon3ing to
which the deposed shah had no desire tA engage in political activity on
U.S. soil. Moreover, after his talks With Brzezinski, Mr Bazargan,
= witlwut hesitation ar any reservatians, texmecl his talks as "cordial."
= Instead, Mr Brzezinski labeled the talks merely as "constructive."
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F.~cgnplar of Satanic Powex
Thus Mr Bazargan unwittingly exposed himself to crushing charges. For 2-3
weeks prior to that his en,emies had bee.n wnniving to topple him. Cn
Swxiay ICEYHP,N wrote: "As you can see, Mr Bazargan, who is sitting in
front of one of thz most hated staff ineqnbe.rs of the White House, expresses
sadness. "
That same day, the organ of the Islamic Republic party, which considexs
itself an affiliate of IInam TQbaneyni, published the announccment of that
party wherein it demanded Mr Bazargan to "provide the Revolutianary
C.ouncil with a report on his talks with the representative of the
Satanic Pawer. "
By noon of that same day, 400 students shouting "Zaelaha ellallah"
["There is no God. Yyut Allah"] starn-ed the U.S. enbassy. NL31e students
_ wore pictures of Ayatollah Khaneyni on their chests; female students
wre headdresses, and all wielded clubs. They climbed the high walls
- surrounding the anbassy, occupied the lawns inside the enbassy oampaund,
and confronted U.S. Marines. Subseqwently negotiations, polite but un-
ccmpranisirig, lasted 2 hours. At this very titne a thick smoke billawed
through one of the embassy wi.ridows and one of the students shouted:
. "They are burning docments." Anathex student shouted :"Let' soccupy
- that nest of spies riqht away:" U.S. Marines used tear gas. The Iranian
students, holding harldkerchiefs next to the nose, raided the enbassy
ampound. After breaking closed doors and windows they entered the
building and arrested staff irianbers of the embassy, except Mr Bruce
Iaingen, enibassy ciiarge d'affaires. Nobody lmew haw Mr Iaingen had
man,aged to escage.
As soon as the radio broadcast the news of the U.S. enilaassy seizure,
messages supporting the mavestarted to deluge the occupied enbassy.
The Offim of Enam Khcmeyni, Ayatollah Niontazeri, the Cbuneil of
Expexts, the People's Nbjaheddin, and nu-neraus political and cultural
organizations all have viewed the seizure of the U.S. enbassy as
reflecting the will of the peaple and have congr_atulated the students.
MARDOM, the organ of the ZLideh party, has joined in the clergy's
jubilaticm.
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- IRAN
KHOMEYNI CALTB FOR PURM OF ALL WESTERN EME2M
Tehran BANIDAD in Persian 30 Oct 79 p 12
[Te,xt] Dur'ing a meeting of Islamic students which was held at the
Nbfidi University in Qan, FYnarn IClxomyni strongly attacked the West and
_ "Westoghiles," pointing out that all the East's probleqns have been caused
_ by the West, particularly the United States.
'I'he text of FDinam Khcmeyni's message is being reproduced belaw:
"In the Name of Allah, the Campassionate, the Merciful
Far at least the past 50 years all Iranian social classes have connived -
- with traitors to keep Iran as a"patient" in a hospital. That patient has
just naw been released. But he is still very weak and ill: you cannot
_ expect such a patient, after so many years, to immediately reoover upon
release frcm the hospital.
'I'he Iranian society had.contracted its illness fran the West which
plundered our wealth. So don't expect this western illness to abate in
8 months, 8 years, or 25 years. For 50 years the West has brainwashed
many Iranian educators to, i.n turn, brainwash their Iranian students with
sick western ideas. Thus, to expect such patients to recover inriediately
is unreasonable. I am aware that all Iranian social strata and graups,
especially educators, have been inflwenced by Westernexs to follaw a
definite path ar to deflect frcm the path they shauld follow. Under such
ciscumstances you shauld not exnect that such educators and their stu-
dents will right away swerve fran that path and follow the path of the
- people. Hawevex, don't despair: the people has found its own path and
you, yaung people, have found yours. If Iran is not purged today, it will
be so tanorraw. Such a purge is inevitablewhen a people has pinpointed
its illness. At the start of any campaign the important thing is to
- ascertai.n the nature of the problen. For the past 50 years we have been
_ led astray as to the real nature of our problen. We considered those
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oorrupt microbes as our cvre. We regarded our oorrupters as our doctors.
