JPRS ID: 8940 USSR REPORT ECONOMIC AFFAIRS

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200020042-1
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• Sequence Number: 42
• Content Type: REPORTS

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POLIT _ ~ ~ . AF ~

23 NOVEMBER i9T9 tF0U0 8l79) i OF i
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I~OR OFFIC'IAI. II~H: ON1.Y �
~ JPRS L/8779
23 November t 979
East Eur~ e Re ort
~ p p
POLITICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS
CFOUO 8/79)
~
FB~~ FOREIGN ~ROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPR5 L/8779
- 23 November 1979
EAST EUROPE REPORT
POLITICAL, ~OCInLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS
(FOUO ~/79)
CONTENTS PAGE ~
GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC -
,
_ GDR Policies, Activities in Third World Discussed
(Klaus Willerding; ASIEN, AFRIKA, LATEINAMERIKA, _
No 4, 1979) 1
Journal Comments on GDR Military Aid to African Countries
(Mario R. Dederichs; STERN, 4 Oct 79) 14
- a- jIII - EE - 63 FOUO]
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GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
GDR POLICIES, ACTIVITIES IN THIRD WORLD DISCUSSED
East Berlin ASIEN, AFRIKA, LATEINAMERIKA in German Vol 7 No 4, 1979
signed to press 25 May 79 pp 569-577
[Article by Dr Klaus Willerding, deputy minister for foreign affairs: "The
Foreign Policy of the GDR and the Countries of Asia, Africa and Latin Amer-
ica." For a translation of an article by Willerding on GDR golicy in Africa,
along with references to other related information on GDR involvement in the
Third World, see JPRS 74168, 12 Sep 79, EAST EURO~'E REPORT: POLITICAL,
SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS No 1715, pp 19-33. A translation of the
East Berlin EINHEIT article by Prof Otto Reinhold, ci.ted in footnote 8 below,
is published under the heading, "Socialist Versus Bourgeo~s Democracy
Analyzed," in JPRS 73253, 18 Apr 79, No 1670 of the above-named seri.es,
pp 24-33]
- [Text] Thirty years' German Democratic Republic--that means at the same time
30 years of anti-imperialist solidarity. The political foundations of the
antifascist-democratic system, which after World War II emerged in East ~
Germany, and of the first German state of workers and farmers also include
the radical break with the colonial policy of German imperialism. The
founders of the new socialist foreign policy resumed in 1949 the anti-
colonialist struggle of the revolutionary German workers' movement. They
also protected and further developed the bour~eois, democratic and humanistic
" heritagE w~i.ch they encountered in the relations with the.peoples of Asia,
Africa and Latin America. Thus there emerged a foreign policy that pute the
liberation of nations in place of their suppression, that replaces racism and
the hatred of peoples.with friendship and national equality, that pits inter-
nationalist solidarity against bourgeois nationalism and that counters
~ colonialist exploitation with economic relations based on equality. Ttiroiigh
this policy based on principle and through ita consistent implementation, the
GDR has won close friends in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
The cooperation with them has always been an important factor in the complex '
struggle which the GDR--side by side with the.,USSR and the other states of
the socialist community--has been waging for the consolidation of world peace
and ior national liberation and social progress. The fY~iendly relations with
numerous countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America likewise played an
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important role in the struggle against the diplomatic blockade--organized by
imper~alism against the GDR--and for international recognition of the first
German workers' and farmers' state. During the past decade, the relations
between the GDR and the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America developed by
leaps and bounds. In 1969, the GDR maintained diplomatic relations with six
states of this area; by 1979, relations had beEn established with 86 coun-
" tries.l The relations are characterized above all by qualitative enrichment.
They have become more varied and substantial. The countries with which the
- GDR maintains relations differ in terms of their economic level of develop-
ment, the stage reached in their struggle for national liberation, and their
political orientation. The increasing diversity of the relations is reflected
in the fact that just in the last 1.8 months2 150 treaties, agreements and
ministerial arrangements were concluded with states in Africa, Asia and Latin
America. The exchange of delegates and experience has been considerably
expanded on all levels. Indicative of the greater political substance are
the agreements concerning cooperation and friendship which were concluded
between the GDR and the People's Republic of Angola and thE People's Republic -
_ of Mozambique. These are the first friendship agreements concluded by the -
GDR with countries outside the socialist community of states. The declaration
concerning tlie principles of friendship and cooperation between the GDR and
Socialist Ethiopia (1978) and the joint declarations and statements issued
with the heads of state of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (1976), the People's
Republic of the Congo (1977), the Syrian Arab Republic and the Socialist
Libyan Arab People's Yamahiriya (1978), the Republic of India, the Republic
of Zambia and the Republic of Cape Verde (1979) testify to the great advances
that are characteristic of the relations between the GDR and the states of
- the Afro-Asian area. High points of the foreign policy of the GDR and
especially of its relations with the nationally liberated states were the
visits by GDR party and state delegations headed by Erich Honecker, general
secretary of the SED Central Committee and chairman of the GDR State Counci2,
to the Philippines, India and several African states.
