PROPOSAL FOR THE CREATION OF A WORLD CONGRESS FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R003400060001-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 45
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 3, 2002
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 3, 1961
• Content Type: SUMMARY

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3 October 1961
Mr. Allen Dulles
The attached Proposal for the Creation of a World
Congress for Freedom and Democracy, and a draft of a
Declaration of Principles, are submitted to you on a per-
sonal basis. The documents are unclassified and unsigned,
but I have felt it necessary to stipulate Limited Distribution
and Not for Publication. It is especially important that they
not be associated with the government agency for which I
work.
The two documents are the outgrowth of a proposal
made at Bologna in April 1961 by Ugo La Malfa and Altiero
Spinelli, endorsed by I1 Mulino research group. They are
written for consideration first by a few senior US Govern-
ment officials who have been interested in the Mulino propos-
al and subsequently by a small committee of American and
European individuals, assembled on a private basis, to ex-
plore the possibility of establishing the Congress.
The draft Declaration deliberately merges several
levels of discourse, intellectual, hortatory and polemic.
General statement has been mixed with particular and even
with personal "asides" (these are enclosed in parentheses,
and are not intended for use in more developed drafts). The
task of separating or integrating these different levels of
language and thought, and of preparing a single Declaration
which will carry its message to all mankind, obviously calls
for cooperative effort of study and composition.
STAT
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LIMITED DISTRIBUTION - NOT FOR PUBLICATION
22 August 1961
PROPOSAL FOR THE CREATION OF A WORLD CONGRESS
FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY
The purpose of this memorandum is to recommend
that President Kennedy take the initiative in promoting the
organization of a permanent World Congress for Freedom
and Democracy. This proposal is the outgrowth and exten-
sion of a suggestion originally made by Signor Ugo La Malfa
at the 5th International Convegno of the Friends and Collabor-
ators of I1 Mulino (Bologna, 22-24 April 1961), endorsed by
Altiero Spinelli and by the official spokesman of the Mulino
Group. The idea has subsequently been discussed in this
country with a number of scholars and officials and has met
with general approval. In the face of the aggressive Com-
munist challenge there appears to be a widespread sentiment
- reflected in numerous weighty editorials, speeches and
articles - that it is high time for the US to undertake posi-
tive and confident measures on a scale transcending previous
endeavors.
Scope of the Congress
The recent publication of the new Draft Program of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), heading up
to its 22nd Congress in October 1961, has merely added one
more note of accent to the dramatic evidence of mounting
Communist dynamics symbolized by the Soviet triumphs in
outer space. Even more fundamental and threatening than
these scientific and technological spectaculars is the ideo-
logical challenge presented by the CPSU under the slogan of
"transition to Communism. " It is apparent from the Draft
Program that the CPSU is undertaking to appropriate all the
basic value-laden and tradition-rich terms and concepts of
the Free World, not merely as in the past, Peace and Free-
dom, but more recently Democracy and Humanism. These
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are not mere propaganda manipulations designed to discredit
the basic principles of the Free World even though in the
process the latter do become tarnished - but are an active
campaign of "revaluation of all values, " going beyond any-
thing which Nietzsche dreamed of when he coined the slogan.
The fact is of course that values are constantly being
transformed by historical process, some sliding into debase-
ment as shibboleths and cliches, others emerging with new
content and appeal. This is a global process in which, as the
Communists say, "life itself" forces us to engage. Hitherto
our participation in it has been largely reluctant .and defensive.
At times it has almost seemed that we were being "dragged,
kicking and screaming, " into the second half of the 20th
century.
The wellsprings of our political and social thought have
not run dry. The Free World still has abundant sources of
creative theory and action and it has noble spokesmen who
are able to give fresh meaning to the immemorial principles
of the Hellenic- Judeo-Christian tradition within the complex
of modern polities, economies and societies.
What is proposed here is a renewal - not so much
revaluation as revitalization - of that "public philosophy"
(Walter Lippmann) which our millennial culture has produced,
coupled with a critical scrutiny of those changes which must
be made in it if it is to meet the historical challenges which
are the begetters and destroyers of the world's great civiliza-
tions. It is also a proposal to meet by free organizational
means the threat continually posed by the International Com-
munist Movement through its enduring "organizational
weapon, " the Conference of Communist and Workers Parties
which in protean forms - Comintern, Cominform and "Social-
ist Commonwealth" - has attacked us and is attacking us by
open and subversive devices.
The task is not merely one of countering and defense,
though a strong polemic current would run throughout the
activities of the Congress. Rather, the task is one of push-
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ing forward the great programs of construction, development,
planning and shaping of the new nations arising from the ashes
of imperialism and which are the potential prey of tyranny and
prize of freedom. The Congress would be the agora, unofficial
but universal, in which the material exchange between rich and
poor would develop norms of justice, the school for the tutored
and the unlettered, and the forum in which old, experienced,
perhaps somewhat embittered societies would impart wisdom
and derive m new elan from the young, undisciplined and often
wildly hopeful. It is not too much to say that the success or
failure of the World Congress would depend on the concrete-
ness and practicality of the programs which it sets, not on the
brilliance of its words, though these must also be pitched to
the level of the informing ideas. We can envisage here only
the general outlines of a "Grand Design, "based on the national
and international situation of the Free World as it now exists,
seeking to point the course of future progress in the direction
of new supra-national structures which will certainly emerge
in the &oini:ng decade.
The proposal for the World Congress does not specif-
ically espouse existing federal movements, whether European,
North Atlantic, or world-wide in scope. It recognizes the
normative value of such programs, while seeking to avoid
both their parochial and their utopian aspects. It seeks the
reconciliation of the ideal with the practical, the distant fu-
ture with the here-and-now. In this respect, our approach
is different from that of International Communism only in the
fact that we view the continuing "revolution" of history as
starting from a constructive rather than a destructive premise.
We are seeking to reinvigorate both the ideological and
the organizational framework of the Free World. At this stage
the effort is of necessity polarized because it confronts an
enemy who is determined that it shall be so. Our ultimate aim
of course would be to bring an end to that underlying Manichean
cosmology - an eternal conflict of light and dark - which informed
the Leninist -Stalinist view of history and which, despite his
assurance of the imminent triumph of the Communist "light, "
is still essentially that of Khrushchev.
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We dare not predict that the successful outcome of this
endeavor would ensure the conversion of the Communist "wave
of the future" to our side. There can be no assurance that any-
thing which the Free World is capable of realizing at this stage
would convince the leaders or the peoples of the "World Social-
ist System" that their goal of domination is either wrong or
unfeasible. What we can hope to do is to commit many of the
uncommitted to our side and thereby to establish a fuller "con-
tainment" of Communism, not primarily by military force-in-
being or by the construction of political bastions around the
entire periphery, but rather by simply winning that very strug-
gle of "peaceful competition" which Khrushchev has insisted we
cannot evade. Thus, and thus only, would time be on our side.
In order to make this ioast program really work we will
have to address ourselves to it, not merely with dedication and
idealistic fervor, which are already in large measure available,
but with the scarcer virtues of prudence, realism, and humility.
For what is at stake is the validity of the Communist contention
that the "World Capitalist system" is fatally ridden with internal
"antagonistic contradictions. " We cannot escape the dialectic
which they have thrust upon us and, indeed, it is perhaps best
at least for forensic purposes to utilize, in order to refute, their
terminology. The intellectual basis of this discussion must be
of the highest worth, evading neither semantic nor terminologi-
cal difficulties,in order to achieve cogency. At a later stage in
public declarations this type of conceptual precision - which is
often viewed as mere jargon - can be reduced to less rarified
and more universally apprehensible statement.
The point at issue is whether the dialectic, the contra-
dictions and conflicts which history has built into the European-
American tradition,have brought it, as the Communists claim,
to a phase of final deterioration or whether it is still, as it has
been in the past, fruitful and progressive.
The World Congress is conceived as a fully represen-
tative reflection - not of course expressed in strict propor-
tional representational terms - of the entire political spectrum
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lying between the anti-democratic or "lunatic fringe" extremes
of the Right and Left. Put in party terms, the World Congress
would have to comprise Republicans and Democrats of all stamps
in the United States, Christian and Social Democrats, Centrists
and Conservatives or their counterparts in the European countries.
The application of this criterion would of course lead im-
mediately to difficulties. Dictatorships of the Franco-Salazar
type would have to be excluded, as would feudal monarchies. In
the newly emerging countries the pattern would inevitably have to
be flexible.. -Clearly, Pakistan can be described as working
toward a democratic order; Indonesia possibly away from it.
