JPRS ID: 8525 TRANSLATIONS ON WESTERN EUROPE COMMUNISM IN FRANCE: THE DISSIDENT INTLLECTUAL AND THE PCF

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 81
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 36
• Content Type: REPORTS

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5
IN - �
~
INTELLECTUAL AND THE PCF
i9 JUNE i979 CFOUO 38179) i OF i

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-4Q850R000100064Q36-5
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
JPlt5 L/8525
- 19 June ].979
TRANSLATIONS ON WESTERN EUROPE
CFOUO 38/1'9)
COMMUNISM IN FRANCE; THE DISSIDENT s
= INTELLECTUAL AND TNE PCF
~
U. S. ~OOtdT PI~LtCATIONS I~ESEARCH SERVICE
FOR OFFICIAL USE ~ILY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
NOT~
Jp1t5 publie~Cinns conCain informaCion pricn~rily from foreign
newspapers~ periodicals gnd books, buC also from n~ws agency
transmigsinns and brngdcasCs. MaCerials fram foreign-l~ngugge
snurces ~re translated; those from Engliah-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, wikh the original phrasing ~nd
other characCerisCics reCained.
Headlines, ~dieorial reports, ~ind material enelosed in brackets
are supplied by JPRS. Proc.essing indicaeors such as (TextJ
- or (ExcerpCJ in the first line o� each item~ or following the
lase line of g brief, indicate how the original informaCion was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
m~eion was summarized or extracCed.
Unfamiliar names ren~iered phonetically or transliCerated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or namea preceded by a ques-
Cion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
' original buC have been supplied asappropriaCe in context.
Other unaetributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originaCe with the source. Times within items aze as
given by source.
T'he contenCs of this publication in no way represent the poli-
_ ries, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.
COPYRIGHT LAWS AND REGULATIONS GO~VERNING 0'WNERSHIP OF
MATERIALS REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUI1tE THAT DISSEMINATION
OF THIS PUBLIC~??TION BE RESTRICTED FOROFFICIAL USE ONLY.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
t`
FOR OFFZCIAL USE ONLY _
JPRS L/8525
19 June 1979
' TRANSLATIONS ON WESTERN EUROPE
(FOUO 38/79)
COMMUNTSM IN FRANCG; THE DISSIDENT
INT~LLECTUAL AND THE PCF
. '
CON7ENTS PAGE '
COUNTRY SECTION
FRANCE
'L'URSS ET NOUS': The Continuing Controversy
(Varinus snurces, various dates) 1
- 'DisCorted View of CPSU,' by Edouard Beaumont
'Anti-Working Claes AttiCude,'by Edouard Beaumont
PCF Anti-Sovietism
PCF Anti-Sovietism Revisited, by Edouard Beaumont
Author Defends Book's Relevance, by Francis Cohen
The Dissident Intellectual and Formal Party SCructure
(Various sources, various dates) 13
Relationship With InsCitutional Left, by Nicos Poulantzae
- , Political Role of Intellectuals, by Michel Cardoze
Role Within Communist Party, by Serge Wolikow
- Concept of 'Collective Intellectual,'by Antoine Casanova
'Communist,' 'Intellectual': Contradictory Terms,
, by Maurice Goldring
Dissident Inrellectual Activities~ Relationship to Society ~
_ (Various sources, various dates) 31 ~
Totalit~rian Socfeties and Individualism,
Vladimir Eukovskiy Interview
- a - (III - 150 - WE]
FOR OFFICIAL US~ ONLy
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
CONTENTS (Continued) pa8a
Societal Tolerance of Dissidente~ by J. Y. Bourdin
Relationehip to Working Class, by Maurice Goldring
Relationehip Co ~rench Society~ by Jean Burlee ~ F
Elleinstein: C~annunism~ Societal Models ~
The Peychology of the DissidenC Intellectual
(Various sources, various dates)..........~............ 57 _
'Intellectual': Toward New Definitions~ by Paul Jourdan
Marxism, Humanism and Yndividu~lism~ by
Gilbert Wasserman, et al. "
Kehayane: The Soviet Experie~tce~ by Michele Cotta _
Survival Value of Individualiem, Peter Schneider Interview
Chron~+logical Source MaCerial, Bibliographical References
(LA NOWELLE CRYTIQUE, Apr 79) 73
.
- b r
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR OFFICIAL U3~ ONLY
COUNTRY SECTION Fr~NCE -
. ~
- "L'URS5 ET NOUS": THE CONTINUING CONTROVER5Y
'Diatorted View of CPSU'
Paria LE COI~4iUNISTE in Frecich Sep-Oct 78 p 5
(Article by Edouard Beaumont: "The USSR and Them"J
_ (Text] "It is a question of collective reflection by the communists as a
function of the prospects opened up at the 22nd Congreas of the PCF for
socialiam of a French hue." This ia how the advertisement (p 7)=~for the
book "The USSR and Us" reada.
To date the opportunistic leadership has first disapproved of and then
condenmed this or that aspect of the policy of Che Soviet party and state
under the double presaure of bourgeois propnganda and its unprincipled
pursuit of an alliance with the PS [Socialiet Party]. But with thia official
book, fcr that is the truth according to the statement drafted by the
- Political Bureau on 30 August 1978 and published on 4 September 1978, the
�act ia that the opportunists have ~ust taken a clear and dangeroue etep
lnto anti-Sovietism.
This is indicated first of all by the resumption of certain theaea by the
assistant director of the CERM [Center for Marxist Study and Research]f-to
wit that the Stalinist deviation had its sources with Lenin himaelf, on the -
octe hand, with an authoritarian side "on the principial level" on th~ on~
hand, and with an att3tude tending "to be overly schematic and exaggerated" _
toward parliamentarianism on the other (p 48). Add to ehat the fact that
the advent of socialism demands "a certain historical and political maturity
on the part of the citizen" (p 43), reflected in the inability of the
- "ignorant peasants" to achieve "good" socialism, and note that the con-
scientious worker has become a simple citizen ripe for voting "rf.g'nt," and
we find ourselves plunged into the "prospects opened up by the 22nd Congreas."
From the abandonment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the French
contex[, the opportunists very quickly proceeded to conde~ing coercive
measures in the socialist countries, forgetting the reality of socialist
- 1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
I
~ ~'OR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
dem~crucy ro eome extent. And now t~e Pive auChore oP "The U5SR and Ue"
are willing to Cake yet anotheY etep, etripping away the economic and eocial ,
eyetem of the Soviet Union, viewed through the dietorting lensee oP the
bourgeoisie.
Since it is partic~alarly difficult to demonstrate Che existence of an
exploiting clase, they are content to etaCe that there is a caste~ which
is perhaps no longer that but which behaves like one in recruiting "ex-
t~cisively abroad, but remaining nonethelese exclusive" (p 95). Let thos~ -
who can decipher this. Deserting rhe class positione one by one, Chese
five thinkere who heve no fear of contradicCion c~n claim that in the USSR _
property ia owned by the "public" bu~ not by Che "staCe," on page 19, while
two pagea farther on it ie "public and atate owned." What do worde matter--
what counts is that "it is no longer the property of the associated workere"
(1) (p 121). One would be plunged in total incoherence, but perhaps not to
such an extent if we remember that since the opportunistic faction has no
' concept of the reality of the bourgeois atate, the same may be the caee for
the socialiat state. Thia degeneration of the foundations of the principles
of communism reachea its peak when it comes to explaining the aituation of -
the workera' class. Revealing that the worker always sells hie labor in a
social~.st society, Che question of w~at becomes of the added value thus
obtained ariaes--let us note that in the book the term "deduction" ie pre-
ferred (p 96). The authora p.ropose no satisfactory answer to thia question,
preferring reference to the part "frozen, wasted" on weapons. Why? Again
silence. The existence of aggreasive imperialism ia never taken aeriousl~~
into account in all the 220 pagea. Not a word about the use of thie addeet
value Por aocial, cultural and other needa. It is easier to claim that -
the workers have no control over the use. Even if this ie an untruth, it _
reveals u~ore imagination than lengthy proof.
Having reached this point, nothing hindera Cardoze, in deacribing the
book in the 2 October FRANCE CULTURE as philosophizing about "a ma~ority
workers' class, the younger portion of which is educated and excluded, but
not under the same canditiona as in the Western countries, from the circles
where decisiona are made, 'confronting' an intelligentsia which exerciaes
the power and seeks an alliance with a backward and canservative rural masa
to prevent this workers' class from Raining political power in the USSR."
As we do not believe that Cardoze has lost his mind, the fact is he ia not -
a communist.
There is nothing surprising then in the fact that the question of the
socialist nature of the USSR is raised on pages 24, 124 and 213, a question
which in each case goea unanawered, but leads to a magnificent pirouette:
- "We will no longer say that in the USSR there is collective ownership of the
means of production and the power of the workere' class, ergo socialiam. We
will 8ay rather that (there are developments) oriented increasingly in the _
direcCion of socialism" (p 216). With such quibbling. the opportuni~tic
faction provides proof that it no longer hae any coherent concept of
2
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_ ~ ;
, FOR OF~ICIAL U5E ONLY
_ eocialiem, and here we are back again at the "proepecte opened up by the
22nd congre~s."
Indeed it would be eaey to comment ironically on "the ecientific epirit"
--according to the Po1lCical Bureau~-or the "serioue rellection"-~according
to the authore themselves which underlie the book, or more modestly, a simple
"attempted analyais"--according to Frioux, ehort of argument, of a FRANCE
CULTURE ~ournalieC. It ie a question of etatement's without proof extending
in eome cases to contempt and dietruat of the workere' claes. It is a little
ae if the opportuniate were aeCting up their inability to undertake the
- revolution as a revoluCionary principle.
~ Under these condiCione, it is not surpriaing to witnesa the regrettable
epectacle of the authora' incapacity to reduce the worst anti-Soviet elander
to dust in the course of their "debate" un the anniversary of L'HUMANITE. when
they preferred to hush the indignant protesCe. ,
After a reading of this book, a thought comes to mind: "Oh, how beautiful
the Soviet Union would be if there were democracy, pluraliam and aelf-
administration there." In oCher worda, if socialism in the USSR were
dresaed "in the colors of France."
(In the next isaue we will discuss ather falaifications in thia book.)
'Anti-Working Class Attitude' ~
Paris LE COA4iITNISTE in French Nov 78 p 6
. [Article by Edouard Beaumont: continuation of "The USSR and Them"]
[Text] In last month's issue, we commented that the authors of "The USSR
and Us" observed the Soviet Union "through the diatorting lenses of the
- bourgeoisie." This attitude is confirmed.by the articlea~by Martine Monod
, and Michel Cardoze in L'HUMANITE, and by the aelf-managing delirium of
Pierre Juquin in.the 30 October 1978 FRANCE NOUVELLE, in which he voicea'
"a very violent opinion about the historical experience of more than 60 yeara."
These assumptions of extremist poaitions are to be found on the one hand in
- the book in discusaions of questions baeic to the interesta of the workers'
= class, and on the other in the various articles on the excessive and faleP
role assigned to the intellectuals. These are the problems we will take up
here.
The f ive.authora adopt veritable anti-socialist poaitiona in their wori:, -
denouncing the artificial nature of the lack of unemployment and the estab-
lfahment of prices. Our scholars do not underatand why the socialiat state
voluntarily practices full employment, fixed prices, very low rents, free
medical care and education for all. We11, it is very simply because socialiam
- is not developing from crisis to crisis as the exploiting regime ia, but is
3
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL USk; ONLY
being bui1C voluntarily. It ie nor profits f~r r~ few which ~re being aought,
. buC the interests of the workers and their maetery of,affairs. We regret to
have to say that Chis ie on the elementary parCy echoo], level.
It ie enGirely t..:y that the authore noted eome poaitive aepecte in the USSR -
on these maCters, for in fact wage-earners can pureue continuing edu~ation
on all levels, the manual profesaione ~n~oy prestige and the workerg are
called upon to become the political and technical managere ot society. One
= might be tempted to ask why and how, but ie thie not the proof of real
- eocialiam? Thia ia not Che concern of the authore of the book. Theae -
aepects with priority for the workers are drowned in a~umble of coneidera-
tions designed to sow doubt, all with tones of mietrust for those who labor,
and so for example Che Soviet worker ia apathetic toward progresa, his labor
efficiency is mediocre, and office workers are gratuitously described by
the inaulCing petit bourgeoie term "an army of petty uPficials."
To puraue this paeudo-analysis of the Soviet workera is Co deny the conet~n~
effort to improve techniques made by the workera themselvea, to be dis-
appointed that the Soviet workers are not sub~ect to the lock step againat -
which their brothera in capitalist countries are aCruggling, and also to
deny the deciaive role of the trade uniona in the administration of the
socialist econo~y.
Thie, ~:.::i8;.dtion, this contempt for the laboring atra~a is accompanied by
a glorification of the role of the intellectual. Let us note that thia
term is never exactly defined, but appears to mean one who has full. freedom
to think and write, which could not be the case for the assembly-line worker
or the office employee at his desk. Thus Martine Monod takes up the defense
- of Roatropovitch without aeeking to know what he says or does~ aimply because
he has a"marveloua cello" (L'HUMANITE, 18 October). Thus Michel Cardoze
praiaes the merits of "the truthfulnesa of the researchera" (L'HUMANITE,
21 October) and theorizes on "the specificity of intellectual work in the
apherea of criticiam and the necessary invention of modes of social life"
(L'HUMANITE, 3 November). From thaC to making of the intellectuals the
vanguard of the workers there ia only one step to take, since "no pne,can
replace their heada and pens" (L'HUMANITE, 3 November). _
These arguments, in preparation without a doubt for the 23rd congreae, are
gravely serious in nature, for they ahow that the opportunietic faction has
embarked on the negation of the ability of the warkera' claes to direct the
revolutionary process and eocialist society, even if on page 105 of the book
"The USSR and Us" it is ati11 asaigned the role of a"decieive force." This
will only surprise those who have failed to understand the full scope of the
abandonment of the concept of the dictatorahip o! the proletariat.
Finally, this book is anti-workers' class, and in the broadeat aenee of the
� term. But in writing thia we think we should ~arn that this would not be
~ustification for an anti-intellectual attitude because of the gratuitous �
and erroneous asaertions. It is out of the question to confuse the real
4
~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02149: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
,
M-
FOR OFFICI.4L USE ONLY
_ inCellecruals with these equr~lly r~a1 peCit bourgeoie, theoYizing about -
, th~ir inability to adopt the poeitions of the wo,rkers' claea.
~
- To seelc t~ diecusa the Soviet Union withouC re~ecting ite own eo~called
"Stsliniat" opportunistic deviation leads Co the desire !or self-~ustification
at a11 coste in rhe ey~es of the class enemiea, and the besC meana of doing
this ia to go in search of arguments in Che enemy's propagandn arsenal~ But _
thie entirely dogmatic attitude provides proof thaC the opportuniatic faction _
no longer has any conaistenC concept of socialiem, on the one hand, and that
it no lor~ger knowa how to express the slightest solidarity, on the other, as �
- ie proved by the lack of proteat against the bombing of the Taes offices in
Paris .
If it aeema relatively easy to denigrate the USSR, did the opportuniata
= realize that Chia gives Che bourgeoisie an increasing opportunity Co attack
our party? The most recent example is indicative. In connectinn with khe
ab~ect aCatecnenta by the fascist Darquier de Pellepoix, it was our party
which found itaelf called upon to denounce the alleged anti-Semiti.sm
of the CPSU.
Be warned, comrades: to engage in anti-Sovietism is to favor anti-
communiem, and in the f inal analysis it means weakening the workers' class.
- PCF Anti-Sovietism
Paris LE C01~4tUNISTE in French Jan 79 p 6
[Article: "The CPSU and the Anti-Sovietism of the PCF"]
[Text] The anti-opportunistic militants could not help but feel encouraged
in their battle by the article by four members of the CPSU which appeared
in the Soviet periodical KOI~fUNIST and which was reprinted in full in the
French issue number 52 of TE1~S NOUVEAUX.
We wrote in our last issue that the military defense of the socialist camp
would be improved to the extent "that it relies resolutel,y on a political
strategy oriented exclusively toward revolutionary inxernationalism," and
we commented that it does not suffice to attribute "to Claudin and
Elleinstein alone positions which are also those of Marchais and Carrillo."
_ The authors of the article in KOI~IIriUNZST, in a~tacking the book "The USSR
and Us" under the heading "Against the Distortion of the Experience of Real
Soctalism," answered the attack by militants in our party who hoped to win
the support of the comrades in the CPSU for their struggle against the
anti-So~ietism of the opportunistic faction. This article shows that they
are in the proceas of realizing that the hostile attitude toward the socialist
camp evidenced in the PCF is not solely the work of some would-be liquidators
who have broken entirely not only with internationaliem but with communism
itself. ~
5
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02149: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FaR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
This article, the last aecCion of which is entiC~,ed "The PCF Has Alwnys
'Suffered' From Imperialiem!" seems to wanC to eay thaC it ia on the 1eve1
of the party as a whole that the liquidation of tl~e inCernaCionnlist
- principlea on the basie of which it wae created has been undertaken.
But it would be wrong to atCribuCe the responsibility for Chis underCaking
to the suthora o� "The USSR and Us" alone~ For this reason no one should
.be surprised Chat it was not apecified Chat ehis book had been supporCed
since it appeared by an offici~l Politburo communlque and Chat the leaderahip
has organized a whole campaign of ineetings Co see that the membership
"assimilaCes" it. Similarly, to attempt to contrast G. Marchais with the
authors of "The USSR and Us," quotfng a passage from the "Democratic Challenge" _
which came out in 1973 is to obscure Che real picture of the extent.of the
faction hoatile Co the socialist camp within the party. In facC, re-reading
_ these lines, it is easy tn see the party secretary's heavy insiatence on Che.
facC th~t the CPSU was able to engage in public criticism "of iCs own faults,"
concluding therefrom Chat this "makes it necessary today to seek out every-
thing which broadens democracy, everything which increases the responsibility
of inen." The "Democraeic Challenge" was written a year after the signing of
the ~oint program an~ three years before Che 22nd congress. In reality,
these few phrases, skillfully expressed, prepared and paved the way for the
shamef ul campaign on the "violation of the rights of man" in the socialist
countriea and the scandalous denunciations of the need for these counCries
to use coercion against certain of their citizens pursuing activities hostile _
to the socialist regime.
~ After noCing Che abandonment of our party's attachment to the USSR and the
~ socialist camp, the authors of the KOMMUNIST article ask what could have
happened in these recent years to lead these five French authors to
question the answers to questions provided as long as a quarter of a century
ago, by the French Communist Party itself, among others?" ~
Well, 15 years of the policy and practice of the ~oint government program
and unity of the left, and the rally to Eurocommunism have transpired.
Devoting particular attention to the shameful attitude of the leadership and
, the opportunistic faction during the necessary intervention in Czechoslovakia
in 1968, it was during this period that the propensity of the opportunists
of all sorts Co move away from the socialist camp and then to show ever-
increasing hostility toward it appeared and then developed. To embark upon
~ the path of class collaboration means inevitably moving into the realm of
denial of the most basic inCernationalist principles. -
Acting with a view to giving our party an authentically communist strategy,
the anti-opportunistic faction is at the same time working toward the re-
establishment of relations of internationalist solidarity with the USSR and
the socialist camp. That is why it is entitled to expect of them all the
understanding and political assistance necessary to the success oP its
battle, which comes within the context of support and strengthening of the
international communist movement.
6
- . FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02149: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
r
FOR OFFICIA3, ~1SE ONLY
PCF Mri-Sovietiem Revisited
Paris LE COIrIIrItJNISTE in French Feb 79 p 9
(Article by Edouard Beaumont: "More on the Sub~ect of the USSR and Them"] _
[Text] On 5 February 1979 FRANCE NOWELZE publiehed a so-called document
suppoaedly in anawer to the criticism of the book "The USSR and Us" carried
by the Soviet periodical KOI~IIriUNIST. This article ia atrange7.y anonymous, a
curious means of seeking to pursue a real debate. But this is not the only
reason which leads us to return sgain to this aub~ect, for the method of
thia ananymoua suthor (or authore) is in flagrant violation of the basic `
procedure for dialog among communiats.
In the final analysis, it appears that only the eminent "researchere"
accredited to Che CERM have the right "to criticize" the USSR. In fact, the
_ ~oviets are attacked for saying that this is no "criticism," while the
"thinkera" of the opportunistic faction take offense. In the name of the
clearly understood interests of communist fraternity, the Sovieta are reduced -
to the rank of "adversaries," perhaps betrayed by their translatora, and are
accuaed in the manner of the anti-opportunistic ~ilitants of being incapable
of understanding--indeed of reading--the illuminating writings of the
opportunistic faction. In the final analyais, they find themaelvea labeled =
- with the infamous term dogmatic. ~
And this is whaz the opportunists regard as discusaion.
. But we cannot accept such a state of affa:!rs in silence. Since the defender
(or defenders) of the book supported by the Politburo states without further
~ reservation that "fer French ~:ommunists, historical truth is a compulsory
element in their policy," we insist on taking a closer look at certain points.
How could FRANCE NOUVELLE allow this fable by French communists to be pub-
lished in 1979 without even a suspicion of condemnation by the 20th Congress
of the CPSU? In this connection the reader should refer to recent iasues of
LE COMMITNISTE. But where the dishanesty s~ems to us to exceed all bounds
is where ~the article seeks to combine the repression of the period of Stalinist
opportun3.stic deviation with the ~ust coercion used against anti-Soviet _
elements working objectively for the imperialisCs when they have not aeked
- for aid. Must we seek the explanation in the fact that the opportunistic
faction felt it had more in common with the likes of Sakharov and Shcharanskiy _
than with the communists who were the victims of the Stalinist period? More-
over their eagerness to make pronouncements about that p~riod comes more -
from a desire to appear respectable in the eyes of the bourgeois censors
than any real historical analysis.
- The assertion is made again gratuitously and in bad taste in connection with
the socialist nature of the USSR. While the Soviet comrades point to the
7 =
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY . -
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02149: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
. ~ -
~ ~
~OR OFFTCIAL USE ONLY _
,
total lack of any clear responae to theae questions, the advocate (or
advocates) o� "The USSR and Us" gives a quotation from page 43 which ahould
put the seal on 220 pages of doubt extending to the point o! dieparity. On _
' the other hand, any comrade seeing that in the USSR there is a workera' class
_ regime and the means o� production are collectively owned and calmly concluding
Cherefrom that "the USSR is a socialist country" would find himsel! accused by
the eminent "dialectician" (or dialecticians) of aurrepCitiously reintroducing
- the "theory of the model," like KOMMUNIST.
The summit is reached when the Soviets are accused of deriving "unkind or
insulting epitheta" for the authors of "'The USSR and Us," because Chey dared
write ChaC "the great misfortune of these authors is that they ehowed ~
themselves completely incapable of deCaching themselves from the bourgeois
democracy familiar to them." If it comes to that we must regreCfully admit
Chat this is the exact truth.
This matter of "answering" the periodical KOMMUNIST is diametrically opposed
on the one hand to the method of Elleinstein, publicly slandering the
socialist countries by comparing Chem to Naziism, and the friendly bourgeois
parlor conversation represertted by the publication of the letter from
Figueres to Mme Carrere d'Encausae concerning his most recent anti-Soviet
' work. But none of this is in any way contradictory, being a perfect
= illustr~tiun of the current usage in bourgeois democracy.
When the analyses by the Soviets are not scoffed at, they are quite simply
ignored. In fact, Boris Ponomarev criticized the pclicy of the Eurocommunista
twice, at the theoretical conference in Sofia and in the periodical KOMMi7NIST.
The secretary of the CPSU explained that the attitude of "certain comradea"
not only "cannot help but do harm to the workers' movement" but that it
"in na way advances the expansion of the influence of the party over the
masses, nor attracCs new strata of voters to it," whatever the opportunists
may think on the basis of the electoral results achieved by the party. -
Ponomarev stresses that "such a position encourages the class enemy to exert .
greater pressure on the communist parties." And isn't Chis how the French
bourgeois preas proceeded in connection with "The USSR and Us," and the -
_ preparatory documents for the 23rd congreas, in a way which could be sum-
marized by the headline in the 14 September 197E LE MONDE: "Yet Another
Effort, Comrades!"? .
Author Defends Book's Relevance
Paris L'HUMANITE in French 2 Apr Z9 p 6
[Article by Francis Cohen, member, Bitterolf cell, Croulebarbe section,~
13th Paris Federation: "From 'The USSR and Us` to the Draft Resolution")
[Taxt] Some comrades say they see a contradiction between the documents
submitted fo: ~:iscussion on the one hand and the publication of "The USSR and
Us" and the appsoval of it by the Political Bureau seven months ago.
8
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~ FOR OFF'ICTAL USL dNLY
I on th~ Cn:?er~ry, gg nn-guthor of thp b~c'.:, hgve the feeling ehr~t nur
bnok h~g t~k~n itie prnper place in ehe general adv~nce of the parCy which
1ed tn Ch~ 22nd congre~~, its cl~rifination by exppriena~ ~nd ~h~ thought
gr;3 confirmgCinn the sCag~ nf ehe 23rd cdngreffis repre~ents.
Th~ idea of g Cdnflict can only come from ~ lalep r~~ding boCh nf th~ bnok
and the docwnente.