As do all socialist states, the GDR bases its policy vis-a-vis the countries
of Asia, Africa and Latin American on the fundamental, ob~ectively grounded
, position that these formerly colonially suppressed countries, which even today
are economically dependent on imperialism and exploited by the monopolies, are
part of the global liberation movement. As a socialist state, the GDR orients -
its foreign policy as well toward the objective requirements of the history of
mankind, which call for the elimination of that old system of exploitation of
man by man. Since the Great Socialist October Revolution, this political -
objective has been an international concern as well. At present, the prin-
cipal objective is to establish worldwide cooperation among all the forces
taking an active interest in the process of historical progress. This ia by
no means a tactical problem. Of great actuality is Lenin's statement that
the solution of the "complex and difficult problems" which the participation
of the "peoples of the East" in the international revolutionary struggle will
entail "will form the basis of overall success, since here the majoxity of
the population has started for the first time to act independently and is -
becoming an active factor in the struggle for the overthrow of world
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imperialism."3 The peoples and states of Asia, Africa and I~atin America have
presently become an active force, one of the elements determining the fate of
all of mankind. Their influence on international events is increaeing. Moat
of them take an active part in the anti-imperialist struggle and help to
, change the international aituation in favor of the cauae of peace and democrac3~. -
The GDR and the other socialist states support the truly world-historical
- process of the emergence of the millions of people of these nations as an
active political force engaged in the liberation of mankind. In its relations
' with the nationally liberated states, the GDR takes this into consideration.
Ir. regard to their /political substance/ [words underlined], these relations
are characterized by the fact that the principles of equal rights, of mutual _
- respect of sovereignty and territoriai integrity, of noninterference in
internal affairs, and mutually beneficial cooperation are combined with anti-
- imperiaTist solidarity. In the relations with socialist-oriented countries,
elements of proletarian internationalism are becoming increasingly important. -
It is this substance that fundamentally distinguishes the relations of the _
socialist states from the relations the imperialist states maintain with the
nationally liberated countries. It is due to this substance that these rela-
- tions have become a reliable element of support in the struggle for cons~lida-
tion of political and economic independence and for a position of equality in
international life. In their struggle to attain these ob~eciives, the non-
aligned states obtain reliable, consistent support from the relations with
the sociaiist countries. This is true in spite of the considerable differ-
ences--caused by the increasing differentiation between the nationally
liberated states--in their economic, socioeconomic and political conceptions
and goals. One need only compare the attitude of the socialist countries
with that of the imperialist powers in regard to some of the current problems
of our time such as the struggle again~t the remainders of colonialism,
against racism, apartheid, neocolonialist exploitation, and for a new inter-
national economic system based on democracy and equal rights: In every
instance, the socialist states--in accordance with the basic principles of
international politics and in conformity with their national and international
interests--advocate positions identical or close to those taken by most of
the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America. No propaganda concerning an
"equidistance to the blocs" can do away with this fact. During the visit of
the party and state delegation, the president of the Republic of Zambia, Dr
Kenneth Kaunda, stated: "We value the hist~;-ica1 contribution made by the
GDR and the socialist countries in supr~rt of the liberation movements in
their struggle against the oppressors."4 Kaunda stated further: "We are
appealing to the socialist countries to intensify their ~upport for the
_ Patriotic Front. Let us join forces in the struggle for,the liberation of
mankind."5
Like the political substance, ~the position accorded the nationally liberated
states in the international policy of the socialist countries/ [passage under-
lined] fundamentally differs from the position these states occupy in the
international activities of the imperialist states. Although the imperialist
states have been compelled greatly to modify and ad~ust to present conditiona
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their international tactics vis-a-vis the developing countries, Lenin's state- ~
ment that imperialism continues to regard the formerly colonial nations as an
object of its interna~:ional policy is still valid.6 This is evidenced above
a11 by the attempts of the imperialist powers and the multinational concerns
y to interfere in the internal affairs of nationally liberated statee, to impose
on them their will and to keep them in their economic and political aphere of
influence. On the other hand, the states of the socialist community accord
- the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America the position of equal and
friendly partners. This was reaffirmed by the Moscow Aeclaration of November
1978: "Now as before they will support the forces fighting for national
liberation and the peoples of the liberated countries that in bitter struggles
are defending their independence and freedom, including their~right ta free
choice of the course of social dev~lopment and to the guarantee of their
countries` territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty."~
For the socialist states, the national liberation movements and the nationally
liberated countries, the /significance of stable, reciprocal relations/ [pas-
sage underlined] lies in the fact that cooperation on the basic international
problems of our time can gradually change the world situation in favor of
peace and national liberation.. In this way, they can jointly influence and
improve the international conditions under which the struggle for socia'1
progress and for true national independence is being waged. The experience ~
gained in the last few years shows that today the international distr~bution ~
of forces is of increasing importance, both in regard to the liberation
struggle in general and in regard to the revolutionary struggle in each indi-
vidual country.. This goes as well for the solution of the most important
international problems--peace or war, detente, termination of the arms race,
d~sarmament, the struggle against colonialism and racism, and democratic
reorganization of international economic relations. The considerable positive
changes in the international climate during the past decade largely resulted
from the cooperation on these problems on the part of the socialist countries
and the nonaligned states. The GDR and the other socialist states~want the
nationally liberated states' weight and influence on international relations ~
and on world politics to continue to grow as a positive factor of peace and
national independence. It is in this sense that the GDR attributes great
importance to collaboration with the movement of nonaligned states. Although
the increasing political differentiation between the mationally liberated
states manifests itseli in i:his movement as well and confronts it with com- ~
plex problems, one must not overlook the fact that this movement gives expres-
sion to the de,ire of the nations no ionger to serve as an object of imperi-
alist policy, but to play an active role, to make a significant contribution
to the solution of the basic problems of our time.