Zhraugh mass propagancia, our oorrupters had brainwashed us to believe that
we shaul.d acquire all our supplies, our culture, and our civilizatiori
fran the West, because, allegedly, we wpxe devoid of all that.
Such rotten ideas which they instilled through carrupt films and deviant
statements had brainwashed us, especially aur yauth, to regard poison as
- medicine for Iran's illness. Zbday these corrupters are still found
ev�rywhexe, in all sections of Iran, and in schools. You simply cannot
expect patients suffering for 50 years to be cured within several haurs,
days, or years. As you knaa, even someone with a simple cold sanetimes
neecls up to a month's medical care. Iran which has suffered 2,500 years
of rule by self-styled gods and tyrannical despots, has particularly
- suffered over the past 50 years. 'I'hese have been the worst years in
_ Iranian history: we had been attacked fran all sides, all Iranian
social stxata had been manipulated, arul we had been acupletely divesfed
of our own culture, i.e., of ourselves. Not only Iran, but the East in
genex'a7-, which had been equally divested of its culture, mxst rediscover
and revive its culture. Through their propaganda corrupters in our midst
had swerved us so much to the West and westernized us that woe had for-
gotten a11 Iran's heritage and glcaries. We had lost any faith in aur~-
SeiV2S.
" Just a few days ago a stranger visited with me and tried to persuade me
- that: "After all Iran needs the West, we buy everything frcm the West."
I,umiediately cut my conversation with that pexson. Iranians must
- realize that we do not need the West, but that it needss us. The Fast has
every-h;n;; its culture is superior to Western culture (Western culture
was derived from Easte.rn culture); the East is superior to the West i.n
all regards. However, and unfartunately, Eastern culture has been
divested of all its ccmponents through mass propaganda carried out by
the West's lackeys who flont:inue to operate, even today, under diffefent
guises in Iran. Such elemmts have divested us of our cul.ture, deludi.ng
us to believe that all good stems from the West. Unless we revive our
culture and rediscwer ourselves, unless the East rediscovers its he;ritage,
we will be unable to stand on our feet. We must wipe out fran our brainG
the word "Westa"
In the gast, whenever Iranians wished to make an avenue, an apartrmnt
buildi.ng, a drug, ar a fabric pc,pular, fashionable, or prestigious, they
would give then foreign names (such as Roosevelt Avenue, etc...). We had
lost our individuality and identity. Naw we have thrawn cut the thieves,
kut in crder to rediscaver ourselves the East must shut- off the doar to
the West. So long as the West has aocess to the East, ynu will nat be
independent, and so long as these Irani
where, are not thrawn out of Iran, or ar
38
an "West~ophiles" who are every-
e not re-educated, you will not
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attain i.ndepenc3ence, Iranian "Westophiles" will prevent us frccn
- achieving that independence. We must rediscaver ourselves so that we
may be able to stand on our feet. The West has rot and will rLOt give us
what we really need, 17ut only its rejects, irrespective of the fact that
they might be injurious to Iranians. A5 an example, I would like to,
' I cannot help repeating a fact which I have recounted on ntmieraus
occasians because it has impressed me vividly: I read in a periodical
= that the sale of certain drugs is banned in the United States, but that
it is O.K. to axport thent.o the Third World. Can yau imagine the
deviaus way the United States has been treating us? They most likely
consider us to be inferior even to animals: they would not give such
injurious drugs even to theis animals. Can ynu imagine tkie vile
characters wE have been dealing with i.n the United States? (I don't
mean the Am,erican people). Look haw we are still subjugated to them.
- May the pens arld tongues which write and speak in favor of the West
' and w:ish to oorrupt and delude the Iranian nation be crushed. Just
imagine, they dcm't give a daimz about the effects of such drugs on
Iranians : th:ey are solely interested in selling then and collecting
money. And it has been so fran the very outset: the West has refrained
fram giving us items we truly need. Believe me, all of the Fast's
problems stem fram this unfartunate state of affairs, frcan this West,
from tYese United States. Right naw all of our problens have been
caused by the United States. All of the problems of the NIoslans have
been hrought about by these United States which has bee.n sharply stxerig-
thening Zimism and massacring our Arab }rethren. Until w are fully
aware of our praninence, heritage, what we had been in histAry, what we
have naw becarre, and what we nav possess, we will not achieve indepen-
dence. Unless we think independently, Iran cannot be independent.