The book ie nnt "wh~t mugt be thought about the US5R in tt~e futiur~." It ig
b~sed on a contempl~eion of the implie~Cione of a revolution~ry gtr~Cegy
based on the drgfting of an original path tow~rd g kind of eocialism which
ig iCself originel. This leads to two gtrong concepts. ~~lret of a~l,
_ encialiem ia not gchieved by carrying out g pr~-exieting id~~l acheme: it ,
"muat be born of and grow ~g a specific reapon~e tu the gpecific nped~ of
eech country" (drgft rpgolution), gnd pxieting soCiali~m muet be ~tudied gg
e f unction of Chege ne~ds and their development. Secondly, eocialiem is a
" process; it wi11 give rise to its own Contradictione; iC mugt conetantly be
perfected; each people contribute something epecific to it; and where it
exiats~ the sCruggle continues within it for more sociali~m.
But what is really aC iseue in this discussinn is the overell aeaes~ment of
socialism--as it exiete--e~ an historic edvance.
1. It repreaente ~ historic advance in th~ development of the mndern world.
There is no need for argument to demonstrate that the life of manklnd in the
20th century is dominated by the emergence of eocieliem ae a hope materialized,
as a moral, political and material support to the struggles againet imperial~
ist exploiCation and dominaCion, as a world force intereeted in peace.
Otherwise, the question of sociali.am would not be posed in France e~? it is.
Most certainly two substantial events with considerable effect on the
balance of forces in the world have occurred eince the draft reaolution was
prepared and musC be taken into account: the serious defeat suffered by
imperialiam (American, primarily) in Iran~ and the Chinese aggreesion against
Vietnam. If it is clear that the former fact only confirms the assesament
in the documents, the second demands a broader examination. I have three
coc~ents on this sub~ect.
The stand taken by the PCC [Chinese Communist PartyJ on foreign policy may
weaken the internal position of socialiam. The relations eatablished by
the American and Japanese imperialists with China are not, moreover, lacking
in a vague hope of bringing it within the capitalist orbit. This poses the
problem of altey-nation on a scale which ahows that whea our party epeaks of
alternation, it is something quite different from the electoral concerns
attributed to it. It is hardly likely tha[ the Chinese people reject the
prospects opened up to them by the socialist revolution, but one cannot regard
asking the question of them as impossible.
~ 9
F08 OFFICIAI. USE ONLY
I
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
I~Ott O~FICIAL U5~ ONLY
Thi~ i~ not th~ firet eime thgt force and thr~ge~ h~v~ been u~ed in r,~letion~
amnng ~ocialiet countri~g. in raking over gli ~gpccts of the life of natinn~,
- sociali~m hes ndt ypC b~en abi~ howev~r ta devie~ itig own wgy of ~~ttling
prohlems. BuC ehi~ tim~, ~omething neW has appeared. bn the one hand the
Soviet Unidn h~~ aeCr~need wor~d gCC~ntion with it~ double determinetinn to
nid Vietngm and Co prpvent thp epread of the war. nn the other hand, if
China thought it could play ae wgr, it wa~ nnt ae a gociali~t country gnd =
to ~ertle a conflict between ~ocialiet counCrie~~ yut embarking upon the
game nf Che imppriali~t powere, which have noe r~nnuneed w~r ~ m~~tt~.
In deaZing with Chin~ and ~ncouraging t}ie aggr~~eion, the trilate~al powerg
are prep~red to take the gre~t~st ri~ks. For Chem, vaet conceesione may be
ma~e to China~ even if it ie socigliet, if thie might reduce the influence and
th~ m~gns of ~ction by the USSR. Tht~ i~ the dazzling con�irmation thgt
eaci~liem exi~te gnd :hgt the US5R ag it i~ i~ ite mgin force. What, other-
wise, would b~ the gource of this unrel~nttng end unf~iling concentraCion by
the world capitaliet f~rces on the ~~me en~my ~ince October 1917?
2. Exigting sncigli~m represente an hietoric advance for the fate of the
peoples and the workers. _
Barring an abeurd demand for all or nothing, ane cgnnot merely put down on
the debit side for eocialiem, to the paint sometimes of denying that it
exists, the disparity between our ideal (more or leae confueed with a univereal
humaniet ideal of which each individual has hie own image) and the specific ~
etagea of fte realization, the inadequacies which it criticizes itaelf in
order to advance~ and the eometimes ur?acceptable failings which effect the
cauae common to us all.
Even if it ia difficult to calculate what th~ socialist countries would have
been like had they remained capitalist, semi-feudal or semi-colonial, one can
gain some idea by noting the poverty, the inaecurity of life, the hunger, the
social contraefe~ the lack of education, the abeence of any democracy, the ~
conditione and rates of gror~th, and internaCional importance of their
neighbors or counterparts.
It muet not be forgotten that what is asked of socialism, vhat We deplore -
not always or not yet finding in it, ie eomething not to be fotmd in capital-
ism either and something of which it is incapable.
To note what ahould be improved or replaced in socialism as it is does not
therefore mean either rejection of socialism nor exclusion from it of the -
_ cauntriea embarked upon that path. It simply meaas draving the lessone from
experience, which shovs that there is no linear ar unified development in
socialism, but a procees made up of contradictions overcome.
xn the text under discussion I find this dialectical method vhich ie b~:sed
o~~'the contradictions in things themselves.
10
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOEt 0~'FICIAL U5~ ONLY
_ 'Thu~ "unlty ie ~ b~Ctle" i~ nnt a~imple segeement that there ia ~~trugg~.p
_ b~tween ~dveregrie~ gnd eupporr~re of unity, but megng Ch~t eac~ ~tep in unity
cr~gtp~ new obetgcie~ gnd d~mandg n~w golueion~. Th~ convprg~nc~ nf anti-
monopoli~tic ineprep:g ig not Chp ~imple ~um of ob~ective convergences, but
givpe ri~e eo gttd inciudes conrredictione which mu~e be overcome in etruggling
fnt~ and wttti the variou~ C~t~gories in que~eion.
1 would 11k~ to eCr~~g two dth~r ~gpectg nf the pr~pgratory dnr waent~, which
- in my view ar~ important.
On the nne hand, there ie rh~ distinction cle~rly m~de between gocial allianceg
and politicgl ~llianceg: the latter do not deriv~ from the formpr automgtic-
ally or withouC probl~me. The link betWeen the eocial etrugglee end the
political--elecCorgl or other--eCruggiee gre of g Complex nature. One does
not occur without the other, ~nd dne cannot replace the oth~r.
On Che other hand~ a cr~nsiderable effort was made to rp-examine g cert~in
number of concepts and formulae. Formulge can be exhau~Ced or become
neaified. They can be ~mptied of their meaning or become outmoded pure and
simple. This ie the f~te both of the old and the new ones, when they are
ieolgted from their historical, theoretical or poliCicel contexts. ~
F'or example in the draft preamble to the new bylaws~ the baeis of the party
analyais is "ecientific socialism." Thie atricC concept is both broader and ~
more open to developm~nt Chan that of "Marxiam-Leniniem." This latt~r con-
cppt is limited to the work of two men, great though they were, and the era
in Which they acted and thought, and evokea a kind of code they handed on to
ue.
Thus there is no more question of "masa organizations." There is nothing
Wrong with the term in ir.self~ but it harks back to a concept of these or-
ganizatione as channele of transiCion betWeen the party and the masses.
The draft bylaws apeak of the trade unions and organizations of aesociative
life (the draft resolution adds the movements and epecifies that communi~ts ~
must respect their "independence," and not just their "program and epecific
nature").
In thia connection, I think it would have been useful for the Furposes of
diacussi~n to set forth not only the new concepts, poeitions, and formula-
tions, but also th~ reasons Why the Central Committee is propoaing them,
as well as the ob~ections Which they must inevitably have raised in the -
course of preliminary discuseions.
Haven't we aome tendency to set forth the result of our contemplation and
our discuasion aithout explaining the paths that led co them? Such explana-
tion hoWever would facilitate discussion, camprehension and thue
implementation. Ian't this an important aspect of the content of thia
~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL U5~ nNtY
infc~rroar.io~n for p~rty memb~r~ tn which pr~ci~~1y the drgfr bylgw~ gttnch
~!~ch democrgtic vglue? Or~1 reporee, otten hegrd by n minority of ~~mr~d~g
and thue paeeed on per force unequaliy ~nd impoveri~hed eo the extene that
th~ diet~nce from the nrigin of Che concept~ bl'COtUpB gregtpr do not glwayg
euffice. As to the tribunes tor diecusefon, they only till thie function
imperf~ctly, for moet ofCen they invoive nnthing but ob~ectiong to ehe
previously establiehed poeition~, and iil gerv~ th~ purpoge~ of Crue
collective exchange.
The exp~rience of the authore of "The US5R ~nd U~" pereuaded them of the
u~~fulness of circulating npw ideae~ even if imperfect or sub~e~t to
criticiem. In almnet 150 discuesions, th~y conCributed to a real "exerciee"
of the book. Some individuals recoiled aC first from the tacte seC forth,
from the fact that they were being discuesed~ or from the consequences
suggeeted. Othere found confirmaCion therein right away. In the final ~
analyais, the conflicte of idegs led to ~oint advenceg.
~inally, I would insiet on the fact thgt it is as militante wiCh special
knowledge making iC poseible to do the necessary research (according to the
terma of the draft resolution) on "the ideological and political struggle �
and the theoretical quesCions related to our atrategy and its implementa-
tion" that we felt it nur responeibility to write our book. Thie seems to me _
a capital aepect of democracy in the party. Democracy is not handed down
from above, but implies mutual confidence and initiative on the part of
everyone.
Much remains ta be done in order. as the draft resolution demande~ to raise
the epecific contribution of the communist intellectuals to theoretical and
political research and the political baCtle to the level of the needs of the
party and the aspi.rations of the communist intellectuals themselves. The
party hae acquired a considerable volume of very positive experience in thia
realm~ but the needs have increased enormously, as has the number ~f indi-
- viduals involved. The solutiona withouC a doubt require work organization
measures, but they can only result from an intensive, diversified and
~ patient joint effort.
515~
- CSO: 3100
~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
� I~OR OPFICTAL U5E ONLY
COUNTRY 3~~TYON ~gpp~~
_ ~
THE DISSIDENT INTELLLCTUAL AND FORMAL PARTY STRUCTURE
_ Relationship WiCh Inatitutional Left
- Parie LE MONDE in French 29-30 Oct 78 p 2
(Article by wriCer and sociologist Nicoe Poulantzas: "The ContribuCion of -
the Intellectuals"j
(Text] A chaem separates the institutional lefC from the party of Che -
intellectuals, rallied for more than a year around certain basic themee.
It is false to maintain that the intellectuals deserted the camp of the
popular forces, out of opportuniem~ out of fear of loaing their power~ or
again that the left, out of a gimple instinct for aelf-preaervation, hae
shied away from the truth presumably revealed tu it.
However it ie by megns of such simplistic reasoning that each side is ealving
its conacience. at the coet of the other. Thua the intellectuals are ~usti-
fying their disagreement with a left wing deaf to the basic problems of our
era~ and the left can heap contempt on the petit bourgeois intellectuals who
could in a critical political aituation be recovered by the right wing.
- There ahould however be no prohibition on thinking that the questione
raiaed by the intellectuals are real questions badly put, thua allowing the
- official left wing, whose purpose this suits, to express contempt toward
them.
Here are some examples.
One of the decisive virtues of the discusaion on totalitarianism ie the
comprehension of the totalitarian phenomenon in its full breadth, not merely ~
_ as a situational phenomenon, but as a basic coordinate of modern times, in
rhe East as in the ~Iest.
- But how has it generally been explained? According Co some, totalitarian
_ phenomena can be imputed to the leading phi7~osophera, Hegel, Marx, etc, who
having drafted a so-�called "closed" system o! thinking, invested the state
with the rationality of eociety in the end and thus led the modern Leviathan -
13
FOR OPFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR O~KICIAL U5E ONLY
to devour civil eocieCy~ According to oChers, Coea~.itari~niem ia the producC
~ of the zeal of princes to achieve a gre~t harmoniouA unity, to nboliah Che
divieions within eociety and between society gnd the state, to merge eociety
gnd ite other aepeceg into a single sameneas, while democracy would involve ,
the reaeonabie adminietraCion o! these divided aspecte.
The first explanation, which in the final anxlyeie reduces hieCory Co the
production of ideas, does nnt offer us much. The concept o! the sCate ae a
radical evil which underlies it necese~rily leade to g merger between Che �
really totalitarian forma and the democratic forme of Che etate. Totalitarign-
ism would be the essence, the true secreC of any state. It is a paradox that
thia approach echoes certain highly debatable aepecte of the thinking of Marx ~
_ himself about the state, ae well ae a number of Che analyees of fasciam by
the Third International (faeciam revealed as a truth of Che liberal atate).
- How on thts basis can the positive value of political democracy be established~
how can the struggle tio expand it be waged? Yn the name of what can totali-
tarianism be combated? -
How then can one be surpriaed at the distance between thia faction and Che _
diacusaion within th;: left win~, purbued ~uet recently in a search for inati-
tutional guaranteea of liberties which the state of law should provide? -
The second explanation is still more serious, while being more deacriptive:
"The denial of social divisions is not apecific to totalitarian regimea,
- but more or lesa marks the historic development of every modern ataCe."
= Still further, if we see the foundations of democracy without distinction
in the social and political divisions~ how can we avoid the justification
pure and aimple of any 'tvision then (between the haves and the have-nots~
the leaders and the ledy ,~,:,essary to democracy? Do our preaent societies, -
based on these divisions, spontaneously contain freedoms, do they have an
irresistible t,endency t~~ward democracy, which only the efforta of perverse
leaders to achieve unity serve to oppose?
If totalitaria~~iem is a general phenomenon of modern times, would it not be
to the extent that its roots are found in the materiality of social and
technical diviaions of power characterizing present soc~ety~ in the East
and in the Weat? Wouldn't this mean totalitarianism which cannot be combated '
except by changing that materiality, and therefore without sinking into the
utopia of overall unity?
Another aub~ect of intellectual discussion is the relation between the
thinking of Marx and the "gulags." The fact of having made the existence
of these camps known to the broader public ie not the only virtue of thia
discussion. Having been one of the first to attack the new philosophers,
it ie the more difficult for me to admit they have another virtue: having
expreased, with less originality than is sometimes claimed, but what matter,
the basic idea that the existence of the camps cannot be conceived simply -
ae a deviation of Marxism (Stalinism), which would exempt the original and
l~+
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~'OR UF~YCYAL USL ONLY
and aupposedly "pure" Marxiem from gui~,t~ It waa eimply Chat Marxise '
diecourse oould be used to ~ueCiEy the c~mpe,
Inde~d, some aepecte of Che Chinking ot Marx (hie eechetological prophecy,
among other Chinge) which can be challenged could be used to ~usCify the
carope. HuC the heart of the affair lies ele~where: to explgin Che "gulags"
in terms of Marx's thln~Cing again meane reducing hiaCory to the production
_ ~f id~as. The theory would be made responsible for the real to the extenC -
thet it gave riae to it.
Now there iR always a etructural dietance beCween theory and practice.
Marxiem ia nQt "reaponsible" for Che totalitarian regimes in the Eaet any
more than Che Lumieres philosophers were "responeible" for the Cotalitarian
r~gimes of the West. This distance between the theoretical and the real is
valid, to an unequal extent, naturally, for all theories~ including Mar.xism,
despite its pretenCione of abaolute scientific rigor. One of the great
teachinga of thie time ie perhapa thaC thsre is no theory, however liberating,
which can of itdelf prevent Chose trying Co cloee the gap between theory and
reality from using it for the purposea of totalitarian power.
But the fault then does not lie with Marx, nor with Jeaun, Rousseau, Nietceche
- or Sorel. Only this persiatant distance ca:, explain that it is to these
thinkers, undeniably lesa eCate-oriented in the context of their epoch than
others, that totalitarianiam fe ascribed--to Jeaus, Rousaeau (Boaaparte),
� Nietzsche (Hitler), Georges Sorel (Muasolini), and finally, Marx, whoae
conetant and primary concern was the decline of the atate.
The main gxin~ finally, from the intellectual discussione is Chat power does
not come dow~n to the state, but reaides ~n a network of relatione which
covers the whol.e of the social fabric.
The undesirable aspect ia the development of thia problem in total conceal-
ment from the state. At a time when authoritarian state power ia gaining -
ground everywhere, an approach to conaideration of the state would disappear
to the benefit of a concept scattering power Chroughout a multitude of
social microsituations. There is a trace of something like moral re~ection
here, wiCh the atate still appsaring as a radical evil. To wage a battle
on the terrain of the state would be to expose oneself to the riek of con-
tamination by Che state, which might recoup in the struggle.
This ia a real problem, but poorly put here too. If power indeed involves ~
a seriea of relati4ns going far beqond the atate, it does not prevent the
atate, insofar as it condenses the relation o~ balance of forcea from
remaining an easential apparatus of power~
The basic question which the left wing recently set forth is how, in a _
transition to democratic aocialism, to articulate the se1!-adminiatration
atruggles and the deployment of centers of direct democracy in aociety as ,
15 .
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
I
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
= FOtt OF'FICIAL U5~ ONLY
~ whole, on Che one hand, and rhe profound democrgtic Cr~n~formetion~ of the
etate (but also the p~rtieg of the left) which would guar~ntee ehe freedoms,
on Che other~
One of the e~fecte, and nor the lea~t, o! Che divieion bptw~en Che lett wing
and many int~llectuulg, ie th~ fgct thar the lield was lett ftiee fdr ~
righC-wing offensive such as h~s surely noC been eeen !or a long timQ. But
the actors themaelves are ~ffected, the inCellectuais delighting in a con-
venient fantaey of generalized diaeidence, running the rigk of plunging ever =
further, with the aid of the media, into the role of sCate intellecCualB,
traditional in France. The left wing is barricading itaelf atill furCher in
iCs fortress, while it is in the process of losing, gt increasing ~peed, en _
ideological influence which iC had maintained for a long time. It cerCainly
falle to the intellecruals to take Che initiative in a rapprochement. The
cri~is on the left may facilitate Chis.
PoliCical Role of Intellectuals
Paris L'HUMANITE in French 9 Jan 79 p 2
[Article by Michel Cardoze: "What Aboue the Intellectuals?"~
[Text] The CommiCtee of Intellectuals for the Europe of Freedoma (CIEL) will
voice its views Chis evening in an open diacuseion on FR 3(radio and tele-
viaion channel 3J (the CIEL will be represented, in addition to ite
secretary-general, Alain Ravennea, by Eugene Ioneaco and Jacques Henric~ ae
well as Paul Goma, a writer who lefC Romania lasC year).
'fhe platform of the CIEL (January 1978) was contradictory enough that the
individuals who put their signatures to it wer~ diverse: let us say for the
sake of simplicity that they ranged from the confirmed ri&hC to the usual
and well-known phases of social democracy. This platform proclaimed the
desire to free culture and cultural values from the realm of political
_ conflict, on the one hand, but it also clearly asserted--and several weeks
before March 1978--the necessiCy of avoiding change. "The present criais,
even ita aggravation, remains preferable to the outcome which appears likely
with every developing doubt: the tota?.itarian certainty." Let us overlook
(but should one, really?) the quality of the intellectual method involving
reducing the choices offered to the societiea of Western Europe to theee two
alternativea--either moral, political and economic crisis, or else "totali-
tarian certainty."
On the~basis of this "choice" (one can clearly see, in relation to the
alternativea of political life, what this involvQS in terms of support and
re~ection) the CIEL developed a concept, for Europe~n apace, of intellectuals
as the guardians of freedoms above all. The distortion of the great tradition
of the intellectual as a"moment in human awareness" (a term used by Anatole
France at Zola's funeral) is accompanied by a kind of terrorism turned against
all those who re~ect the false choices of the CIEL: if you want change, you
� 16
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
nre enemieg of freedom. The de~ense oP br~yfu~ today me~ne th~ maintengnc~ _
of the framework of crieie, the oniy gu~r~ntge o! plutialiem! Thig ie tihe
theme of CarCer's epeech, among otihere.
- The purpo~~ 04 theee Pew commente ie not only to racell that tha cho~ca ha~ _
never been rhat, from the point ot view o! the PCF: ite etrategy bregks
with the criaie (uniike the temptation toward social democraCic compromiee)
by meens of democratic development and ~~xpanded and developed freedoms.
- Without this democratic development, tt:e etrategy of etruggi~ of Che 22nd
congrpes ha~ no me~ning.
The frequent and quite proper etrese placed~ in very broad inCellectual
circies, extending far beyond ehe CIEL, on the need to re~ist any atteck on
the freedome to Chink, to write~ to publieh anywl~ere, instead o! being a
burden~ ~oins with and strengthene ~ vital component in ehe life choeen by
the PCF.
And it is precieely to implement this that ~e are making a break with the
cancept of intellectuals ae witnesBes, beacone, coneciencee, ae pertirent to
a time when freedom may have seemed like a bonua, a supp~ement to other gaine, -
advancea and revolutione in the economic and eocial order.
The role, the number and the place of intellectuale also leada to a turn
away from a concept of the intell~ctuale�-preciaely that of the CIL~I. which
ie basically a distortion, limiting them to the role of witnessee of morality
for a decaying eociety.
- According to the PCF~ the intellectuala have other and better things to do.
Citizena and vorkere, they are not aeparate beiegs, and aocial change~
democracy in buaineas--self-management--ia their buainesa: thie is the
epecific realm of the alliance with the Workers.
As to those who chooae active participation in political life in the PCp~
they are neither intelligent ornaments nor the talented illustratora of
documenta the easence of which escapps them. Contrary to the concept of the
Giscard d'Eetaing ideologs Who founded and direct the CIEL, aho vant to keep
the intellectuals apaxt from "politics," from ite drafting and implementatioe,
aseigning them instead a"noble" function as the lighthouee-keeper of freedom. _
Let us repeet, and the Vitry meeting bor~e living witneae to thie, that the
PCF does not ~~ndorse this desire to mutilate the participation of thoee in-
tellectuals who have opted far direct political engegement.
Does this mean that, where the I'CF~ is concerned, equality among communiste
_ means uniformity? To atudy, to discusa, to publish, to debete burning
sub~e~ta ae Marxiets--this was the appeal isaued bq the Political Bureau at
Vitry. A party which haa become an intellectual collective neede aithin it
the specific contribution intellectuals can make because of their epecial cap-
- acity for amaseing knoWledge, for reeearch, for the prodnction of ideas.
17
FOR OFPICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
i
- FOR O1~I~ICIAL US~ ONLY ~
Thie ie �ar from the Concept aeeerted and implemented-�Por example in the
CI~L--by the Giecaxd d'Estaing right wing,
Itoie Within Communigt Party
Perio L't~IUMANITE 29 Mgr ~9 p 7
~Articl~ by Serge Wn:ikow, Honor~ dp Balxgc Secondery 5chool C~11, Guy MoqueC
~~Ction, Paris ~edergtinn: "On the Sub~~ct of the Int~1l~cCuals"]
(~ext~ Y am sL�ruck by the r~rity of the contributione which deal with the
probleme of intellectuals in eociety and the work of the party in ieading
them, and I hav~ been astonished to nota th~ lack of participation by
communist intellectual~ in maet~rs affecting their role, their activity and
their own responeibility in the party. Th~se ob~grvationa explain why i am
riaking Che contiment~ which foliow.
The problem of the int~ilpctugle cgnnot be taken up outeide the etr~tegy -
and the ganeral gctivity of the p~rty. The draft reeolution deals with it -
in eeveral placee. I would like to stress here the most important aepecte
and, it seems Co me~ th~ newest in ite analyeie. _
The Intellectuals and the Crieie _
The intellectuale are involved in the crieis, since the Giecard d'Eeraing
policy hae affected the life and work of many of them. In the enterprieee,
techniciane, cadrae and engineere are euffering from diamiesal and deterior- _
ation of Working conditione. In the public s~rvicee~ in edueation and
health, the effects of the regime's augterity policy affect them directly.
The draft shoas hot,t, in thie aituation, the intellectuals have bee~ led to
defend their demande by etruggle arid to take their plgce in the democratic
battle.
But if the crisie createa a aubatantial potential for the convergence of
the atruggle, it has contradictory effecte affecting the intellectuals too.
_ It affecta them in fact in differenti~ted terme and by this token gives
rise to contradictorq behavior. This is an objective hindrance to the _
alliance betWeen the intellectuals and the other aorkera and createe a baee
al~owing intervention by the regime and the o~mers' clase.
The Intellectuals at Isaue
In its description of the counteroffeneive pureued by the Ciscard d'S~taing
regime to extend its poaitions, the draft reeolution is atreasing, in my
vies~ in a neW aaq, the a8seta to be Won ahich the intellectuals ae a ahole
repre8ent.
For the regime. it !e no longer only a queetion of neutralizing the intel-
lectuals, but of vinaing them over ideologically and politicaliy fer
recave~~q of monopolistic dominetion ae a function of the crieis. To this end,
18
FOR OFFICIAL US8 ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFYCIAL U5E ONLY
tihe regime i~ exploiting the di~veraity oP ~ituatione Co aeC one group againet
Che other gnd to isolute them from the workere' c~,ags, pureuing e vaet
id~ological campaign~
Thie ideological undertaking ie being pursued globally with the t~e1p of the
ancial democrate~ The dr~ft resolution emphasizes irs new nature and terms -
it ideological warfare.