The relations between the GDR and the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America
and their political cooperation are based on the ob,jective conformity of their
interests in regard to a number of basic problems of our time. Apart from
the desire for the development of bilateral relations, such identity of inter- ~
e~.~s is found above all in the following areas: preservation and safeguarding
of world peace; arms limitation and disarmament; the struggle against
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colonialis~, racism and apartheid; the striving for democratic reorganization
of the system of world economic relations and for terminarion of the exploita-
tion of the nationally liberated states by imperialism; unrestricted exercise
of the right to national, political and socioeconomic self-determination of
the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Although the developing countries attained their political indeper?dence and
national sovereignty, there have remained--in spite of significant achieve-
ments in the development of industry and agriculture--tremendous economic and
social problems that were created by colonialism and that have been reproduced
by neocolonialism. This also applies to the position of these countries in
international economic relations. The GDR--like the other socialist states--
is very much concerned about the great problems confronting the young nation-
states and it supports them in various ways. Undoubtedly, it is of crucial
importance that these countries overcome their economic backwardness. However,
this is not--and not even to any significant extent--a technological problem.
Th~s problem is capable of solution only in a broader social context. Prac- -
tically, the objective is to eliminate tY:e colonial remainders in the internal
social structures of these countries and to change their position in inter-
~ national economic relatians. Thus the comprehensive "decolonialization" of
social relations in the developing countries not only necessitates an external
struggle against the economic colonialism of the monopolies and imperialist -
states; it also is an internal problem of great dimensions. Only on this .
complex basis wxll it be possible to develop the productive forces in a way
and at a rate sufficient for overcoming this serious backwardness. Thus
there are on the agenda a great many diverse problems that essentially are
concerned wi.th democracy. It is only in the strugglQ against imperialism--
especially against the multinational concerns, but also against the domestic
reactionary forces--that these problems can be solved. Thus a process of
gigantic dimensions has been initiated in a region inhabited by two-thirds
of the world's population. The world-historical significance of this procer~s
is beyond all doubt. It is unfolding in a national and in an international
framework. It is extremely intricate and compleat and does not follow a _
straight course. The GDR and the other socialist countries consider it only
_ natural to support the struggle waged in the nationally liberated states for
the solution of these problems; after all, what is involved here is coopera-
tion in the interest of historical progress in the world.
It is not in isolation from the general international situation that the
realization of the common basic interests and the development of the rela-
tions 'between the GDR and the state~ of Asia, Africa and Latin America are
taking place. In this regard as well, one can observe how the clash of posi- ~
tive and negai:ive forces affects the international development, how these two
elements merge, confronting both the socialist and the nationally libsrated
states with new problems. On the one hand, more and more states--struggling
to overcome socioeconomic backwardness--are following a socialist-oriented
course as an alternative to capitalist exploitation. This is based on the
growing realization that in most of the developing countries capitalist
development failed to insure genuine national independence or to alleviate
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" the social distress of the masses. As is illustrated by the example of Iran,
this is also true of those developing countries which owing to the billions
received from the export of petroleum have at their disposal huge financial
reserves. Generally speaking, the bitter class struggle concerning =he future
course of social development is the key problem. The intensification of the
social aspect of the struggle for national liberation is obvious. Africa in
particular has become a"continent on the move." The fundamental revolution-
ary changes in Socialist Ethiopia, in the People's Republics of Mozambique and
Angola, the socialist-oriented development in Algeria and other countriea of
Africa are changing the face of this continent. The people's revolution in -
Afghanistan likewise shows interesting new characteristics. Generally speak-
ing, we are witnessing a significant expansion of the anti-imperialist move-
ment in Asia and Africa and of the struggle for democratic alternatives in -
Latin America. Typical phenomena are the general intensification of the -
struggle against imperialism and the increasing resistance to the aggresaion -
- of neocolonialism. Thus the struggle for enforcement of the right to self-
determination of the African peoples in the South has reached a crucial atage.
This struggle will contribute to the further liberation of the entire conti- -
nent from colonialist suppression and exploitation.