The one-party nationalist states of Africa, such as Ghana and
Guinea, would have a strong claim to participation. The cri-
terion would be not so much formal qualifications against a
check-list of essential characteristics - which however should
be drawn up as norms - but rather aspiration and direction.
The hope, indeed the indispensable condition of success, would
be that these aspirations would emerge from an inchoate to an
ordered state. We would have to find our own interpretation of
the neologism coined by the Moscow Declaration of December
1960, the state form called "national democracy" which includes
such divergent regimes as those of Nasser, Sukarno, Kassem
and Castro - some we would want, others we would exclude, or
they would exclude themselves.
In the initial preparatory stage, leadership of the World
Congress must come from the United States.. Perhaps alone
among world leaders, President Kennedy has the stature to
launch the organizational process and to muster the moral,
material and intellectual resources to carry it through in its
formative phase. But it would be clearly recognized by all,
especially ourselves, that this was the leadership of primus
inter pares. Almost immediately the full weight of potentially
integrated Europe with its vast resources of thought and power
would provide a stimulating and friendly challenge to the Amer-
ican leadership and many of the emerging nations would speedily
make their own bids for influence. Not all, of course, would be
easy. It might be anticipated that stubborn factors of nationalism,
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mistrust of global international organizations centering in
clashes within the UN, motives of power politics, economic
interests, and even visions of grandeur would spring into play,
and that one or more of the great individual national leaders
would scorn or ignore the Congress.
It is precisely for this reason that the World Congress
must be independent. Governments should be invited to con-
tribute money and men to the organization, including the par-
ticipation of high officials. But in the meetings of the Congress
the latter would be on the same footing as distinguished private
individuals and would be expected to rest their authority, whether
as heads or members of delegations, on their personal ability to
contribute to the global and local development of Freedom and
Democracy. There could be no lobbying for special national
interests, no behind-the-scenes influencing, and least of all
attempts at clandestine exploitation. In practice this would
mean that the Congress would have to be a private organiza-
tion. Inevitably much and even most of its material support
would come from public sources, but this would be accepted
only as a free contribution. It would be hoped that a substan-
tial part, if nbt the bulk of the U. S. contribution, which itself
would be by far the largest, would come from private founda-
tions and other institutions.
II. Preparatory Work for the Establishment of the World
Congress
The actual establishment of the Congress would take
place at its First World Meeting,. tentatively set for ttivo years
after the initiation of the preparatory work. This preliminary
phase would be conducted entirely by a single body, the Pre-
paratory Commission. An outline of its procedure is set forth
in the following time table beginning January 1962. (It is recog-
nized of course that informal, unpublicized work would have to
take place during the preceding months).
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January 1962 - Invitation by the President of the United
States to the free and democratic nations of the world to join
in the establishment of an International Preparatory Commis-
sion for the World-Congress. The President would designate
an outstanding citizen to be his representative, and would sug-
gest that he be Chairman pro tem of the Commission. It is
suggested that a_former President or candidate for President
or Vice President, or person of comparable weight, be deaii'g
nated. At the . same time an Executive Secretary would also be
proposed. This, and any other individual from the government
serving as a member of the World Congress would do so in a
private capacity, though this would not necessarily require that
he give up his official duties. The President would recommend
that the same principle be accepted by all countries taking part
in the World. Congress. He would offer to contribute a sum
estimated to cover one qufrter of the expenses of the Interna-
tional Preparatory Commission. He would invite American
private institutions to contribute another quarter, the rest to
be made up from foreign private and public sources.
March 1962.- Completion of the organization of the
United States element of the Preparatory Commission and
Exe cutive Secretariat. It is suggested that the US element
of the Preparatory Commission consist of about ten persons,
selected from various walks of life for their ability to make
a direct contribution of thought and action. This should not
be regarded as an honorary function; it would be exacting of
time and effort. The Executive Secretary and his Staff would
be of. comparable size, and. should be selected on strict cri-
teria of intellectual profundity, political astuteness, and ex-
perience in internatigbal affairs. Theirs would be a full time
activity, leading preferably to later continuance on the Per-
manent Executive Secretariat.
June 1962 - Completion of the cadre and first meeting
of the International Preparatory Commission. In fact, the
canvassing of this cadre should begin the moment the Pres-
ident decides to sponsor the Congress. In the early stages it
should be conducted without publicity and utilizing a variety
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of public and government instrumentalities. The first and
most critical decision would be the list of countries to take
part in the Commission - as opposed to the much broader
and easily constructed list of members of the Congress as
a whole. The following are suggested as among the most
eligible:
The United States, the United Kingdom, Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, France, West Germany, Italy,
Benelux, Scandinavia (single representative), Switzerland,
Austria, .India, Japan, the Philippines, Mexico, Brazil,
Liberia, Nigeria.
(If this is deemed too unwieldy a group, it might be
reduced by restricting the English-speaking elements of the
British. Commonwealth, Latin America and Africa to a single
delegation each. Austria and the Philippines might also be
dropped.. If India were unwilling to accept because of the ex-
clusion of Communists from membership in the Congress,
Pakistan might be considered; despite its quasi-dictatorial
regime, it can be said to be the prototype of ordered prog-
ress in the direction of Democracy).
It is suggested that each country participating in the
work of the International Preparatory Commission establish
its own National Preparatory Commission and Executive
Secretariat, the heads of which would represent it at the work-
ing meetings of the International body. Thus -there would in
effect be 12 to 15 members each on the International Prepar-
atory Commission and its Executive Secretariat. On some
occasions, both would meet together; more frequently only
the latter would convene. Both groups would elect their own
heads, replacing the American chairman and secretary pro
tem.
January 1963 - The second half of 1962 would be de-
voted to preliminary study of the work necessary to prepare
for the First World.Congress. It is suggested that during
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 I
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this phase the American group should take the initiative in
preparing terms of reference for a Draft Declaration on.Free-
dom and Democracy, and informal suggestions for the agenda
and future organization. This would reflect the American
role of leadership and its advance preparation for the task of
the Congress. There would of course be much informal con-
tact and coordination during this period, especially among the
American and European elements.
The first formal meeting of the entire Preparatory
Commission and Secretariat would be held in January 1963,
at which time the agreed terms of reference would be sub-
mitted to the various national elements of the Preparatory
Commission.
July 1963 - During these six months drafts would be
prepared on the items in the terms of reference. These would
be submitted to the International Secretariat for distribution to
all members. The Second Meeting of the International Prepar-
atory Commission and Secretariat would be held in July. The
various national contributions would be considered, and a
special drafting committee selected to prepare a final Draft
Declaration for the Congress. At this second meeting, the
Commission would compile the final list of countries to be
invited to participate in the World Congress and would begin
work on a Draft of Statutes to be adopted at the First World
Meeting.
January 1964 - Third and final meeting of the Inter-
national Preparatory Commission. would approve the text of
the Draft Declaration and Statutes and would handle other
matters connected with the World meeting such as agenda,
procedure, and membership.
April or May 1964 - Holding of the First World Con-
gress. The selection of a site for the Congress would pre-
sent considerable difficulty, and should have been the subject
of consideration in all three plenary sessions of the Prepar-
atory Commission. There appear to be a number of general
-9'-
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alternatives: ( .) A metropolis or capital of a major country
(Washington, New York, Paris, etc.). (2) The capital or
other important city of a lesser country not necessarily a
member of the Preparatory Commission (Bandung, Tunis,
Brasilia). (3) An attractive resort of the Bretton Woods
type. The Congress itself would deal with the question of
establishing a site for the permanent organization (see below,
III;,.D.).
The organizational and procedurdl pattern of the First
World Meeting would, establish that for the succeeding tri-
ennial Regular World Meetings (see below, IV, D). The
Statutes might make provision for Extraordinary World meet-
ings on the basis of a request from a majority of the member
national councils.
To be effective, the activities and declarations of the
World.. Congress and its Commissions will have to be publi-
cized, reaching to the extent possible all literate persons of
the globe. The launching of the project under the auspices
of the President of the United States and the meetings of
prominent world .leaders will generate tremendous publicity
at the time, but this must be sustained. Many methods are
available and should be fully utilized. It goes without saying
that the publicity activities should be dignified, in keeping
with the serious purposes of the Congress and its Commis-
sions, but also vital and imaginative enough to appeal to all
strata of society, from a European intet'lectual to a Senegal-
ese school teacher or a Japanese trade 'unionist. Much of
the publicizing of the activities of the Congress could be left
to the national organizations which could adapt their methods
to local conditions. These organizations could utilize various
media available, such as radio and TV reports by returning
delegates, movie coverage of meetings, pamphlets, school
materials, and discussion forums.