Thie "eituaCion" nf the intellectuals within Fr~nch society is neceaeary in
~ order to define what Che policy of the party shouid be wieh regard eo that.
- The drafC reaolution seemg to me to reveal the need to abandon once and for
- ~11 a certain idyllic and linear viaw of the allignce of the intellectuals -
with the workere' class and the oCher categories of workere.
Hec~uee of their very nature, it is necessary for Che communiste, in order _
to overcome Che obetacles to alliance, to approach the intellectuals with a
presentaCion of the whole of the party policy, to diecuss the overall politi-
cal condiCions for change with them, and thus to make them understand the
role and the place the workers' class muat occupy therein. -
But at the same time the political and ideological activiCy of the commu~?ists
has been too general to date. In order to be effective, it must take into
account the diversity of the intellectual strata and their specific aspira-
Ciona. Moreover, t1~ie is something quite different from the simple adding
together of corporatiat demands.
This presumes a comr~lex battle and profound thought. On this point the
~ draft reaolution iF, headed in the right direction. I am thinking in particular
_ of the de::e:~n ;:o study--finallyl--the social classes in systematic fashion,
creating a work group for the purpose in the Central.Co~nittee, or again the
decision to link the party work with the ITC [engineers, techniciana and
middle management peoplej wiCh the "buainess" sector.
Much work remains to be done. This presumes further thought.
The Coaanunist Intellectuals and Their Place in the Party
T~e idea ~~t the role of Che intellectuals in the Communist Party cannot be
formulated in terms of an alliance between the workers and the intellectuals
seeme to me to be undoubtedly one of the basic propositiona confirmed at
the Vitry meeting. Although it did not provoke open re~ection, how can we
fail to see that in fact it is often ignoreo by the very individuals who
claim to be concerned with the position of the intellectuals in Che party?
Thus it aeems to be useful to return to this question in order to note how
and why it ia indiapensable to evaluate our approach to the queation o! the
intellectuals properly.
lg
FOR OPFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
rOR OFFICIAL US~ ONLY
In discussing their role in Che party, there hae long been g tendency Co place
exclueive eCress on Cheir contribut~on Co the specific activiCies of the party _
wiCh regard to Che varioue categories of inte~.lectuals within so~iety. As I
have noted, this contribuCion is indispensable and irreplaceable, providing
the Communist Party wiCh Che meana of integrating the apecific information
characCerietic of the strata with which iC is dealing in iCs thought and
acCivity. But thie kind of approach doea not suPfice for a conaideraCion of
Che role and place Che inCellecCuals can occupy as a whole in party activiCy.
We ourselvea have often used the ~erm "relations" (between the party and ite
inCellectuals) in diacussing the problem, Was this not an indicaCion of a
limiting concepC of the linka between the party oP the workers' clase, on
the one hand, and the intelleceuals, on the other?
We re~ect the concept according to which there is a choice between only Cwo
- rolea f or the inCellectual in Che Communist Party: either effective propa-
gandizing of the party policy as a brilliant commentator knowledgeable in
handling the oral and writCen language, or else a criti~:a1 mind, a spokeaman i
and Cassandra which role only an intellectual can play because of his Craining
and intellectual sensitiviCy. _
~hese two imagea of the role of the intellectuals in the Communist Party lead
to a restrictive concept of Cheir ro1e, becaus~ then they are placed by
definition ouCside the procesa of drafting policy, expected either to il-
luatrate and propagate it, or to contribute a contemplative supplement to it.
To ~udge from their writinga, is it not clear that some retain the outdated
idea that creative and living intellectual activity is not the businesa of
the revolutionary party as a whole, which is incapable of it?
Specific Contribution, Spec~fic Responsibilities
The direction of the Communist Party seems to me to be radically different.
To conf irm this it sufficea to examine the address by Georges Marchais in
Vitry and the part of the draft resolution devoted to the party and its theory.
The act ivity of party contemplation is expressed in very diversified fashion,
in the drafting of its atrategy, the concept and the practice of party
functioning in its various forms: theoretical research, education, propa-
ganda. "Today, our party itself has become an intellectual collective
developing its theory and policy. The intellectuals who are membera of
the party contribute fully to thia process."
It seems Co me that the entire party activity is inaeparable from intel-
lectual activity, which cannot be reduced to the mere process of understanding
society, including the reflection by the party on itself, this activity
being inaeparable from the revolutionary policy of the party in a11 its
dimensions.
20
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
The pnrCy doea not say Co communiet inCe1],ectua~,s: "Xou have a apecific
conrribution to make," in order to please them or for tACtical reasons.
Similnrly iC doee nnt eay Co Chem: "You have nn ~wareness, ~ Aood knowledge
of your circles," simply to help the party to eftect Che alliance. In Pact, -
because it muet undertake ever-broader, more complex and dilferentiated
intellectual work, the party abeolutely needa Che epecific contribution of ~
the inCellectuals to the theoretical and political development related to
the conception and implementation of the democraCic path.
This reflecCion by the party is thua the businesa of all communists, and noC
3ust the intellectuals.
He who says specific contribution also implies the apecific responaibility
of the party leadership to facilltate the work of the inCellectuals, and the
responsibility of the intellectuals ehemselves Co embark upon this work~
Developing Research _
The strategy of the democratic path and the new analyses on livi.ng theory
set forth in the draft resolution create the most favorable conditions for
the development of party activity on all levels. But they also make the
inadequacies clearer, the more so since the bourgeoisie is systematically
undertakin g to organize its ideological offensive.
It is not a question of ignnring the research work published on various =
questions, nor above all the theoretical advances made in connection with the
development of the party strategy. It seems to me however that research, as
well as the ideological initiatives of the party, have failed to advance to
the extent demanded by the needs resulting from the ideological struggle and
the development of our policy.
Critical examination of these inadequacies should in my view be pursued in
close relation with the positive thought which leads to proposals. I have
been struck by the disparity between the potential of the intellectuals'our
party boasts and the state of our ideological battle. The developmenC of
study and reflection seems Co me to have been sadly out of balance.
The advances in our political theory which I have already mentioned serve,
it seems to me, to make the importance of developing research still clearer.
On the level of our strategy, the links relating research, general tlieoreti-
cal reflection ~nd the policy of the party are beyond question. But this ,
link does not develop spontaneously, because political activity and research
are different things and do not develop at the same rate.
Political and ideological activity are designed to alter the level of -
awareness and the political conduct of individuals. In this connection, it
is different from the scientific knowledge of society, but at the same time,
- 21
FOR 0~'FICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_
FOR OF'~ICIAL USE ONLY
it muet incorporate iCa resu~,ts, and in reXation with po],icy, in order to be =
more efPective.
' This produces a number o~ copaequences. It ie necessary to organ3ze theoreti-
- cal reflection and researcl~ according to epec{fic modalltiea. with their own -
- reaonance, in order to have an overall view oP them and to be able to give
them an impetue 1lnked with the generai political and ideological activity _
of the party and ita needa. .
1~ao Proposals
These remarke and comments lead me to puC forth two proposals:
1. The congresa resolution ahould explicitly contain, within the chapter
devoted to the party, the idea that "the relations between the workere and _
the intellectuals in the party ia not the same as that in eociety. It is _
not viewed in terms of alliance. Party unity is the uniCy of all the membera
- of the party with equality of rights and duties on the basis of the fundamental
goals Chey define together and for which they fighC tog,Qth~r." Thia is the
wording in the report delivered by Georges Marchais in Vitry, and I am sur-
priaed that it was not used Cextually in the draft reaolution! -
2. The Central Committee elected by the 23rd congreas ahould prepare and
adopt a new document pertaining Co intellectuals and culture and in particular
the problems of the ideological struggle and research, as the Political
Bureau proposed in Vitry. _
Concept of 'Collective Intellectual'~
Paria L'HUMANITE in French 7 Apr 79 p 6
[Article by A~ftoine Casanova, Paul Eluard Cell, Besancon Section, Doubs
Federation: "The Party as Vanguard and the Communiat Intellectuals"] .
[Text] After an already long hiatory, the French Communist Party has become
the party of the workers' class in our country, the revolutionary vanguard
in France. These precious gains are in no way, however, a frozen asset.
Doesn't their living and real extension require that we make a more precise
_ and proper assessment of what this role and this vanguard function imply in
today's France?
Doesn't the exercise of this role pose more forcefully and urgentlythan
yesterday both the question of increasing the capacity of the entire party
for intellectual activity and action and the problem of the need, more
indispensable and replaceable than ever, for a contribution by the communist
intellectuals to the life of the whole of their party?
It is these problems, I believe, which ar~ at the heart of our 1ife, our
actiony our questions, our thought. The Central Committee meetings of 1978 and,
1979 and meetings such as that in Vitry last December bear witness to this.
22
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
P'OR OFFICIAL U3~ ONLY
D~~1t with ~nd ~et �orCh in Che dr~ft r~go~,ueinn, th~y gre h~w~v~r ~C111 tod
rgre~y t~dund, iC ~~~m~ Co me, in the contribuC~~n~ to Che di~CU~gidn pr~-
p~rgtory to the ~~rd congrpge~ Thie obeervgCion ~oincidp~ wiCh ChAC made by
5erge Wdllkov in the ~9 Merch iegup o4 t'1iUMANIT~, Yt i~ al~~ giong a line
con~iatent with hig Chinking thae I eake ehe 1ib~rCy oP making ~nme cnmm~nt~
gnd sugg~etione.
Whge th~ Vengu~rd Rnip D~mand~
I would mention firet nf a11 aome of Che aep~cC~ I eee n~ implic~tinn~ af
the vgnguard role of the Fr~nch Communiet P~rty under Cnday'e conditinn~.
� Being ehe vanguard poliCic~1 nrganitaCidn di the worker~' cl~~~ pnteilg ~
Cgking the pos~ibilitiea, questiong and contradicCion~ inherpnt in the
- popul~r ttx~vement and Chp clase struggle ae ~ whole inCo ev~r-better ~ccount
1n all of ita ddeumente, undertakinge and actione. In other worde, to
forus on the easenCial aepecte, taking into account:
The enrichmente of knowledge. analys~a, member~hip, and potential for action
which, agaittat the policy of the eCate end n~~nr cgpiCgl, erige from the
convergence of unprecedented depths between the workers' cla~s and the Working
people as g whole, an~ developing at th~ game Cime on n~w t~rrain (f~�om
women's liberation to the quality of life) in which aspiratione for freedom,
for conCrol of exiatence in all realms of collecCive and person~l life are
rising;
The questions~ difficulties, searches acid underCakinge which c~lsn give ris~ _
to disparities, the illusiona characterizing these atrugglee and aspiratione,
with in particular a tendency to experience them partially~ separaCely~
easily recoverable by the various reformist "solutions";
The intellectual reaearch effort. answers both basic and speedy, diversified
and consistent, required by the counteroffensive (which is particularly
acute in France), both political (making every revolutionary proFSpect and
attitude repulsive, wherever it has develop~d or may develop) and philo-
sophical (denying the intellectuals and the worker-citizens as a whole any
rational and consieCent prospect~ rendering them incapnble of ~oing beyond
partial and aplintered views).
At the same time, and above all under today's condition~, the communista
cannot jointly establish the goals and the tools for this vanguard action,
with equality of rights and duties, unlesa the party constantly and more
extensively nurtures these documents and activities by diversified cantri-
butions, experience and knowledge which only the great diversity of the -
practical rooCs of the communists can provide. In other words, as G. Marchais
stressed in his report at Vitry, "the vanguard which is the party of the
workers' class is not only the vanguard of the workers' class. It ie Che
_ vanguard of tlie entire historical movement. The policy of our party is the
policy of the whole vanguard, make up ot workere, off ice employees, peasants
and intellectuals."
23
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_
~OR d~~'tCIAL U5~ ONLY
Th~ge r~quir~meneg and th~~~ need~ pdged by th~ v~ngu~ru n~tivity d~v~lnp~d
in uniey frnm the diver~ity o~ Cnneributi~n~ xindg it~ gngwer gnd ~h~uid
~v~r incre~~ingly ~ti11 Pind thgC angw~r in th~ ~unetidnin~ d~ the PC~ a~ ~ -
coll~ctiv~ intelipceu~l body.
The gngiy~i~ nf eh~ ht~tnrical procee~ nf th~ dpv~lnpm~nt of th~ prpg~nt
mode of party functioning a~ a coilectiv~ int~ll~~eu~1 body ~in oth~r wnrd~
thp member~ of the p~rey a~ g whnl~: worker~, ppaeents, int~llecCu~1~, pte)
would r~quir~ b~th dpvelopm~nt impo~~ibie here end enaly~~e (hi~tdrieal,
epi~eemological) which ~rp 'uet beginning ro em~rg~. Let ua ~gy only, in
~urom~ry gnd v~ry tentgtiv~ fg~hion, th~t eh~ m~thod of knowing eh~ ~�p~l ~nd
acCing upon it suitpd tn ehe pa~rty would ae~m C~ be thp con~t~nt edrrpl~tion,
nurturing gad mutual enrichment (gccording td vgrinu~, compl~x, d~veloping
mod~litie~) of th~ herie~ge (made up of gain~ gnd qu~sCion~) of MarxigC
thenry, multiple knowledge (in pgrticular of eocial proc~~seg), pxperi~nc~
dev~iop~d iYi common (on ~he ba~ie of diff~r~nt saci~l situationg which
g~rve td complete the ~xperience of the w~rk~r~' clage whil~ gign b~ing
_ illuminated by ir) in Che overall m~vement of ~ocigl relations ~nd clag~
gtruggle~, and also the experience, coneC~nCly rene~ted gnd enriched, in the
form of organization best auited to guaranteeing freedom nf thought end
efficiency of action in the revolutionary battl~ ggainet heavy capital~
The procees of activity and the drafting of the Cheory and policy of the -
revolutionary parCy in France, as iC exigCe today (that is to say as oppoaed -
to the 19th century or the beginning of the 20th century) has to do with the
organic linke among all the conCributions, factors, living sectore of experi-
ence. The functioning of the whole of the party ae a collective intellectual
body cannot therefore be reduced either to knowledge viewed aeparately nor
to a type of experience in the atruggle continued aeparately. Thie
functioning of the whole doee not aeem to lend itself to reduction to the
mechanical or sociologica~ aum of these contributione and factnre either~
~r again to the hegemonic predominance of one element (the worker or
_ intellectual element, for example) or the other. It is a living, original
functioning (also inaeparable from the overall movement of social relations,
which merits extensive study and examination, moreovery in which the drafting
of guidelines and analyses needed by the party results from this circulation
of contributione, exchange among them, their mutual nurturing and enrichment.
And all this in a process in which the relatioas among Worker, peasant and
intellectual members exists on the basis of organic unity and equality, not
in terms of ~uxtaposition or even alliance.
Improving the Work of the Communist Intellectuals
Today more than ever, the process of Marxist and revolutionary development
involves the drafting by the party, to use Lenin`s words, of "an assessment
of the experieace gained enlightened by a profound philosophical concept and
by an extended knowledge of history" ("Works," Vol )IXV, p 440). It is a
question at the same time of a movement in which the special contribution of
24
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFI~~IC~Ai. Uu~ ONLY
~~?ch typ~ nf exp~rienre nr kno-wlpdg~, f~r ~rom bping di~ppn~~bl~, i~
~~~entigl td inCr~g~ing Ch~ c~p~ctty !~r knnwiedge, dev~lnpment, initietiv~
gnd ~trug~i~ of Ch~ whd~~ of the pgrty, th~t ig tn ~gy the fu11 reali.zgtinn
of ie~ v~ngu~rd re~1e.
In thi~ cdnnection it i~ indiep~ns~bi~, !nr ~x~mple~ for Che p~rty ~o put
into ue~ th~ form~ of org~nising r~fi~cti~n ~nd work which wiii ~llow thp
- militant~ in th~ i~rg~ ~nterprie~e tn eompgrp Ch~ir pxppripnce more pff~~tiv~ly,
- to benefit from the ~ontribution oP the probletng ae we11 ae the lcnow~edge of
Che whdl~ of th~ pgrty. Conv~r~ely, this givpg eh~ variou~ pgrty organizg- -
tidn~ (cp1~.~, ~pCtiong, f~d~rgtiong, CpnCrgi CnmmiCCpe) ~n dppnrtunity to
benefit from th~ preciou~ ~~ei~e~nce whi~h better knowledge and morp effective
~ctinn in thig decieiv~ gprtor of th~ cig~~ gtruggl~ r~pr~~~nte.
The ~~me is true today w~h~r~ th~ org~nization of the exchgnge of thought and
work by connnuaigt inteilectuale ie conc~rned. The coneiderably incr~eeed
role (both qualitative ~nd quantitativ~) of th~ inC~ilpctuai ~Cr~e~ in Che
cduntry and the capital imporC~nce, ~g aell ~g complexity of achievemenr,
of their allianCe with th~ wdrker~' claes, thp need for substgntigl improve-
ment in the cap~city of the entire party fnr itttell~ctual activity are such
th~t it i~ vitel ~nd profitabl~ to find and put into use the forma of organi- _
zation gnd labor moet likely to g11ow communiet intellecCuals to giv~ the
full meaeure of their specifYC ~ontributione: in the knowledge of their
own environment, ind~ed, but at leg~t ta the same extent and above all in
the devel8pm~nt af cancret~ r~~~~rch ~s vell g~ the drafting of categories
which wi11 make it poesible better to comprehend the trend of the sciencee
and knowledge, the movement of eoc:ial rel~tions, and thua~ against the
varidus and maseive irrational cruaades, to contribute to enauring a better
perc~ption and mastery on a Marxist and rationaliet basis of the movement
of ua~ity and epecificity which in complex and inexhauetible fashion the
- procege involves. '
To help the communiat intellectuals in this connection by such meetings as
that held in Vitry and those held by the federations in January, by the
establiehment of new or improvement of existing premiaes and bodies for
thought and research--this will mean for Lhe party as a whole providing the
means to gugrantee a theoretical, political and practical vanguard function
Which will be ever-increasingly that of the historic movement as a whole,
with Che etakes inherent in it in France today.
Two 5uggestione
Thus I would conclude these few comments with the following suggestions:
The proposal that in the portion devoted to the revolutionary party, where
it says: "What distinguiRhes our par.ty from all the other groups is that
it represents the vanguard political organization of the aorkers` class,"
the congresa ahould add: "and thereby the vanguard of the entire historical
movement."
25
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOA OFP~CIAL U3L~ ONY,Y
2. I wnuld in eurrt ~upporC tih~ ~,ropng~d gtn~ndm~ne ~ugge~t~d by Serge ,
Wolikov, i.e~ ChAC the re~oluCion ot the congreas explicttLy inc].ud~ in Chp
chgptar devoC~d to th~ patiCy the idea th~C "the r~~,ation~ betw~en th~ worker~
and the ietelleCtuale in Che party are not tre eame ae in society. They are
, not viewed in terme of ~n alli:~ncp. Pgrty unity ie the unity o! eli Che
membere of the party, with ~qu~lity nP righte and duCie~, on tih~ baeis of
the fund~amental gogls they de~ine together ~nd Por which they light to~?ether."
- Thie quotation from the reporr by G. Marchaie reeme to me to clarify a~d
complete the drsft resoluCion, with which moreover it is profoundly conei~rent. -
'Communiat~' 'InCellecCual': Contradictory Terme
' Paria LA NOWELLE CRITIQUE in French Apr 79 pp 41-43
(Article by Maurice Goldring: "Inward Look: Permanent Tension"~
[Text~ Maurice Goldring ini~ielly tried out as a
polemiciet ar LA NOUVELLE CRITYQUE. Accordiugly~
it ie undoubtedly euperfluous Co "introduce" him ~
Co our readers. Let us however recall that vhile
Ceaching at Vincennes he publiehed books on Ireland
and "5urviving in New York" after epending a year
_ in the United States. He also wrote "The
Accident~" his reflectiona ae of March 1978 and
whose continuaCion includes the political intro-
spection below.
A communiet intellectual. A large maea of cla~ laid on the floor. Large
goba are first perceived which then outline his form and then more flexible -
bite become evident and the linea become clearer. Churning around the
floor shoe s~les crush the fatty earth.
A growing aumber of intellectuals are preaeat everywhere in society~ in
. production, the arts, communications, education, and research, everywhere,
even in politice. The first difficulty is that they are diverse. Let us
accept the following as a definition of the intellectual: "The one who
professionally uaes skills. kaowledge, and 'savoir-faire' of a high caliber,
generally acquired through advanced education." He can thus be a teacher,
a researcher, an inspector of fiaance, a television produeer, a president
of France, an engineer, or a police co~nissioner. In a circle which has
common characterisCics, the communist will bring out differences. He is �
badly brought up. His laaguage, cultural references, gestures, books, filma,
weekliea, and evening paper are often those common to other individuals
except for his choice of the morning newspaper, L'HUMANITE.
There are differences and contradictiona. There are material differences
betweea a young teacher who is atarting at who kaows what wages already
aud the no less young sprout to whom a firm in the private sector pays
30,006 French francs a month--two worlds eeparated by a Chinese wall.
26
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ,
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~'OR UFFICIAL US~ ONT.1'
There ~xi~C~ a cul.tural community divid~d by the class etruggle. xo whom am
I cinger--Che ~prout who h~s become preeident-genergl m~nager or Chp
activist who ie a eteel mill worker7 I could answer thia apontaneouely bue
moderation and reaeon prompe me to reply ae followe: I mave away from
Che inCellectual inCegrated in executive circle~ because his social position
ineviCably prompCe him eo consider my intelleceual acCivity euepect. I
am closp to the activieC eteel mill worker becauee his militant effort _
creates betwe~n himself and me a golid fieLd of posaible understanding.
A Marginal CommenC
~ I shall make a marginal comment here. People call it a heterogeneous,
conCradictory circle. People say thae the crisie of cgpitalism geaerates
new contradictions. Is the working class immune from thie analysie? There
are conventional hierarchica~. contradictions with cadres. rhere are
~ contradictione between skilled and $pecialized iabor~ under aew forms,
conaected with the fact that the most unskilled labor consiste mainly of
immigranC workers and women.
One should not thus consider the heterogeaeoue nature of the intellectuals
as one of their epecific Craita whereas the working claes is suppoaedly
welded as a homogeneous bloc. The difference--there are many oChere--is
that the "intellectual commuaity" is divided by the fundamental clash of
claeses. In the working class the goal is to overcome exieting coatradic-
tions of all kinds to better e~cure ita uaity. Among the intellectuals what
ie involved is to "break" thie community. to b~eak some loyalties~ to break
unanimity.
Whea I defend my ideae in an intellectual circle I ahock people. ~ihen I =
aesert my apecific atatus as an intellectual ia my party I cause friction. ~
I uuquestionably feel that people expect me to mold myself according to
the most conventional form of the activist, to plane all tiioae rough edges
which make the brotherhood of battle more difficult. I have at times given
way to this presaure to speak of my circle with a certain condescension.
You will uaderstand that my colleagues are frail while at the Renault auto-
mobile plant.... Enough said. I fight for my ideas uncompromisingly, but .
I refuae to consider as negatf.ve the loyalty that tiea me to my social and `
cultural circle. That is where I work, that is where I live, and that i8
where I struggle.
To Abdicate?
The class adversary who uadoubtedly feels somewhere the frailness of the
interim period exerts preasure in the same directioa. For him an intellectual
who ~oins the communist party is no longer an intellectual. Rather, he
~bdicates his freedom. He swapa his critical spirit for Marxism, its pomp,
aad its dogmas. As soon as he apeaks he displays his chains. He tallcs of
exploitation, class struggle, inequalities, revoltuion and reformism. He
is lost. All of this, naturally, in the name of the struggle for the
rights of inea. The gulag: Look where it lea~s when men who use the sawe _
27
FOR OFFICIAL tiSE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~
1~'OR U~'1~ICIAL USE ONLY
languege achieve power. Thua~ Che etiruggle ggaineC th~ ~uleg begin~ with
the eil~nce impoeed on criticieme leveled ge capita].iem. Thp eought goal
is to creatie e situation where Che unemployed worker--who instegd of declgring
in a playful tone "I seek work" ~,~ill eay in a somewhat sorrowful Cone "I
am unemployed"--will find himeelf treated ae a~Caliniet~ a 5Ca-lin-i~tl -
Ytt high places where people cogitate~ Chese themes recur insietently. I
heer people repeaCing ob~ectione to Marxism which I thoughC childieh or
ouCdated. In the high places where people reflect eher~ now ruleg a .
woridly terroriem which raiaee obstacleg to any ~ocial criticiem. These ~
people ~re the colleagues of the Soviee officials. So, you have decided
to participate in the strugglea of the working clasg. You have chosen
~ 'exile. Very well~ you will have~aeked for it. You are divested of your
inCellectual citizenship, we are reliQVing you of your pasgport, we close
our borders to you. You will noC be able Co cross them again except at
the price of a reneging, of making a declaration on your honor: "I regret
my pledge. Never again. Give me back my passport." They offer a choice ~
_ between rallying to the cause and silence.
