BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 02587072
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 33
• Document Creation Date: March 9, 2023
• Document Release Date: July 31, 2020
• Case Number: F-2018-00122
• Publication Date: May 20, 1963

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III-WEEKLY �-
PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE
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NUMBER 116
DA : 20 May 1963
Central Propaganda Direct/ve i
Briefly Noted
Propa
#3,
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�������������47.4.0.4.4.4.�
andist's Guide to Communist Dissensions
30 April-13 May 1963 /Unclassified
����� 4,100.4011 Chronology, in French and Stng1L11:$7
====
OOMMlb
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Race Motive in Chinese Foreign
Policy
Communist China's Domestic
Failure
Latin American Problem:
Military or Constitutional
Government?
Intellectual Anti-Americanism
ZUN EE,WE,FEa. The PCI and the Italian
Elections
659.
660.
661 EE,WE,WH.
662 WE,d,
Attachment:
Italian Party Applies Creative Marxis00)
(b)(1)
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(b)(1)
(b)(3)
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(b)(3)
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(Briefly Noted Cont.) 20 May 1963
23 June
24 June
25 June
26 June
28 June
28 June
1 July
4 July
9 July
13 July
20 July
22 July
31 July
August
DATES
Argentina: general electicns scheduled
WIDF's Fifth Congress, Moscow 24-29 June 1963
North Korea tormdcasts declaration of war;
forces invade Republic of South Korea - (1950)
Allied airlift to Berlin begins successful
answer to Soviet blockade - fifteenth
anniversary (1948)
Poznan, Poland: revolt against Communist rule;
44 killed and hunareds wounded (1956)
Cominform expels Yugoslav Party - fifteenth
anniversary (1948)
Chinese Communist Party founded (1921)
Republic of the Philippines granted independ-
ence by the USA (1946)
ICFTU Vienna World Youth Rally July 9-19
Pope Pius XII decreed excommunication of all
Roman Catholics who persistently follow
Communist doctrines; also denied sacrament to
Catholics who read Communist writings.
(b)(1)
(b)(3)
Indo-China war concluded with Geneva Agreement
1954 (Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam)
OAS Panama Declaration of political and
economic philosophy 1956. (July 13, 1880
US invited first International Conference
of American States to Washington 1869, the
first step toward creating the Pan American
Union)
Malaya announced end of 12-year emergency, i.e.
fighting Communist guerrillas, 1960
Brazilian munincipal elections in Pernambuco
state scheduled for early August. Pro-
Communist Governor Miguel Arraes.
3
(Briefly Noted Cont
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CHRONOLOGY -- COMMUNIST DISPENFI*
#3 30 April-13 May 1963
April - No. 6.0f Kommunist, Russian-language theoretical journal of
The CPSU Central Committee published another "new document" of
Lenin interpreted as supporting the Khrushchey peaceful coexistence
line. (In September 1962 a "previously unknown Lenin document" em-
Phasizin the Precedence. of economics over politics was published,
after a SovieKACholar repertedly had succeeded in deciphering some
old notes.) This 6-page document, entitled "A Concluding Word about
the Report on CbneesSiOAS PX, the Yraction RCP (Bolshevik) VIII Con-
gress of Soviets," is accompanied by a page of footnotes and intro-
duced by a one-page editorial comment signed by the Institute of
Marxism-LeniniPM of the CC ,cpsu,
The new document iS in the form of a dialogue: Lenin cites and
replies to a Series of questions and reservations expressed by Party
rank-and-fileoregarding his proposals for granting concessions to
foreign capitalists to Speed industrial and economic development in
Russia. P, surprised reader sees Lenin strongly defending conces-
sions for exploitation of native resources by foreign capita], con-
cessions of a type which are now generally condemned by all leftists
as "economic gaPerialism." One question reads: "What is included
in the Provi4N141 draftnagreement with American imperialists on the
Subject of concessions 0M Kamchatka?" Lenin replies: "I said that
the length of term of.thP concession is 50-60 years. We receive a
Share of the production; they receive the right to install a mili-
tary and naval base in that inlet, not far from the source of the
oil."
At the end of its intreductory comment, the Institute of Marx-
ism-Leninism sums, up its view of the, significance of this document
as follows:
"Although concessions did not come into existence in
,
Soviet.Russiai, teniW,s works, on the problems of con.
CeSSions retain ,immense,theoretical,and political
Significance, inasmuch as the principles of peaceful
000XiSenCe of states witblopposite social structures
found their e2cPression here."
,
,
,
April - The New Zealand monthly Communist Review carries the text of
General SecretarY Wilcox's report to the National Conference of the
MC on 4Pril 1? (see Chronology, mid-April): Wilcox acknowledged
that the Mosc9W-Peking split has diverted Party members' efforts,
retarded progress, and "has affected our Party at all levels and
has been an acute one at National Center level."