All these processes are extremely dynamic; they include--to an extent unpar-
alled on this;continent--broad segments of the population and various social
strata in the political struggle. Promotion of these processes necessitates
still closer cooppration and coordination among all the forces fighting -
imperialism--i.e, the forces of real socialism, of the internatior.al work~rs'
movement and of the national liberation movement. It is especially in regard
to the key problems of international development that f orms of international _
solidarity must be developed that are adequate to the dimensions of both the
current and the long-range tasks. ~
On the other hand, imperialism opposes through intensified counterattacks the
- developing countries' attempts to attain economic independence and true
autonomy. In regard to all issues of the struggle for political and socio-
economic independence in Asia, Africa and Latin America, imperialism proceeds
from positions fundamentally opposed to the interests of the peoples of this
region. The aggressive approach of the imperialist powers and the seemingly
generous development aid are intended to prevent the countries of this region
fr~m breaking away from the capitalist global economic system and to lceep them
in subordinate and dependent positions within the framework of this system.
There is yet another reason why the resistance of the old social order is
increasing: In the 1970's, the general crisis of capitalism has been inten-
sifying due to the fact that the cyclical crises are bound up with a grave
shock experienced by the entire imperialist system.8 Thus the intensifying
struggle of the African peoples has a pronounced ef�ect on this crisis. Their
struggle for a new international economic system and--even more so--the
socialist orientation of several African states endanger the exploitation and
prof it mechanism of the monopolies. Viewed in terms of long-range prospects,
they have the potent'ial further to unsettle the capitalist social system.
The restriction of the opportunities of imperialism to'exploit Africa--a
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strategically signiFicant continent rich in raw materials--further increases
the economic ins~tability in the developed capitalist countries. The same
imperialist Porces that campaign against the peace-oriented policy of social-
ism deduce from this the "~justification" to place their strategic interesta
ab~ve the intereste of t:he peoples in Africa or in the Near and Middle Eaet
und ro enlorce ~hese in~erests by military means. klowever, the dependence on
raw materials does not entitle anybody to control the natural resources of
sovereign states or to employ rockets and ships toward this ob~ective. In
order *_o counter the expansion of the democratic and revolutionary movements
in the countriAs.of Africa, Asia and Latin America, imperialism is directing
its main thrust against the cooperation between the forces of the national
and social liberation movements and real socialism. At the beginning of 1979,
the security advisor of the American president, Brzezinski, stated: "The most
serious problem is che possibility that these two trends may cross: The
increase of Soviet power and the disintegration of the political structure in
some regions of the world that are of importance to us."9
In Asia, Africa and Latin America, imperialism has likewise been directing
its main thrust against the peace-oriented policy of the USSR and of the other
socialist countries. Its disruptive measures are primarily intended to pre-
vent the socialist countries and the anti-imperialist forces of Asia, Africa
_ and Latin America from joining forces in the struggle for the consolidation of
world peace, for disarmament and international security--those key problems of
international politics.
~ It is especially the most aggressive circl.es of NATO that are trying to -
revive a policy of force and direct confrontation. This is evidenced by the
formation of a fifth American fleet and of mobile air. and ground forces to be
deployed in the Indian Ocean and th~ Persian Gulf; by the attempt to extend to
_ Africa NATO's sphere of influence and to replace the disintegrated CENTO by a
nzw "more effective" pact system in the Near and Middle East, a pact system
directed not only against the socialist countries, but also against the
progressive forces in the Arab countries and in Africa; and finally, by the
intensive efforts toward formation of a South Atlantic pact and toward the .
coordinated employment of multinational forces from NATO states and African
countries. All this testifies to the fact that imperialist circles still
allow f or the possibility of recourse to the~gunboat diplom.acy practiced in
the past century, More and more frequently, imperialism fans regional con-
flicts in order to destabilize progressive, anti-imperialist regimes. The
GDR is very much concerned about this practice and regards it as a serious
threat to international security. There is no doubt that the peoples of Asia,
Africa and Latin America are justified in fighting by all means at their
disposal for their inalienable national rights.
Interference in the internal affairs of other countries is ~ne of the key
weapons employed by imperialism against the nationally liberated states. The
GDR and the other socialist countries oppose this by advocating--in league =
with the states ~f Asia, Africa and Latin America--strict observance of the
norms of peaceful coexistence. The international developmen~ confirms that
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peaceful coexistence and the struggle for liberation are linked in a positive
- interrelationship. The attempt of imperialism to uphold its predominance and
to perpetuate exploitation and dependence--these are the causes underlying the
crises and regional conf licts. Erich Honecker, general secretary of the SED
Central Committee and chairman of the GDR State Council, stated: "It is not
the revolutionary struggle of the nations that endangers international peace, _
but the attempt of imperialism to export the counterrevolution."10 =
Imperialism and the reactionary forces allied with it increasingly resort to
ideological warfare and agitation against the national and democratic forces
in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. They frequently take
advantage of the unsolved national problems left behind by colonialism, in
order to provoke conflicts between individual segments of the anti-imperialist
movement. Particularly perfidious are the attempts by the reactionary forces _
to undermine the internationalist alliance of the anti-imperialist and peace-
loving forces by ideological diversion. The preferred divisive methods
include anticommunism and antisovietism, which are frequently intensified
through nationalism. However, the nationally liberated states are inereas-
ingly becon~ing aware of the danger of these divisive tactics. Tnus the Joint
- Communique of 24 February 1979 stated: "The GDR and the People's Republic of
Mozambique condemn the defamatory campaign and the ideological aggression that
are being unleashed against the socialist countries, the co~nunist and workers'
parties and the national and social liberation."11 The danger inherent in the
policy pursued by imperialism is further increased by tne alliance with the
Chinese leaders. The rapprochement between China and the United States, the
intensification of antisovietism, the aggression against Vietnam, and the
> increasing economic, political and military support given by Bei~ing to the
most reactionary regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America undoubtedly are
new factors in international politics. It should be emphasized that the
- imperialist powers and monopolies are pres~ntly using such methods--the spe- .