Well then, eilence no way. Silence is something of the paet. My intellectual
citixenehip depends on my acCivity, on the work Chat I produce. It can do '
without your bureaucratic seal.
I etruggle for my liberty, also for youra which ie inseparable. M intel-
lectual who makes someone else shut up could not be free. When you take
my passport away you put on the uniform of the border guarda. I want your
thoughte to be printed, thoughts which excite me. And let what I have in
mind, which irritates you, be printed. I shall return blow for blow under
conditions Chat I aaRit to make the same for everyone. Thia ia on one condi-
tion, inaufficient and neceasary, that no one, aeither you nor we, has the
official or unofficial right to withdraw anyone's pasaport. ,
The conventional imagea of the revoluCionary intellectual are crumbling .
amid noise and dust.
_ The propheC intellectual, the messiah who brings light to an exploited
masa. Dust. '
" The besieged working claes: the intellecCual ~oins its positiona and
fights at its aide. He shoute: "Father, take care to tihe right; father,
take care to the left." Duat.
Another dislocated image. The intellectual lauds the atruggle of inen.
Hey, you there, you have a nice voic~, an attractive pen, a handsome brush,
a nice drum. Take the lead and sing. He takes the lead and he sings. He
sings in the lead. He thus thinka of himaelf as a general. Outside, they
also take him for a general. He is happy and proud. He realizea that
he is not the chief at ehe first word that he wishes to change, at the
firat change that he wants to make. Dust. ~
28
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFYCTAL US~ ONLY
From all eidee eome wieh ue to belleve thae an ineellectu~l can only be
~ither an official of someona in revolt. Dirty hande or a nak~d hearC.
Ae always~ thie trap can function because it ie not completely alien to
realitiy. Thie is noC a reaeon t~n allow one to be taken in.
Firmg have availab].e house engineers and thoee who graduaCed from the
"grandes ecoles" (preotigious profeseional school8]. The latter h~ve
- more advanced theoreCical training genergily eti~bling rhem to better ad~u~t _
to technological and ecientific change~. Th~ former~ trained in large
numbere, have acquired great experience buC in.a very specialized field.
They are lees well equipped to face reaesignmenC when called for, and
unemployment affecte nare of them and for a longer time. Modern production
needs high-calibex engineers wiCh theoretical training. but this high level
of training makee them less docile, more difficult Co control. '
WhaC. type af intellectuels does the communieC party need? IC needs
intellecCuals not sub~ect to control.
_ LveryChing begine when one wishea to please one's father. With the purring~
- the track~ and the path already traced, words which please, ~ounde which ~
_ carese, the graes which leans with the wind. Md tell me, how should one
never please? It is indeed nece8~ary that at one time or other ideas ehould
coincide, resolvea ahould overlap, externalities ehould recognize each
other, and everything freeze in the pleasLre of being together, in that
harmony of the ~elly which takea the form of the other, the water mattresa~
the feather pillow. I like what you have ~uat said, that ie, your aords
have assumed my forms, I lie comfortably in them. The will to dieplease ie
another form of dogmatiam. Surly, never eatiefied, what elae will he eay. _
To do the oppoaite is still to imitate.
~ Neither one nor the other. The communist party aeeds intellectuals who
raise c}uestions in their time, in keeping with their work and changes in
the world, without ceasure~ without self-criticism~ without the paralyzing
need to please or dfsplease either their party or any coterie whatever. -
That is not easy, there is a constaat contra~iction in it which can become -
conflictual or enrichiag for political activity. The idea that activist
work could be confuaed with intellectual aork or that intellectual work
could coincide arith militant activity ia an attractive, geaerous~ and
erroneous idea. Tenaion is permanent.
Among you that ia private. You are in a special milieu. No one elae but
you raises those queations. Let us turn down these stifling co~enta, for
pxivacy ia the only mode of exiatence of the collectivity. Wha ia it who
lives in a nonprivate milieu?
. 29
' ~ FOR OF~:CIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~ FOR OI+FIC~AL USL~ ONLY
Th~ RichaeC 3ymphoni~~
Let us ra~~ct the~e commeate for anbti~er BVe~InhegrdeiC~eaidC~hen concret~i~h
our perception of th~ world. How often h
examples of represeion in a socialiet counttiy were in~ected into s diecue-
eir~n~ "That is an intellacCugl concern"? Even if thie w~re the cese euch
"concern" ehould indeed be faced. But Chie ie not the case. Thig con~cern
ia generai~ and ehe refueal to see it eeems to me to discloee g fairly
ecornful aCtitude vis~a-vie the working claee which ig ~udged, ie the name
of I don't know what fabriceted image~ to be ineenaitive to attaclce on
liberties. LeC us leave to the r3ght and th~ reformere thie idea which
degradee the etruggle of the working c~aee. ~
- No matter where you may be~ whoever you may be~ you are aever alone, you '
never aek aolitary questione. Lverywh~re the entire world accompanies
you. Thus~ each time th~t you keep quiet thinking: "It is not import~nt,
~it involves only a eniall minority~ I eha11 not dieturb the others wiCh my
epecific queetions," not only s1o you eilence a voice which is not eo
unimportant--yours--but additionally you silence a large number of people
who might heve identified with your quesCion or your comment. It is not
beceuse some will keep quiet Chat others will ealk more.
If everyone taYke, that naturally create~ noise and it vill be more
complicated to convert thie noise into music. But the richest symphonies
are those which eucceed in blending contradictory melodic lines. Otherwiee
one hears: "Hey~ this is rubbieh~" whoae only effect ie poor enough.
I ehall not desd to anyone the gift of the intellectual who wae led aetray
in the communist party and exhibite his torn conscience. My activity ie
irreplaceable. Even i� it at timea irritatea thoee who cannot bear not
to master everything because it never knowe in advaace either the questions
or the answere. They will have to ~earn to live with it because it is
preciaely for that reasou that it ia irreplaceable.
If all that is involved is to copy. duplicating machines are quite
sufficient.
- COPYRIGHT: 1979~ Les Editiona de la Nouvelle Critique
2662
CSO: 3100
_ ~
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~c~R O~~t~tAi, U9~ ONI,Y
~dUN'~ttY S~CTIdN tntANC~
~IS5IUENT INT~LL~C'CUAt, ACTIVITI~S, tt~LATI(~NSHIp T~1 5~~~'~Y
- Tot~tit~rinn So~ietieg gnd Individu~li~m
p~rig E~AitIS MA'~CH in ~r~n~h 1~ Nav 7~ pp 70, 71, 103
(Interview with Vl~dimir Bukovgkiy by J~~n ~llpingt~in: "Ig Cnmmuni~m
Perverge7"]
~'Cext~ Vl~dimir Buknv~kiy ig th~ Sovipt diggidenc aho
agg ~xci~~ngpd for th~ Chilean cdmmuni~t l~~d~r Lui~
Gnrvol~n in 1976. Bukov~kiy, whn noW livpg in Gr~~~
. $rit~in, apent lnng yearg in v~rinu~ prigdn ~~mp~ ~nd ~
pgychi~tric hnspit~l in th~ U55~t, ~g d~g~ribed in hig
baok publi~h~d by Rob~rt L~ffont ~ntitl~d Md
the Wind Blowg Ag~in." N~rp, in ~ Eully illuminaeing
discu~~ion on communigm aith Je~n Ellpingtein, the French
higtnrign nf the communigt party, quegtionin~ uh~th~r it
ig ba~ically pprverg~ dr he~ b~en corruptpd by the s~-
quence of histe~rirgl eventg. '
(~lleinstein] I believe that you are right in denouncing a certnin number
of entirely basic characterietics in the modern Soviet Union, chnrnrter-
iscicg froro Which you hgve ~uff~red phygically, in your 1if~. But yr~~� go
~11 the way in your reagoning: the agpiration towa~d sc~ci~l ~qu~lity ig
utopian and any effort to achieve it can only lead to a dictetorial regime.
Any conm~uni~t nr gu~ialigt mov~c~nt in th~ Ne~e or in th~ ~a~t mugt +~nd in -
th~ "gulag" phenomenon. I think that it ig ther~ thar a~ disagre~ b~gieally.
(BuknvakiyJ The qu~scion ig ahether it is poegible co build a socialist -
nr communist sociecy in my cduntry. W~ h~v~ been forred to gtudy our Marx
and I think I am not wrong in telling you that Marx predicted a victory for
socialism in the reost advanced industrial countrieg first of ~11.
(ElleinsteinJ Precisely, ttussia in 1917 Was a country whfch had never had
any structure, any trgdicinn, any org~nization ~+hich wag d~mncratic, a
country ahich Was reletively bacln+ard economically in part, and in any c~ee,
cuiturally. The revolur.ion was folloaed by en atrocious civil war at the
31
FOR OFFICIAL USE OM.Y
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
Ff~R f~~t~tC>IAt~ US~ dNLY
end dE uhi~h the bdl~hevikg f~und them~elv~~ th~ gn~~ tn~gt~rg df pnaer,
inheeiting pr~cigely ~c~n~u~~~g df bgrbari~m~ ~~te~rCi~in$ iratt di~ct~tdr~hip ~
dt~~ to th~ eivii uar. '~hi~ natur~ily daeg ndt ~prve e~ ~~c~ugp th~ bni~hevik~.
- N~ti~in~ c~n b~ excu~~ed~ ~ut the etvti W~r f.n p~r~i~ui~r u~~ nnt th~ dnin~
~~f th~ bal~h~vikg atan~, th~t tg tt~ ~ay th~re w~r~ the Whftp nrmies. `Tt~ey
c:nmmitt~d gs many atrc~clti~~ n~ the R~d ~rmy?. '~her~ a~~ ~i~d fdr~ign int~r-
veneidn. `~ht~ w~g ~h~ prndu~t nf thp ~i~?ii a~r vhieh c~nflo~ prdp~erly b~
i~nlat~d frnm thp enle n~ the Gheka dx the GPtt. f~r, tn th~ ~?~~r~ ahi~h
fnijnwed, pe~cigely th~ ~onditinng Utttlei whi~h th~gp b~di~~, ag ynu nntp in
ydur bn~k, em~rgpd ~nd d~velap~d.
CgukavgkiyJ te ~e~mg td m~ th~t ydu digagrep with the thinking nf L~enin
~n eh~ diet~t~rghip ~f ~h~ prolpt~rt~t.
(~llein~t~ein~ Yey. I critieize ~ertain ~~pezt~ 6~ ~.efl~fl~g thinking in
p~rtieular dn th~ prdblem nf poiitie~i demn~r~~y. Ne und~r~~eiro~t~d the
role aE the formal fre~dnmg uhich ehe M~rxi~tg ~~il~d b~urg~dig freeddmg fnr
tad laag, ~nd Whi~h I~hink h~v~ ~ univerg~l ~nd perm~n~nt vdlue. If I
referred tn Lenin, it Wgg nne gn much in th~ GdtiteXt af fr~ed~m. ttuth~r I
had in mind ~he mono$r~ph he arote dn the develdpment nf ~~pit~li~m in
ttusgia~ t~n~n ghoWed that ltuggi~, ~fter p~gsing thraugh the c~pit~ligt gtage,
h~8 entered inte the stage df~ impert~ligm ~nd thnt g re~ul.t, ttuggi~ t~as
eatirely r~pe fdr fhe prol~tarign rpvolutinn. ~n thig Wdrk Lenin g~ve a~any
ex~mples and figure~ ~hoaing the very high level nf indu~tri~l d~vel~pment
in Russia ~t the time.
[gukov~kiyj I havc little to g~y about hi~tdry in uh~t I h~ve writc~n. IC
, ig n~t ~t a~l th~c t h~ve nc~t thnught ~bnut it, ~nd nnt ~11 th~t t ht~ve
not tried td gtudy it, bUt t lcnnW th~c fc~r the pub~ie ~t 1~rge, higtori~~l
digreggions are tikely td be bnring. N~W I tri~d to ~+rite for that nudience.
I told of rtry experience, my life as ~ dissident, it is the memoirs df ~
disgident Which I h~~ve wricten. My intention in thi~ bnok Wag not to Write
a hi~tdry ~f th~ge l,~gt 60 ye~rs, but to d~scribe my liEe in ehe p~ychiatric
hogpital in Leningr~d, in the t~fortnvo prigon in Mogcoa, th~ roncentrgtion
e~mp in Vorottezh. -
[~llcinstein~ Thig is where th~ int~re~t of your book li~s. It is e human
dncument, but at the s~me time ydu contribut~ ~upprcritic~l agge~gm~nt~ nf
_ Macx, df Euro~rdmmunism, of ~ocialigm and cortn~unism in gen~ral.
rBukovskiy~ Lec us C011fE' back tn higtory. In thp Weat, it ie nftpn and
aron~ty thought th~t Rugaia which hed a suppogedly bgrbarnu$ tradition, a
- tr~dition of slevery, macle a~erious error in ~sp~u~ittg Mgrxism, Which it
wa~ only ~ble ~o ~lz~r ~ad dietnrt. A~ ~ r~sult the blame is remov~d from
*t~tirxlsm and plac~cl on th~ ghnulderg of Ruggia. NoW a gtudy of Russian
hiscory from the end af chc last century and thp beginning of the 20th
century ~hc~ws thnt slavery had been abolished tvo yeara before this Was done
in clip United 5tates.
_ ~
FOR OPFICtAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~d[i n~'~~CIAL U5~ ONLY
(~11~eingt~inj ~~r tt~e b1~sCk~, but nde the pc~~g~ntg, 'Th~ diff~renc~ i~ etlnt
th~ pc~g~ntg representcd the butk d~ eh~ 5dviet nor~t~~ttnn~ whi].r. in ehe _
Uni:ed Stnte~ hf~r~ely ~h p~rCene di th~ rdpul~tinn werc glnve~~
[~ukhv~kiy) rerhnng, but it w~g ~n id~nticnl prnbl~m~ Simi~nr pgychdldgic~l .
~tru~tur~g within th~ fr~m~wdrk df ~t gn~i~ty enlernting gluv~ry w~r~ invd].v~d~ _
C~11~in~r~in~ Nd, Itu~gf~ w~g not b~rb~rnug.
CUuknv:~kiyJ politiC~lly and psychologiG~lly, saniety had ripc~nerl, th~
.~bolieinn nf ~1~very hnd ~nm~ befdr~ iC did in Ameri~~n ~n~iety~ Thi~ ig
but dne ~spe~t of the queg~inn. Similgriy, th~ f~~e rhae the reformg nf
ehe 60~ e~tabl3~hed 3u~ti~e in Ruggi~ which wng "3ugt," and Chgt r~gionnlixn-
, ti~n, l~~gl nuthnri~y, w~g ~ highly d~v~lnped ingeieution, are forgdteen.
C~1leinst~in) Cultur~l l~g ig noC an inh~renCly itu$gian ~hgrncteri~eic, for
a~ ffnd it in Chin~ ~nd in ~ l~rge numb~r df nther couneriea in Afric~ ~nd
Asi~ or in L~Cin AmeriG~ gt the pregenC time. Wh~C ig ~t iggue ir peemg t~
me ts the l~ck af fc~rm~l f~~edomg, guch ~a freedom ~f the presg, of ggsocin-
tion, nf universttl suffrgge. And non~ of Cheg~ exige~d in Rug~i~ in the
_ epoch nf eh~ ~z8r, even if g cert~in numb~r nf Che~~ freednmg dev~loppd after
1905 under the pr~gsure of the revolution, precigely, nnd the cznr hgd to -
make concegsions. ~ would like to cnme b~ck to the essential thing becnuse
- it se~m~ eo me thig ig n b~sic problem you are posing. You write in your
bdok: "Men do nnt find ~bgdlute ~quglity ex~ept in Che cemetery. If you
- want to rr~n~fnrm your entire Cduntry intn g vesC ceremony, then ye~, ~oin
the gdci~li~ts. But m~n ig such Chat the experience of unoCher, Che explana-
ti~ns df gnoCher never cnnvince him. He wnnta to try everything for himself.
And it ig with horrnr Chgt we ~re now watching events in Vi~tngm, in
C~mbudi~, as it is with g~dness thet we ligten to the patter about ~uro-
communism and ~ocialism with a human face. Strange, no one speaks of fascism
with a human face, but why?" Why? Fascism with a human face cannot exist
because the inherent aspect of fascism is its inhumanity, because it is based
on racism, on hatred, on terror, and on a whole series of dictatorial methods.
- Fin~lly, this lea.ls you to the most abject pessimism, and to acceptance of
Western society as it is because to challenge it, as you say in a very clenr
way, and I believe that your thinking has the merit of clarity, means risking
the conversion of our whole country into g vast cemetery. I believe that
this is the crux in a way of our discussion. As to socialism with a human
faCe, ynu tell me, there is none. But the fact that hisCury has not created
it does nnC mean that history will no~. History shows that many things have
been crenred which did not exist before. Otherwise, we would still be at
the Ad~m and Eve aCage.
[Bukovskiy) Marxism is based on hatred as much as fascism is. Marxism is
based on class racism.
33
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_
~OIt 0~~'ICIAL US~ ONLY
[~1lcingCein] M~rxigm reCngnizes eh~ exi~ti~nce o~ ~ class yC~rugg~,e, Chc~e
i~ ~11~ Bue it is noti baged on Che c~.ttsg gCrug~].e~ It recognize~ el~e
rxiKtc+n4r. c~P yUCtA~, c1t~~~es wieh oppo~in~ inecre~t~ in hixt~ry~ Tt t~ h~iNC~cl
n~~ith~~r ~?i? r;~~~Li~m nur c~n h:itr.~~~l. [r 1~ ;i ~~ruhl,om c~P ercmc~m[c rr1.ci~lciny,
~e~ci~l r~lneiong, political relations. 1~'rdm khis ~nn~.ysis we can today -
cnnClude ehgC a democrgtic, penceful, gradu~l, 1ega1 p~eh row~rd aocialism
i~ pogsible in Che WegC Coday, nne g brurn~., dicCator~.u1 and b~rb~rous pi?th
~uch n~ higtnry h~s creaeed eo date. I think rhgt you ~re beginnin~ with ttn
int~rpreCaCintt of Mttrx which ig perhaps what is learned in the Soviee gchools,
in Ch~ courses ott di~lecCical maCerialism and hisCorical materialism, bur
one which does nor cnrrespond
(BukovskiyJ Has the PCF abandocied the concept of Che dictaeorship of ~he -
prol~t~ri~t?
~~lleinseein] About two and a hal� years c~go.
[Bukovskiy] Has your parCy ehen emerged from barbarism?
[Elleinstein] The French Communist Party began wieh the concept of the _
dict~torship of the proleCariat which did noC correspond in any way tn the
historical pracCice in Russia since 1917. It was on different bases thnt ,
we viewed Chese problems and finally, a perversion, a distorCion of these
ide~s occurred.
[BukovskiyJ You have raised very serious problems and I would like a moment
to try to formulate an answer. I would like to stresa once ttgain that ne
Che end of the last century and the beginning of this one in Russia, for n
period of two generations, there was a mu1Ci-party system. There were
numerous political parties. Where political punishment, legal political
sanctions were concerned, they were only applied to terrorists. I agree wiCt~
you entirely, we fall far short of absoluCe freedom. There were people,
there were communists, who were sent into exile and even forced labor. This
is a fact, but the specter of opposition political parCies was rather con-
siderable. There was almost total freedom Co emigrate. And to escape from
political exile was nothing. One had to be lazy to stay in exile! There is =
one reality: to seek the route of Soviet communism in the barbarism of
historic Russia would be a mistake. How many Soviet citizens who tasted
communism ended up in the camps? But let us not limit ourselves to Russia
. . .
[Elleinstein] Even such developed countries as Czechoslovakia have been
sub3ected to Soviet influence. .
[Bukovskiy] I sense that you would like to broaden the field of discussion
while I would have liked to answer your first question. My conclusions in
no way lead me to believe that a tiistoric tradition in the socialist
countr~es is involved, that Chere is no question of ethnic characterisCics.
3~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
[E1leinstein] I never said that ethnic characreriaCica were at isaue.
_ [BukovakiyJ None oE the results Pamil,tar Co us can be attributed to rhese
characCerietica, a~,though they l~ave certainly had eome influence~ Marxist
ideology, wherever it may be imp~,emented and whatev~r Che era in which this
ie attempCed, wi11 faCally and inevirably lead to the result of which we know.
I know a lietle abouC rhe dialectical method. One can we11 imagine now that
France might be accuaed oP having a barbaroua past if by miafortune it were .
to undertake to build communiam which would ~,ead to the "gulag" phenomenon.
There would be referencea to the Grear Terror, Co Bonapartism, to the colonial
. empire, it would be noCed that in France there really had never been any real
freedom. It would be said Chae the French are a violent people, that they
have always loved revolutiona and the barricadea. This is an example to show
you that afCer the fact, in dialecCical thinking, iC is always easy to find
exp~.anationa like that you have ~usr given me for what happened in Russia.
If tomorrow we were to see communism in Germany, then it would be said that
indeed there was Nazism firat, and Chat the Germans have a great propensity
_ for things totalitarian.
[Elleinstein] I did not say that Che people were to blame. I simply said
that there have been a certain number of historical conditions which huve
led to the historical situations of which we know. I do not extrapolate
- from the situation of Russia. I simply say ae a historian how thinga hap-
pened and under what conditions Chey happened. I believe Chat this is ~
exactly the way Che state functions. For look at what ia happening in
Nicaragua, for example. There it is not Marxiam which is at issue, but
I presume that you condemn what is happening in Nicaragua?
[Bukovskiy] Naturally.
[Elleinstein] It is not Marxism which is at issue, but the functioning
of a state. And Chat sCate is receiving aid from the American authorities
in a certain number of fields. I think that this has nothing to do with
Christian thinking and this is not because Carter is a Chriatian. It is
not because Somoza or Videla in Argentina are Catholics that the rights
of man are being violated there. It is the functioning of a state which is
- at issue. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that the criticisms =
you make of socialism or Eurocommunism on the basis of your own experience
lead in the end--and I think that this is the basic point on which we differ-- -
to a final re~ection of any possibility of liberation based on what you call
egalitarian utopianism.
[Bukovskiy] I think that as a historian you will agree that there are the
rudiments or embryo of totalitarianism in every country?
[Elleinstein] Exactly.
[BukovskiyJ Thus it is not in history exclusively that the genesis of
totalitarianism should be sought. It is not in the social structures to
35
� FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
- FOR OFP'ICIAL USE ONLY -
which you have often referred that one must seek the sources of Che
totallCarian system. In each person, in each individua],, Che rudimenta
of totallCarianism are to be ~ound. This ia the danger of any'uCopia,
whether it be of the righC or a uCopia deacribed as of the left. ~or a '
- utopia based on an idea w'hic1~ may be aympaCheCic appeal,s to bad inatincte.
Doetoevski wae right when he said that one of the eources of energy, one of
the most powerful motives for acrion in man ia the hunger Por a universal
order.
[Elleinstein~ I underatand your pasaion, your indignation very we11, but
why criticize Marx only?
[Bukovakiy] IC is precisely there that tt~e danger of Marxiem 1ies. These
ar~ indeed univereal phenomena, as you have said, not characteristics in~
herent in the Ruasian. It is theae characteristics which make the doctrine
_ of Marxiam so dangerous. I wouln say that the Church, at one time, when it
renounced aecular power, when it reatrained and limited itself, ahowed Chat .
it was aware of the totalitarian danger, and that it was aware of the problems
which the inquisitional phenomenon raised. In each one of ua there ia a seed
of totalitarianism. There is a deaire for superiority. There is a utopian
in each one of us, there is an egalitarian will in each of us. My conclusions
are not based on my experience, but rather on long observation of human _
nature. What Marxiam and fascism have in common is the hatred which has a
focus, a hatred which is directed. This is in reality a paychological
phenomenon. There is some demonology in all of this. European Marxists
should have renounced the secular and limited themselvea to the apiritual.
[Elleinstein~) You are comparing Marxism to a religion. Now this is one
concept of the world, but lacking faith,.and it is a method of analyzing
reality.
[Bukovskiy] I see that we disagree entirely. Where I am concerne3, I take
my own experience as a basis and I describe the reality of a communiat regime
under which I have lived and suffered.
[Elleinstein] I would lik~ to~ask you two more specific questions about
your book. You'say that according to your most careful calculations, the
number of persons being detained ~oday is at least two and a half million,
approximately one percent of the population, one citizen in a hundred. Where
do you get this figure, and how can you 3ustify it? -
[Bukovskiy] This is a calculation which took us a great deal of time, in
the prisons abov~ all, where the prisoners are transfered. Transfer is a
supplementary punishmen~ . . .
~ [Elleinstein] How many camps are there currentl,y in Soviet Union?
[Bukovskiy] One could say about a thousand camps, with 2,500 prieoners -
per camp.
,
36 . -
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY -
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
- ~Ott d1~~ICIAL USE ONLY
(E11~itt~Cein~ Are Cheg~ common~law prieoner~?
- ~Bukdv~kiyJ Ye~, basic~lly. '~h~ ligurp ot 10,00U poliCicni pri~nner~ qunted
- by Sgkhgrov ia dnubtl,ee~ ~orreat, but eo ehig mugt be ndded rpligiou~
pri~on~rs, the members o~ gect~~
(~~leinstein~ What is the d~ath rgte in C~IpBp camps?
(Bukovsktyj In Ch~ Noreh and in Siberia, Che morC~liCy rate ig much higher
than elgewhere.