I
Aril 20-21 - The leaders of the tiny Norwegian CP (which pulls no
mOre than 2r.3% of the vote), at a conference in Oslo, apparently
ended a Period of hesitation about taking sides between the Soviets
and the Chines 9 by coming down decisively on the Soviet side. The
Party leadership consists of old-line Stalinists, and Chairman
Loevlien, reportedly a great admirer of Mao's, visited China just
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4
1
before Christmas l962. In O'anuary the Party issued a "neutral"
declaration win g both the CPSU and the CCP, to resolve their dif-
ferences wit11441,0e family 'circle. However, according to the Labor
Party organ ArbeiderPJA4t 9f 20 April, this conference voted to
accept a new 'Pit:iitY program which reflects complete acceptance of the
KhrushcheV "peaceful coelcistqnce" line, drops the notion of "the
dictatorship of the proletariat," and reaches out in the "peaceful
transition to cialispi", dtfection.
I
A4Y may Day was observed with marked differences in the rival
centers of wood PoMmAniPM.. A'vents in Moscow were dominated by the
unheralded an1hprecipitous arrival of Fidel Castro for a visit which
has been Used 44 an ef:fort to rePair the damage of the USSR's
"capitulation" in the garibtleaP, to restore an image of Khrushchev
as the revolutOnarY's best friend, and to emphasize fraternal
fellowship in the world ,0911141444t MoYement, -- but which has had
little notice in peking. The Cilinese again paid tribute to Stalin
with lare pictures, omitted mention of any Russians among the
guests at ChoU Enrlaie$ reception, reaffirmed their "militant frjend-
Ship" with klbania; -- and, in what seemed to be further effort to
promote disunity in Moscow's camp (on 28 April People's Daily be-
latedly published the coMPulAque of the 5-C arci. Pleriim Of the
Rumaniar qp qpp our aNcopology 8-15 April) the Chinese departed
from their practice of. exchanging trade union delegations with all
European satellites by failing to send one to Czechoslovakia, Pre-
sumably to retaliate for recenteieCh attac%s on the C. Among
May Day statements by other Parties, Rumania's seemed significant
in view of its stress on "full equality" and "national Sovereignty."
,
May 1-2 - Conflict was. eXPressed in treatment of the Italian CP else -
on success by the varipus.pary organs. L'Unita on I May quotes
Togliatti as stating that the success "completo-ly destroyed the
slanderouS an4.;i0icOPUS,Si4tel4e4tS,about casIain the Italian
CP and its decline and. ipolation from the masses" (the Chinese ap-
praisal). The Soviets publicized this in a Pravda article on May 2
and broadcast it in MaAdarin, and the Yugoslays reported that
"Moscow has eXpressed its particular satisfaction." Chinese re-
portage of the Italian, electthps, on the other hand, suppressed even
the fact that be dP had1in9re9e0 its vote Percentage.
May 1 and continuing - CCP Chairman Liu Shao -chi and Foreign Minister
Caen Yi# after a brief return tc? China following their visits to
Indonesia ,anr4,4uroa, airtved in Phnom Penh fora visit to Chmbodia,
followed by North Vietnam The ClItnipse visitorS APparently behaved
circumspectly in o_mbodia but according to a May 12 AP report of
a Chinese broa4qast hearc) tn,To4yo, Liu expounded Peking's hardest
line in a speech to a crowd of 209,000 in Hanoi.
LI [
1 i.
M4y 2 -A Washington Post article by Murray Marler reported that
Under Secretary, of State.Harriman.retUrned from hts Moscow talks
with the impression that the, Kremiin is obSessed with its rivalry
with the ChineSe. In a .;32.television interview with Marvin Kalb,
Harriman state: "But my feeling in Moscow was that the great pre-
_
occuPatioh of lAr...KhruPhcheV.anci his associatee.was.over the con-
flict they have with the Chinese communists...The Communist Party
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in Moscow is having an agonizing reappraisal of where they are going
and they are quite disturbed by the attitude of the Peking Commu-
nists."
May 5 - According to a report by Lajos Lederer in the London
pbserva Hungarian authorities are angry at the activities of the
Ch'nese Embassy in distribhting polesical pvm011-?ts to key Hungarian
CP organizations and at the 40 Chinese students who, among ether
propasanda actions, last week broke up a seminar of 700 students
of all nationalities with their accusations against Khrushchev
for slitting the world Communist movement.
May E Marking the 145th anniversary of Marx's birth, the Albanians
again attacked "The esosies of Sarxism clad in Marxist dress, who
try to subject the vital interests oif the working movement to the
bourgeoisie, to weaken the revolutionary struggle of the peoples
and steer this struggle along an erroneous path,....the various
opportunists and revisionists."