cific approach toward the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America not
withstanding--against real socialism and against the national liberation
movements and the nationally liberated states. The key problems of inter-
national politics are becoming increasingly interconnected. Today the cen-
tral, essential problems concerning the national liberation struggle--and
even important regional problems--are capable of solution only through the
fusion of the national and the international struggles.
One of the most crucial problems in regard to the international policy of the '
socialist cauntries and of the national "liberation movements is to find the
most suitable ways of establishing a broad anti-imperialist alliance and also
to select the most appropriate fighting methods. Although there is an
ir.creasing need for concerted internationalist action, the objective identity
o� interests in regard to basic problems of the anti-imperialist struggle
does not automatically lead to~joint operations. Among and in the formerly
colonially suppressed countries, an increasingZy socioeconomic and political
- process of difierentiation is taking place. The spectrum of developmental
trends ranges fr~m states characterized by the disintegration of feudaliam
and the emergence of capitalist conditions to socialist-oriented states.
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~ Equally diverse are the political conceptions of the respective ruling forces.
At the same time, in spite of the as yet considerable economic backwardness
characteris*ic of most of these states, the rapid economic and social develop-
ment has undermined the old social structures and has created the rudiments
- of new classes. In these countries, the class struggle is increasingly
becoming the key factor of politics. Its character is largely determined by
the conflict concerning the course of social development. This is another .
element that shapes the ruling forces' political attitude in regard to the .
international problems. Finally, the political attitude is influenced by the
developmental disparities between the developing countries. In addition,
there is the pressure exerted by the imperialist forces and the Chinese .
~ leaders, and other factors. All this serves to produce inconsistencies and
conflicts between the developing countries, conflicts that make themselves
felt on the international level as well.
The national, antiimperialist and anticolonial trend is the determining fac-
tor--vacillations and inconsistencies notwithstanding. Of great im~ortance in
this connection is L.I. Brezhnev's statement that one must regard as progres- _
sive a policy "that decisively reburfs neocolonialism, that supports the strug-
gle for consolidation of the sovereignty and dependence [sic! Should read in-
, dependence] of the young states, f~r their economic liberation from imperial-
ism, and that backs the struggle for peace, social progress and for the con-
solidation of solidarity with all progressive forces of our time, above all
with the countries of socialism."lz
The GDR is doing its utmost for close cooperation with the nationally liber-
ated states in regard to the key problems of international politics. The GDR
proceeds from the assumption that more than ever the problems concerning the
attainment of the strategic objective--namely ~o guarantee lasting peace--are
_ bound up with those vf the national and social liberation struggle in Asia,
Africa and Latin America. It goes without saying that once a lasting peace is
established it is not only socialism's superiority in all important fields
that will become stil'1 more apparent. An intesnationalatmosphere based on
atrict observance of the norms of peaceful coexistence will at the same time
improve the external conditions under wh.ich the peoples of these continents
can attain their national objectives.
Conversely, the attempts of imperialism to gain a military advanta~e over the
socialist community of states are also intended to ensure stronger opposition
to the nations' struggle for national and social liberation. Thus the anti-
imperialist and peace-loving forces are confronted with the task of staving
_ off the attempts of the reactionary forces to undo the advances made in regard
to detente and to establish an alliance against the righteous struggle waged
by the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America for national and social liber-
ation. The conclusion drawn by Erich Honecker, general secretary of th~ SED
Central Committee and chairman of the GDR State Council, at the Ninth Session
of the SED Central Committee--namely that "our party regards peace and anti-
imperialist solidarity as interrelated objectives of our foreigr~ policy"13__
i3 of fundamental significance. The GDR--in advocating in its relations with
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the nationally liberated etates close cooperation among all pence-loving forces
in the atrusglc for detente, disarmament~ international security, nntionnl
liberation and guarantee of ttie right of all nationa to self-determination-- �
- opposes "that imperialist policy which runs counter to the objective require- _
ments of the development of mankind."i4 As is shown by. the talks and encoun-
ters during the state visits to African countries and India, this peace policy _
is welcomed and supported. Thus the president of India, N.S. Reddy, statee~
_ during the visit of the GDR state delegation: "We have found a lot of common
ground in regard to our views on key international problems. And we have
agreed to cooperate in trying to bring about detentei a just international
economic system based on equality, and world peace." 5
The democratization of economic relations on a global scale is an objective
requirement, since these relations are at variance with present realities and
with the entire international situation. They are still determined by ret~ains
of the old such as eYploitation and colonial structures, discrimination, trade
barriers, protectionism, inequality, and striving for unilateral advantage.