Make sure to always strive to think independently. Schools must stxive
to re-educate our youth to think independently so that young people
realize they are endowed with their awn culture, a culture which had beex
exparted from =ran abroad, that we,too, are part of this world, and that
- we wish to mana.ge our aan affairs. 'I'hat's haw yaung people must be
- trained froxn na,v on. Rotten brains enannred of America and the West,
the "Westophiles," must be purged. Iranian gove.rnment offices must be
_ purged of those traitors who, even now, are either not doing enough
against the intexests of the previous regime or are not doing anything
at all. Iran is in dire need of a purge. But, naturally, a purge takes
time. It must take pl.ace, but it cannot be done all at once. Then what
should we do? The task of each and every Iranian is to e.xcel at whatever
job he is holding. Before ascextaining haw your supervisar or colleague
is doing, you should strive to do an excellent job yourselves. Any cxi-
ticism should start u-ith ourselves. Eaeh of us, especially our fanners,
must work hard. We must not be duped by those who wish to swerre us to
our previous situation purporting that our general well-being and fate
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are contingent upon the West. We must not be duped by the progaganda
of such elements. Our task lies first of all in doing a good job out
of whatever has been entrusted to us. If you are a sttulent, you must
study well; if you are a teedher, you irnzst teach well; if you are a
college professor, you rmst lecture well; if you are a farnex, you must
farm well; if you are amullah, you rrnust be a good mullah. Mioever you are,
whatever task has bee.n entrusted to you, s-trive to do a good job. If such
an attenpt is made an a national basis society as a whole is imprwed and
the entire natim will benefit from it. Whereas if soane of you are idle,
dan't expect othexs to wrk fcr you. In the past we expected the ilnited
States to feel sorry for us anc3 to supply us with weapcros. Iran did mt
need Amexican arms: they har3 been detrimental to Iran. All or rtnst
U.S. agreern.nts with us were deleterious to us. Don't sit idly ard
expect others to labor for you.You ought to labor yourselves. 7."he
Iranian natio�z itself ought to work. It can then implettent programs it
really needs.
All of us must be respansi.ble both vis-a-vis the nation and ourselves.
We must be responsible in re-educating ourselves and others. Every
little bit of effort and exhortatim counts. Whatever job you have do it
we11 and exhart your associates to do a good job, too. Such a ccmmiiTent,
carried out m a national basis, will lead to rapid impravenent of the
cauntry as a whole.
Zb sLun up :
_ We must not sit idly and have other countries werk for us.
We must not sit idly and have supplies ing=ted frcm the West.
- We must toil ourselves, m-inage our awm affairs, and forget the West.
May God protect all of you and help you to tritmph in all your endeavors:
- 8291
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IRAN
KHOMEYNI'S SON ALSO WANTS CLERGY PURGED
Tehran BAMDAD in Persian 30 Sep 79 p 1, 2
[Interview with Seyyed Ahmad Khomeyni]
[Excerpt] The first part of Seyyed Ahmad Khomeyni's interview
with BANIDAD was published in yesterdays issue and was carried
- around the world. Meanwhile within the country, the official
news agency and the mass media have also reported it.
In the second part of this interview the issues relating to
_ the revolution were propounded and discussed as was the role of
_ the various social groups in the present interval of the
revolution.
_ Seyyed Ahmad Khomeyni asked intellectuals not to measure all
- the clergy with the same scale. Moreover, if the intellec-
tuals believe that some of the clergy are opportunists,
= they should introduce them to society--and that is the duty
of all the people in the society.
The interview follows:
_ BAIrIDAD: You have talked about the classification of the clergy. This is
an opportunity for you to clarify this classification more clearly.
Ahmad Khomeyni: First let us discuss classification which I pointed out in
_ the beginning. Now, it is fashionable, by some who attack the clergy to
say that they are exposing religious despotism. They say the clergy do what
they wish to do. Here, it is necessary for me to give some explanation
about myself. Those who know me know that I always try to discuss only
what I have seen and that I am not intolerant. About the classification,
as I said before, a group of the clergy is in the xeligious schools; they are
students like the students in a university. During all the Emam's struggles,
- these people came forward and took the Emam's thoughts to the villages,
- hamlets, districts, towns, and cities. They were paid two or three hundred
_ tomans. They went to the villages and talked with people in their language.
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They are themselves from these villages and they knew where they must go.