May
9 s NONA announced that CC' Vice Chairman Chou Yn-lai received
Soviet Ambassador Chervenenko and as'sed him to transmit the deci-
sion of the CCP to appoint Comrades Teng Esiao-ping and Peng Chen
to head a delegation to MOSCOW for talks between the two parties.
The COP propoSed mid-June for the date. NCNA added that Chou had
said that a reply to the 30 March CPSU letter would be sent later.
People's Daily published the text of that letter without comment
on 4 April, and there has been no further comment on it by the
Chinese. It may be speculated that the Chinese are preparing a
hard-hitting rebuttal which they will release too late for the
Soviets to prepAre-an effective reply before the date of the meet-
ing.
May 9 - 10 - On the same day as the Chinese announced their readi-
ness to meet with the CPSU in bilateral Party talks, NCNA reported
with restrained derision the adoption by the Yugoslays on 7 April
-- more than a Month earlier -- of their new constitution. On the
following day, the People's Daily commentator savagely attacked
the constitution, which "once again proves that the Tito group,
renegades of Marxism-Leninism, far from rectifying its mistakes,
has gone further down the road of betrayal." Striking obliquely
at the CPSU, the commentator says further that it "proves that
those who consider that the Tito group has shown some repentance
and changed its wrong policy are talking sheer nonsense."
TEEENCES
f �r
"The Split between Russia an6 China," by Edward Cranisiaw. Atlantic
May 1963; Vol. 211, No. 5. Crankshaw has painstakingly assembled
and analyzed all of the inside information about what went on at
the 22nd CPSU Congress as it has been revealed in recent months
by Italian, Trench and other unnamed delegates; the only place in
Which we have seen this information so well -- and briefly -- pre-
sented. The aUthor carries on through the highlights of the sub-
sequent year and a half to bring us up to date.
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.1
"Red Solid 1y a Mockery," by Max Frankel in the New York Times,
2 May 1963. Tied to Kay Day, this is a good round-up of the many
aspects and evidenceP of POnfliCt and confusion in the Communist
world.
�
"Peking Far 411ead in APU1, Influence Race With Moscow," by Dennis
Bloodworth, Singapore, in the London Observer, 5 May, and the
Was 'ngton Post, 8 May 1963. A round-up of the results of the
lno- ovie ,r;valry in Asia, pegged to the Afro-Asian Journalists
Conference in Djakarta.
4
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CagONO;ONow..;77 ispIssIONs NTAtqw
V V
sTE$
0 avril - 13 mat 1963
,
- Le No. 6 de,7ommunist", la revue t1a4orique en langue russe du comite cen-
tre du P.C.U.4., a ub1l un wOre _7491/veal:I 49eument",,deLinipe interprete comme
IpPuyant la doctrine 4e eoexiSterme pacifique de Khrouchtchev. (En set. 1962 un
Moownentdea,nineusqu'ici inconnu", soulignant l'importance des questions econo-
,
miques, a ete publie_apres qu'un erudit sovietique alt parait-il reussi a dechiffrer
de vieilleS,nOteS4 qp document ,de ,pages, intitule "tha mot final au sujet du
rapport cur lea ConCessions faiteS a.la fraction du P.C.R. (Bolchevik) du Ville
Congres des Soviets", est aceatqa0a4 d'une page de notes et introduit par un commen-
taire editorial d'une page signe par l'Institut du Marxisme-Leninisme du C.C. du
,
te nouveau document est qou4 fOrMe d'un dialogue: L4nine repond a une serie
,
4e questions et WoNect�ione PreSellteea Par des membres du part/ au sujet des propo-
Sitions pv11 avait faites d'accorder des concessions a des capitalistes etrangers
pour accelerer le 44Y4oPloement 1.nclUStrlel Pt economique en Russie. A sa grande
Surprise, le lecteurypit que taine prend vivement la defense des concessions pour
];'exploitation des respourcieiAnaignee par le capital tranger, concessions d'un
genre qui est maintenant generalement condamne par tous lee gauchistea comme etant
4e "1'1,plAr1eliPme.40nolniVen- Une OP questions dit: "Quels sont lee termes du
projet d'acCord provisoire avec ,es impirialistes americains au sujet des conces-
dions au 4mtchatkaIiAnine.repond: "J'ai dit que la dui-4e de la concession est
4e !)0-60 ens. Nous rPOeYons une Tart dens la production; us revivent le droit
d'installer une base militaire et navale dans cette wise, non loin du gisement de
p4trole."
, A la fin de son.commentaire d' introduction, l'Institut du Marxisme-Leninisme
Osume comme suit son Opinion stir l' importance du document:
[
"Bien qu'il n'y alt pas eu de concessions en Russie Sovietique,
lea travaux de,L4nine. eUr reR.Problemes conoernant lee concessions
ooriServent,,Upe,importance theorique et politique 4norme, tant donne'
qUe lea Principes qui r4issentrla coexistence pacifique des Etats
Vent des Structures, 890taie,13 opposees ont trouve la leur !xpression."