In its international policy, the GDR therefore advocates a democratic reorgani-
zation of international economic relations. The GDR and the other socialist
states combine this with support for the struggle waged by the developino
countries for aconomic liberation from imperialism. As was formulated by the
Moscow Declaration, this stru~~le is essentially nothing but a"direct con-
tinuation of the struggle against imperialism and colonialism."16 In this -
- strug~le, one of the primary concerns is the unmasking of the activities of
the multinational concerns. It is becoming more and more apparent that the
multinational concerns play a leading role in the imperialist strategy aimed
at perpetuating the econonic exploitation and dependence of the developing
countries. As early as 1974, a report published by the UN Economic and Social
Council (~COSOC) stated that in the "Third World" the multinational concerns ~
do not contribute to its economic independence and autonorny.l~ Since �[hen it -
has become obvious that in regard t~ national autonomy and economic independ-
ence the multinational concerns have become a threat even to the developed
capitalist countries. The~threat to the developing countries is dispropor-
tionately greater. ~
Undoubtedly, it is only through a long and complex struggle that the develop-
in~ countries ~vill be able to attain economic independence. It is essentially~
~ struggle for completion of the anticolonial liberation, for decolonializa-
tion of the international economic relations. In this regard, the struggle for
a"new international economic system" is characterized by a democratic, anti-~
monopolistic and antiimperialist thrust. Toward this end, there has been
_ formed a broad international alliance. Just as the allirnce between the na-
tional liberation movenent and socialism was a precondition for the collapse.
of the classic colonial system maintained by imperialism, there will be no ~
other way in regard to successfully clinching the issue concernin~ the inter-
national economic relations. ~
_ Through their bilateral relations with the nationally liberated states, the � ,
= GDR and the other socialist states are making an important contribution toward
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attainment of economic independence by these countries. Their economic ties
are based on the fundamental principle of sovereign equality, equal rights,
nondiscrimination and mutuul benefit, coupled with antiimperialist solidArity.
In GDR foreign trade, the gooda exchange with the developing countries shows
- the highest rate of growth. In 1978 alone, the growth rate increased 32 per-
cent over that of the preceding year. The GDR ie primarily intereated in
diveraifying the relations, in avoiding any restriction to a mere exchan~e of
goods. In contrast to the objectives of imperialism and of the international
monopoliea, the GDR is developing its economic, techn;cal, scientific and
cultural relations so as to contribute to the development of the productive
�or~es and to the eli.mination of the internal colonial structures in the de-
veloping countries. In accordance with these objectives, the GDR is promoting ~
the processing of raw materials in the country of origin; the enterpriaes
established have passed into national ovmership, and--as is to be expected--
there has been no transfer of profits. The GDR attributes great importance
_ to the training of national cadres in the developing countries, since it con-
siders employment of such cadres a crucial development factor. At the same
time, our socialist state has for years been giving increasing support to the
impoverished people in many parts of the world who are are afflicted by na-
tural catastrophes, by aggression, colonialism, neocolonialisn and racism.
All strata of the popula.tion have been participating in.these efforts. Every ~
year, the GDR's solidarity fund receives over M 200 million that are used for
the transmission of free aid.
Thus there is developing in t~:e relations between the GDR, the other socialist
atates and the nationally liberated states a qualitatively new relationship.
The principles of this relationship and the experience gained through it are
providing valuable ~mpulses for the reorganization of international economic
relations. This applies in particular to the relations with the socialist-
oriented developing countries. In the GDR, the socialist orientation in all
of its comple::ifiy is regarded as a vital enrichment of the revolutionary
world process. The experience gained here should be thoroughly analyzed. The
new quality in the social processes of the countries most advanced in regard
to the socialist orientation not only opens up n~w possibilities of coopera-
tion among socialism, the national liberation movement and the nonaligned
states, but also gives rise to new practical-political and theoretical prob-
lems. During the visit of the GDR party and state delegation to the People's
Republic of Mozambique, Erich Honeclcer emphasized that the socialist achieve-
ments attained in nationally liberated states ~'are achievements of the re-
volutionary movenent as a whole." The general secretary of the SED Central
CouQnittee and chairnan of the GDR State Council stated: "The experience
gained in the developnent of a progressive social system on African aoil is
of great vlsue to all peoples fighting for their liberation an~ for social
progress."