Under the direction of the Executive Council, the
Secretariat could be charged with guiding and developing
methods of publicizing the work of the Congress.
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III . Permanent Organization of the Congress
The two and a half years of work by the Preparatory
Commission, leading up to the First World Congress for Free-
dom and Democracy, in addition to preparing the Agenda and
Declaration of the Congress meeting would also lay the fouzida-
tions of a permanent organization. This is outlined below under
the following headings:
A. Executive Council
B. Executive Secretariat
C. Permanent Commissions
D. Regular World Meetings of the Congress
E. Affiliated Organizations
It is understood that throughout the organizational
framework national and international bodies would exist and
work in parallel. The pattern of organization itself is dis-
cussed here only in its most general form, that of the parent
international body. The corresponding national entities would
vary greatly in size, complexity and balance of private and
public participation. To a large extent the membership of
the permanent elements would have been established in the
preparatory phase, and would be renewed by co-option on
the basis of majority vote. Veto or blackball by individual
participating elements would-appear to be incompatible with
the democratic principle on which the Congress ;sfounded.
In essence the World Congress would be an interna-
tional Corporation of a private nature. Ideally it should have
an endowment contributed by both governments and private
sources. Alternatively, grants for operating expenses should
cover the three-year periods between World Meetings, and
should be based on budgets prepared by the Executive Council.
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It is apparent, that because of its private nature and
its exclusion of non-democratic nations, the World Congress
could not have direct affiliation with the United Nations. It
could, and should, however, express solidarity with the aims
and programs of that body and its special agencies, insofar
as these are based on principles of Freedom and Democracy.
A. Executive Council.
The composition of the Executive Council should be
established in the Draft Statutes of the Congress, submitted
for ratification to the First World Meeting. It is suggested
.that it consist of 12 to 15 members, serving for the period
of three years between World Meetings of the Congress. In
principle it might be composed of the following elements:
(1) The United States (permanent).
(2) The United.Kingdom (permanent) and one
member of the English-speaking nations of the British
Commonwealth (rotated).
(3) Two Western European Community members
(permanent).
(4) One European neutral (rotated); in addition to
Sweden, Switzerland, Austria and Eire, Finland might
be considered, depending on Soviet reaction.
(5) Japan (permanent).
(6) India (permanent, if its principle of non-
alignment will permit it to join a body openly opposed
to the Communist Bloc).
(7) One country each from Latin America, Africa,
the Middle East, and Free Asia (rotated).
The Presidency of the Council might be rotated annually
during its three-year term, with the understanding that the
United States and a European country would each occupy it for
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one year, the third to be determined by majority vote of the
Council members. Rotation of the non-permanent member-
ship in the Council should be determined at the triennial
World meeting of the Congress, possibly by a proportional
voting system based on a list of nominations presented by
the outgoing Council.
Alternatively, in order to. avoid invidious national
choices, the Permanent Council might be organized on a
regional basis, say, North America, Latin America, Europe,
Africa, Middle East and Asia, with each region being repre-
sented by two countries in rotation. This might also facilitate
the holding of regional meetings between plenary sessions of
the International Executive Council, and this in turn would
favor the work of the Commission for Free and;' Democratic
Regional Associations, (see below, 9., p. 20).
The Executive Council would have full powers to act
for the Congress within limits defined by the Statutes.
Here too, the principle of permanent and non-perman-
ent membership should be applied, with the provision that the
non-permanent members generally be selected from countries
not represented on the Council. The Secretariat would require
a working staff whose members, as far as possible, should
have permanent status.
C. Permanent Commissions of the Congress.
Besides its Executive Councils and Secretariats at
the World and national levels, the Congress would establish
a number of permanent functional Commissions, which in
turn might generate sub-commissions, working groups, re-
search projects and liaison contacts with the UN and with
other existing private and government organizations in their
fields. A number of possible Commissions are suggested
below.
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1. Commission on the "Public Philosophy" of
Freedom and Democracy. This Commission would seek to
establish the essential content of tI twin.concepts of Democ-
racy and Freedom. In the face of the Communist misappro-
priation of these terms a profound intellectual effort will be
necessary to give them new content and meaning. An effort
in this direction has been made by President Eisenhower's
National Goals. Commission, but the results were less than'u.i1
universally applicable. Essays on the worth and dignity of
the individual - no matter how well phrased - are not suffi-
cient to restore the somewhat battered principles of Freedom.
Efforts to define Democracy in terms that will be equally valid
among countries which already have it and others, though as-
piring, which are not ready for it, will involve political scien-
tists and theorists with an intellectual challenge which they
have not yet braced themselves to meet. In the last analysis,
the only definition - and perhaps the sufficient one - may center
in the authentic right to vote for a choice among representatives
under a plural party system; in some cases, even this right may
not be susceptible of exercise on a national level, until "basic
democracy's" foundations h.ve been laid at the local level (Pak-
istan). But the claim of Communism that free elections can be
held under its form of "democran" must be exposed as fraudu-
lent.
We might call this the Commission on Ideology. It
would, inter alia, study and illuminate the great thinkers and
leaders of the past, the creative Revolutions of Democracy
(American, British, French). It would invoke the memory of
the American founding fathers, the Declaration of Independence,
Abraham Lincoln, and other heroes and fathers of Freedom
throughout the world.
2. The Commission on Free and Democratic
Polity. This Commission would start with a recognition of
the profoundly dialectical nature of the Free World political
system, i. e. the infraction of the liberal and conservative
positions in an essentially creative and fruitful process
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around a dynamic center. Radicalism and reaction, which
complete the five sector semicircle of classic European
political organization, are recognized as the extremes which,
on the one hand, are necessary to energize the moderate Left
and Right and, on the other hand, are destructive elements
threatening the stability and even the existence of the demo-
cratic type of regime. The program of the World Congress,
like its membership, will center in the constructive elements
of this dialectic and seek to exclude the destructive. Within
this comprehensive framework, the Commission would exam-
ine types of constitutions, electoral and party systems, guar-
antees of civil rights, and other political matters, seeking to
derive lessons from institutions and practices already well-
established, and at the same time guiding those in the form-
ative stages.
The experience and deliberations of the International
Parliamentary Union would be of value in developing the po-
litical Commission, but because of the IPU's inclusion of
"parliamentarians" from Communist, i.e. non-democratic
countries, it could not participate directly in the activities
of the Congress.
3. The Commission on Free and Democratic
Economy. This Commission would start from the proposi-
tion that Freedom and Democracy in the economy are integral
with the same principles in theT-polity. It would need little
argument to show that much of the basic thought on the nature
of the modern Free World economies has become relatively
stagnant, and indeed no concerted effort has been made to
revitalize the whole economic thought in the West. This
inertia has provided a great opportunity for the Communists
to stir up the waters of capitalism, bringing to the surface
the sludgy deposits of the era which Marx rightly condemned.
It seems almost impossible to refurbish the image of classical
capitalism under the wornout shibboleths of private initiative
and enterprise, nor under gimmicks such as "Peoples Capital-
ism. " The generic elements of a mixed system have been
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riveted into the advanced economies of the West by such
historically irreversible developments as the welfare state
and the New Deal. Our task again is one of dialectics: The
Communists claim to be creating a "utopian" synthesis based
on the harmonious reconciliation of the individual and the col-
lective principles in "social labor. " A vast amount of study
and soul-searching will be necessary in order to prove that
we have an actually or at least a potentially more valuable
synthesis of our own.
The.Economic Commission would examine a great
variety of methods, concepts and systems, tried and untried,
aimed at the instauration of true economic democracy. These
would include the right and duty of the State to intervene on
behalf of social and economic justice - as recognized in the
recent Papal encyclical; the balance between the rising curve
of productivity governed by the unbridled profit motive and
the legitimate demands of individuals for stability and secur-
ity from cradle to grave; the psychological reinforcement
factors in management-labor relationships, including such
experiments in Western economic practice as co-determina-
tion; the role of profit sharing in providing a regulatory
mechanism for the spiralling incentives of management and
labor; the role of cooperatives, especially such organiza-
tions articulated on a national scale as MIGROS (Switzerland),
It is not suggested that the Economic Commission of the Con-
gress could provide definitive answers to all such problems.
Nevertheless, at least in their general aspects, nearly every
manifestation of economic rationalization, including even ad-
vanced automation and linear programming, is seen to be rel-
evant to the deeper concern of Democracy and Freedom.