(E1leineCeinJ Of a hundred prieoner~ sent tn the campe, how many gurv;tve
at th~ pnd of five years? It i~ important to try to make this prpcise bec~uee
in your book you touch on the problem but only touch on it. You say either
nor enough dr too much.
[Bukovekiy) Very gpproximatelv, of lOn detaineee epending 5 y~grs in pri~on,
there may be a mnrtality rate of 3 percenC. Thia ia not very high.
(E1leittsteinJ In brief, I think that thig very clearly illustratee the
definition I gave of the US5R today when I epoke of false Staliniem. Sut
finally~ ie it your feeling that the diseident movement is but the tip of
the iceberg?
[Bukovakiy) I am entirely persuadEd that the Soviet people do not acce~t
thie regime in their thinking.
[Elleinsteinj You also eaid that "Che West too is seeking to pacify ita
conscience."
~ [Bukovskiy) That is true.
~ (E1leinsCeinj For what would you reproach it?
(Bukovakiy] Beside the reproach the Soviet regime merits, it seema to me
minor .
COPYRICHT: 1978 par Cogedipresse S.A.
Societal Tolerance of Dissidents
Paris L'HUMANITE in French 20 Dec 78 p 5
[Article by J. Y. Bourdin: "Tolerance, Pluralism and the Struggle of Ideas"]
(Text] In the current anti-communist campaign, the idea of tolerance is used
as a club-argument to silence the communists. To criticize a~ournalist or
denounce anti-communist hatred vould be to ahow intolerance, opening the vay
37
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOIt O~I~ICIAL U5~ ONLY
to th~ "gulr~g" ph~nom~nnn. This ie nniy pos~ible thrnugh the r~duction of
Che conrepC nf eolprgn~~, a value which ig g part o~ eh~ nemmon herirage of
mgnkind, Cn an ineupportable cariceture.
In Che usugL ~enee "to tb1~r~C~r~ one'~ n~ighbdr, "to tolerat~" the Arabs,
m~~ns eimpiy to be~r, Co take upon one~elf, to euffer. Ar beer, it m~ang
eo ~how indulg~nce, to be conciliatory, tn emooth rough cnrnere. In brief,
Ch~ exietenc~ of other~ being the limit of my Preedom, by dpfinition, to
tol~r~te ie to resign oneself~
One can clearly ~ee the advantage for the regime, in a period of crieie, in
having it believe that to be tolerant is to resign oneeelP, to accept (if
neceseary, "complaining" to oneself). BuC the trap in thi~ definition ie
perhaps les~ nbvinug, for "there ig a limit to what ane can tolerate" muet
mean that ther~ are boundg to human re~igt~nce, and the oniy solution then
is violence! When one can no longer "Colerate" the noise young people
roake with their motorcycles, then one eeizee one's weapon.
Thus Che communiet militante are needed to remind Cheir neighbors that
tolerance is firse of all dialog, going to talk with the young motorcycliets
and to learn of their problems. It also means to act, to wage a etruggle
with them to get them a motorcycle track, for exampl~.
AnoCher common interpretaCion of the concept of toZerance ie expressed in
the phrasee "that's his affair," "no need to concern oneself with what the
neighbors do." Each individual ie "free" and doee what he wants. In a
aense, this attitude is a proper reaction in view of the constrsinta imposed
- against oppression. But too often it is only another word for indifference,
each man for himself. It is in the name of thie concept of "tolerance"
that people become deaf and blind to the vast cries of distreas which rise
everywhere in our society in crisis.
But not When a young person Cakes drugs, when another attempts suicide,
_ this is not the expreasion of their "freedom," a choice to be respected, but
an extreme form of exFressing the unhappiness which a eociety causes but
does not want to hear about. The weight of the crisis on people's minds is
auch th~t we have come to conceive of intervention as exclueively repreeaive,
because the laws are arranged to punish afterward, never to provide help
before.
Here too one can easily see the interest of the regime in restricting
thinking to the inhuman alCernative of represeion or retreat into oneaelf,
indifference. But to want a more ~ust and more fraternal society is to
proclaim that there is no right to unhappiness or freedom to suffer. Here
too to:erance involves first dialog, help, acting and struggling together,
and as of the present, without waiting for better tomorrowe. For those
who take drugs, those who try to kill tt~emselves, for the young unemployed
woman forced into prostittution, tomorrow will without a doubt be too
lar.e.
38
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OPI~ICIAL USE ONLY .
Tolerance~indeed involve~ reCOgnizing thp right of egch individual to have
his ideas~ and to expr~sg them wiChouC c~n~ur~ or repre~sion. Bue "tn alinw"
thp ldeae of oth~~rs in no way impli~e bellef that all ideae are valid. Thi~
very curren~ m~xim which permite "to each~ hie own truth~" moat often u~~d
Ca cut ehort n diecueeion~ does eeem tn h~ve e"tnl~renti" ~ir. ~in face ie
~xpre~eer profound dogmatiem end e prnfound conCeropt for the other. Yau
cgn telk ae much aB you ltke, ie ig indepd your right, but for my pgrt I
retain my truth, ~nd I will not re~~x~mine it.
Yt i~ mea who muet be reepected~ not ideag. An i~eg ie not reepectable nr -
contemptible, it is true or false, xo allow anoCher "hie" truth contrary
_ ro our own is to regard him ae unworthy or incapable of the truth. A
communf~t does not reepect, does not "~llow," raci~t idege~ for exemple.
He combaCe them a;.l Che more if the one expreseing them is a respecrable
person, gnd precisely for that reaeon. _
One can also see here how the regime benefiCg from the belief, in Che name
of tolerance, that all idegs are valid: whaC good is there, in such a case, ~
in working fnr change? But tolerance is noe silence, it ie active dialog,
_ it is aleo the confrontation of ideas. WithouC such open confronCaCion,
which to be sure does not derive from the confrontation df ideas in order
to aCtack men~ there is no real pluralism, and no true tolerance.
BuC to speak of the ecientific nature of Marxism--ie that not intolerent,
_ pushing into the ahadowa of ideology all that ie not orthodox, see~ing to .
impose a truth?
Let us admit openly tttaC dogmatism among the c~nunists is not at all amise,
either as regards the past or all too often, the present. But let us also
say as clearly that the terrorist usage of the term "s~ience" but co~uniats ,
hae to do with their return~ most often unconsciously, to an ideology which
is not their own--positivistn. It is a false conception of science which
leads to the re~ectfon of all ideology, the unquestioning acceptance of
science. Science on the contrary demands discussion, debate, contradiction,
it is in itself the opposite of dogmatism. To speak of the scieatific
nature of Marxism ia eo iavite discussion, conCradiction, criticism. Aa to
ideology, far from representing the shadow of aati-science, it is according
to Marx the way in which men gain awareness of the conflicts of their era. -
It is thue necessary, for the development of 8cience and for Marxism itself.
among other things.
Dogmatism and intolerance do not derive from recourae to science, but from
a false concept of it. If there ie no right to error or ignorance any more -
than there is a right to unhappiness, if there is only the freedom to know
through recourse to science, this means recourse to research, to dialog.
to confrontation, and this precisely is tolerance.
Where then does intolerance originate? Here too, a ready~made answer is
available: intolerance is said to derive from difference itself. In the
39
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL U5L ONLY
final anglyei~~ inColerance ie said to be an integral parC of the human eoul.
IC would ~uffice for two individu~ls to have differenr optnion~, religion~ _
or ekin color in nrder for conflict and inColerance to arise immediately and
n~turally.
H~re too one can undereCand Che benefit Cn rhe regime of concealing the role
of colonialiem~ of nver-explaitation of ininigrant workere, in brief of clase
interests in the birth and the di�fueion of raciem. One can see its inrerest
in hgving it thoughC that the development of violence in politice ie explained
by the simple exieCence of d!fferent opinions and the rallying of Chese -
different opinions in different and opposing parties, for it thereby further
conceals the claes roots of political opposition, by reducing poliCics Co a
mere matter of personal opinion.
Mti-communist hatred, verbal violence~ the deaire to deatroy and intolerance
--all theae have class roots. And it is correct to say that every class
society creates irresistible obstacles to the concept of tolerance. Ae long ~
- as antagonisCic class intereats exiat, the conflict of ideas will never be
~ust that, but will expresa the ob~ective antagonisms.
The idea of tolerance, carried to ita extreme, thus leads to a aearch for
a society in which there are no longer any exploiters or exploited, any
antagot~iatic classes. It is only in the socialist society that tolerance
conceived in active fashion ae dialog, as positive pluralism, ~an flower~
because it will be possible finally Co build together. It will be even more
_ necessary that the end to class antagonisms, if it removes the need for in-
Colerance, avoids suppressing contradictiona. Socialism does not mean ,
uniformity, the negation of differencea and contradictions, but merely
offers the possibility of and need for dialog and confrontation, not to
destroy the other but in order to advance together.
This active and positive concept of tolerance must be implemented in the
atruggle beginning now. Democracy as a form of struggle is active dialog.
The struggle againat anti-comnunism is the struggle against intolerance and
viol'ence in political debaCe, and thus involves all those who are devoted
to tolerance. The daily struggle for the immediate goals, to re-eatablish
the conditions for change, means restoring the meaning of hope, of ~oint
work, cf positive dialog--tolerance.
.
Relationship to Working Class
Paris L'HUMANITE in French 10 Jan 79 p 5
[Article by Maurice Gcldring: "Intellectuals: Some Questions"]
- [TextJ The wriCers who comaent on the Communist Party hardly boCher with
shades of ineaning. Not so long ago, the party had no more intellectuals,
had lost all influence in this secCor. Then these intellectuals who had
die~ppeared set about making a frightful racket, one would think some kind _
of zombie returned from beyond the grave. .
40
' FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OI~FICIAL U5E ONLY
L'HUMANITE reported on the discueeione which occurred during the Vitry
gathering. GaChering ie wiChout g doubt the proper t~rm. It was neither
a meeting nor g worldly debgCe. It wae g gethering at which the gre~t
poliCical probleme were discuesed with paseion, and without the paralyzing
conc~rn for pleaeing anyone at a11.
This long-awaited gathering recurred before the eyes of Che readers of
L'HUMANITE. Thie was a kind of happinesa in two stages. Firet, my daily
~ newspaper reported whaC had happened in Vitry. Secondly, it described how
these developmenta tripped up our obaervere. Forced Co draft their reports
on Che baeis of noCee carried in L'IiUMANITE, they were all confused about
it and did not know n_xactly what Co say. I hope I wi11 be forgiven for thie
lack of fraternal ch~?rity, but I prefer difficultiea caueed others by far
to those which someCimes affect us.
In emall matters, of courae. Overall saCiefaction and partial gapa can
very well coexiet. The main thing is the expresaed desire that the diacussion
continue, that it be given space to develop.
Here then are some items for contemplation.
- 1. The workers' clasa is excluded from management of the affairs of the -
country. This situation ia conflicting increasingly acutely with the role
Chis class plays in production and in society. But as of the present~ in
the struggle for ita emancipation, it is intimately intermingled with all
the other strata of society. It is obvious to anyone who gets about a bit
_ that the efforts of capitalism to compartmentalize the workers in the role
of ailent producers proved in vain some time ago. Never, when I go to an
enterprise or workers' site to discuss or debate with ~rage-earners, have I
had the impression of being in foreign territory. In one form or another,
I find there the~major tre~.ds, the great political and ideological con-
frontationa in our society.
The workers' class has not withdrawn into a ghetto and the intellectuals
are not isolated in an ivory tower either, and when they take action in
politics, they rarely pose questions external to the overall confrontation.
' A first conclusion must be drawn from this situation: whenever difficulties
- develop with "the intellectuals," they should be heard as an alarm signal
indicating much more general difficulty. Under the conditions of the
class struggle in France today, when it is not possible to understand an
intellectual, we are very close to being unable to understand a worker either.
Rooted in the national realities, the workers' class cannot guarantee ita -
revolutionary role by laughable "protection" against ideas which in any case
- do penetrate it. Our policy requires direct struggle with whatever is not _
_ "us." It should involve permanent and shameless incursions into enemy or
foreign territory, rather than fearful protection against any incursion from
outeide.
- 41
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
1~OR OF~YCIAL U5L ONLY
2. As a working hypothesie, more careful gtudy should be given a certgin ~
number of foreign exp~rienc~e whiah reveal thaC the deeir~ eo d~cr~ase or
ellminate the influence of the workere' class is accompanied by a break with
ehe vgnguard intellectugrs. Yn Irel~nd~ the a~.liance of the mnre coneerva-
tive elementa wiChin the nationaliet movefnent forced the vanguard of the
workers' clase inGo foreign exile and the great inCellecCu~le inCO exile
pure and simple. Reformiem is very capable o� aCtracCing Cechnocratic
abiliries, bue it inevitably reveals chronic mistruat of the "critical"
inCellectuals~ and also the creatora .af the vang~�erd, who are condemned in
the name of a eo-called popular culCure.
Finally, the experience of Che socialist countries, as an analysis outlined
in "The USSR and Us" ahow~, indicates Chat the difficulties in relationa
with the intellec'.:uals cannot be ieolated from the difficuLtiea o� the
- workere' claes i~i playing iCa fu11 role in society.
The need to consider this is urgent, for the imperialiets are reorganizing . -
and trying to counteract what appeared in the 1960e to be an inexorable
retreat. There is an effort to re-establish a mase base among the inCel- -
lectuals for capitalism, for all Che forces which re~ect the revolutionary
_ break. The campaign on the sub~ect of disaidence and the righta of man makes
it poasible to fill the breath. Thie campaign is serious because it is ~
functioning. It is designed to paralyze any revolt against, any criticism
of capitalism.
It ie aerious that after 30 yeara of war in Vietnam~ a campaign can be
waged against the Vietnamese people without arousing more indignation. It
would have been imposeible, three years after the end af World War II, to
convert the extermination of the Jews by the Nazis into collective suicide. �
Some recent efforta have provoked powerful reactions. Three yeara after
the end of the war in Vietnam, thia is what has happened in the United
Statea and in our country. The American preaident is able to addreas his
people in a televised speech on the righte of man if you please, stating
that hie country owea Vietnam nothing because "the deatruction was reciprocal."
It ia serious, it is not normal, for the non-cammunist intellectuals ~o be -
in some casea in a better position, more aggresaive, for denouncing what
they call "the Western ideology of dissidence" designed to remove the in-
tellecCuals from the popular struggle.
Only a fraternal debate, if carried through tc the ead, can make it posaible
to free the energy, intelligence and capacity for struggle.
Relationship to French Society
Paris LE PARTI COA4NNISTE DANS LA SOCIETE FRANCAISE (The Communiat Party
_ in French Society) in French 1979 pp 16-80, 114-121 ~
[From the book by PCF Central Committee member Jean Burles, Editions
Sociales, 172 pagea]
- ~+2
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
- t+OR OFFICIAI. US~ ONLY
~~xcerpCeJ The Communi~t Perty and Its Intellectugl ActiviCi~~
Itg exigCence for the p~st 60 years has render~d thi~ externai ngture
concrpC~ in FrgnCe, ~nd at the eame Gime i.Ga internnl nature with r~lation
tn the workere' claea, alwrgye in development.
It hae expreeged the thporetical and etrategic activitie~ n~cee~sary to eh~
workers' clgea for a knowledge of the mr~vement of French gocieCy gnd itg
- action in accordance with the verieable hi~Coricel proces~ of iCe develop-
. ment.
- Thie ie why hietoric~l reflecCion on Che Communiee Party ie only poesible
because it reliea on the real exiaCence of the revoluCionary parCy iCself.
In brief, thie ob~ect ie present, is there. Ir mugr be deglt wirh as euch.
The reflection of the Fr~nch Communist Party on itself reveals the pot6ntial
of the need for this activi~y~ both for the development of ita theory and
to integrate its rich experience in Che current etruggle.
Theoretical activity, strategic elaboration and the pracCice of policy are
iri fact inseparable in the movement of the revolutionary party.
This ia why it seems necessary to take up these apecific aspecta of the
revolutionary party here: on the one hand, itg theoretical and political
activity, and on the other, the relaCion of the intellectuals and the
revolutionary facCion, and more parCicularly, the intellectuals in the
revolutionary party.
Very often these questiona are posed (intellectuals and the revolutionary
_ faction and intellectuals in the revolutionary party) on the basis of the
hiatorir example of the role played by Marx, Engels and more particularly
- Lenin, because of their part in the establishment of the Communist Party
(b) and in the October Revolution. From thia it is explicitly or implicitly
concluded that the workers' class needs another aocial category both to
- contribute knowledge to it and to define its political strategy and its
forms of organization.
In facC, this concept represents in part the transposition of the movement
of society into the activity of the revolutionary party: the social
division of labor between manual and inCellectual labor. Since the former -
is subordinate to the latter, this should be reflected in political teYms
in the subordination of the workers to the intellectuals.
In addition, if one wants to use the historic examples of Marx, Engels and
Lenin correctly, it is necessary to take numerous factors into account.
- Since their day, tre changea wh~ch have come about have moved in the direction
of greater specialization in intellectual activity in general. -
43 -
FOR O1~FICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
. I~Ott ONt~ICIAL USL bNLY
Marx, Eng~l~ ~nd L~nin funceidnad l~g~ ~g Ch~ be~r~r~ of ~ppc~~l3z~d
knowledge than ae bearers of overall knowledge of the movement in edciety
Cwe ~re familiar with Che efforC~ made by cerCain "Mnrxnlogi~C~" Cd limit
_ the fi~ld r~~earch~d by M~rx Cn p~litic~l economy ~1one).
~ittglly, their inC~ll~ctu~1 activiCy wa~ within Ch~ cont~xe nf th~ politicgl
etrugglea (th~ tit1~~ of num~roua of their worka be~r wiCn~eg td thia) in
g given p~rind in th~ work~r~' mnvem~ttt when, for Mgrx ~nd Eng~1e in par~ _
Cicular, end for g long period where L~nin wa~ concern~d, Chere wae no ~
revolutionary trend organized ae a pgrty. ~ -
In our day, the problem of the externel agpeeCs id ~et forth differently.
_ Pirat of a11~ we mu~t begin with the real and enduring exi~t~ne~ of ~
revdluCionary parCy. N~w an inevi~gbl~ n~~d derivp~ from it~ n~ture a~
a revolution~ry party: ite int~llecCUa1 activity. Thie gcCivity ig ind~ed
the activiCy of the party a~ a Whole, and ie not limit~d to the gctivity of
ite inCellectual membera. It does not constitute a eector eepgrate from
the overall activity of the party. Int~llectual activ3ty encompgseee that
which makeg possible the drafting of the cnmmuniet pnliay--the drafting
itself, its beat posaible expression and the raieing of the political and
ideolo~ical levels of iCs members and th~ maeees. IC includee not only the
sum of the knowledge we have referred to above, but also education and
propaganda.
Thug the theoretical acCivity of the whole of the revolutionary party in-
cludes the gpecific activity of the intellectuale~ but is not lim~ted to
that. This impliea that their presence in the party ie not viewed solely
; as serving as a link aith their social circle. Communiet intellectuals~
like all communiats, function in their own circlea, but again, like all
co~umunists, their role is not limited to this. This also means that their
specific place within the party of the workera' claea is not viewed in terms
of an alliance with the workers' clasa. Otherwise, we would have again here -
_ the concept of a kind of social diviaion of labor wherein, as in present
society, specialixed intellectual work would be aseured of a privileged
position.
This concept aould mean in fact either that the presence of the intellectuals
in the revolutionary party had only a utilitarian and temporary purpose for
the party of the workers' class~ or converaely, that the specific activity _
of communist intellectuals needed for analyeis and investigation aould
imply a special right to party leadership. ,
The facC that all of the theoretical activity of the revolutionary party,
which thus assumea its function as a collective intellectual body~ involves
the party as a whole, imp~#es its ability to train worker leadera having
gained a knowledge of the real movement of society and ita transformation.
Thus to situate the exterior aspect other than in a social category which
_ would not be the workera' class raiaes e'�e question of the need for the ,
4~+
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_
_ ~a~ o~icr~t. usB nrtt.Y _
revolu~ionary pg~ey, havieg 1rno~iedg~ of th~ acmtrgdictory mov~n~nt of
c~plta~iat ~ociety and iC~ negation, goaiaii~m, cgpabl~ o~ drafttng the
functional conc~pts t~king th~ form of pniitic~l ~er~t~gy ~nd ~logan~, and
defining th~ fo~rme of org~niz~tian gnd fun~ctioning ie r~qui~a~.
Thu~ i~ ie ~ queetion for th~ Pr~nch Cc~m~ni~t P~rty af d~fin~ng th~
revolut~ongry goa~ and the m~an~ for gchi+~ving it, linking th~ irtmediat~
~truggl~ With th~ globgl etruggl~~ The 22nd congr~~e Cook chie concr~te
~tep, d~fining th~ concepe of ~oci~lism for Franca and dpmocr~cy n~ ~ m~an~.
RQquire~n~~ of Int~llectual Activity
~l~ hav~ elr~adyr ~a~n hoa int~liectu~l activiey i~ includ~d in eh~ very ~on-
cept c~f the revoiution~ry pgrty and Whge np~d it m~~te. L~t ue r~c~1i
~imply th~t in order to pl~y !te ro1e, the Gc~mmuniec Party muet be capabi~,
by it~ callectiv~ inCpllectugl activiey, of r~producing th~ contr~dictory �
- movement of goci~ty in its whol~ g~n~g.
Let u~ return her~ ~o a p~r~icul~r aeppat of tht~ knowledg~: it is knowledge
of thp overall mov~ment of ~ociety end the conditione for it~ treneformation.
As knoaledge of th~ movpment, it muet neeeesarily inalude everything Wh~ch
influeecea it~ and ~mong oth~r thing~ th~ activity of the revolution~ry
party to transform the real agpec~e.
For example When ong ~tudiea the problema of unity at a given moment~ one
cannot proceed ae if ther~ W~re no hi~tory to thgt unity, in Which the
congeious efforts of the PCF have played a tranaform~ng role, profoundly
integrated in the objective movement df social clas~e~ gnd gtrata. M
example is the Popular Pront, and the consequencee and image of it ahich
remain for the varioua sociel categories.
Thus a slogan such ae "unity of th~ p~ople of Pranc~" tgkes into account
firet of all the profound social subfnundation which defines the ob~ective
, and meaeurable potential for ~llianc~. But it als~ takea into account
- all of the political, ideological, cultural and even moral aepects of
thig alliance, and aithin theae aepecce, it thus takes into account all
the hiatorical effectg of the activity of the ca~nunista (~n the long
range) .
Noreover. the e~tablishment of the effect~ of the activ2ty of the PCF muet
iteelf be global: this activity occurs in fact through the implemencation
- of an overall atrategy oriented toirard change. On the baais of ehis
strategy~ the political practices of the PCF as a whole and its action in
_ thie or that sector at a given stage in aocial development are defined.
The effect of theee practices cannot always be meaeured immediately (in
the form of electoral result~, among othere), and there may be substantial
inequalitiea in the implementation of this etrategy. Only the determiaed
- implemeatation of the atrategy as a ahole in the eectora of party activity
as a ~+hole can alter the balance of social forcee in dep[h.
45
FOR OFPICIAL USE OM.Y
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
I~Ott tl~'F'~CIAt U~B Ot~iLY '
~pr~du~ ~~~~~~m~ne~ of th~ ~ff~ct~ ef p~.rey aGtion ~nd ~ b~Ge~r undpr~e~nding
ef ~e,~ eon~~qu~nC~s in Ch~ mov~~nC of g~~i~gy thu~ pr~guppo~~ ~h~C thi~
~er~t+~~y ~il~a~d eo be d~pioyed in reaiity. The very charactet~ of eh~
knoal~dg~ d~v~lop~d in eh~ r~vo~ut~oa~ry party ~ail of eh~ soc~al r~~lity
in mov~mmenE), th~ f~se rhat ie~ ve~idity i~ ~udg~d not in t~rm~ of d~t~ii
but in r~~~tion to th~ vhol~ of ~oaiety, ~nd th~ f~ct that ~h~ cone~et~
beta~~n thi~ knoWl~dge ~nd r~~liey ~r~ expr~~Aed in the form of ~ inng-t~rm
~tr~eegy imp~y th~t one c~nnot qu~etion on a d~y-en-d~y bar~i~ ~~trategy
- conc~iv~d ro b~ impl~met~t~d ov~r g v~ry long p~riod.
~ ~ing~ly, it ig ~ qu~~tion of ~n av~rall knoaledge of t~P~ uhoi~ movemgn~.
Noa w~ aill f~rth~r on, if thi~ d~pend~ n~ces~arily nn th~ ~xp~ri~nce
~nd th~ knoWlpdg~ ~f ~ii communi~e~, if it c~nnot do viehnut thi~ cont~ct
With wh~t i~ re~i, tht~ nv~rall knoWlpdge i~ noC a~imple ~uxtgpo~ition of
~pecific knoal~dg~ ~nd partial experi~~e~. In ordpr to lpgd cn a con~igt~nt .