Ayril - "Communist Review" qui est l'organe mensuel du parti communiste de la
Nouvelle-Zelande publie le texte du rapport de Wilcox, secretaire general du parti,
kaa confererioe,n0,44.144 du P,.Q.N.,Z. le 12 avril (voir Chronolo�ie, milieu avril).
Wilcox a reconnu que 18 scission entre. MOscou et Pekin a detourne lea efforts des
membres du parti, retard; lee progres, "affectant notre parti a tous lee niveaux,
se faisant particulierement septir au niveau Centre. National."
20 ri - Les chefs du petit P.C. norvhien cqui ne remporte que 2-3 pour cent
des votesi setble EmP# is tip, lore d'une conference A Oslo, h une periode de
vacillation et d'ind4cision,en,pe,rangeant de faqon d�cisive du cote des Soviets.
'Les chefs du parti se_qopposent de stalinistes a l'ancienne mode, et le president
Loevlien, qui est ps�reit,1.1 unArand admirateur de Mao, s'est rendu en Chine juste
avant NO41 2.962.4n,japv4.er, le parti publiait une declaration "neutre" incitant
le P.C.U.S. et le P.Cq, �4poudre leurs differences dans le cercle de famine.
Cependant, d'apres l'organe du parti travailliste "Arbeiderbladet" en date du 23 a-
vril, cette conference await YOte d'accepter un nouveau programme du parti
refle-
ant l'ecceptation ,complete de.la,dectrine de "coexistence pacifique" de Khrouchtchev,
laissant tomber,le.principe de "la dictature du proletariat" et prenant le chemin de
la "transition pacifique au socialisme,"
_
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Oat - Le premier me.. Elmor.e Ce.l.ei3re de fag= tree diffe: te dans lea centres
rivaux du coMmuniPPe Mondipn.esevenements a Moscou ont domines par l'arrivee
soudaine de Fidel Castro dont la visite n'avait pas ete annoncee et etait evidemment
1.0 effort pour reparer lea deggits faits par la "capitulation" de l'U.R.S.S. dans
es Antilles, Pour rePettre Iihrouchtchev sa place de meilleur aid du r&volution-
naire, et Pour souligner la fraternite du mouvement eommuniste mondial. Cette visite
eat passee pour ainsi dire inapercue 4 Fikin. Une fois de plus lea Chinois ont
I -
rendu hommage a Stsline en deplpyant de grands portraits, n'ont fait mention d'aucun
Busse armi lea invites i la reception de Chou En-lai, ont affirm; de nouveau leur
"amitie Pilltante" avec l'Albanie, -- et, dormant l'tmpression de faire un effort
sp4Cial pour favoriser la discorde dans le camp de Moscou (le 28 avril, le "Quoti-
dien du PeuPle" a finaleMent publie le communique de la reunion plenihre du P.C.
rouMain qui avait eu lieu du 5 au 8 mars -- voir notre Chronologie, 8-15 avril) lea
Cbinois se Bout rte de leur habitude d'echanger des delegations syndlcales avec
tpus lea satel4teaPleirgeens et as sont girdes d'en envoyer une en Tchecoslovaquie,
probablement COMM rePr,esailles pour les recentes attaques tchecoslovaques contre
le P.C.C. Parmi lea deClarations faites l'occasion du ler mai par d'autres partis,
Celles de la RouManie semblent d'une importance particulihre du fait de leur insis-
tence our "l'egalite complete" et au la "aouverainete pationale",
, .
1.-2 mat - Le conflit s'est trouve exprime par la flacon dont le succes du P.C. ita-
lien a ete traits dAns lea divers organes du parti. "L'Unith" du ler mai a cite
Togliatti comme ayant dit que is succes avait "completement detruit lea propos
diffamatoires et ridicules au sujet d'une crise dans le P.C. italien, de son declin
et de son isoa.eu'ent.49S.,masees" (ce qui represente l'evaluation chinoise). Les
Soviets as pont emPresses de faire connattre ceci dens tin article de "Pravda" en
date du mai, et l'ont diffuse a is, radio en mandarin. Les Yougoslaves ont rappor-
t i que "Moscou avait exprime tine satisfaction marquee." D'un autre cSte, lea
Chinois en rapportant lea elections italiennes se sont Blame gardes de dire que le
P.C. avait remporte un Rlue grand pourcentage de volx.