A host of national and international economic organi-
zations exist with which this Commission could work. Here,
as in the work of the other Commissions, there would be an
obverse and reverse: the Free World system and the Com-
munist systems in competition. Heterodox "Communist"
types of organization such as workers' councils (Yugoslavia)
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might be studied for what they can teach of both good and
bad economics. There would be a frank and objective exam-
ination of closed and open, coercive and permissive, planned
and relatively undisciplined systems as models for the emerg-
ing nations, centering in a massive campaign to prove that in
the long run only free and democratic economies are compat-
ible with complete human fulfillment.
4. . Commission on.the Rule of Law. The great
traditions of Western. Freedom and Democracy all rest on the
Rule of Law. Whether it be necessary to invoke an antece-
dent Divine or Natural Law in order to sanction all principles
of practical Civil Law - and for that matter international law
or whether these may be posited as axiomatic, can be left to
the philosophers and theologians. But some measure of agree-
ment must be reached going beyond the principles of Austinian
sovereignty which sanctioned the emergence of statist theories
in the 19th century, leading into modern forms of totalitarian-
ism. This topic has been fully canvassed by the International
Commission of Jurists (New Delhi, 1960); this body might be
invited to cooperate with the Commission on a still deeper ef-
fort to establish the principles of theoretical and practical
jurisprudence of the Free World.
5. Commission on Cultural Freedom and Democ-
racy. Cultural Freedom, like the Rule of Law, is of the es-
sence of Democracy. That this can be propagated on a world
scale has been brilliantly demonstrated by the career of the
Congress of Cultural Freedom, especially in its biennial con-
ferences. As in the case of the International Commission of
Jurists, it might be used as a partner in developing the Cul-
tural Freedom Commission for the World Congress. The
task of the latter would be to examine the role of humanities
and the creative arts in establishing a bond among all free
peoples. It too would accept the challenge of the Communists
as set forth for example in the Draft Party Program of the
CPSU. It would examine the Communist contention that 'bour-
geois humanism" has outlived its creative era - Renaissance
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and Enlightenment - and is now the instrument of exploita-
tion of the capitalist bourgeoisie. It would also examine the
claim that the "transition to Communism" will usher in the
era of cultural Utopia, recently heralded by the head of the
Soviet Academy of Sciences as being in the great tradition of
Campanella's "City of the Sun. " On our side, the Cultural
Freedom Commission, drawing back from over-idealized
projections, might hold forth our own image of free demo-
cratic man as the bearer of a culture built on high productiv-
ity and abundant leisure, going beyond any that has previously
existed.
6. Commission for Free and Democratic Science
and Technology. The role of science and teghnology in sup-
porting the development of Freedom and Democracy would
also warrant the creation of a separate Commission. The
Scientific Commission would confront the greatest of Com-
munist challenges, the claim that Marxism-Leninism provides
the scientific base for the correct appraisal of all human sit-
uations and activities. The Communists have proclaimed that
their system will beat ours in the establishment of a. "mighty
material-technical base" which will ensure the highest stand-
ard of living the world has ever known. The Scientific Com-
mission would address itself to the validity of the Marxist-
Leninist claims on the natural superiority of a "Socialist"
Communist system in the generation of scientific progress.
It would explore the deep roots of the relation between man
as a political and social animal on the one hand and as the
conqueror of nature on the other. It would push interdisci-
plinary approaches, especially in the new frontiers being
opened by cybernetics. It would study the intensive efforts
now being made in the USSR to perfect "human-engineering"
techniques for conditioning of the "New Communist Man, "
and would expose their essentially inhumane methods and
objectives. Eventually this Commission should become the
supreme scientific body of the Free World, coordinating and
inspiring research on such vast problems as public health,
the balance of nature, pe4fceful uses of atomic energy and
the disposal of nuclear wastes. It would work closely with
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the Economic and other Commissions on the human implica-
tions of automation and cybernetics with respect to employ-
ment and the use of liesure. While it would not adopt a line
of rigid non-cooperation with International bodies including
Communist scientists, it would seek .constantly to infuse them
with the principles of Freedom and Democracy.
7. Commission for Free and Democratic Educa-
tion. It is apparent that the survival and advancement of Free
and Democratic societies depends upon education. One of the
principal elements of persuasion in the Soviet image presented
to backward nations is its success in overcoming illiteracy and
:.ignorance within a single generation and through this to open a
chance for all to engage in productive work. Communist China
is girding for an even more massive effort. Even within the
most advanced countries of the Free World. education suffers
from stagnation as a result of both affluence and parsimony,
not to mention economic and social restrictions to privileged
elites.
The Education Commission could address itself to
both theoretical and practical problems. On the one hand,
it would sponsor and coordinate experiments and research
in the psychological and behavioral sciences serving as the
vanguard of pedagogic inngvation. On the other hand it would
promote international cooperation in exchanges of teachers
and students, and encourage the foundation of major region-
al educational institutions, especially in the fields of science,
technology and agriculture. It would work closely with the
great foundations, and would encourage governments to inte-
grate educational with economic aid in the newly emerging
nations. It would propagate the basic principle that educa-
tion is the key to human dignity and productivity.
8. Commission for World Peace in Freedom and
Democracy. It is essential in this field that the World Con-
gress seize the initiative from the Communists and their
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"front, " the World Peace Council. In view of the private
nature of the Congress, it must not encroach upon the spheres
of government organization and policy, national or interna-
tional. Its influence can only be moral, but this can be great.
The Commission would establish working groups for the study
of the relation between Peace and Democracy in all its various
aspects. Inevitably this would impinge on problems of a pure-
ly military order, the destructive effects of nuclear weapons,
disarmament, arms control, and the requirements of civil
defense. The Commission should not attempt to cprmpete with
the numerous private and official gtudy groups and projects in
these fields, and should maintain a level of generality and de-
tachment which would leave its integrity untouched, But it
should make no effort to conceal its aim of imposing the sign
manual of Freedom and Democracy on the campaign for Peace,
and resisting its degradation by the Communists.
9. Commission for Free and Democratic Regional
Associations. The aspirations of the "third world" - the under-
developed or backward countries - would run through the entire
fabric of the Congress' s activity. Since it would be hoped that
many, if not most, of the countries in this category would par-
ticipate in the Congress, their problems would arise in connec-
tion with each of the Commissions suggested above. The basic
task of this Commission would be to promote regional associa-
tion and federations, and Free World commonwealths. It would
act as a voice of conscience directed against the numerous re-
mains of imperialism and colonialism in the Free World which
are the primary target of Communist propaganda. The US
would have to face the hard fact that it has been formally
designated by the Communists as the "leader of the imper-
ialist camp. " Mere protestations that we no longer hold ter-
ritories nor conduct gunboat diplomacy are not sufficient to
refute this charge. So long as we enjoy benefits, directly or
indirectly, from the activities of even vestigial imperialism
and colonialism, so long as we profit by the economic help-
lessness of any group of countries, without compensating-,
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planning and investment for the diversification of their
economies, our hands are not fully cleansed.
On the other side, the World Congress could serve
as an effective instrument for exposing the much more vi-
cious imperialism of the Communists, especially the USSR
and China. It could analyze and refute the claims made for
the "Socialist Commonwealth of Nations" (sodruzhestvo) as
a full association of equal nations, animated by fraternal
cooperation and mutual benefit.
D. Regular World Meetings of the Congress .
The triennial World Meetings of the Congress should
be rotated among the principal regions. It is suggested that
not more than 500 representatives attend. Assuming that
there might be about 80 nations participating, and that dele-
gations would be of equal size, the average delegation would
consist of 5 to 6 persons. Prominent officials would be wel=
come, but in a private capacity only. They would not neces-
sarily be the Chiefs of their respective delegation, the selec-
tion of which should rest in the hands of the National Execu-
tive Councils. The President of the Executive Council would
act as Chairman pro tem of the World Meeting, being re-
placed by a Chairman elected by the Meeting from a panel
of nominations presented by the Executive Council. Each
delegation would vote as a unit, and the majority principle
would prevail (or plurality where appropriate). World Meet-
ings would be scheduled to last three or four days. The
Agenda would normally include modifications of the Declar-
ation on Freedom and Democracy adopted by the First World
Meeting, amendments to the Statutes, Reports from the Per-
manent Commissions, acceptance of new members, and other
business.