~crat~gy, ic muse then b~ unifi~d. Exchang~g of ep~cif~c knoaledge and
partial exp~ri~ricg m~y be n~ceaeary under c~rta3n condiCione, but their
thporetic~i and poiitic~i g~neralization in vgriou~ p~ac~~ in horizoneel
. Form, gom~time~ urged, apart froa~ a aingle direC~ion or th~ only solution
to the problem of drafting revolutionary etrategy, Would only eimultaneously
codify the abandotunent of the proce~e of knoaledge gnd the etructuring of
functiongl concepts~ the re~ection of a political gtraCegy and the negation
of thp experience accu~cu~ated by an organizational atructure.
Th~ organi~ationgl form of the PCP should therefore make it poesible to
dev~lop this unification of knoaledge neceeeary to the drafting of etrategy
and revolutionary practicea. Without thi~ unification etage, it aould aeem
difficult to draft a conceptual apparatug, concepte or slogane making it
posexble to act upon society effectivelq. There are multiple conditions
for thie unification~ found both on the level of information for all
communiste and on the 1eve1 of their diacussion. In this connection, the
multiple forms of educetion, making the greateat possible number of the
r~~ult~ of res~arch available, integration in propaganda itself of preceeding
thought ~nd work, the mat~rials drafted by the kork commiaeione, rhe further
me~etings of the varioua party bodie~ and the reportg of the leadership
repregene ma~or opportunitiee for mgking available to the communists the
largegt possible number of elements af uc~derstanding. On thie baeis, the
phases of unification themselvea are ~ultiple.
UQmocraCic centraligm is this form of orgaaization and life Which the PCF
has fashioned for itself in the couree of ita rich historical developraent, _
_ in order to take on all of its theoreti^.al and po'.itical responaibility.
The congress is the unifying phase par excellence for refl~ections of a
theoreticai and political nature, the analysis of the experience in the
class struggle and their incorperation in the strategic orientation of the
PCF. The 22nd congreas repreaented that phas~ in 1976~ but the movement
of society does not function according to the congreea achedule~ and thus
the unifying phases on the level of the party as a Whole are multiple: -
46
FOR OFPICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR 01~1~IC~AL U~L ONLY
Centr~l CommiCtee, Political Bur~au, naCion~l coeferenc~~. L~C u~ ~ay more
gener~lly thaC eha d3ff~r~ne ph~~~~ of di~cu~~ion ~r~ ~~ch in their wgy
phasee in the ~nification procese.
F'act~ona
IC ie obvioualy n~cps~ary con~tantly to impr~v~ the condi.tion~ for th~
_ collective contemplation and drafting of etrategy and ite implementation.
However, thi~ cannot be done in violation nr n~gation of the methods in
ahich the PCF functione ag a whole.
This is Why the s~arch for better internal functioning~ toward which it .
is conetantly neceeeary to ~im, ~annot involv~ the organizgtion of the
party into factiorie. Thie form of functioning would not be e pneitivs
- development nf the mode o� internal life.
The PC~ i~ a voluntary aeaociation. IC is led by its experience to welcome
men and women characterized by their diversity, and it exerciaea no
diecrimination aith reggrd to memberehip. It has in fact members of dif-
ferent nationalities, expreesing different conceptg of a religioue or
philosophical naCure, individuals whose behavior, pereonality and eocial
life, ae we11 ae the way in ~hich they practice theae and formulate them
in moral tarms, can be reduced to no code. Thug we can ia~ediately eee
very great divereity ie the manner of experiencing and underetanding reality
and in the way in,which each individual will aesimilate his own hietory and
that of the PCF. The development of knowledge, the assimilation and
deepening of the specif ic theory of the PCF as well as thie divereity of
experience and aeneitivity to what is real make up the meane of expreseing -
ite revolutionary nature. -
This diversity can indeed~ under certain apecial conditions, involve a
manner of comprehending reality and making a political responae which,
temporarily, might--for example in connection with the content of the
~oint progrem and the attitude of the PS toward it--approximate the poaition ~
of the other �action in the workers' movement: reformiem.
But if thie eimilarity quite aimply reflects the fact that the PCF is not
a cloaed body~ turned in upon itaelf, the fact nonetheleas remaina that
there is no ~ustification eitb,Qr for the desire to maintain this concept
within it nor for the organization of these influences with'in the party.
The behavior related to the reformist trend has already, in particular -
With regard to the PS, developed ita own specific forms of political -
structure, moreover.
One could further add that a given opinion may even correspond better to
the strategy, the form of activity, the necessary hietorical reflection on -
the PCF and on the international communiat movement than the overall opinion
of the PCP itaelf. �
47 -
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFPICIAL USE ONLY ~
Hut ir ie not in organizing Chat opinion inCo fac~ions nor in encloaing it
in Che specific logic of a faction, that i~ to say in l~ading iC to direct '
iCs thruets at ehe elected ~.eaderehip, that ehe PCF can advance in its
revolutionary eCraCegy.
It is on the conCrary because of these characteriaeics of the revoluCionary
paity, anchored in Che movemenC of capitalise society, iCs hiatorical
experience and its method of functioning, that by ies own autonomous mave-
ment~ including the ~oiLe~r~.~~ and epecific conCributione of its members,
the PCF developa its revolutionary effort under particular hiatorical
conditione.
ExCernal eupport is only given, under Che present condiCiona of ideological
etruggle, in order to hinder the procesa of the development of the revo-
luti.onary nature.of the PCF and the method of functioning allowing its
atrategic use. . �
In addition, Che efforCe to define internal discusaion needed to maCerialize
Che "factione" the PCF might include aeem to me ill-founded theoretically.
Certainly the social aciences hardly help us: they only recognize, strictly
apeaking, "currents of thought"* or ideological-cultural trends deaignating
� relatively consiatent complexea of representaCiona, symbols and ideologies
(�or example rellgion). But as of the moment one goes beyond simple repre-
sentations and ideologies and placea oneself on the level of society, as
of Che time one thinks of the relation of concepts, practi~es and individual
behavior to Che movement of society as a whole, the uae of the word "trend"
or "fgction" musC be atricter.
We have seen how the factions were established and structured on varioua
levels of~social life. It is this which enables us to understand the .
affiliation of the PS with the reformist trend and the PCF wiCh the revo-
lutionary trend. Thue each party is not the simple result of a balance of
internal forces between the two trenda, the difference between the partiea
being reduced to a mere question of "dominance" (Che reformiat trend would
be dominant in the PS, and the revolutionary trend in the PCF).
= A double conclusion can be drawn. First of all, the exiatence of trends
in the PS doea not mean the existence in this party of different "factions."
In the PS there are no trends which would be affiliated with the revolutionary
faction. The interplay of trends reflects other demands in the functioning
of the reformist party in relaCion to the reformist faction it develops:
the trends only reflect the incapacity of the PS to comprehend reality in -
_ ~ts totality and the need to add, by means of ite organizational structures,
*For example, when Roland Cayrol took up this problem in a study on
"Movements, Trenda, Factions" (Criticism of Political Practices, 1978), all
he basically did was to theorize in his fashion on the speeches and prac~ice
of the socialiata the~naelves. ~
~+8
~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~ ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY =
- the differenG reflection~ of realiCy provided by each of Chese trends. With
greater reaeon, the real divareity among ehe members of the PCF does not
, reflect the exiatence of factions which would only h~ve to be establiehed
to have the certainty of a ecienti�ic policy. I would even say thgC the
effort Co define diversity ae creating factiona within Che PCF is an effort
deeigned both to sterilize Chie wealth by consigning iC within factione
(each individual would then no longer aeek to expresa Che apecif icity of hie
contribution Co the collective intellectual body, but rather to guarantee
his predominance over the othera) and to ~uatify the organization of a
factional etructure from the bottom upward. .
Now the consequencea would be particularly serious for the PCF, because at ,
_ the o.utset, they would conCradicC Che demand for unification in tt~e realm
of knowledge, of intellecCual activity, for the drafting of etrategy~and
the conaideration of exp~rience.
COPYRIGHl: 1979 Editiona Sociales, Paris . '
Elleinstein: Comm~unism, Societal Models
Paris LE FIGARO in French 7 Apr 79 pp 65-68 ,
[Discuesion between Jean Elleinstein and Thierry Maulnier]
[Text] [Maulnier~ Jean Elleinstein, you are going to -
publish a book with Julliard in April, "A Certain Concept
of Communism." You have ~ust publist~ed a book entitled
"SCalin-Trotaky, or the Power and the Revolution." This
book urges ua to turn our attention to the struggle for
power as it developed between the successore of Lenin
in the USSR, and in a more general way, to take up the
_ problems of power in modern socialist society, in the _
USSR in particular. The queation which arises in a~
number of discusaions concerning the present orientation
of the Communist Party in France is this: "Should one
date the excesses or abusea of the dictatorship in the
USSR from the triumph of SCalin over Trotsky, or must
one go back to Lenin? Is it possible to relieve Lenin
of the reaponsibility for the development of Russian
communism toward totalitarianism?" Stalin seized poWer
in a rather short time thanks to his key post as secretary
general. In fact, he was elected to that position in
March of 1922, making what had been a mere administrative
~ob into the key post in the life of the country. In , -
short, the secretary general is not aecessarily a bloody �
tyrant, buC he has every means to become one very easily if
he so desires.
. 49
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY .
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL U5E ONLY
All the Power
[Elleinetein] He has a11 the authority.
[Mauln~.er~ Thus it is for him to eatablish to what exrent he usea it. We
- are faced with the con~unction of a man and a system which givea him accesa
to supreme power under re].atively apeedy and economic conditions, and with
Che assistance of a certain number of bodies, perhaps basically the politi-
cal pollce.
- [Elleinetein] .His power was based on the facC tha~ the party apparatua
became important after 1921. The number of party employeea increased to
colossal proportiona, for by 1928 there were 100 or 120,000 in the Communiat
= Party. Thus this already gave him conaiderable strength. _
.[Maulnier] Unlike Hitler, who brought with him asaiatanta, who created a
new form of society, Stalin for his part appeared in an establiahed situation.
- The revolution had been effective, but r~ad made no change in the institutions
of the Soviet Union, had only uaed the system as a stairway or step toward
power, establishing itself in power and using means available to it to
establish its own dictatorship.
(Elleinstein] Your comment is entirely correct. In the end, Stalin used
the exiating institutions and did not really transform them. ~
Unlike the Hitler case, there was no popular movement which brought Stalin
to power. He was applauded and invested by acclamation, The Soviet people
were in no way coneulted about him personally.
[Elleinstein] No. Moreover, the people hardly knew Stalin, who began to _
be renowned as of 1924-1925.
[Maulnier] It is interesting to note, moreover (we have ~ust seen this
again in connection with "Holocaust"~ that a good many Germans accepC a
certain blame for Hitler's rise to power. Now there has never been any
question of the Russian people accepting or being assigned any responsi-
bility for Stalin's dictatorship. The rise of Stalin to power came about
in a way outside the Russian people. ~ '
[Elleinstein] Yes, because the dictatorship of the Comanunist Partiy was
- already established when Stalin took power.
[Maulnier] The Russian people were truly reduced to silence, and their
opinion was not asked. '
[Elleinstein] In fact, it was the conditions of the revolution and the
civil war which produced a single-party system and led in brief to the
situation in the USSR, ~ust after the civil war from which Stalinism
50
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~'OR OFI~IGIAL U5B ONLY
emerged. I m~an ~g ~ eort nf coneequence (which could p~rhgp~ hgve be~n
avaided but which wae not) of gn authorteerian and purely etgtp polieicel
eyeCem. ,
- (M~ulnier) One of the gregt probleme poeed by thie kind of re~ime ie Chat
what ie produc~ed can be reproduced.
(~lleinstein) Obviouely. Unlege you heve cuC the rodCg of rhe phenomenon.
~Maulnierj If gnother Stelin were to appear on th~ horizon, doee the
pregent Soviet system contain obetacles which would prevent him from
reaching the point Stalin did, or are there none? The qu~sCion nf the
pereonality cu1C has been raiae~, but hae anything at all been created
which aould prohibit anoCher perBOr.aliCy of the Bame sort from developing
in the eame �aehion?
(E1leinsreinJ ro, noChing.
~Maulnier~ Tyranny r~aine poeeible, to the extent that one cen sey that
Brexhnev is but a derai-tyranC.
(Elleinsteinj Since Stglin we have moved from hard Staliniem to soft
Stalinism. WhgC is called Stalinism is Cyranny by the state. The very
foundations, the roots of Stalinism were not cut off.
(Maulnier~ You are righC in that.
(E1leineteinJ We have moved from a b~oody world of concentration camps
in Stalin's era, however. to a very different world today. There are
atill concentration camps with political prisoners and psychiatric hoapitals,
but this does not have much to do with what happened in the Stalin era,
' although this does not exempt the current system from condemnation. The
basic foundations which allowed the development of this system remain, for
the single party remains, and the lack of freedom of the press~ of associ- .
ation and eseembly remain, i.e. in reality the only meana which might make
it possible to challenge the foundations of the system and Co prevent the
resurrection of hard 5talinism.
[MaulnierJ Here one question should be aslced. Why was the truth about
Stalinism, which was known in the West, re~ect~d for so long by the co~unist
intellectuals ae a whole? Until Budapest, entirely, and until Czechoslovakia,
_ almost en~irely. And even in the course of recent yeare, to a great extent.
~ (Elleinstein] They say tli::t it is question first of all of general
policy. For a very long tim,~ you had the problem of Hitlerism which
existed, and it ~:as itot possible to cambat Hitlerism and Stalinism at the
same time. For decades this played a very important role. A certain number
of people who knew what was happen3ng kept silent. This was the case for
51
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL U5L ONLY
Nxample with Romain Roll~nd. And afCer HiCleriem, there werp oCher f~cenre
which n~ade the maCCer very difficulr.
Ther~ ie e eecond reaeon. The communiste live (and some of th~mm ~till do)
ko a certain extent in en extremely encloeed mental world, and one in which
everything outgide it i~ in the end regard~d as f~lse. When people speak
truChe out~ide their univeree, thie is enough for them to be ~udged wrong.
I~xperienced a vexy elnqu~nt pereonal example of Chis viewpoint. I parCici- -
paCed in a meeting in Budapest in April of 1951~ when I wa~ 25. I re~urned
Co P~ris. My �aCher, who read LE FYGARO every day, said to me: "You know~
25~000 Jews were arrested end puC in a camp in Budapest while you wer~ there."
I respnnded: "Thgt i~ not poesible. I saw noChing~ and no one said anything
Co me. I Calked with Che people, many people in Budapest speak German. I
never eaw any evidence of such a thing." And I strenuouely denied Chat this _
was poesible. Why? Becauee iC was LE FIGARO which reported it, and from
thaC f~ct it was clear Chat iC was false. I was neither heCter nor worse
- than oChers. What I mean ie that it is necessary to have the courage Co
recognize what one wae~ the errors one may have committed.
WhaC Is Dying in Marxiam?
(Maulnier) What is dying is a certain aspect of Marxism. That ia dogmatism. -
To the extenC that the thinking of Marx was transformed inCo a dogma which
still continues to dominate in the Soviet Union and in a certain number of
countriee affiliated wiCh it~ this thinking is obviously dying. It no
' longer meana much, and it ie difficult to defend.
[Maulnierj Yes, a certain number of events have occurred after Budapest--
Czeciioslovakia and the revolt of the Soviet intellectuals~ and perhaps also,
on other levels, the break between the Chinese and Che Rusaiane.
[Elleinetein] The ward in the Far East
[Maulnier] And the fact Chat there is no country--although a large part
of the world ie presently socialiet, or at least claima socialism, or is
sub~ect to regimes which claim to be socialist--there ie not a single of
these countries which can supply us, which c~n provide the Marxists of
today with an acceptable model of eocialism. Moreover, it is certain that
in the realm of science as auch, in the field of genetics, for example, in
the discussion on heredity and environment, the Marxist formula does not
= after all quite fit.
(Elleinatein] There I am entirely in agreement with you, but quite simply
because Marx was contemplating the state of the sciences in the middle vf
the 19th century, and if there is a field in which you have had considerable
change, it is indeed that. You know the comment he made to Engels about
geology. He said finally that a doctrine had been eatabliehed according to
52
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
_
FOR OFFICIAL US~ Ot~fiLY ~
which there wae ~ relgtion betwe~n th~ nature of roCk~, a?~nCeliCi~~ ~nd
politice. Precie~ly~ you knnw, like Monte~quieu'e thpory on ciimates. And
Engels h~d to write him eayings "My dear Itgri, you exaggergte, b~c~uee
obviouely everything i~ releted, but thig relaCion ie however noC very great
and doee not play g v~ry greaC role in hietnry."
Like Decadent Romp
(Maulnier) It ghould be noC~d howev~r Chat if Marxi~t thoughC, thnughC,
had enCered inCn a p~riod of chg].i~ng~ nr re-ex~mingtinn, the power eystem
cregted in the ngm~ df Chat Choughe i~ mor~ effective thgn ever from the
politir~l-militgry viewpoint.
(Elleir?stein~ I read the other day nf ~~urvey in the United States. They ~
are having difficulCy in recruiCing the number of volunteere needed for the
American grmy d~gpite the materigl benefit~ off~red the eoldiere. The _
miliegry power of the United 5Cates is ~omething elee~ et leaet equal to
that of the US5R. .
(Maulnier] Yeg~ but in an atmosphere which hae become anti-militarieCic,
in particular for American youChl
(E1leinsteinJ To me Chie ie precisely reminiecent of the end of Che Roman
Empire. Finally~ the empire was obliged to ask the "barbarians," Ch~C is
to say those who were not Romane, to fight for it. Similarly~ it is now
necessary to aek the peoples of ehe Third World to Work for us~ to do a -
certain number of ~obs which the majority of Frenchmen no longer went to
do.
[Maulnier) I think that in certain reapecGa, moreover, what were calleu
the "great invasions" at the end of the Roman Empire resemble the invaeiAn
of immigrant workers today more than a military invaeion as auch.
[Elleinstein] Precisely~ the empire did not crumble at all as has often
- been said or represented under the force of the thrust of armed hordea, but
precisely because it had to have ever greater and more frequent recourse to
the hordes coming from the Bastern countries as mercenaries, as legionnaires,
because the Romans, or the residenta who had become Roman citizens, no
longer wanted to work or fight. The decline of the empire had begun.
(Maulnierj We are seeing this rather clearly at the current time.
[Elleinsteinj Yes. this is one of the most worrisome phenomena in our
society, this inability to take on a certain number of problems. And it is
the more serious since in the end we are still more dependenC than the
Romans aere, because our raw materials come from the Third World countriea.
I do not place all of these problema on the level of an opposition between
them and us. But this is a socio-cultural observation Which can be made and
_ which seems to me entirely baeic.
53 .
POR OFFICIAL iJSE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~'OEt OFFICIAL U3E ONLY
The probr~m Chi~ e~cieCy mueC reeolve ig the reduceion of Che in~qualiey of -
opportunity for individuale gnd the inequgliey of ~ondiCions. LqualiCy, g~
ie ha~ been tiepreeenCed gince the Renaieeance, is indeed etricely epeaking
- impoesible~ gnd for a very long period. I would even gay thaC too greaC g
~earch for equality could lead to increasing inequaliCy. Thie ie the case
with education in ~rance, for exgmple~ ae it has been for th~e pggC 15 yeara.
It ie obvioug Ch~C Cit~ educ~tiongl g~?eCpm we have developed, far from de-
cr~g~ing inequglity, has b~nefited the richest sCraCa of the population.
For Che children of intellecCuals, for example, have more opportuniCies to
compensate for the inadequate knowledge imparted by Che primary or secondery
echool~ than do the children of workers. Thus the desire for equality which
was voiced, end which was laudable in many respecte, has led to its oppoaite.
Thia ie wiChout a doubC one of Che contradictiona exieting between democracy -
and liberaliem.
- [MaulnierJ We ere witneesing a kind o� exchange, if I might put iC Chus,
of idege or r?aluee beCween the right and Che left.
(E1leineCeinj May I make this comment? This is precisely the same develop-
ment which occurred in connection with the phenomenon of nationalism after
1880. You know that the right wing was anCi-nationaliat until 1880, and iC
was beginning then that it became nationaliet~ instead~ while the left wing
was profoundly nationaliat. Por example when we look at what happened in
1870-1871~ the right wing favored peace over war, and was ready to abandon
Alsace and Lorraine, and did so cheerfully--at least without too much
difficulty~ while the left wing, on the contrary, demanded Alsace and
Lorraine and the war of revenge. Suddenly, beginning in 1885, the right
wing became nationalist. There was an upset. ~ ~
(MaulnierJ There was a partial upaet in another senee with the defeat in
1940, when it was a certain right-wing eector which aupplied most of Che
contributore to collaboration, after all. And perhaps still today when the
supporters of Europe are to a certain extent of the moderate rigk~C wing.~
The phenonenon of exchange is being renewed now, but in ~�onnection with
progresa and tradition: thanks tn ecology or for aome other reason, a
certain leftist aector is looking more to the past, while thanks to
economic growth and technology. the right wing is tending on the contrary -
to take up the idea of progrese again.
[Elleinstein) To magnify technological progress. Quite right. _
Should We Re-Read Maurras? .
(Maulnier] Moreover, in relaCions between society and the individual, it
is somewhat the same. The individual has tended by turns from the right
to the lef t, from the left to the right, and society as well. The pre-
dominance of the collective over the iadividual has been raiaed as a banner
first by the right wing and then by the left. ~ ~
� 54
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
- FOR OFt~ICIAL USE ONLY
[L1leinseein] Yes, when one looke gt the hisrory of ~rance for the paet
cenCury these changes of position, traneieion from one side ro the other,
, ar~ rather surprieing. The case nf the thinking of Maurres ie intereeting
ro notie.
' I~ulnier~ In conneceion wiCh Maurras, another sub~ect wae dear to him end
. currently hae a leftieC rather than a rightiet ring: regionalism.
(Llleinstein] Naturally, I beli~ve it would be betCer afCer all to reflect
on the hietory of ideae in France and to re-evaluate the role of Maurrae
from thie angle.
(MaulnierJ It is interesting to hear you speak of Maurras!
_ [Elleinst~in] No doubt. I also believe that there,are unacceptable aepects
to Maurras, for example anti-Semitiam. Obviously too many thinga occurred
to allow ue to absolve him.
[Maulnier] Anti-Semitism has also had a cerCain tendency to move to Che
left at certain times~.
[Elleinstein] At certain Cimea. AnCi-Semitism was to a certain extent a
leftist phenomenon in the 19th century, for a long time. The firat anCi-
5emitic work in the laet century was published by a uCopian socialiat named
Touesenel~ and it was entitled "The Jewa, Kinga of the Epoch." There wae a
very sCrong tradition in a part of the eocialist movement identifying Jews
and capitalists.
_ (Maulnierj I would like to take up with you Che problem of Marxism as a -
subatitute for religion, or more generally, the religious problem in the
modern world. '
(I:lleinateinj Marxism ia often experienced in religioua fashion through
= wori: and the church, i.e. the party, but it ia preciaely this repreaentation
of M~rxism which I challenge. The thinking of Marx was criticism, as he
. said in response to the young women who asked him what his favorite slogan
was: "De omnibus dubitandum" (one must doubt everything).
[Maulnier] Yes, but there is the apiritual void of the period, a period
with aman ready to cling to anyChing.
[Elleinstein] Resulting in the development of aects, for example, in auch
countries as the United States, where the basic conditions, because of the
role of Protestantiam and ita sectarian aspect, favor the development of
~ 'this type of phenomenon.
1
_ [Maulnier) Should we presume that this is a spiritual need which socialism
failed or is failing to satisfy, or is it (this is also poeaible, and I
55
~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFI~ICIAL US~ ONLY
would per~onelly be Cpmpted tn believ~ ie) Che fgnt thae mgnkind ~g g whole
has not yet reached the gdult gtage7
(E1leinetein~ I believe thgt in any case the rellgious epirit ie a
- conetrucC of Che human spiriC. IC seems Co me thak, precisely in MarxisC
thinking~ the role o~ ideolo~y in general, the role of conscience and
spiriCuality, hae been undere~timaCed. -
(Maulnier] I recall a stat~anent by Malraux: A child ie run over by a bus.
Although one can cYaim Chat in eocialist society r~hildren are not run over
by buaee because Che drivere heve been adequaCely trained, thie ie not a
social scandal, but a metaphysical one. Conversely--Chis was a news item
_ day before yesCerday--if a young man of 25 killa his grandmother in order
to ateal 30 france from her, that is perhaps a metaphysical acgnd~l~ but
it is also a social one.
, (E1leinsCein] Obviously. You are entirely right!
I~ulnier] There is here a type of problem which in any case no social
reform cgn resolve.
I~lleinstein] One can resolve a number of problems from the economic, eocial
and poliCical point of view, but I agree with you on this point. Yn other
words~ to the extent that the religious apirit--in Che sense of Che divine--
is a strucCure, a need of the human spirit, neither scientific progresa--and
the example of the great achol$r-believera ehows thie clearly--nor social
- progresa, nor Che improvement of living conditions will resolve the problem.