The successful further development of the socialist orientation will largely
depend on whether the revolutionary forces will be able to apply the univer-
sal laws of the socialist revolution, ~�~hile making allowance for the diver-
sity of national particularities. In this regard, the GDR and the other
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staLes of the socialist community will continue to give them disinterested
e~upport. In the M~oscow Declaration of November 1978, the Warsaw Pact ai~-
tu~tories "xeaffirm the intention of their countries to continue the develop-
ment of varied and friendly cooperation with the young eocialist-oriented
etates.~~19
Thus, in the 30th year of the ~erman Democratic Republic, it has been ahown ~
again that through the objective formulated by the Ninth SED Coagress--"to
support the social and nutional liberation movements and closely to cooperate
- with the nationally liberated states~'20--the continuity of the foreign policy
of the socialist German state is guaranteed. The cultivation o� friendly re-
lations with the states and peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America always
was, is and will be a primary concern of the GDR's policy.
FOOTNOTES
1. All in all, the GDR presently maintains diplomatic relations with 127
states. -
2. Until April 1979.
3. V.I. Lenin, "Report at the Second All-Russian Congress of the Couununist
Organizations of th~e Peoples of the East, 22 November 1919," in: Works,
Vo1 30, p 145. Itali~cs K.W.
4. NEUES DEUTSCHLAPID, Berlin, 22 Feb 79.
5. Ibid. ~
6. V.I. Leniny "Report at the Second All-Russian Conoress op. cit.,
p 144.
7. Declaration by the Warsaw Pact Signatories, AUSSENPOLITISCHE KORRESPON-
DENZ, Berlin, No 47, 1 Dec 78, p 373. .
8. See 0. Reinhold, "Socialist Democracy and Bourgeois Democracy," EINHEIT,
Berliri, No 3, 1979, p 245. ~
9. THE NEj+1 YORK TIMES, 1 Jan 79.
10. NEUES DEUTSCHI.AND, 23 Feb 79. ~
11. Ibid., 20 Feb 79.
12. L.I. Breshne~~~, "Auf dem Wege Lenins, Reden und Aufs~etze" [Follo~�~ing
Lenin--Speeches and Essays], Vol 4, Berlin 1975, pp 19 ff.
13. "9. Tagung des ZIC der SED,~~ [Ninth Session of the SED Central Committee~,
Berlin, 1978, p 178. ~
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14. Ibid.
15. NEtJES DEUTSCI~,AND, 11 Jan 79.
16. Declaration by the Warsaw Pact Signatories, op. cit., p 374.
17. See "Group of Eminent Persons--the Impact of Multinational Cooperations
- [sic] on Development and on International Relations," United Nations
Publications, 1974.
18. NEUES DEUTSCHLAND, 23 Feb 79.
19. Declaration op. cit., p 373. ~
- 20. ~~Programm der SED~~ [SED Program], Berlin, 1976, p 58. ~
COPYRIGHT: ~979 by Akademie-Verla~, Berlin. ~
8760
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- GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
JOURI~IAL COMMENTS ON GDR MTLITA`RY AID TO AFRICAN COUNTRIES
Hamburg STERN in German No 41, 4 Oct 79 pp 44, 46 DW
[Article by Mario R. Dederichs: "The Red Africa Corps: East Berlin Sends ~ ~
Thousands o~ Military Advisers and Shiploads of Arms--Nowhere Does the GDR
Operate More Successfully Than on the Black Continenf"] ~
[Text] Even the mos~ patient person will blow his stack at some point. ,
Since November 1978 the SPD and the F'DP, and since April 1979 also the CDU, '
have been waiting for an answer from the Federal Government to grand inter-
pellations concerning the growing military intrusion of the East Bloc '
states into Africa. What is involved primarily is the increasing presence
of the GDR's National People's Army an the black continent. . ~
CDU Deputy Juergen G. Todefhoefer has already ascertained one reason for the
long silence by goverrnnent people: "They are incapable of defining their
Africa policy." The Foreign Ministry, to which this criticism primarily
applies, can only came up with very lame excuses: "At the moment" things
are "too much in motion."
It is a fact indeed tha.t quite a few things are moving on the black ~
continent to the benefit of the GDR. East Berlin is constantly gaining
more comrades in Africa with its aid for leftist dictators and radical
- guerrilla fighters. The GDR supplies the instructors and arms, gives
little money, but instead manv pithy words-~in such a way it occupies
a field which Bonn (marching route: "No arms exports to areas of tension")
has left to the German communists without offering any rompetition.
i
GDR Defense Minister Heinz Hoffmann, therefore, can justly term the military
aid by his country the "most effective" one after the Sovi.et and Cuban'
assistance. In May this year he was given a demonstration in Ethiopia of ;
how several thousand militia members are trained for assault in the Tatek .
training camp near Addis Ababa--with submachine guns and steel helmets ;
from the National People's Army (NVA). ~
.
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The GDR is finding partners for its "operation brotherhood in arms" wherever
there is some shooting. The most recent mission location for NVA
specialists is Africa's hottest border, the frontline between Zambia and
Mozambique vis-a-vis Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. -
Western intelligence services have spotted "logistic preparations for a
_ large-scale military operation" on the Sambesi River in which the role of
the GDR reportedly is "unmistakable." According to the latest findings,
the number of GDR military adv3sers in the guerrilla units being drilled
in Mozambique and Zamb~.a for action in Rhodesia is being increased from _
the present 6~ to between 300 and 500.