E. Affiliated Organizations.
Much of the success of the World Congress for
Democracy and Freedom would depend upon its ability to
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establish cooperative working relations with other more lim-
ited and specialized organizations, both international and na-
tional. It would be a principal task of the Executive Councils
at both levels to promote the braadest possible associations,
ranging from formal affiliation to informal correspondence
and exchange of mutually interesting information. It is not
possible to define the limits of such relationships, other than
in terms of the general purpose of the Congress itself, pro-
motion of the principles of Freedom and Democracy. It is
obvious that many of the great Free World international or-
ganizations (Congress of Cultural Freedom, International
Jurists Commission, International Free Trade Union, not to
mention youth, women's, and others) would be natural objects
of close affiliation. At the national level, Friendship Societies,
Cultural Exchange programs, Foreign Policy Associations,
Leagues of Women Voters, universities, civih and church
groups would be urged to establish working relations. A pat-
tern for action would be established, seeking to reinforce
democratic causes and to counter Communism. Activities of
Communist "fronts, " national and international, would be ex-
posed and rigorously combatted, not by mere negative "anti
Communist" crusades, but by positive example and by propa-
ganda in the noblest sense, the propagation of the truth through
free yet disciplined organization.
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LIMITED DISTRIBUTION - NOT FOR PUBLICATION
FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY
A Declaration of Principles
3 October 1961
Today the world could be one in Peace and Freedom.
Instead, like Gaul, it is divided into three parts. Two of
them are polarized, the third is suspended between these two.
Each of the three proclaims its love of Peace, each, its ded-
ication to Freedom, yet there is no Peace, and Freedom is
in peril.
Absolute polarization is declared by the movement of
International Communism to exist between the "world Social-
ist system, If comprising the 12 countries of the Sino-Soviet
Bloc with its apparatus of "fraternal parties, " and the "world
capitalist system headed by the United States. " The third
component - the "unaligned nations" - has been designated by
the Communists as the "Great Zone of Peace, " which is de-
clared to be basically in sympathy with, and gravitating to-
ward them. The "world socialist system" is described as a
militant "camp, " protected by the armed might of the Soviet
Union. It is also held to be a "community" of mutual. benefit
or "commonwealth" (sodruzhestvo), a grouping of "equal,
independent" nations which constitutes the matrix within which
total world Communism will be formed.
We hold this Communist concept of the world order to
be radically false. We firmly believe that the suspension of
the "unaligned" nations is only temporary. They are gravi-
tating, indeed for the most part they already belong, to the
World of Freedom. Not all of them have achieved Democracy;
some indeed frankly present regimes of authoritarian, pater-
nalistic or even feudal nature. But, unlike the "world social-
ist system, " this entire multiform grouping harbors the po-
tential of true Freedom. Even the most arbitrary govern-
ments, outside the Communist system, fall short of, and
generally oppose that form of tyranny, that totalitarianism,
which only Communists and Fascists have sought to elevate
to a system of world domination.
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The Free World is indeed the pole of a magnet, the
positive one which attracts rather than repels. But it is a
dynamic pole, its pull grows ever stronger, despite the ef-
forts of Communists to weaken it. The Communists in their
propaganda declare the Free World to be in fact the antithe-
sis of "true Freedom, " which in their tortured philosophy
comes only with "the recognition of necessity." `This. rcturn
proceeds from the acceptance of "dialectical materialism"
as codified in the classics of Marxism-Leninism and inter-
preted by the Communist Party leaders. The "Free World,
they declare, "is a world of exploitation and lack of rights,
a world where human dignity and national honor are trampled
underfoot, a world of obscurantism and political reaction, of
rabid militarism and bloody reprisals against the working
people. " (Draft of the Program of the Communist Party of
the CPSU, to be presented to its 22nd Congress in October
1961, para. 217).
Against this declaration of hate, the Free World must
affirm the universal truth and the living force of its principles.
These are the principles which should govern all mankind. We
state them here affirmatively, and by this very statement we
answer the implacable challenge of the one enemy of true Free-
dom, International Communism, "headed by the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics and centering in the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union.'' (The official formula until the Sino-Soviet
crisis of 1960, and still descriptive of the de facto situation).
In stating these principles we draw on the wisdom set
forth in past utterances, and at the same time declare our
independence of those shibboleths which have dimmed that
wisdom. We ailso work to remove the tarnish which the un-
clean manipulation and fraudulent appropriation by the Com-
munists have deposited on such noble concepts as Peace,
Democracy, Freedom, Social Justice, Humanism, Common-
wealth, Social Democracy, and even - supreme irony - the
Dignity of Man. By the eery existence of the crisis into which
Communism has plunged the entire world, its free component
has no alternative but to pick up the challenge and fight back.
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The program we set forth here is generated in conflict, that
very "negation of opposites" which dialectical materialism
proclaims as the supreme law of being. At the same time,
it strives toward that "unity of opposites" which Communism
holds forth as its goal, but which, in virtue of its genesis in
negation and destruction, it cannot achieve.
We candidly acknowledge our errors of omission and
commission. Unlike the Communists whose spurious "self-
criticism" is but the medium through which the very real
criticism of a superior is abjectly acknowledged and intensi-
fied, we, through free discussion, are able to achieve the
timely correction of abuses and insure the orderly process
of responsible governance.
We do not claim to hold all truth, but neither do we,
like Pilate, query its very existence. We do challenge that
"pravda, " that dictated "truth" which the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union sets forth in its writ under the banner of
Marxist-Leninist "science. " The arena of challenge to truth
is the whole world. "By their fruits ye shall know them. "
1. The Dignity of Man.
"Man is the measure of all things. " Man and the
world in which he lives cannot be explained merely in terms
of motion and matter as the Communists endlessly assert.
His is a moral essence. Whatever the ultimate nature of the
universe may be - and science daily unfolds as many un-
fathomed mysteries as new revelations - the nature of Man
is clearly a union of matter and spirit. The purpose of his
life is to perfect this union.
The Communists, despite their materialism and their
militant atheism, attribute "spiritual" qualities of the highest
order to the 'New Communist Man" they claim to be creating;
taking for granted his physical vigor, they also attribute to
him in equal degree both "moral" and "cultural" excellence.
This complex of virtues they proclaim as "socialist human-
ism, " (a new concept developed by Polish literati.' and recently
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adopted by Khrushchev), contrasting it with "bourgeois human-
ism" which, they allege, was indeed living and creative during
the Renaissance and Enlightenment, but which has now become
the instrument of the bourgeoisie for the "exploitation of the
working class. " (The Chinese are dubious about Khrushchev's
version of "socialist humanism").
Such arrant distortion of history cannot go unanswered.
The Free World does n(tt claim that the specific European tra-
dition of Graeco-Latin humanism, fused as it has been with
Jud`edo-Christianity, is the only pattern for the formation of
Man. It sees in the worldwide variety of spiritual and ethicb.l
disciplines - including some, such as Confucianism, which are
now being perverted by Communism - the embodiment of the
truth expressed by Christ, "In my Father's house there are
many mansions. " But it cannot reconcile itself with the Ore
wellian doctrine that rampant materialism can issue in the
true spiritual dignity of Man.
Let us look with tolerance on all forms of religions
belief, and even on men who have none, so long as they do
not preach."militant godlessness" and impose it through co-
ercion! Let us recognize that Man, whether through Revela-
tion or through Inner Light, bears the truth in himself, and
that knowledge of this truth shall make him free!
2. The Dynamics of Historical Progress.
The peoples and leaders of the Free World are hope-
ful of human progress. The awareness of KCan's shortfall.
of perfection, which tinctures the great religions,is in har-
mony with the sense of his Promethean genius. We do not
resort to spurious invocations of "life itself" - interpreted
by Marxism-Leninism as the pure motion of matter - to
inspirit ourselves with the assurance of some predestined
victory.
Going beyond the facile - and itself p~irtly material-
istic - optimism of 19th century Europe, we chart our course
under the purposeful guidance of will and intellect. We see
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no "wave of the future, " no inevitable historic triumph await-
ing any social system, least of all that which denies the essen-
tials ofEreedom. Rather we see the progress of mankind as
a hard-run race, in which training, discipline, courage and
persistence alone yield victory. Life is indeed the supreme
trainer as well as the arbiter, but it sets no rules which favor
the ruthless or the unscrupulous. Those who start late or are
infirm need not despair. "The race is not to the swift or the
battle to the strong. "
Let us ally for progress!
3. The Nature of the Era.
The Communists have taught us one useful lessen, the
need to fix in our minds a valid concept of the era in which we
live. Again, with destructive intention and perverse logic,
they have deliberately polarized it:
Our time, whose main content is the transition from
capitalism to socialism initiated by the Great October
Revolution, is 'a time of struggle between the two op-
posing social systems, a time of socialist revolutions
and national-liberation revolutions, a time of the break-
down of imperialism, of the abolition of the colonial
system, a time of transition of more peoples to the
socialist path, of the triumph of socialism and com-
munism on a world scale. (Declaration of Represen-
tatives of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties, Mos-
cow, December 1961, Part I).
The Free World proceeds from a positive concept.