I believe thaC, from this point of view, there will. continue for hundreds
of yeare to be millions of people who have a faith, and that nothing can do
away with this. �
5157
CSO: 3100 ~
56
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR O1~PICIAL USB ONLY
CO'UNTRY SECTION FRANCE
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF TH~ DISSIDENT INTELLECTUAL
'Intellectual': Toward New Definitions
Paria LE COI~t[TNISTE in French Jan 79 p 4
~Article by Paul Jourdan: "The 'IntellecCual' or Conmunist Organizer"J
[TexC) One can diacuse the concept of the "intellectual" endleasly. One
can apeculate without end on where to put the l;~ne between "intellectual
workers" and "manual workers." In reality, the v~ry concept of an intel-
lecCual ia myetifying, because it is par excellence a bourgeois concept.
Historically apeaking, the very "intellectual" type is the philoeopher,
flanked by the university professor, the writer and the ~ournalist who
have always sought Chis label. Thia state of affaira is no accident~ but
correaponda Co a very precise function in capiCalist society: the creation
and perpetuation of the ideologiea of submiaeion to the hegemony of Che
bourgeoiaie, a function distinct from the organization of that hegemony
(cadres) or the reproduction and development of capitaliat exploitation
(researcher, scientist, technical engineer).
The fact that opportunista group the philosopher and the technician under
the same term, intellectual--delicately excluding the office employee--
bears witness to their inability to underetand the actual reality of
capitalist society.
, In fact, what do the men who are the typical agents of the bourgeoisie--the
vast mass of the "great" philosophers, the "great" men of lettera, the "great"
~ournalista, on the one hand, and the production technicians who make up the
Cop level of the workers' class have in common? In fact, this expanded
concept of the intellectual includes within its greater masa the new middle
urban strata, those affiliated with the greater modern capitalist production
or results of it (teachers, acientists, engineers, cadres, techniciana).
Thus it includes strata of people having a double characteristic, being _
wage-earners indeed but also enjoying privileges--more or leas according -
' to the level and type of knowledge they have and their social level, being
privileged on the level of wages, the level of prestige, and that of
57 ~
~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~ox o~~ic~at, crs~ ornY '
_ guehnriey. Thua contra~y to whgt t~porge~ M~rch~i~ g~id gt the ggCh~ring
of "inCeli~ctugls" in Vitry on 9~ttd 10 U~c~mb~r l~~t iC i~ not ~ qu~aCinn
of teking the eo-called "itnCellectualg a~ Chey gre~" I'~rCicul~rly ~inc~
,the~e individual~ more Chan oth~re have bQen mor~ or l~e~ fo~c~d to und~rgo
training in ~~l~~rly determin~d cu].ture, Che bnurg~oi~ culture, whieh ehey
accppt th~ beCter b~cau~a ie provides their p~ivil~g~~. Thie ig pvpn mor~
CYUe when the training invoLved i~ philo~ophicgl, liter~ry, ~enn~mie ar
legal, gnd conversgly, l~se tru~ wh~n it i~ more ecientlfic or t~chnical.
Thie holds erue more for thoe~ who benefit from the grp~ter privileg~~, ~
such ge the et~gineera, than thoee who benefit l~es, euch a~ the technici~n~.
The party of the workere' claes could exert mor~ influence on the middl~
claesee ii it were to rely baeicaliy on their characteristicg ~e wage-earner~
- aub~ected to the hazards of this situation~ baeically denryetifying their _
social functione in the aervice of capitalism and the privileges attached
thereto. It would increa~e its pYeatige with them the more were it to
' forcefully aesert ite calling ae Che bearer of a new culture based on the
workere' culCure--in reality embryonic and stifled--and ite reeolutely
internationaligt calling.
Thie wouLd presume that the party ie fully a vanguard party~ a party made
up of militants, i.e. organizera, capable of closely linking theory end
practice, organizers of the workers' claea and its battle~ organizers of
r~ass groups for anti-capitalieC claea action. Thia wtiuld thua preaume thaC
the parCy ie a great school aeeking to train its militanCs ever more and
better not for some "ideological atruggle" but rather the science of the
revolution and its implementation, and the selection of leaders on thia
basis and this basis alone. In other worda ~uat as the party should aid itg
worker membere to acquire an ever more and better capacity ~or conceptual-
izing and theorizing about reality, iC should nonetheless urgently help its
membera coming from the middle strata to rid themselvea entirely of the
= bourgeois culture and to become men of action.
It must be noted that the approach which prevailed at the Vitry meeting ie
the opposite of this correct concept. The opportunieta recognized rights
greater than for othere for thoae members exercising a profeeaion placing
them in the middle etrata. This was according Co the explanation of Marchais
_ because of their "specific character" as "producera of ideas." This is
indeed a wretched result of the line of the 22nd congreas which recognized
for the so-called "intellectual" membere, in fact members coming from the
petit and middle bourgeoiaie, the privileged atatua of "producera of ideas."
The opportuniata are introducing into the party th~ ~ame hierarchy as
exists in capitalist society, which they have already been practicing for
years in the allocation to the "specialiaCa' cocmisaiona" alone of the
power to draft decieions such as~ for example, for the strike force.
How is it aurprising that in this context~ the membere who are "typical
intellectuals" or second-zone "intellectuals~" the recognized producers or
reproducers of bourgeoie ideas, Cry to advance their status, as the atatements
58
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR OripYCIAL USg ONLY _
by th~ mg~dri.ty of th~ ~p~~kr~rs ~t Vier~?_-~~d~~r prdfp~~or~,~~ ~c~--r~v~gi~
How is it ~urpri~ing ChaC th~ 1ik~~ of G~org~~ L~bie~, g phiiog~ph~r by
profeesion~ canpl~in~ of thp fgct that according tn him eod m~ny "inr~1-
i~ctuala" gra engag~d in "militant effort, propagand~" in~tpad of ''drafting
p~l~~y." H~~e r~te r~e~ the conduct of th~ petit bnurgeoi~ bf the ].~f t
be,t~ving h~meeif to be th~ "r~it of th~ ~arth," ~oiely capgbl~ of
- "ob~ectiv~" refl~ctinn, ~ntru~ted with ~ mir~ion to pureue and ee8ing at
the very moet in the work~re' ciaee ~ man~uv~ring mage for a~ocial movem~nt
reCher then the coneciou~ inee~ligent and i~ading protagoni~t~ in th~
_ revolution. It ie thi~ attitude which i~ r~v~~lad by L'NUMANITg bIMANCH~
by its publ.ic~tion of ~ 1~tter ~aying "I am firet ~~cr~t~ry of my s~~tion
(Malakoff), ~nd thue i have r~eponeib � itia~. But I te11 you~ if it comes
to drudg~ry I~m unailling. I do not want to etand guard or keep order
either." in other ororde, "i am a thinker and ieader, and it i~ for the
orhere to do the ~ork."
A~1 of this emphg~iz~~ th~ pen+~trgtion of bourgeo~g ideag and the eupporting
bend o� petit bourgeoi~ elempntg in the pgrty thanke to the breach op~n~d
by the 22nd congr~s~. Recognition of the bourg~oie "int~~~ectual" ~t~tu~ -
in ~ociety and th~n in thQ party work~ to the detriment of the concept of g
communi~t orggniz~r linking in g~ingle ppreon the th~or~tici~n, the leeder
and the man of gction. This m~ne pndorsempnt of a political liae no longer
oriented toward radicai and commuriigt change in aoc~ety, and in fact no
longer orieriCed toaard deetroying the old eocial divieion between the
"~eadera" and the "led," end forging the neW man, that i8 tn eay a~pecial-
ized organizer of the coilective.
Marxiem, Humaniem and Individualiam
- Paris FRANCE NOUVELLS in French 7 Jan 79 pp 29-33
(Diecueeion by Gilbert Waeserman, Jean-Pierre Cotten and Bernard Michaux,
philosophy profeesora: "From Humanism to Pluraliam"J
[Text] (Wasserman) The ccxnmuniste h~ve often questianed their concept of
man, of the individual. These are major questions raised~WiCh ever-greater -
insiatence. They are not hovever neW. When I~oined the Communiat Party
around 1965~ a great debate vas in progress on the eub~ect of humaniem.
The fact ia that today a large number of communieta are familiar neither
with the elements nor t+hat ie at etake in thie diecussion. Couldn't ae
begin by revieWing this as briefly as poasible?
[Cotten~ You are right to recall thar the problem of humanism hae already
been raised, to the point of being, in my viea, in large part reaolve3. It
seems to me important CQ go over the lnistory of this diacussion in order -
to underatand h~W it can be contin+~ed today. There is considerable at atake
. on the national and int~rnational levels. The discuesion has been pu~reued
in the French party, but elsewhere as well. The point of departure aae the
20th Congresa of the CPSt1 and its denunciation of the crimes of the
59
FOR OF'FICIAL USE ONLY ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
t~'Ott d~F~C~AL U5L ONLY
~o-c~11pd Stiglini~e ~ra. ~'rdm then on, ~ whoi~ campl~x ~f ~anmuni~t~ h~v~
ehoughi: thgt whgC w~~ l~cking in Mgrxi~m wg~ ~~uppiem~ne n� ~oul, g hum~n,
hun~ani~t dim~neion, which thug n~eded to b~ gdd~d eo ie. On eh~ oth~r hand,
r~rt~3n po~ition~ ~dept~d d~nied the probl~m ~f hum~nigm ~ny ~ignific~nc~.
Thi~ w~e ~n fact g digcuasion in no Way ~betract, b~t r~ther nn eh~ Gontr~ry
pureu~d with gr~at d~t~rmi.naCion, for the prdbl~m r~i~~d w~~ ba~inning to
und~r~eand what h~d happen~d. It w~~ und~r eh~~~ conditions that th~ di~-
eu~~ion ott Ch~oreeical hutn~nism and anei-hum~ni~m dev~lop~d in Frenee gnd
w~e m~d~ ~p~c~fic ~t ~ C~ntral Committ~~ me~eing held in Arg~nteuii in 1966,
wh~r~ the p~~itiong wer~ d~veloped. Conclugion~ which I do noe reg~rd ~
g compromi~e w~r~ r~a~hed, gnd roughly ~pegking ehey were th~ following:
~ Fir~t of a~i~ td regard M~rxi~t humaniem ae too cloe~ly rel~ted Co the
clas~ic humanieme merits criticigm. Ori Che other hand, to seek to radically
cut th~ bonde b~tween Marxiam and humanism is equally reprehenaible. Thus
one com~e to th~ concept o� a humanism t~rmed "ecientific," which take~ ~g
its b~~ie th~t the eg~en~e of inen ie in th~ ~nd ~nci~l r~l~tian~ ~ whol~.
~inglly, whgt g~p~r~t~~ our humgni~m fran ehe othpr~ i~ Chat there i~ n~
hum~n nature removed from history.
(Michaux~ To add to thie hi~toric rpvipw~ it algo seem~ to m~ n~c~esgry,
~t 1~aaC for Frence, to rel~te it Co a certain humani~tic concepC in curr~nt
ideology~ but in univeraity ideology as well. ~arlier I looked in the
"Petit Robert" to see what the definition given for humanism wag. It ia
th~ folloWing: "Any theory the goal of which ie the human individual and
his flowering." It goea on to say that in the 18th century thie term wag
synonymoug with philanthropy. In current thinking, humanigm is, in the
final analyeis, eny concept which inveats man, the individual regarded ea
the r~preaentative of humankind ae a whole, With a value to be reepected. -
Consequently, the problem of humanism muat be related to hiatorical action.
One can congider~ for example, that ell historical action ie a priori beaed
on an ethic, and in such a caee all violence is anti-humaniatic, as is
~ any form of constraint as well. On the other hand, one can coneider that
_ humanigm i~ but a kind of mask, a cover for historical actions deaigned in
reality only to serve certain intereate, a view which leade to an ar.ti-
humaniem I would call vulg~r, a kind of historical pessimiam involving
saying that there is nothing in hiatory whateoever in which respect for
the human individual is poesible. To thie muet be added the fact that the
modern human eciencea, influenced by the structuralieC trend, have tried to
isolate eocial and historical structures in whic~ the queation of man as an
individual, properly speaking, or as a value, is not poaed, aince he is
regarded only as the agent of social relations.
Put differently, when we speak of Marxiam as human~am~ it seems to me
necessary to set aside firat of all an ethical cancept. Marxism is not
humaniam in the aense that it would make the dignity of man the goal or an
absolute value eatablished at the outaet. Morea~ver, it is equally neceasary _
to understand that Marxiem does not regard individuals as mere agenta of
social relationa. It is between these two reefe that Marxism has been led
50
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR O~~ICTAI.~ USE ONLY -
to gt~~r iti~ cnur~~. IC wg~ n~c~~~gry td win ~om~ehing ehrough the reading
af M~~xi~m, Ch~ pl~c~ ~f indi~ridu~le in hi~edry. It wgg in Ch~ ddubl~ int~r-
play nf ethicgl humgni~m on ehe one hand gnd th~or~tical anei-humaniem on
th~ other ehat Chig ~tudy d~veloppd in ~ranc~. ~rom thi~ point of vi~w,
d~t~e are in fgct very important~ the period around 1965 coming after the
22nd Congrese of tha C~SU, it i~a tru~, but ir w~~ ~l~o th~ time when BtrucCnr-
ali~m flouri~h~d in France.
(Cntten~ One could g1~o, in ord~r b~ttex eo under~t~nd ehe el~mentia und~r
diecu~eion, go back for ~x~mpl~ td th~ ~r~ df Che Pdpul~r ~rnnt. ~aced with -
the ri~~ of fagcigm, Mgrxi~m hed to redefine itg~lf in relation Co ~
c~rtain numb~r of rheme~ which emerg~d during Ch~ Lumiere~ epoch, in particular
ehe cdnceptg of man in terme of reason and freedom, of advancing humaniCy,
~tc. Mnrxism did not d~fin~ iCeelf ag~in~t thie thought, but bypagsed it.
if ir refug~d to view man ae the f inal goal of ngCure~ it took iCe plaee
in gnother conc~pt of m~n with such equglly eg~ential conc~pC~ ae freedom,
respongibility, digniry. I megn by Chat Chgt if it wg~ e~~enCi~l for
Marxiem ro diff~r~ntiaee iCeelf from a classic concept, the period of
struggle ageinet faecism, which made it neceseary to re-evaluaCe the role
of democracy~ elso m~de ug beCter gble to put forward what therein relates
u~~ gnd the pogitive aspecCg of the Crend which emerged from the tumieres
period.
_ What is at stake in auch a view of matters is very great today. At a time
when the new philosophera are taking up the most hackneyed themes of
peseimigm again~ and criCicism of "pragreaeive utopiag," the Marxists must
+ prevent themselvea as the critical heirs of thie true liberation movement
which was that humaniam one cannot simply call bourgeois.
. [WaesermanJ Perhapa before continuing it might be necessary to review some
of the concepts most often brought into the discussions on humaniam:
apeculative humanism, theoretical anti-humanism, scientific humanism, -
particularly eince these definitiona themselvea have been and are sub~ects
of discussion.
(Cotten) Indeed. I think that where speculative humanism is concerned, it
can be defined as a concept of man uccording to which his naCure or his
essence is removed from history.
I would then define theoretical anti-humanism, not to be confused with
practical anti-humanism (Chis confusion did not exist moreover in the 1960s)
as the concept according to which men can indeed be moved by various
feelings and passions but wherein the concept of man is not a functional -
concept for underatanding the movanent of society. I would adhere to this
sCrict definition. Finally, scientific hiunanism. If one means thereby
that our concept of historical materialism takes into account what men are,
one can in my view speak of scientif ic humar.ism. If on the other han~ one
- would mean by that that we posaeas the truth about man, that would not be
very scientific and would likely be rather dh..gerous. -
61
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR OF~2CIAL USE ONLY
(Mich~ux) I wnuld like Co add ~ word about epaculative humgniem. Thie
philoeophical cnncepC, having be~n formulated before the acience of hieCory
or the human s~iences exieted, was based on a confueion between ehe individual _
end mnnkind. To apeak the trueh about man came down to looking for n~n-
hi~torical, eeernal, fixed qualities in the individugl viewed in ieolation,
and Cho~~ quglitii~~ which nnuld be found in Che anglysie of ~n ieolated
individual. On rhaC basis, apeculetive humaniem is linlced with the concept
held Chen about pgychology, involving finding the cona~ant faceors in human
naCure on the baeis of an individual taken aeparaeely. Conversely, whaC =
could be called ecientif ic humanism today, and I agree wieh what has ~uat
been ~aid, is the idea according to which noChing in the individual is un-
- related Co history. The only hwnan nature we can recognize in historical
materialism is social relations as a whole. The human fact is the whole of
the social relations establiehed and based easentially on production relations.
One c~n then analyz~ individual proceases, introducing eherein a11 the nec-
e~sary arCiculation~ such as Che effects of the social relations, even if
the participation of the individual in history then has an impacC on the
hietorical proceases. Put otherwise, a theoreCical rev~rsal is effected -
here by materialiam between the individual and society or the individual _
and the human epecies. In apeculative humaniem, the point of depart~re in-
volvea the preawnption that the individual is Che whole man, while in
historical materialiam~ we reach the concept that it is social relationa
as a whole which create the human fact, the individual being a part o� a
phenomenon which itaelf ie social, i.e. the product of social relationa.
- Without this it would not be poaeible to understand the place of indi- .
viduals in hiatory. Now we have not yet finiahed, to say the very least
posaible, waging a battle from the materialiatic point of view against the
concept according to w;~ich hiatory is made up of internal ideas, feelings
or passiona which indivtduals embody. Nor have we finiahed the battle
against the idea acc:ording to which it is great men who make history, ir.
, other words distinguished individuals who alone can fashion historical
movements. I do not hesitate to go back to the statement by Politzer who
said in July of 1929 that the secret of the human phenomenon is not psycho-
logical in nature. To make this assertion inevitably alters the very method
of theoretical approach to the question of h~anism.
- (Cotten] We will now have to make a certain number of other concepts clear. _
I would begin with the statement by Marx in the postscript to "Das Kapital"
in which he spoke of the capitalist as the peraonification of social
- relations. Marx did not mean thereby that this or that individual repre-
- sented such a personification. What he meant was that on the analytical
basis according to c~hich there is no essence unrelated to the movement of
history, an infinitely complex problem is posed, and that is what the
historical forms of individuality are and what individuals are. This -
leads us to a very important question, the concept which we Marxiats may
develop--and it is not yet complete--of apecific individuals. I think =
that in the final analysis, individuals are differentiated on the basis
of the development of 3ocial relations. For us Marxista, the problem does
62
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY _
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL US~E ONLY -
noC lie in Che confllcC beeween the individual and eociety, whi.ch doas not
mean thgt thare are no problems posed by Che concept of individuality in
retime of the role of the individual as we~.1 as a acientific problem, in which
the biological and the eocial are intermingled. But we do not have tih~ indi-
vidual on the one hand and the aociety on ehe other. For example Marx ehowed
that individualism as it was conceived beginning in the 18eh cenCury only
emerged as of the time rhere was a market, and a free worker aelling his
labor. Repreoentation of rhe "robinaonnade" type could not have existed in
feudal society~ while men were enclosed therein in very ,iarrow relations with
no concept of being free of ehem.
(Waeaerman] To thie approach to the concrete individual one muat add such
concepts as thoae of heritage, transmission, the aocial inheritance. ~
' (Michaux] I am ~ust getting to that. The aocial heritage is whaC differen-
tiates the human from the animal phenomenon. The ariimal phenomenon develops
according to Che lawa of nature, Che laws of the evolution of Che species,
which in the final analyais are accumulated by genetic procesaes in each
individual, such that the individuals of an animal species develop at the
rate of the changea in their apecies. Now in rhe case of the social phenom-
enon, the individual finda his aocial and historical heritage outaide
himself at birth. What he finds ouCside him are ob~ecta, tools, etc, which -
_ will in the course of his development impose upon him an adapCation in the
forms of problems to resolve. The development of the individual is made up -
of theae problems to resolve within a complex of social relations in which
the individual is placed as of his birth, and to which he must adapt in the
form of achemes of activity, the types of social opportunitiea open to him,
institutions of which he will become a part. We can thua obtain a notion
of the divereity of specific individuals depending on the way in which the
heritage was accepted and interiorized, but also the quantity of that social
heritage acquired. There is also a diversity in the social atrata. When
we say that the workers' clasa is that most excluded from cultural oppor-
tunitiea in our day, we are noting a phenomenon here which ia of enormous
importance for the future of the country and all of mankind. It is a
question of acting in auch a way that this class which produces social -
goods can assimilate and develop the cultural heritage. At the same time,
within a social class itself, there is diversity from one specif ic individual
to the next in the sense that the biographies o� individuals differ and
thus in terms of the fact that they assim3late the social heritage in dif-
ferent ways.
And so it is that the contribution of the aocial heritage to each indi-
- vidual is of a sort one can unhesitatingly term original, not at all of
course becauae the source of the originality is the inherent nature of the
individual, but because the personality socially established by a unique
- biography cannot be equated with any other.
Thus one can say that the diversity of which there is abundant diacussion -
in the texta of the Communist Party is not at all a concession to a somewhat
63
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR OFFICIAL U5E ONLY
weak ideology which ie reduced to "it takes a11 kinds to make a wor~.d," but _
on Che contrary the awareness of a eocial phenomenon which wi11 be parCicular-
ized down to t'he individual. The social heriCage ie unequally distribuCed.
Therefore when we speak of diversity, there is ar the base Che question of
ecientific humanism, of which we epoke a ahorC time ago, and a~.so the utili-
zation of the dialectica of the universal and the particular. In fact, we _
cannot think of diversity as the simple existence side by aide of a certain
number of individual rea~.ities, but as the expression, in the different _
classes, social groups and individuals, o� a process which has reached iCe
ultimate phase, the process of allenation. In fact, the end of capitalism -
also corresponda to xhe end of the great h'iatorical period of clasa struggle,
i.e. Che moment when the question of the developn~ent of the individual arises
as a condition for social advance as a whole and thus access to Che higheat
possible degree of culture at a given moment. It can clearly be seen that
one cannot separaCe the queations of humanism from those of specific indi-
viduals, from that of diversity, and thoae of the dialectics of the universal
and Che particular. IC is essential Co take all of thia into accounC at the
eame time.
[Cotten] I would add that heritage means legacy, but this term also re~ers
- to the faCher. Heritage also includes that of language and family institu-
tions. The individual is a member of a family. In addition, one cannot
understand the adaptation of the heritage without raising the infinitely
' complex problem of the social adaptaCion of language as a function of social _
relations and in families, elements in these social relatione. The title
of a well-known work of Engels is "The Origins of Prop~rty, the Family and
the State." Thue one must think about the individual as a function of the
- dialectics of social development and types of institutions such as the
family. It is no accident that the effects of thP differentiation of
society into clasaes can so readily be detected in adequacies in the ~dapta-
~ tion of language. This is indeed one of the ways in which the massive
effects of explniCation are revealed among the sons and daughters of the
workers' class. I am thinking of some of the characters presented to us in
Che Karlin and Laine broadcast "The Reason of the Most Insane." Here we see
that if they did not succeed in adapting the soci~l:heritage, it was because
of their clasa origins and their consequences in the background.-.At the ~
same time, it is also impoesible to adapt to the symbolic aspects going back
to their personal and family history. I believe that there is here a
~ problem which is still partially unresolved, and that is the relation
between the development of the individual and the family institutions taken
together, the relations to language and society as a whole.
[Wasserman] This is a vast and fascinating field of study, but it is ,
necessary to take into account the work and achievements in the various human
sciences, which we are probably not able to do here. I would hope however
that we can come back to the question of humaniam to the extent that it is
not ~ust a theoretical discussion but involves numerous specific things at
stake, political among others.
64
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY .
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~
I~Ott O~PICIAL U5~ nNLY '
~Michaux] To proceed in Chis directinn I would go back eo the queeCinn of
man and culture. Tl~ie is a great hi~C~riaal gnd eppcific questinn confronring
ua. IC can in fact be pr~sumed theC ther~ will be no more Cruly innovgtive
development~ in Che productive forccs in A BOC~.B1 eyaGem which cannot Cake
into e~connt the development of personaiiey, the form~ of individua~ity~
within e Byetem which doee not regard the question of the adaptation of
the eocial heritage by a Who1e nation as the c~ntral problem~ The develop-
ment of productive forcee todey require~ that they be put in movement by -
conecious, highly qualified individuale, wiCh a profound kr~owledge of the
probleme confror+ting society. There will be nA creative development of labor
_ without this national ~daptation of the social h~riCage. We gpoke at rhe
beginning of the continuatian of the historical conditions of the discuesion
- on humanism in the 1960s. If during one ppriod this queetion had a basically
theoretical aepect~ one can say on the other hand that today the quesCion of
humanism, even if it i~a nnt posed in these Cerms~ is truly a masg problem. -
F'ollowing labor, let ue take tha example of the achools. There ie a politi-
cal stake in the coaception of it simply ae nn apparatue for the reproduction
of the domin~tnt ideology in a system for Che reproduction of social relntions,
or else as the training of the labor force of tomorrow, which must Chua be
- on the highest possible cultural level at a given moment. Thie is indeed
a great mass question.