'
ler mal et Jours suivants - Le president du P.C.C. Liu Chao-chi et le Ministre des
Affaires Etrangeres Chen /I, aprea 'etre retournes brievement en Chine 6 la suite de
leur visite en Indonesie et en Birmanie, sont arrives h Phnom Penh pour tine visite
au Cambodge et e nsulte 44 Nord Viet-nam. Ii semble que lea visiteurs chinois as
soient conduits avec Prudence au Cambodge, mats aux dires d'un rapport de l'Associ-
ated Press du 12 mat parlant d'une emission chinoise entendue a Tokyo, Liu aurait
expose la doctrine la Taus intransigeante de Pekin dans tin discours adresse 4 tine
foule de 200.000 personnes h Ian.
Laa - Un article de Murray Marder dens le "Washington Post" disait que le sous-
secretaire d'EteZ HerriPen eat revenu de sea entretiens de Moscou avec l'impression
que le Xremlin eat Ol3s4de par sa rivalite avec lea Chinois. Lore d' tine entrevue
aVec Marvin Kalb televise par CB$, Harriman a dit: "Mats j'ai eu l'impression 4
Moscou que le grande 1w4occuPetion de M. Khrouchtchev et de sea associes keit le
conflit qu'ils oat avec communistes chinois . . . Le parti communiste i Moscou
eat en train de as demander avec angoisse ott il vet, et il eat tree inquiet de l'at-
titude des communistes chinois."
1.4n1 - Aux dires d'un rapport par Lajos Lederer dens l'"Observer" de Londres,
lea autoritee bObgroises sont irrities des activites de l'ambassade chinoise qui
distribue des pamphlets de polemique aux principales organisations du P.C. hongrois,
at des 40 etudiants chinois qui, entre autres actions de propagande ont rompu tind
cycle 'etude de 700 etudiants de toutes nationalites en accusant Khrouchtchev de
chercher a diviser le mouvement colmouniete mondial.
5 mat - Celebrant is 145e anniversaire de la naissance de Marx, lea Albanais ont
encore tine fois attaqu4 "Les ennemis d mantis= deguises en marxistes qui essaient
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d'assujettir & la bourae6,....de 'leg interats primordiaux du �tvement ouvrier,
d'affaiblir la lutte,revolutionnaire des peuples, et de la lancer dans le mauvais
chemin, . . . lea diviersopportunistes at revisionnistes."
j
,24441 - L'Agence d tormations'ae la touvelle Chine a Le vice-presi-
dent du P.C.C. Chou En-lai a requ l'ambassadeur sovietique Tchervonenko et lui a
demand e de transmettre la decision du P.C.C. de nommer lee camarades Teng Hsiao-
ping at Pang Tchen a la Vete d'une delegation qui doit se rendre a Noscou pour des
ettretiens entre lee eux partis. Le P.C.C. a propose la mi-juin comme date.
L'Agence d'informationa de la MC. a ajoUte que Chou avait dit qu'une reponge h la
lettre du P.C.Itg. en da.te au 30 mars serait envoyee plus tard. Le "Quotidien du
Peuple" a publie le texte de cette lettre sins commentaire le 4 avril, et depute
les Chinois n'ont rien dit aleutre h ce ehJet. On suppose que lea Chinois preparent
une refutation dure qu'ils puhliaront trop tetra pour que lea Soviets puissent pre-
parer une reponse efficace avant la date de la reunion.
940 mat - Le Jour Meme oU le s Chinois annonqaient u'its etaient prets a avoir des
entretiens bilateraux avec le P.C.U.S., l'Agence d'Informations de la Nouvelle Chine
rapportait avec une Ironie cohtenue'qUe lee' TOUgoslaves avaient adopt e le 7 avril
plus d'un mole auparavant leur nouvelle constitution. Le lendemain, le
commentateur du "Qupidlen du:Peuple" attaquait ferocement la constitution qui
"prouve une Pols ae plus que le groilie de Tito, renegat du marxisme-leniniame,
loin de rectifier sea erreurs:, d'est avance encore davantage dans le chemin de la
trahison." Lanqant un coup de Patte ae &cite au P.C.U.S., le commentateur disait
aussi: "ceci prouve que ceux qui considerent que le Foupe de Tito a manifest4
un certain repentir at a renohcea sa politique erronee ne disent que des sottises."
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rr-CThr-
20 May 1963
659. Race Motive in Chinese Foreign Policy
BACKGROUND: In her bid to replace the West (including the USSR)
as the predominant influence in the developing world, China is em-
phasizing not only economic inequalities (developed vs. undeveloped)
but also geographic and ethnic disparities. Thus, representatives
of the "Central Kingdom" are circumspectly promoting the idea that,
as a non-white race, the Chinese are in a position to identify them-
selves with the aspirations of the colored majority of mankind.
This appeal, aimed at a major chink in Western armor, is calculated
on the one hand to touch the still tender strings of emotional anti-
colonialism, and on the other to arouse feelings of sympathetic
identification with the defenders of the underdeveloped, the anti-
Western and the non-white.