They never finished their words with "ism or ist." Like the people, wherever
they went, they went bare footed and said, Mr Khomeyni issued a statement
and they discussed the text.
These people went to jail, they were beaten, tortured, and were pushed around.
Many times their schools were attacked. Because attacks on the universities
did not have good international repute, they attacked the religious schools.
But the attacks on these schools were not allowed to be published and nobody
cared about it. In those days, there was not a single week that Feyziyeh School
- was not attacked. There was not a single week where there were no injuries
among the students of religion. There was not a week that some of these
. students were not arrested. These are our religious students, in a way you
could compare them to university students, but with one difference. A univer-
sity student would not go to a village, but the religious student has traveled
through villages. The struggle of a university student is limited to the
universities and to some extent to the cities, of course he was beaten, he
went to jail, but he was not involved in villages. Let us examine the main
difference between a teacher of religion and a university professor. Of
course some university professors resisted and did not bend under the weight
- of injustice and tyranny, however we have not forgotten that the majority
of university professors, always bowed to the Shah and there are plenty of
photographs showing these gentlemen kissing the hand of the Shah or Farah.
Although the teachers of religious schools in Qom and other areas were placed
under tremendous pressure to meet with the Shah in order to attract public
- attention, they did not meet with him, let alone greet or, God forbid, bow to
him. Show me one teacher of a religious school who throughout the duration
of the struggle met with the Shah, the Prime Minister or a Minister. This
is the difference between a teacher of a religious school and a university
_ professor. In those days, if you told a university professor that the Shah
wants to meet with you, and you must be at a certain place at a certain time,
he would not dare to refuse and he would go. However, all the pressures,
threats, entreats, and requests put on this group (religious school teachers)
were not able to make them meet with the Shah for even a minute, let alone,
bow in front of him or listen to him. Therefore, in the first group, there
_ are students and teachers of religious schools who were previously mentioned.
In the second group there were those who had finished their studies and were
- getting out of schools with the right to practice, or because of certain
necessities in the villages or cities interrupted their education and were
not able to practice. They were scattered among the society in the Mosques,
religious centers, and villages. They themselves are divided into three-
- groups. The first group were the strugglers, meaning the ones who believed
in the nation's struggle. They struggled, were imprisoned, were beaten, and
were exiled. There are many examples of them. The second group consists
of those who were obedient to the Shah, obedient to the Shah's family. I
believe this group must be punished very severely. Their punishment must be
- more severe than the punishment for the ordinary people, because they changed
the thoughts and beliefs of the people. In my opiniori, this group must be
punished very severely. The third group, which consists of a large number
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_ of clergy, is the silent one, they wexe not happy with the Shah, or the
adninistration. But their disappointment was not because the Shah acted as
a stranger, because the Shah sold to the United States, because the Shah
connected Iran militarily, politically, culturally and economically to the
West, or because the United States was taking Iran's oil, but because in their
alleys, streets, or cities there was insolence, and the Shah or the government
did not stop these irregularities.
Purge of Clergy
BArIDAD: Do you believe in the purge of the clergy's?
Ahmad Khomeyni: God willing, the p urge of the clergy will be done in the future.
- There is no doubt about it because this is what the Emam thinks also. The era
of the monarchy will be set aside and the people will recognize the opportunists
- and God willing will gradually know all these elements. However, the main
problem is with those who are propounding clercalism. They actually are
unhappy with only ten or twenty. If you take religion and Islam from the
people with what could you replace it, in order to unite the people? Let us
take Mr Taleqani, Tahom I really liked like my father and and I actually
loved him, when he died, the people solidly came out and again said the same
things which they said before the revolution [sic]. The people are massive
- and we must not break the composition of these solid, hand-in-hand people.
- Why? Becailse in Mr Taleqani's death the people showed the strength of their
solidarity and what bright results we could earn from this unity.
If we destroy this political and religious consciousness, we will cause the
biggest blow to this nation and this country. Of cozirse, do not think that
I cannot understand why some people say do not touch the bad clergy because
they will demolish by themselves, but demolish the group of clergy who is
_ good, is working and has something b eneficial to sayS because they are
protecting a certain class, and whether willing or not they will not benefit
r the poor. Is this a proper way of thinking?
You, who want to propound clezcalism, think about it at night, you will find
that you are unhappy with only seven, eight, or ten people and not the rest.