East Ber7.in is also delivering arms: portable ground-to-air missiles of
the Soviet SA-7 type, 122 millimeter M-63 howitzers, mortars, and small
arms such as the Russian AK-47 Kalashnikov rifle (600 rounds per minute)
and submachine guns. _
Besides, the GDR reinforces the fro~tt againSt Rhodesia politically as well.
GDR diplomats arranged a reconciliation meeting between the quarrelling
- wings of the Rhodesian guerrilla movement in the Ethiopian capital
Addis Ababa. The result: the two competing rebel armies have been welded
together into one under an eight-member ~oint command council.
,
The GDR leadership still shrinks back, however, from~using its own soldiers.
Africans and Cuban legionaires are the cannon fodder. "The GDR is not
particularly keen on participating activel.y in combat actions~" says an
expert from Bonn's Inter~German Relations Ministryt "Its present role
provides it with ample options for exerting political influence--and this
is what matters to it."
East Berlin also gained black friends earlier in other parts of Africa
through massive assistance. Some.15 years ago, when the rebel organizations _
FRELIMO (Mozambique), MPLA (Angola), and P9IG0 (Guinea~Bissau) fighting
against Portugal's colonial rule were still cryptic abbreviations to many
politicians in the West, the GDR was at the frontline already: it dispatched
officers and teachers, funds and rifles, atmnunition and medicine, trained
African cadres at home and had wounded guerrillas nursed at hospitals from
Rostock to Dresden. riozambique's President Samora Machel said: "The GDR
has supported us from the very outset also in the most difficult situations-~
in every respect indeed."
During his offic~ial visit to Mozambique and Angola in February SED Chief
Honecker harvested the African fruit: long~lasting cheers and.friendship
. tre.~ties, even a military treaty witfi Mozambiquet
Bonn's permanent representative in East Berlin, Guenter Gaus, cabled to the
_ federal capital: "In all countries visited the trip yielded the GDR
additional starting points for the estab~ishment or enhancement of its
presence and its political influence."
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What is more important to the GDR than glo~y and praise is the establieh-
ment of Mar.xist branches in Africa and "ttie happiness of the working
people" (Minister Hoffmann). With that it has been most nuccesaful in
Mc~z;?mbique . There the experta from the GDR keep FR~:I.~IMO on the MoHCOw line ~
Nrt up i;ncl Imprc~ve r+~~y ne[workA cind "r~~volutioniiry ~~c~l Lce i~nd Hecurt.ty
organs" (S~D ~ournal ETNHI:IT), advise t}ie bankrupt atate bank, aend
Thuringian miners into the coal mines of Moatize, apply GDR instructional -
plans in the schools, and provide a 20-member bodyguard f.or President Machel
made up of FOF agents of the East Berlin State Securit} Service. More
than 500 NVA officers and noncommissioned officers are training indigenous
personnel on modern T~54 tanks and MIG-21 fighter planes.
In Ethiopia 1,000 military men who had formerly seen action in the war with
Somalia over the province nf Ogaden (Chief of State Mengistu Haile Mariam -
at the time: "They live,die and fight with us side by side") are helping
~ set up a "people's army."
' In the People's Republic of Congo, which in 1973 was the first African
state to conclude a military agreement with the GDR, the influence of GDR -
Ambassador Werner pordan, who has been on this assignment for 8 years now,
reaches up to the ton of the government. His most important interlocutor
, is ex-defense ~nd po'.ice minister Denis Sassou-n'Guesso. He overthrew
Chief of State Joachim Yhombi Opango who had wanted to eliminate the
economic chaos in the country with Western financial in~ections, including
same from Bonn. Nguessos Maxim, in contrast: "Final break with inter~ _
national capitalism,"
Honecker is also benefitting from the Africa corps in his own camp. With
reference to his commitments on the hot continent he tries, not without -
success, to fend off Moscow's demands for an essentially more costly
increase in the GDR~s military contribution to the Warsaw Pact~ The
Foreign Ministry in Bonn announced that as~many as over 4,000 GDR helpers ,
including about 2,000 soldiers are in Africa. ~
Arms deliveries to black African buyers cost the GDR about 700 million
marks during the past 5 year~. Added to this must be 350 million marks
worth of civilian economic assistance (1960 to 1~78), as well as l00 million
marks in "solidarity donations" from plants and party organizations per
year.
- The expenditures will even increase--for the.benefit but perhaps also to
- the detriment of the GDR. Bonn goverrnnent experts~ at any rate, see in !
this a"self-destructive element" of East Berlin~s Africa policy because
the GDR must live up to the high expectations of the Africans even though
it has but limited potential�. "Moscow," the experts say, "will hardly help
out as a stopgap."
This is why Bonn~s man in East Berlin, Guenter Gaus, remains optimistic:
1�The territorial gain of the GDR in Africa at the moment is considerable~
indeed, yet it need not alarm us on a long~term basis,"
COPYRIGHT; 1979 Gruner & 9afirAG & Co �
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