At the Moshi Conference (Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organi-
zation, AAPSO), held in Tanganyika from 4-10 February, where the
Chinese made a major -- and largely successful -- effort to dominate
the proceedings, one of the delegates from Peking, Liu Ning-i, who
is also a member of the Politburo of the Chinese CP, lumped the
Soviet Union with the West when, in addressing the conference, he
complained of the high-handed behavior of the "big powers" in Asia
and Africa:
"The attempt to decide major problems of the world
and to manipulate the destiny of mankind by one or two
big countries runs counter to the trend of our times
and is against the interests of the peoples....The
countries of Asia and Africa, as well as all people
throughout the world, are firmly opposed to the big
powers' bullying, oppressing and giving orders to
smaller countries."
And, in an effort, apparently, to counter the apprehensions of the
Southeast Asian countries, the joint CPR/Kingdom of Cambodia state-
ment on the occasion of Liu Shao-chi's visit to Cambodia, (April
1963) states:
"The two parties hold that in international relations
the principle of the equality of all countries must
be strictly observed. Cambodia praises China for being
free from chauvinism and racism."
Outside the formal meetings, Chinese efforts to gain the support
of the "have note" are considerably more blatant. At Moshi, for
example, the Chinese are reliably reported to have carried their
efforts at sympathetic identification to the lengths of including
in their delegation "special secretaries" who were readily avail-
able for evening overtime with influential African representatives.
ro ro rig
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(659. Cont.)
'matO May 1963
That the Soviet comrades are well aware of Peking's efforts
to replace them in the developing areas can be amply documented.
For example, the 23 March issue of Pravda carried an article by
two Soviet representaives to the Moshi Conference, M. Turzun-Zade,
Chief of the Soviet Delegation, and L. Maksudov, representing the
AAPSO Soviet Commlttea, entitled "Strengthen Unity lc the Struggle
for National Independence and Peace" *hich attec4s the Chinese for
their attempt to split AAPSO along racial lines.
"The important result of the Moshi Conference was the
decisive resistance to all attempts to set the movement
for Afro-Asian solidarity against other democratic
movements and forces. The workers of all races and of
every color are deeply interested in liquidation of the
contemptible colonial exploitation in as much as a people
which enslaves other people cannot be free. Attempts to
limit the movement of solidarity -- within a continental
framework, to isolate it from the progressive forces of
the rest of the world, can only weaken the national
liberation sttuggle."
In their 30 March letter to the Chinese, the Soviets warned
the former that
"Ideological and tactical differences must under no
circumstances be used to form nationalist feelings
and prejudices...the militant call: 'Proletarians
of the World, Unite!'...means that at the basis of
such union lies class anti-imperialist solidarity,
and not nationality, the color of the skin, or ge-
ography. Cohesion of the ;masses for the struggle
against imperialism based only on the principle of
identity with this or that continent, be it Africa,
Psia, Latin kmerica or Europe, might do harm to the
struggling peoples. This would not be uAion...but
a splitting of the single anti-imperialist front."
Most explicit of all, perhaps, was the statement of A.M. Rumyantsev
to an international seminar on The Socialist World System and the
National-Liberation Movement held in Prague in December 1962 as
reported in the World Marxist Review of March 1963. Rumyantsev,
Chief Editor of the World Marxist Review, stated inter alia:
"It is said sometimes that one of the basic contra-
dictions of our time is that between the developed
and underdeveloped countries. Is this view correct?
In analysing social problems Marxists take as their
starting point the class contradictions. In the co-
cialist camp, too, there are countries at differing
levels of development. But there are no contradic-
tions between them. This is not the case in the
capitalist world where the contradictions between
the relatively more developed countries and relatively
2
-3-121-13-4L-E_Lt_ (659. Continued)
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Awe
(659. Cont.) 20 May 1963
less developed countries are often very acute. And
this is so not because the level of production in
some countries is lower than in others, but because
the undeffoveloped countries are exploited by the
developed imperialist powers. Equally, we cannot
accept the views of those who invoke Kipling's
"East and West will never meet," that is, who reduce
everything to geographic or ethnographic 5.e. race7
differences, The real contradictions ar3 not between
East and West, but between classes, and above all
there is the basic contradiction, from which all
others flow -- the contradiction between socialism
and capitalism." (b)(1)
Such manifestations of Sino-Soviet rivalry in the developing(b)(3)
areas and in international front organizations are becoming common.