So come and name the people whom you do not like. Do not denouce all, come
and say this Ahmad Khomeyni is a bad man, he is trying to establish
clericalism, he is putting a great deal of pressure an us. Why are you afraid
to name them? Come and name them. Or:herwise that same clergyman, who
- suffered torture, who struggled, and now in the most difficult situations,
accompanies other brothers and sisters, and works in the villages and cities.
- If you do not name the opportunists and the clergymen who are harming
Islam's r^ots, if you do not name the people who you believe betrayed us,
you are causing the biggest blow to the structure of the religion of the
nation whose solidarity, whether yau agree or not, comes from the clergy.
Come and with great courage say that I do not like so and so and give the
reasons wh.y. Say this man who has never been to jail, never been beaten,
_ and never neQn slapped, now is sitting uptown and making plans for downtown.
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You name this man, then he also, will come and say that Mr intellectual,
- whose hand till yesterday, was in the hand of the Shah, and is still enjoying
a good standard of living, is now talking about the people. He also must
come and submit names. Why are you attacking each other indirectly? That
could in the end be harmful to the good people on both sides. That group
must also come and say that it does not like this specific "Mr intellectual,"
who is making noise and talking about the people. When you name that certain
intellectual, a responsible intellectual who put all his possibilities
to serve the people will know that he is not the target of attacks. But
- when the attack is indirect, the people in the streets think that the target
of attacks are all intellectuals and in this way the rest of the noble people
_ will suffer.
. 9540
CSO: 4906
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IRAN
CONDITIONS FOR IMPOSING MARTIAL LAW APPROVED
_ Tehran BArIDAD in Persian 30 Sep 79 pp 1, 2
[Text] According to Article 65, international treaties, protocols, and
_ agreements must be approved by the National Assembly.
The Assembly for final study of the Constitution in its open session
yesterday afternoon approved another 5 articles of those related to legislation
in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic and one article related to the
circumstances of interpellation of the government in cases of non-agreement
among legislators, was sent to the commission for further study.
In yesterday afternoon's session chaired by Dr Beheshti, the articles related
to the conditions for establishing martial law and the terms of transfering
valuable national buildings and property, the terms for concluding inter-
national treaties, protocols and agreements, and the minister's duties toward
the National Assembly for answering its questions, as well as the article
about employing foreign er,perts were discussed and studied by the legislators.
After presentation of the opinions of the opposing and supporting legislators
on revision of the proposals, each article was approved by ballot. The
article regarding the conditions for employing foreign experts, which had
been mistakenly previously as approved by the Assembly on Thursday, was
approved yesterday, after brief consideration. Since this article did not
have enough favorable votes in the Thursday session, it was sent to the
Commission for revision and the revised text was approved in yesterday's
session. The articles approved in yester.day's session of the assembly are
as follows:
Article 64-with 56 votes in favor, none opposing, and 6 abstentions, "Government
buildings and properties which are national assets cannot be transferred
to others unless approved by the National Assembly. However, government
buildings and properties of limited value are transferable."
- Article 65-with 50 votes in favor, 6 against and 8 abstentions, "Imposing
martial law is pzohibited. In event of war and similar emergency conditions,
the Government may impose the necessary restrictions with the approval of
the National Assembly, but in any event the duration of this restriction
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may not exceed 30 days. If the need were to remain, the government must
get further approval of the National Assembly".
Article 68-with 55 votes in favor, 1 against and 6 abstentions. "The employ-
ment of foreign experts by the government is prohibited unless, in case of
necessity, with approval of the National Assembly".
Article 69-with 60 votes in favor, 1 against and 2 abstentions. "In any case
wlien a legislator puts a question to a cabinet minister about one of his duties
the said minister should be present in the National Assembly and answer the
legislator's question, and the answer must not be delayed more than 10 days,
unless by excuse acceptable to the National Assembly".
Returned to the Committee
Article 70 of the draft Constitution which was rejected in its entirety
yesterday because of the legislators' failure to agree, was sent to the joint
committee of the legislature for revision. It reads as follows:
Article 70--Legislators may interpellate the government or one of the minis-
ters. The interpellation may be submitted when 10 legislators have signed
it, the interpellation must be answered in 10 days from the date it was
presented. After receiving the government or minister's reply the assembly
will give it's vote of confidence or no confidence. In the latter case, the
governrrient or the minister who interpellated is dismissed and the prime
minister or that minister may not participate in the cabinet which is formed
immediately thereafter.
9540
CSO: 4906