Our time is indeed one of transition, signaled by no mere
national Revolution, but by a universal Revolution into which
those of many countries and peoples are converging. It is a
time of struggle, not between two opposing social systems,
but between the forces of Liberty and of Tyranny. It is in-
deed a time in which old empires are disappearing, hastened
on their way into history by the growing enlightenment of
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those who had created them. Colonialism is giving way to
orderly programs of help and self-help, devised in concert
between those who "have'" and those who "have not. " New
nations are springing forth . "like bamboo shoots after spring
rains" (Mao). The surge of their liberation is not free from
violence, but it is generally one of peace, of voluntary re-
nunciation of a power which once served useful purposes but
is now unnecessary and even harmful, if it is not accompanied
by concrete programs for its otvn transfer. In this global
process, many peoples are indeed following the path of social-
ism of their own will and with fruitful results. The path of
Communism has never been entered freely by any people. It
is that of a new and more baleful "Imperialism" than any which
has ever existed.
Our era is one of transition from a world in which a
few have been free to one in which all can be free. It is one
of actualizing the potential, of fanning into flame the spark
which is in every man.
Let us be worthy of our age!
4. "Nations of the Earth, Unite ! "
The standard of the World Revolution of Freedom and
Democracy is carried by a hundred nations, some millennial
and strong, many newly born and frail. Nationalism is a
mighty creative force, but it is also a breeder of turbulence
and even of destruction. The Free World hails it as a prima-
ry source of energy in the "Revolution of rising expectations,
yet sees the need to subject it, like the unlimited power of
the atom, to control. We do not accept the Communists' dis-
tinction between "bourgeois nationalism" and socialist (recte
Soviet) patriotism. " Still less do we accept their "proletar-
ian internationalism" which is candidly stated to demand un-
swerving loyalty to the Soviet Union as the fatherlap$ of the
Communist Revolution.
True nationalism can flourish only in freedom under
discipline. Within the universal oneness of Man's nature,
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there are infinite diversities of racial configuration, of social
development, of temperament, history, and culture. Proper-
ly nurtured, these constitute legitimate sources of national
pride. Perverted, they engender the violence of chauvinism
or the stagnation of parochialism.
As mankind moves forward, the differences between
nations tend to decrease. Education creates community.
Universal communication, first within and then among nations,
softens clan and tribal contrasts and heightens common traits.
The world slowly becomes a "melting pot. "
From this amalgamation, emerge groupings which
transcend the nation-states. These seek common bonds among
neighbors, and regional associations take shape. Even tioi in-
ents and vast archipelagos drift or purposefully move toward
political and economic cohesion. We believe that regional fed-
erations, defensive alliances, common marketscand multi-
national cultural affiliations are the supporting arches in the
creation of a stable world structure.
Twice in this century the governments of the world
have sought to actualize the ancient dream of philosophers
and poets, a world unity of nations. One effort failed, the
other is under great stress. There is no "parliament of 20a.n,
but the ideal persists. Only the antagonism of International
Communism stands in its way.
We believe that the United Nations will triumph over
its would-be destroyers and that the true Commonwealth of
Free Nations will prevail over the false "Commonwealth of
Socialist Nations" (sodruzhestvo sotsialisticheskikh stran)
subjected to the domination of Communist parties. Mean-
while, the way of progress lies in regional and transoceanic
associations, through the patient study of means to rise above
the limitations of classic national "sovereignty" while preserv-
ing the richness of life which the diversity of nations contains.
Let us forge the bonds of world association in Freedom!
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5. "They shall beat their swords into ploughshares. "
The history of the human race is written in blood and
in tears of bitterness. Whether, as religions teach, because
Man has fallen from grace, or, as science suggests, because
he has not shed his animal nature, violence has been the red
thread in the web of history. But there is a white thread
crossing it, the striving forfeace.
Today, for the first time in history, "there is no al-
ternative to peace. " Man, whether in sin or in grace, has
learned to draw from the earth forces of destruction and
creation which threaten as they illumine his existence. We
have seen the cloud which overshadows the light and the prom-
ise.
The tragedy of this age is the perversion of the love
of Reace. The polarization imposed by Communism has led
to the coinage of a slippery and deceptive slogan, "peaceful
coexistence. " The Communists describe this as the "highest
form of class struggle. " "Peaceful coexistence" is the con-
dition of non-violent but deadly war. It is not Peace.
The Free World cherishes true Peace. Because of the
incontrovertible evidence that the Communists not merely
threaten Peace, but will violate: it wherever their interests
so dictate, the Free World has had to arm itself and to cre-
ate defensive alliances. It is firmly determined to reverse
the arms race on which Communism has launched the world.
The United States has made sincere and practical proposals
for complete and general disarmament. It seeks to convert
its military alliances into organs of political, economic and
cultural cooperation. It asks nothing better than to disman-
tle all armed bases. It wants no military blocs.
It behooves the other nations of the Free World, in-
cluding the unaligned and the neutral, to join in the effort to
turn "peaceful coexistence" into Peace.
Let us have Peace!
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6. "Government of the People, by the People, and for
the People!"
Man is a political animal. He is the architect of gov-
ernments, and his instinct is to create order in freedom.
Through the centuries, the health of states has been shown
to lie in this happy balance. The ideal form for its achieve-
ment is Democracy.
It is here that our antithesis with Communists emerges
in full clarity, for they claim that their system is the only
"true democracy. " They have embellished the "dictatorship
of the proletariat" under the state form of "people's democ-
racy. " They have imposed a hierarchical transmission of
arbitrary directive, calling it "democratic centralism. " They
have, indeed, corrupted the concept of the people's rule to the
point where many who believe in it have become afraid of the
very word Democracy and seek other terms to convey its es-
sence.
We do not lay down a detailed blueprint for Democracy,
which like all human institutions is multiform. It can be estab-
lished through a constitution, wrought in the aftermath of sharp
revolutionary conflict, like that of the United States, deposited
in an alluvium of centuries of experience, like that of Britain,
or written by cloistered political scientists in abstraction from
history, like those which-have sometimes been prescribed for
newborn nations of the twentieth century. Only the test of po-
litical rivalry can determine whether a Democracy is living.
We know of only one criterion by which to adjudge a
true Democracy, the free selection by the people of those
who govern them. This practice is by no means limited to
advanced countries. In many so-called backward nations,
even in tribes, the seeds of Democracy exist at the lowest
level. The election of the village council of elders can be
the simple germ from which the higher and more elaborate
forms of Democracy spring.
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Democracy needs nourishment and guidance, not that
which power-inspired "vanguards" insinuate by craft and sub-
version but that which is provided by dedicated leaders. These
may be aristocrats or sons of the people, intellectuals or men
of religion who have learned the art of government from old,
established - even. "colonial" - regimes, or military elites
emerging from internal and external conflicts. The holders
of traditional feudal and royal absolute authority can, if they
choose, lead their people in the "path that they should tread.
Even the "charismatic" leaders of "one party states" can
move into Democracy, provided they cleave to the principle
that, as speedily as the level of education and the conscious-
ness of responsibility permit, the people must freely make
their choice of men and of issues.
Once this principle is established, its corollaries
follow in abundance. Specific freedoms flow from the gener-
al. The right to act, to move, to assemble and to speak free-
ly, can be inscribed in fundamental law, a Bill of Rights, or
developed in uncodified practice. Separation of powers, checks
and balances, may or may not require institutional embodiment.
All that matters is the assured "consent of the governed, " the
absolute "Rule of Law. "
This, Communism cannot allow, for it would bring
the overthrow of its power. To be sure, with an effrontery
hitherto unmatched, the Draft Program of the CPSU professes
to hail the so-called "national democracies, it emerging from
"colonialist oppression, " as the bearers of democratic rights,
including freedom of speech and assembly, and pledges the
Communist parties to support them. But the true intention
is scarcely concealed, to bring about a union of "all patriotic
and progressive forces" under the leadership of the Commu-
nist party and to impose the "dictatorship of the proletariat.
From this, no Freedom can emerge or survive.
We repeat our belief that Man's dignity and worth are
innate, and from them spring the roots of political judgment.
However smothered they may become in poverty or falsely
stimulated by demagogy, these are the roots of Freedom and
they will sprout if watered by education under devoted leader-
ship.
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Let us hold to Democracy as our priceless heritage
and extend it everywhere"!'
7. "The Greatest Good of the Greatest Number."
Freedom is integral to the economy as well as to the
polity. The productive structure of the Free World, rising
as it does from the labor of the many and varied conditions
of men, cannot be comprehended in a single system. Least
of all can it be imprisoned in one element of a Communist
imposed dialectic, the "world capitalist system" locked in
''antagonistic contradiction" with the "world socialist system. er
The Free World enfolds both capitalism and socialism,
not as antitheses, but as alternative systems for the organi-
zation of production, both of which blend in the numerous forms
of "mixed economies. " All economies are based on the ai&dumu-
lation of capital, and all pass through various stages of social
development before this accumulation has reached the self-
sustaining level.