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S�g�C7R�E�T 23 May 1963
(W(1)
6e0: Communist China's Domestic Failures M(3)
BACKGROUND: The Chinese Communist authorities have started
another campaign to indoctrinate the Chinese peasants in the
"superiority of the collective system." The earlier symbols of
this vaunted system were the Great Leap Forward and the People's
Communes. The avowed purpose of the communes was to consolidate
the central leadership control over local economic activity, to
control economic consumption in the countryside, to eliminate
vestiges of private enterprise, and to destroy traditional family
life, replacing it with a communal system of living. Within this
system the Chicoms sought to build a people's militia, using the
patriotic appeal of every-peasant-a-soldier to meet its military
needs while driving an exhausted people to ever greater efforts
on the land. In an attempt to round out this new philosophy of
a communal-way-of-life, and making up to some degree for the cut-
back in industry necessitated by the food needs of the population,
the experiment in backyard furnaces was also launched, -- with the
resulting poor quality of iron which might have been predicted.
The initiation of the communes, ill-conceived, alien and misman-
aged, as well as affected by a period of adverse weather conditions,
brought on poor harvests and inflicted upon the Chinese people
near-starvation conditions which were remarkable even for a people
whose history has assooiated them so closely with hunger. The
disasters of the 1953-1961 plans for the Great Leap Forward forced
the Red regime to back away from the extreme program which had
plunged the countryside into misery, even though the basic idea
of the communes was never repudiated and is still believed in by
the authorities.
The leadership resorted to a limited liberalization to spur
individual incentives in an attempt to rescue the stagnant economy.
Peasants were permitted to work small plots of ground for thbilr
own use and even to sell any surplus on the so-called "free market."
Some of the communal mess halls were closed and the onslaught
against traditional family life was eased. There has been a slight
improvement in the economic situation since the autumn of 1962
and this has apparently encouraged the Communist leaders to
believe that agricultural recovery has reached the point where
tougher policies can again be put into effect. Last fall the
Central-Committee of the CCP denounced "spontaneous tendencies
toward capitalism" and other related sins among the peasantry,
The main aim of the attack was to dispel the notion among the
cadres as well as among the peasantry that'concessionS: to. private
initiative such as the family plets-and:the free markets were
responsible for the slight economic improvement in 1962,':. Through
early spring of this year, editorialsandartiCled in the Chinese
press reflected a vigorous campaign to keep Such "anti-socialist"
�
opinions from taking root.
(660. Continued)
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(660 Cont.) *ow
23 May 1963
' The Communists are so encouraged by their minor success
that they are apparently convinced they can abandon the short-
lived pragmatic course that was forced on them by adverse
weather conditions and their own ill-advised policies. Once
again they will try to solve their production problems by
doctrinaire ideological exhortations and attempt to force
their revolution to its textbook conclusion by re-educating
the peasantry to stoically accept communal existence and to
work harder for smaller rewards. But optimism does not reign
alone; reports have appeared that measures will be taken to
prevent the massive exodus which took place to Hong Kong last
summer on the heels of rumors that restrictive measures would
again be invoked in the commune.
The depth of the crisis brought on by the food-supply
failure is documented in many places, including the restruc-
turing of China's foreign trade in recent years. Chinese
exports declined by one third between 1959 and 1961, largely
due to inability to maintain agricultural exports at previ,s
levels. The drastic change is also evident on the import
side of the ledger, where foodstuffs constituted less than
one percent of the total in 1959 and almost 40 percent in 1961.
Foreign-trade statistics confirm not only the huge scope
of China's failure to provide adequate food supplies for her
own p,3op1e, they also demonstrate China's willingness to
sacrifice the vital interests of the Chinese people in the
regime's struggle for status within the world Communist move-
ment. At the very time that Chinese peasants were on near-
starvation diets, Chinese leaders sent overt 100,000 tons of
grain to Albania and even shipped 100,000 tons of Burmese rice
to Cuba in spite of the fact that the Chinese people were far
worse off than the people of either Albania or Cuba. In this
same period of extreme hardship for the Chinese masses, the
Chinese Communist rulers committed large amounts of money,
resources and effort to an advanced weapons program in their
ambition to achieve overnight success in their struggle for
status among the world's great powers.
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'OW
20 May 1963
661 EE,WE,WH. Latin American Problem: Military or Constitutional
dovernment/------
(b)(1)
(b)(3)
BACKGROUND; National elections are scheduled for Peru on
9 June to restore constitutional civilian government. They
probably will be held as scheduled but it is problematical that
they will be hon-ed by the military forces. The issues are
being dramatized by an attempt to declare the election laws
unconstitutional and other events which underscore the continu-
ing Latin American struggle to maintain constitutional government
in the face of military intervention.
PERU
Peru has been ruled by a small hereditary group of large
landowners, financiers and businessmen while the largest part
of the population lives in miserable poverty that is generally
extreme. More than 76% of the total cultivated land is owned
by 1.6% of the. landowners; more than 00% of the population is
composed of indigenous Indians or mestizos most of whom practice
subsistence agriculture in isolated villages. Illiteracy is
over 55%. The great gulf between the few "haves" and the many
"have wets" stresses the potential fcr explosive social revolution.