[CotCen) I would also proceed in Chis direction, epecifying that the
queation of humanism is for us above all the question of the place of inen
in the production procesa. Here one can moreover speak of anti-humanism~
the negation of the human aspecC of the capltaliet production proceae to
the extent that there is a negation of living labor. It ia important to
understand clearly what the place of inen in production relatione is, a role =
experience in terma of the lack of dignity~ alienation, debasement. Indeed -
our c oncept of humanism is not limited to that. Man is not only what he ia
in the production procese, but we must begin with thia to understand in wi~at
aense zhPre has been mutilation and in w}~at sense~ to the extent that there
is contradictory development, capitalism is creating the donditions for
going beyond that mutilation. It is also this which allowa us to ~+nderstand -
what another epecific place for men in the productie,n process might mean.
Obviously. the quesCion of humanism ia directly linked with that of the
revolutinn. -
(WassermanJ If Marxism~ as both of you streas, gives us n+~merous means for
analyzing and understanding the present social fabrtc and its crisis, this
does not however mean that it provides uss with all the keys to the future of ~
man and individuals.
[Michauxj It is certainly necessary to state forcef ully and calmly that we
do not conclude from our scientific, or if you prefer materialistic humanism,
what forms mankind and the individual will take in subsequent societies,
even those within socialiam o~ a French hue. O~r theory does not predict
all the possible advances in social relations. In other words, we do not -
need to represent ourselves as knowing what the potential for the human
65
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FUR O~I~ICTAL USE bNLY
future mlght be tomorrow~ What we have m~etered gg of Ch~ preeent is a
cerCain number of Che conditione for th~ developmettt of inen in eocieti~s
which have put an end to the class sCruggle, ~nd thie ie not a prophetic
vi~ion of the future of the social fabric. We do not enclose man in ~ pr~-
eetgbliehed historical direcCion, in which Che forme of developmenr would
be inecribed in a kind of movement finalized in advance, for this would be
- in conCradiction with Marxiem~ This aleo ehowe that Che Communist Party ig
in no way the single hisCorical agene which alone will determine each
: advance. It can also be said, on this baeia, that Marxism in no way hae a
monopoly on Che proper anRwera, any more than it has a monopoly on the
proper questions. There are proper queytione aeked outside Marxism and _
even againeC it~ whinh Marxism must assimilate. In fact it ig the social
fabric which is advancing, rather than Marxist theory advencing ahead of Che
social ffibric.
(Cotten~ TherP is a false representation of our theory being diffused by _
the dominant ideology, according to which it is a complex of formulae cnnking
it possible Co know and predict everything a priori. In reality, it i~
theory which makes it possible to adapt reality gradually to thought. But
this mastery is never total, it is only approximated and at least in
- principle, should never set-~re ae an obstacle to laCer correction. It ie
neceseary to eliminaCe the idea of a sort of absolute aub~ect of history,
a concept with which Marxism hae made a sharp break. Thus where the role of .
the communist party is concerned, it has basic responsibilitiea, but it is _
not the absolute sub~ecC of hiatory. Problema may develop in the movement
of society of which it doea not immediately take charge. Baeically it is
the question of pluraliam, and what we are asked is whether we do not intend -
to impose a practice in the name of a doctrine. Now our concept of theory
- excludea that, at least in principle. I will take an example, that of the
transition to eocialism in our country. One may have a Cheory of transition,
~ but one cannot have a theory of what the transition in France will be spe-
cifically. One cannot say that things will happen ~ust so at a given moment. _
I do not say this in order to laud pragmatism, but our theory is never in-
siatent.
[Wasserman] It ie characteristic that we have moved from humanism to the
individual and then to pluralism. The fact is one cannot separate these
questions. Do we not have confirmation here, moreover, of the fact that
_ contrary to the often-promulgated image of a forced and obligatory rallying
of communie~s to pluralism, it is on the basis of their waterialiatic con-
ception of the world that they have come to their assertion of the need for
pluralism?
[Michaux] I think it is neceasary first of all to make a distinction
between pluralism and olurality. They are not the seme thing. In our
country there is in fact a plurality of social strata, of aspirations,
practices, cultures, etc. But the fact that the French social body is -
characterized by plurality is not due to Marxiam. Those who question us
often and in good faith fear that our concept of history and man may lead
66
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
I~OR ONPICIAL US~ ONLY
ue to deny th~t plurallCy. If we did th~t we would be paving the w~y for
our failure, for pluraliCy exiete and it ig not within the power of ~nyone
to make it dieappear. BuC the key word ~long wieh pluraliem ie democrgcy,
for the people whom ~se aant to have power ~re a diff~renCiaCed people. There
ie a currene ~ttitude toward the penpie ~e a crowd, in e way. Perhape more-
over the term "mase" which we use ie nften underetood ouCeide the party as an
undifferenCigred and to a certain extenr tprrorizing crowd. Democr~cy
imposes pYurality. If one wants eo pursue to the end the concept that it is
becauee we are materialiete thae we rely on pluraliem, thie must be linked
wiCh the definition we give eo democrecy, boCh as a meane gnd a goal. In
realiCy, the French social body is not so pluralistic~ eince today the
exieting eocial relationa ~nd the regime are reducing thet plurality and -
prevenCing iCe expression.
[CotCenJ What ie sCriking ie thaC one comes back to the point of departure.
In order better to frame our concept of humanism, we have used the term
democrecy and we come back to it again for pluraliem. Our concept of humaniem
implies a refinemenC of our concept of democracy. We have come Coday to the
concept of a democracy on all ~evels~ in all sectora, in the analysis of the
specific problema posed by the~implementation of self-administration. But
I think we must further refine this idea of democracy carried to ite end.
[Wasaermanj We have spoken here of the political implications of material-
istic humaniam in the relations of communista with the aocial etruggle.
Could we not eay a few words about what Chat involves for the relatione
among communista themselves?
[Michaux; I wanted to get to that, for it is important to see that our
humanism ie not only the confrontation between the party of the workers'
clasa and society, but also hae implications in the organization af t'~e
party, its forms of work, its strengthening, its way af integratit~g the
diversity of the membere which come to it. When the comaauniat party becomes
a mass party, when it seeks a million members, it becomes the recipi.ent of
a n~nnber of inembers with singularly rich personal historiea. Today one -
comea to the party by extremely varied routes, and so how can one Chink
that memberehip melts all of these various individualities into a single
mold? Thie makes it clear that a mass and vanguard communist party cannot
be a monolithic party. It muat on the contrary take into account this
whole wealth of personal reflections in order to integrate them in n aingle
reflection and political action. I think that there ia a dialectical unity-
diversity, unity on political strategy and diversity in aspirations, in the
- invention of forms of struggle, in the invention of language. If this is not -
taken into account there is a risk that membership will be transformed into
- frustration.
[Cotten] I too believe that theae humanism-individual-plurality problems
also exist in terms of understanding of the internal life of the co~uniat
party. Not that one caa confuse party and society, but one cannot be
67
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
1~OR O~FYCYAY. USE ONLY
gattsfied with gvoiding thie con�ueion. To pose the probl~m of democrscy
pureued Co itie end ie a1.so to poee the problem og th~ forms which ehould
develop, which wi11 ailow the party beCter to carry out iea taeke~ and it
also means seeking methods which wi11 allow each pgrCy member to exprese
himself best in order to act and en contribute so that ehe party can better
ag~une ite functione, having a better grasp of the movement of eociety.
Ket~ayaae: The Soviet Experience
Paris LE POINT in French 22 Jan 79 p 41
(Article by Michele Cotta: "Coromuniets: The Kehayans in Quarantine"J
[Text~ A few days before ehe celebration pl~nned by the local communist
newepaper LA MARS~ILLAYSB, Che Kehayans received a telephone call. A voice
isaued an unmisCakeble warning: "If you come to the celebration, iC will be
your last, the eame for your wife."
There are things about which one does not ~oke in Marseilles, custams there
being what they are. And that is why Nina and Jean Kehayan~ 33 and 35 years -
of age reapectively, did not go to Che LA MARSEILLAISE party thia year. And
that is why their book, "The Street of the Red Proletarian" ~one of the year'a -
~ besC sellers--150,000 copies in two monChs) was noC sold therQ. In fact~ the -
atory of the Kehayans and the reaction of the party to which, againsC winds
and tidea, they continue to belong--the PCS--is an interesting one.
It began with two young communiats, not wealthy, with two little children~
who decided to spend two years in tb.e USSR. The wife, Nina, ~oined the party
in 1969. With a degree in the Ruse,ian language, ehe had been to the USSR,
serving as a guide, interpreter, ~ecretary, several timee. Her hueband, . -
- Jean Kehayan, was as hia name ~ndicates of Arnienian origin. Born in
Marseilles, he had been a party member, with an interruption when he was
about 20, aince 1960. Nina and Jean met on vacation in Moscow, and decided =
to return there for two yeara. He would work with the Novost3 preea agency
- as a~ournalist, and she would perfect her Russian.
Then came the departure formalities: the man in charge of organizing the
travel of the French couple to Moscow at the Ceatral Committee in Paris was
dubious: "You have a 90 percent chance of coming back anti-communist!" he
said. A peasimistic view, but not far from the truth. In fact~ the life
the Kehayans found in Moscow seemed to Chem a hundred, a thousand times
removed from the Soviet paradise~ the hoped-for garden of Eden. On the ~
contrary they found a society with profound inequalities, in which the party -
card opens all doore. They found incompEtent public aervicea, a housing
_ crisis, lines in the large stores, profound skepticism. sometimes, when .
they dared to talk, Soviet citizens who were heartsick. The two French
citizens were firat astounded, then scandalized. They asked to return to
Fxance at the end of a year, but the PCF refused them, They stayed until
1974, then returning to Mar$eilles where they chose to keep silence until -
1978. ~
68
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~'OR OPF'YCIl~L U5E ONLY
Ie was Che attitude of the communigC leadere aC elecCion Cime which ceused
_ them eo break their eilence. After the ~ai~.ur~ ~.n March, the Kehayana ~oined
Che comradee who aigned the "appoe~t~on" appeal refu~ing eo put all the
responeibility for Che fgilure ori c"r~e PS. One fine morning in July 1978,
� the dxy the Sovi,et diesirlent~ 5hchgran~kiy end Ginzberg were convicted in
- Moscow--J~an Kehnyan, vacationing in Br~ttany, wroCe Che preface to Che
book all in one sesaion. In August, Jean and Nina divided the taek and
began to write. The book was completed in September, and came out in November.
The etory of "The Street of the Red Proletarian" would remain a pereonal tale
if it did nnt apotlight the way in which Che PCF hierarchy still today deal~
with those of iCs members who raise the queation of the nature of so~ialism
in the USSR.
For the "trial" of Che Kehayans began as soon as the book came out, in the
Bouchea-du-Rhone federation, one of the moaC closed federationa in the French
Communist ~arty~ and also in the intelleccual circles in Paris. Whi1e Che
auChora of the official book "The U5SR and Us," Claude Frioux, Francis Cohen
and company, categorically condeumed the book they did not write~ the
federation iasued a statement denouncing "the attitude of two of its membere."
Qvernight, the party comradea, or at leaet the ma~ority of them, turned
their backa on the authors~ crossing the sCreet or lowering their eyes when -
_ they approached. All of Chia then culminated in the LA MARSEILLAISE
celebration.
In fact, for what ia the hierarchy reproaching Nina and Jean Kehayan? For
denouncing the Soviet paradise? But the leaders apend their time trying to
show how little they are concerned with it todayl For failing entirely to
ask the agreement of the leadership first? Or was it instead for joining
the 300 challengers in signing the appeal condemning the USSR? ~
In any case this trial revesls two new manifestations by the PCF: first ~
of all, the challenga is the greater among the communists when the federation
in which it occurs is more rigid. And the corollary is that the "harder" =
Georges Marchais becomes, as at the European Press Club last week, the less
effect it has. And finally, the challengers are far from having thrown in
the sponge. There are a number who, like the Kehayans, are getting ready
to pareicipate in the discussions preparatory to the 23rd congress. With
the common and perhaps illusory goal of changing the party from within.
~ Survival Value of Individualism
Paris MAINTENANT in French 26 Mar 79 p 33
IInterview with Peter Schneider by Gerard Belloin: "Individualism Becomes
a Survival Value"]
[Text] Peter Schneider is the author of the scenario and dialog for the
Reinhard Hauff film "A Knife in the Head" whicli has ~ust come out in France.
We talked to him during his stay in Paris.
69
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
- FOR OFFICIAI. USE bNLY _
Elauffmnnn, rhe main characC~r in Chie film, a biogeneticist respected by hie
co~leagues, and without known politica~. involvemenC, is wouttded in the head
- by a bullet in the courae of a r~id on a young peoples' nlub to which he
had gone to pick up his wife. He loses hie memory and tihe power of epeech
entirely. The police accuae him of attacking a policeman, who fired in the
course of the incidenC, with a knife. Extreme leftiet milltanrs rell -
another etory: they are trying to make a marCyr for their cauae of Hauffmnnn.
Slowly Hauf�mann emerges from hie nightmare and little by little regaine
Che use o� his faculties. He feela manipulaCed by a11, re~ects that manipu-
lation and triea to regain his idenCiCy.
(QuestionJ What is the political inrent of your film? Ian't it likely to ~
give the impression that you want noChing Co do with any part of mankind, and =
that politics is but a clash of equally false thesea?
IAnswerJ A film, as I view it, does not come down to the illustration of _
a political thesis or a theais on politics. If I had only wanted to do that
I w~uld have written an article. Moreover, I am writing one. This film ia
first of all the specific story of a unique individual aeeking his own -
truth. _
The fact remaina that the character of Hauffmann ia very German, very
contemporary. The young people in the German Federal Republic are now feeling,
and often very dramatically, the need to find their own identity too. They
find themselvea leas and less in the Cwo value syetems, the exiating capital-
_ ism and socialism, which divide Germany. These two sys~~ems appear to them to
be imposed from abroad. They do not ide~tify themselves truly with either
one. Underlying the values officially proclaimed on both sides is a great
void, a void which is also the result of the collapse of the ideals of the
1968 student movement.
[QueationJ There ia not~ing more which can be done then
- [AnswerJ Indeed, quite the contrary, there is. Hauffmann, because of his
in~ury, is placed in a situation in which he can rely only on h~mself. He -
can only rebecome sameone by dint of constantly increasing will and personal
- search. And he achieves this not to allow himself to be tossed abc+ut by
events, buC on the contrary to act as a conscious agent.
For myself, as for many German intellectuals of my generation, the search ~
for the truth and the motivations for action have become a more personal,
even more solitary quest. We have had to abandon a certain optimism. We
no longer think that our personal and political identity can be found with
reference to Ho Chi Minh, Mao or any other hero of the revolution. Much
leas following the drama currently being played out in Asia. The pre-
established images of the revolution, of communism, do not enable us to
comprehend the present reality and act upon it. It ia necessary to
invent.
70
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~OR OFFICIA~ U5~ ONLY
(Quest~on] Yes, but it ig noC po~aible to waiC. There are immediaCe
requiremente for gcCion. In your film moreover dne aees very clearly the
vast danger to freedome poaed by the police etate. _
[Answer] No, one cannot wait. Moreover in my f31m, Volker, the extreme
leftiat militant, says preciaely to Hauffmann that it is nor poesible Co wait
until he has regained his memory because the police are mane.uvering Co make
a charge againet Che militants. Thus it is necessary Co coneradicC tihe _
_ police veraion with an,other report immediately.
Thie for me is a contradicCion which must remain open. I think that there
muat be a position like that of Volker. But I also have great eympathy for
the anger of Hauffmann, who refuaea Co a11ow himaelf to be manipulated. His
desire to think for himaelf, not to be told what he feels, in brief what =
could be called his individualism, aeems to me a very positive attitude
which gives rise to political optimism.
The two great world syatems confronting each other in Europe, and dividing
Germany and Brazil, seem to me to be closer eogether than they admit. Both
generate a vast trend toward homogenizing society, tending to bend all
' individuals Co the same norms. A aingular individual man~feating his own
personality is regarded as intolerable in and by both ayatema. Individualism,
to the extent Chat it is evidence of re~ection of ttiis Crend toward homogen-
ization and sCandardization, becomes a survival value for men, the eubatructure
for a positive struggle.
~[Question] From this viewpoint, it is no accident that the problem of
language plays such a great role in your film. Hauffmann's search for his
identity inevitably involves relearning words, reviewing closely the words
he uses, and cleaning them up.
[Answer] The loss of inemory, which ie a loss of language, is traumatic for -
Hauffmann. But it is also his opportunity. He is forced to challenge all
words, to find a meaning for them again. In the proceas, he is also led to
- challenge all the ready-made statements and phrases which lead too easily ~
to belief in concepts which seem obvious. I greatly regret not having been
able up to the present to rewrite the scenario as a novel, because the -
~ written word would have made a deeper approach to this question, which the
_ film does not permit, possible for me.
- In the political experience of my generation, the problesn of language
occupies an important place. The ~.968 movement was unable to find the ~
proper words for the ideas in which it believed and for an analysis of the
situation. Too often it merely took up the ready-made formulae of the
international theoreticians of communism.
We come back again to this problem of language as well when we examine auch
questions as Stalinism or terrorism. These phenomena are inseparable from
~
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY _
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
i
FOEt dP~ICIAL USE ONLY '
the procaes by which language beCOmes autnnomous and produces one effect
gfter the oCher, leading to extreme aituariuns. It ie necesaary Co go back
to the point of origin in a11 of this, th~ poine gt which diecuegi~n nf
idea~, noeiong, goals, began. Ir wae Hauffmann~e good luck en b~ forced
tn return Co this poinC of departure.
A "Fr~~ WriCer"
Peter Schneider, born in 1940, pureued literary activity simultgneous with
miliCant activity along with Rudi Dutechke. He wae hired as a worker in
~ the Soech factories and wae eurprised Co find that the workere were only
mildly inr,erested in the theories of the atudents. He completed his ~Cudiea
and became a teaCher. However, the victim of "professional prohibitions,"
he wae refused the reaching poeC for which he applied. He appealed and won
his case. Today he is a"fr~e writer," which is to say that he livea solely
by his pen.
Bibliography: "Ansprach~n" (19~0), "Lenz" (1973, publiahed by Flammarion),
- "Atempause" (1974), "So You Are an Enemy of the Conatitution" (1975,
published by Flanm~arion), "Die wette" (1978).
5157
CSO: 3100
72
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
FOR b~~ICtAt, US~: UNLY
COUNTRY S~CTION FRANC~
CH~tONOLOGICAL SOURCE MATERYAL, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL RBFER~NC~S
Paria LA NOUVELLE CRITIQUE in French Apr 79 p 34
.
Marx -
[Textj Beaides the texte reproduced here, one will conault wiCh interest =
what Marx wrote in "German Ideology" (Editiona sociales 1968) on the~
repercuasiona of the aocial diviaion of work on artietic activiCies
(pp 432-433 and 43~i). Generally apeaking, when one conaulta the aub~ect _
index of one of Marx' works, one ahould refer to the concept of (intel-
lectual) work. Thie remark is also Cru~ for Engels' works.
Lenin -
One muat refer in the aubjcct index of the complete works of Lenin to the
notion of "intelligentaia" ineofar ae it designates intellectuals who
produce ideas. For him the ideological characteristics of fhe intelligentsia
characterize intellectuals as a particular group. See volume 7, p 280.
("One Step Forward, Two Steps Back"j. From this comes the clasaification
of aub~ects in the eub~ect index: intelligentsia, bourgeoiae and petite-
bourgeoise in the West, bourgeoise and petite-bourgeoise in Rusaia,
before and during the 1905 revolution, in the 1907-191~D period of reaction,
in the ?1ew revolutionaty upswing period, during the 1914-1917 imperialist
= war, and during the preparation for and the unfolding of the October
socialist revolution.
Gramsci
It is with Gramsci that the notion of an intellectual begins to cover, from
a Marxist viewpoint, the social area it covers today in France (Gramsci ~
dans 1e texte, Editions sociales 1975, pp 320-322; intellectuals as an
independent category, pp 349-351). ~
PCF
One will follow with interest the elaboration and the development of a -
= concept of apecifically French intellectuals through the history of _
73
FOR OFFICIr~L USE ()NLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~dtt p~~'tCtAG USL (1NLY
rnlntion~ nf thp ~r~nch 1~bor movement and Che intell~cCua1~~ on the nne
hund, and~ on Che neher~ through Che Editions socinleg publlcaCione and
- ~v~rioue PCF mgggzines.
1~ 5ome Chronologicgl iteferenc~~
1936. Villeurbanne Congreae. Maurice Thorez in his report distinguishee
mpn of culture among the ca~egoriea he calls on to enCer the etruggle
against fascism, for bread and for freedom. He makes culture one of the
relatively autonomoug dimensiona of the national reality.
1938. Jacques Duclos delivers a lecture on the Righeg of Intel].igence
gt the invit~tion of the Federation of Houaes of Culture (rhe Cext is to
be found in volume 2 of Jacques Duclos' Memoirs).
1947-1953. The Central CammitCee creates a work aection of "inCellecCuals
~nd culCure" supported by work committees by apecialty. Then the federa- -
~
Ctons creaCe~ in their turn, federal committeea of intellectuals and
~ometimes specialized commi~tees.
Blrth of the PCF inagazines direcCed by intellectuals: La NOWELLE CRITIQUE
(1948), L'ECOLE DE LA NATION (1952). In 1972 ITC [expansion unknown] will
have a brief 11fe.
1957. "Status of the Intellectual" and "Socialism and Culture" by Jean
Kanapa. The ITC are for the first time considered a social clasa.
- 1966. Central Committee meeting in Argentueil, the firat entirely devoted
to party activity among the intellectuals and cultural policy.
1970. First enterprise sections composed of a ma~ority of intellectual
workers (Orsay University, la Halle-aux-Vins Campus)
1972. Present Culture by Roland Leroy.
1973. Speech by Georges Marchais and Roland Leroy on the occasion of the
25th anniversary of LA NOWELLE CRITIQUE (See LA NOWELLE CRITIQUE January
1974).
1977. Speech by Georges Marchais at the Sheraton Hotel: "Social Justice _
is Henceforth a Decisive Progress of tha Progress of Culture." "No
Economic Progress and no National and Human Progress without Greater
Development of Culture."
1978. The committee for "work with the ITC" is attached to the Central
Committee's work section called "enterprises." In Vitry, Georges
Marchais announces that, when the time comes, "another Argenteuil" will -
be held.
7~+
FOR OFFICI!?L USE UNLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
� T~'UIt Ul~~iCIAL USL ONL,Y
19y9. The drnft resolution of ehe 23rd congr~as liets intellecCual c~regoriea
and analyze~ for each one specific reasons for g1l~ance with the working
class. "Thie importanC quesr~on c~ll~ far careful work on our pert, tied
to fresh re�lecCion on rheir ei~uationa and ~heir aepirations."
II~ Some Bibliographical References
Beaid es the works and articles cited in the chronology above:
Sur la Lititerature eti 1'Art, selected texta from Marx and Engels~ preceded
~ by an introduction by Maurice Thorez and a atudy by Jean Fraville (1954).
Sur la Litterature et 1'Art, aeleceed texts by Lenin; atudy by Jean Freville
(1957)
Situation de 1'Tntellectual by Jean Kanapa. Collection "Eaeays of LA ~
NOUVELLE CRITIZUE," (1957)
The French Communist Party, Culture and Intellectuals,
- Texts by Maurice Thorez, Waldeck Rochet, Jacques buclos, Roger Garaudy,
Aragon, Georgea Cogniot.
- SCatementa by great intellectuals
- Presentation of Leo Figuerea
Marxism and the Roads to the Future by Waldeck Rochet, with appended -
resolution of the Argenteuil Central Committee, the first part of which is
entitled "The Communist Party, Intellectuals and Culture" (1966)
The May-June 1966 "Cahiers du Communiame" publish together the speechea
delivered at the 1966 Argenteuil Central Committee meeting.
Intellectuals and the Class Struggles, by Antoine Casanov$, Joe Metzger
and Claude Prevost, republication of studies published by LA NOWELLE
CRITIQUE (1970).
Present Culture, collection of speeches delivered by Roland Leroy, several
of which deal with the problems of intellectuals between 1967 and 1972
(1972) .
For Science, by Joe M~tzger (ES 1973).
Social Classes and Union of the People of France, by Claude Quin (ES,
February 1976)
In Cahiers d'Histoire de 1'Institut Maurice Thorez,
- - Bernard Chambaz, "PCF Cultural Po~.cy," training and national realitiea
(no 12- 13). -
75
FOR OFFICIi~:, USE UNLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100064436-5
~ ~Olt 0~'FICIAL US~ ONLY
"InCellectugls and the Fronch Communiat Party; Cheir alliance in~history" -
(first trimeater ~976 no. 15)
In La Nouvelle Critiique, ~
- C. PrevosC, "Toward Argenteuil, Some Mileatones on the Road" (February 1976)
In the Cahiere du Communisme
- F. Hincker~ "Increasingly Broad Bases for the Alliance of the Working
Class and the InCellecCuals" (March 197~+)~ ,
- Jean Girard "ITC, Basea of the Alliance," (December 1975)
- Gabriel Page "Middle management wage-earnera" (May 1977) ~
In Economie eC Politique
- - Jean Girard, "ITC, What is ita Future?" (November 1976) -
The Cadres, Coo, by Bernand Di Crescenzo Jean Giard (ES 1977)
Travels with aome Cadres, by Rene Le Guen (ES 1977)
COPYRIGHT: 1979, Les Editiona de la Nouvelle Critique
8339
CSO: 3100 END
76
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100060036-5