Nor is the Communist pattern simple and unitary. It
is possible to describe even the Soviet system with the term
which it levels in scorn against some of the more advanced
Western European economies: "state monopoly capitalism. "
The outlines of a Soviet "welfare state" emerge from the very
pages of the Draft Program of the CPSU in which that great
achievement of the twentieth century Free World is ridiculed.
Even the concept of a "planned economy" is no longer
a specific differential between the two "world systems. " Com-
munist economies, especially the Soviet, are seeking to pro-
mote flexibility of local initiative and decision within the
hitherto rigid, ministry-ridden, bureaucratic octupus lodged
in Moscow. (With a boldness impossible under Stalin, eco-
nomic theorists subject orthodox doctrines to critical scrutiny.
"Capitalist" views on price, market, obsolescence, interest,
and even consumer preference infiltrate the citadel of ortho-
doxy. The so-called "transition to Communism, " which Khru-
shchev and his ideological henchmen chart in the Draft Program,
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is plotted against a series of Central Committee decrees
which culminate in the promise of supermarkets bulging
with frozen fruit juices and sugar-coated cereals, adver-
tised on television. Small wonder that the hardpressed
Chinese smell "creeping bourgeoisie" in the Soviet "City
of the Sun"! ).
But the citadels of classic capitalism are also stir-
ring within. Long ago, in most advanced economies of the
West, the Marxist clarion call for "class struggle" against
the "exploiting bourgeoisie" lost its ring.
A new economic edifice is being created in the Free
World. The cornerstone of Social Justice in the economy
was laid by the progressive income tax on which the "wel-
fare state" has risen. Competition, the life principle of all
productive activity, has been subjected to both sustaining
and restraining adjustment. Planning has entered openly in
most countries, and even in those where some still shy away
from it as "creeping socialism, 11 it is practiced in the form
of regulation of private business and provision of public in-
vestment by the state.
The "general crisis of capitalism" which the Com-
munists have trumpeted against has not occurred; no wall
of Jericho has tumbled. Within their generally "mixed"
economies, the advanced nations have consolidated the self-
energizing processes of capital accumulation, and gone to
the era of "mass consumption. " The "monopolies" against
which Communism inveighs with concentrated venom, the
great corporations which have emerged from the uncontrolled
eruption of private enterprise during the first half of the twen-
tieth century, are increasingly aware of their status as quasi-
public institutions. Managers have learned to bargain fairly
with workers, and to share with them in the responsibilities
and profits. A vast apparatus of social security has been
created, in which pension and retirement funds have imposed
a new foresight and prudence on economic leadership.
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We do not claim that the mechanism of "capitalism"
functions perfectly, or that it can serve the needs of society
quite without admixture of "socialism. " We recognize that
its achievements lie far beyond the present reach of many
emerging nations. We acknowledge that it is under competi-
tive challenge from Communist economies, which with their
weight of imposed authority - at the cost of great human suf-
fering - have also shown high productive capatity.
What we present is a concept of Economic Democracy
(not adequately set forth in terms such as "people?s capital-
ism"). It embraces the plenitude of new economies, as di-
verse in form throughout the world as the nations, peoples,
races, climates and soils.
We propose, therefore, that the classic shibboleths
of "capitalism" and "socialism" be withdrawn from the arena
of conflict, and be invested with neutrality of value. What
should replace them is a plurality of economic concepts,
based on the stages of development of nations and regions,
uniting in concern with stability and freedom of opportunity,
and seeking the embodiment of that ideal of Democracy and
Justice which informs the polities in the World of Freedom.
Let us direct the productive work of mankind in the
spirit of Social iistice and Democratic Freedom!
The Strong shall Succor the Weak.
Nations, like men, are equal in their dignity and
their worth. They are unequal in size, natural advantages
and state of development. The claim that these inequalities
can be removed in a short time is either fraud or Utopian-
ism. To prescribe dictatorial methods as a short cut is to
offer a remedy which cannot cure and can only aggravate the
disease.
The Communists press the Free World to enter a
"peaceful competition" to develop backward areas. If this
were an honest challenge between peers, we would gladly
accept it. But we hear their hateful words of defiance, we
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watch the evidence of their deceitful intention to convert
economic assistance into political subversion, and we reject
their gage.
The nations of the Free World which have achieved
the stage of self-sustaining growth have begun to help others
over the threshold. The effort mounts steadily and in concert.
But all know that it is not enough. The temptation of societies
which have but newly tasted affluence is to linger over it and
delay its sharing. The stage of "mass consumption" has its
own inner compulsions which blind natural benevolence. And
even in a generally affluent society there are vast areas of
underfulfillment which press their claims.
Let us honestly admit that the centuries of imperial-
ism have left a taint. Even countries whose hands are rela-
tively clean, having long since foresworn colonial rule, have
profited by that rule in the hands of others. The advanced
economies of the West still owe much of their prosperity to
the fact that they can command raw materials produced by
"single crop" or "single mineral" countries, whose hold on
subsistence is at the mercy of cruel market fluctuations.
It is a simple debt which the rich nations owe to the
poor. It must not be with the calculation of buying allies
against the enemy, Communism, that the "haves" share
with the "have nots. " Rather it is with the recognition of
obligation to the millions of workers who, often in bitter
poverty, produce the essential ingredients of an alien, un-
attainable prosperity.
We recognize that the effort of economic assistance
must be doubled and trebled and more. All who can must
contribute to it, not grudgingly but with an open hand. The
basis of this contribution is not largesse but enlightenment.
It is not "give away" but investment in the future of mankind.
It benefits the investor as much as the recipient. It is a
demonstration of mutual respect and interest.
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But all investment calls for prudence. The investor
is entitled to ask that the managers of the enterprise in which
he is interested display qualities of resourcefulness, honesty
and responsibility. He must be protected against the conse-
quences of waste, corruption and arbitrary action.
Similarly, when the investment is in a whole nation,
there must be guarantees of integrity. Without "attaching
political strings, " a program of economic assistance is en-
titled to stipulate that the beneficiary government give proof
of respect for the terms of contract, and that it be influenced
in a reasonable degree by the judgment of the investor in mat-
ters, of economic rationality.
The responsibility of the beneficiary nation goes fur-
ther. It must show that it is capable of sound planning and of
administering programs honestly. If its social system is of
such a nature that only the few stand to benefit from economic
development, it must be prepared to make effective reforms
on behalf of the many. These cannot be imposed from outside.
They are the earnest of true self-help.
The advanced nations of the Free World are determined
to repeal that "iron law" by which "the rich get richer and the
poor get poorer. " There is profound wisdom in the Parable of
the Talents: "Unto everyone that hath shall be given . . . but
from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he
hath" is not the maxim of "exploiters" but of those who seek to
use their Master's wealth as "good and faithful servants. "
Let us help those who help themselves!
9 . The Fullness of the Earth.
As Man is uneven in his virtue, so is he uneven in his
efforts to win life from the Earth. The Earth is good, its re-
sources abundant beyond his needs. But the distribution of its
wealth is not in balance with the limitations of lean who, by his
improvidence, has turned fertile areas into desert and, by his
ignorance, has neglected the riches which lie beneath his hand.
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The triumphs of medicine have brought a great revolu-
tion in Man?s expectancy of life, and have broken oneerod in
the hand of that grim law which bears the name of Malthus.
Pestilence has given way, but famine and war remain as dire
enforcers.
In the wide areas of the world where the tyranny of
disease has been abated, there has been a wholesome, natur-
al upsurge of the forces, of life. Children are begotten and
survive the cradle in numbers which presage vast new gener-
ations. This "population explosion" has been viewed with
grave apprehension by those who see no escape from the Mal-
thusiarr law. The Communists, have perhaps taught us a les-
son by their denial of this danger (a denial which at least in
the case of China is hedged by intermittent campaigns of pop-
ulation control).
We must all acknowledge that the immediate effects of
this release from the cruelest scourge of mortality have exact-
ed a high price. Precisely in those countries which have felt
its. greatest benefits, the penalties are most apparent. The
painful task of economic construction is handicapped at the
outset by a mounting army of mouths to be fed. Tragic irony
lies in the fact that at the same time the agricultural capacity
of a number of the advanced economies has outstripped the
needs of their well-fed populations, leading to retrenchment
in production.
These maladjustments need not last forever. Man
now has at his disposition the resources and the skills to
make the "desert blossom as the rose. " Food from the earth
and.the sea can be produced sufficient unto the needs of this
and larger future generations.
Nevertheless, a present balance must be established.
It is possible that this will occur as a result of basic social
processes which will reduce the overwhelming pressures.
The violent upward curve of population is no more likely to
be permanent than was the stagnation and decline which affected
a number of European countries in the early twentieth century.
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But the stabilization of population growth in harmonious
proportion to the expansion of Man's productive capacity is
not assured by purely spontaneous forces. There must be
some measure of forethought and deliberation in the policies
of government and in the actions of individuals.
Our duty is to insure that the yield of the Earth grows
at a higher rate than the fertility of the human race. To this
end, the resources of all nations must be harnessed. The
first task is to transform the great river basins into sources
of food and power, free from the immemorial sorrows they
have inflicted. The next task is to open the unused lands -
jungles, steppes and savannas - to exploit those which are
under-used because of lack of capital or population, and to
bring new fertility to those which centuries of intensive cul-
tivation have worn out.
As we bring men up from subsistence through such
programs, we must also delve more widely and deeply into
the Earth for its minerals and its fuels. This, too, must
be a concerted effort in which the technical skills and the
capital equipment are provided in abundance by those who:
have them to spare. The basic minerals are generously
distributed in the areas of backwardness; these should be
brought forth by the enterprise of the advanced nations under
generous terms of partnership. The natural resources of the
poor are a trust which the rich must administer prudently for
them until they can take over the task. We cannot afford to
allow the narrow gains of "colonial exploitation" to debase the
currency and credit of Freedom and Democracy, opening the
way to the false coin of Communism.
The Earth has. in its bosom the sources of power and
energy for centuries of expanding mankind. It may be that
the promise of an age of "nuclear plenty" will prove illusory,
if for no other cause than the problem of rebottling the genii
loosed from the earth,, (p~cificaliy the: disposal-,of nuclear' '
*aate.,; though'..rye.cwt,technol'o.gical:pragr.es's; in this field- shows
promiste that?Man. can'.nie.et the centuries` of custodial resp6-n-
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sibility for-`hot waste" which is imposed by "nuclear plenty").
But fossil fuel, especially coal and oil shale, is.virtually un-
limited, and once the narrower considerations of commercial
profitability are absorbed ilii the broader spirit of providing
Man's needs at whatever cost, they can surely be exploited
on an unimagined scale. (There is. also an abundance of natur-
al gas, flared off in the extraction of oil in regions where there
are no large populations and developed industries. This can
now be liquefied and transported by tanker to any port in the
world. It should be a challenge to the enterprise and ingenuity
of free industry to devise systems of distribution to bring it
into the hundreds of thousands of villages in the poorer coun-
tries, which are now forced to burn charcoal from the trees
which protect the soil from erosion, or dung which could re-
store its fertility).
These are but a few of the great endeavors which the
Free World should undertake to alleviate the lot of Man.
Let us bring Man into harmony with his Mother, the
Earth!
10. Knowledge is Power.
Man's advance in knowledge is the measure of his pro-
gress. In the great task of social construction, education is
the universal lever. Philosophy unfolds the principle of Being
and the arts give expression to its plenitude ("the Great Chain
of Being"). Science brings mastery of nature and is applied
by the tools of technology to the material enrichment of civic
and domestic life. "Where there is no light, the people perish. "
In the vast campaign of social and political development
in which the Free World is engaged, schools are the pioneers,
Basic illiteracy must be wiped out, so that men and women can
read, as well as hear, the words which will free or enslave
them. The economic power exerted by emerging literacy has
been demonstrated by the heroic achievements of once back-
ward peoples such as the Japanese and the Russians.
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We propose the foundation of schools everywhere and
at all levels of need. A seed crop of teachers from many
lands must be provided, and these must be endowed with the
zeal of missionaries in the spirit of Freedom. There must
be mature universities and technological institutes in every
new country, and, crowning these, higher centers of learn-
ing for entire regions. Faculties, books and research equip-
ment must flow from all sources of endowment.
But the need is not merely among the retarded. Many
of the countries which have marked the highest progress still
fall short of the peak because education is restricted by par-
simony and the survival of privilege. Opportunity must be
placed before every child.
The principles of education must be reinvigorated.
New branches of psychological and pedagogic science, and
inter-disciplinary convergence among them, have opened
avenues of progress no less promising than those lying be-
fore the natural sciences. But there are false openings and
dangerous detours. The Communists, captivated by the pos-
sibilities which electronic computers have unfolded, are turn-
ing the science of cybernetics - that is control - to the ends
of the Party's power. The "new Communist man" nuttured
in boarding schools, sterilized of healthy parental influence,
is to be "indoctrinated" and "conditioned" to "joy in socialist
labor, " which in practice means submission to the tasks and
station in life which the elite of the "New Class" assign to
him.
Without the freedom to criticize doctrine and to form
his own values, Man can not enjoy the freedom to choose his
leaders, which, as we have seen, is the essential privilege
of Democracy. We espouse the ancient wio.dom of the Chinese:
"Let a hundred flowers blossom; let a hundred schools of
thought contend. " (Only a tyrant could cruelly pervert this
into a slogan designed to entrap unwary intellectuals who op-
pose his despotism and to purge their doctrines as "poison-
ous weeds. ")
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But this very freedom which education can bestow is
conditioned on the acceptance of discipline, and thus, as we
have said, does not consist in the recognition of material
"necessity, " but rather of the "universal in the particular. "
It is this derivation-from the generality of human experience
that makes education in 1"reedom and in discipline the sole
creator of the "good life. "
Let us cultivate all the flowers in the garden of mind!
11. The Good Life.
The fulfillment of man springs from his own spirit.
In ignorance and in want, he cannot achieve it, and therefore
we propose iiew and mighty programs to remove these im-
pediments.
But the "good life, " though it presupposes a modicum
of material welfare, is not assured by abundance. We are
witnessing in the societies of "mass consumption" a new
crisis, not that "general crisis" which the Communists imF,,:
pute to "decadent capitalism, " but one which arises from its
very success in production which they refuse to acknowledge.
Not merely a few, but many are beset by a plethora of things
and of time. There is, indeed, a mounting "crisis of pros-
perity and of leisure. " Those who are most free in these
goods are in danger of another slavery. The slogans of af-
fluence are insidious (the identification of a flow of advertised
products with the "good life"; "billboards help make freedom
of choice"; "active leisure").
The resolution of this crisis calls for an act of will
and renunciation. Those who are richly endowed must recog-
nize the obligation which their fortune imposes, not to "share
their wealth" in downward levelling egalitarianism, but to
employ their goods and their strengths to raise the less for-
tunate. We have shown that, in the economic field, this is
no "give away, " but an act of enlightenment. In the fields of
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culture and thought, sharing is enrichment, cooperation is '
fulfillment, participation in common endeavor is the actual-
ization of self.
Here, too, the Communists, groping toward truth,
are content with half. They preach the life of excellence, of
virtue, even of self-abnegation (the New Frontier of the
"Virgin Lands"). But it cannot be the "good life" because
it is not free. The springs of altruism, deep in Russian and
in Han, are poisoned by the "will to power. "
The individual, sacred in himself, achieves his full
stature only as he develops among other men. The commu-
nity in which he lives is more than the soulless "collective"
of the Communists. It is a part, however small, of the
brotherhood of Man. The Communists have lately pirated
the vision of the great European Utopians; they hail Saint
Thomas More and the "City of the Sun" of Campanella. We,
too, cherish their light, even though often we see it "through
a glass darkly. " We deny that it can be seen at all by those
who are not free. Our Utopia would not exclude the "Civitas
Dei. "
The act of will for which we call is one of moderation.
It seeks the "Golden Mean. " We honor the differences in the
"nature and condition of men, " those who cling to the past
and those who forge impatiently toward the future, but we
seek balance in all things.
Let the goodness of life be universal!
We have tried to illustrate the principles of Freedom
and Democracy. The effort is of necessity imperfect. It
must be continued in study and debate.
The World of Freedom is an ecclesia. It stands op-
posed to another church which is unique in history because
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it is the embodiment of a."secular religion." Communism
is impelled by a false materialist faith, but it is a faith that
"moves mountains, " even as it poisons the air and the waters
and the soulr;:7of men.
The church militant of Freedom must be visible. It
must have active embodiment in an infinitude of groups, pub-
lic and private, great and small. - Each group must itself be
free, but all must work in harmony. There must be organi-
zation to propagate and defend the faith.
Let us, to this end, create a World Congress of
Freedom and Democracy.
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