"In Peru there are only two forces that can overthrow a
government," the London Economist observed in 1953, "the army
and organized labor; and the army is not going to encourage
the growth of a potential rival." Peru's growth has been
hampered by the factors noted above which, in turn, have con-
tributed to political unrest. A constant factor has been the
military's enmity toward APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria
Americana), the major political organization -- enmity which
led to military intervention to annul the results of the 1962
free election and to establish a military junta which now rules
Peru.
APRA. The APRA was established in 1924 as a left-wing
party with revolutionary tendencies. Its founder and current
leader, Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, apparently won the
presidential elections in 1931 but was denied the victory by
manipulations of the incumbent government. The APRA repeatedly
has been suppressed by the military with consequent violence
and bloodshed by both sides which still embitters Peruvian
politics. APRA was forced to operate underground most of the
time until 1953 when its last minute support of Manuel Prado
elected him president and he repealed the ban on the APRA and
granted political amnesty.
APRA has undergone evolutionary changes from a radical
revolutionary party to an anti-Communist, generally pro-US,
nationalistic, socialistic group seeking to achieve its goals
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20 May 1963
by political means. (In fact, its developing moderation has
caused younger party militants to form a pro-Castro rebel
splinter group.) It has gained considerable support in organ-
ized labor and in intellectual circles as well as among the
predominant Indian-mestizo population and it has Peru's only
effective precinct-level political organization.
APRA hoped that its cooperation with President Prado would
help insure the constitutional turn over of the government in
the 1952 elections. However, a prophetic warning was sounded
in a pre-election announcement by the ministers of the armed
forces that they would nullify the June elections if they felt
fraud had been committed. Haya de la Torre won 32.9% of the
votes, a few points more than his two principal rivals. But
the constitution requires that the winner must obtain at least
a third of the votes cast; if no one does, the winner is
determined by the newly elected Congresa Since an APRA-dominated
coalition won a majority of the congressional seats, the Congress
was expected to declare Eaya do la Torre president.
Military. Before the votes were counted in the 1962 elec;...
tions, the armed forces announced that on the basis of their
nationwide survey, Fernando Belaunde Terry was the leading
candidate, not the APRA standard bearer. But the preliminary
official count showed the latter in the lead. The military
charged fraud and declared the results were "untruthful and a
deformation of the popular will." But the National Election
Board maintained the "electoral processes valid in all depart-
ments." The military seized control of the government, estab-
lished a military junta, declared the elections void and
announced new elections to be held in June 1963.
As the supra-constitutional guardians of the state and
arbiters of the political process, the armed forces constitute
a political factor of importance equal to the political Parties
themselves. Their principal political motivation continues to
be block the APRA from power. The ruling junta has initiated
economic and social planning which could lead to reforms which
could eventually satisfy the bulk of the population but it also
raised military salaries across the board so that military and
police costs now take over 30% of the national budget.
Current Situation. The junta has confirmed an earlier
promise to hold general elections on 9 June and says it will
respect the results by turning over authority to the winner
on 20 July. There is little support within the armed forces
and even less from the civilian population for continuation of
military rule. The junta's dilemma is how to live up to its
election promises and at the same time keep the APRA from power.
Coalitions among the several parties do not show any promise of
blocking the APRA although the closeness of the 1962 balloting
and the fact the same three principal candidates are running for
president again suggests that even a slight shift in the voting
could change the results. Since the military are conducting the
Juno elections, they can hardly resort to charges of fraud as
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justification to deny an APRA victory, but this does not rule
out more direct and permanent military intervention should the
results prove unsatisfactory to the armed forces.
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662 WE,d. Intellectual Anti-Americanism
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BACKGROUND: Aside from obvious Communist propaganda, many
articles, books, radio talks, and lectures are produced abroad
which present a distorted and hostile view of the United States.
This phenomenon is not a new one, as it goes back at least to
Charles Dickens' MARTIN CRUZZLEWIT. But it now has political im-
portance for us, since it tends to influence governments or poten-
tial governments in Western Europe and many non-European countries,
and therefore hinders our efforts to erect barriers against Soviet
and Chicom aggression. It is not just a matter of our "other-
directed desire to be liked."
Importance of the Intellectuals
Despite the alleged anti-proletarian, "imperialist" and
"reactionary" character of the US political and socio-economic
system, anti-Americanism is probably insignificant among the
"working masses." Working-class people in many countries are
likely to have relatives in the US, and would be only too glad
to enjoy the material advantages of American life. If they vote
Communist, it is often because this seems the only way to force
reforms upon their society. Anti-Americanism is more common,
however, among the intellectuals. In the European educational
pattern (which is often the model in Asian, African, and Latin
American countries), only a few of the best students go to the
lycees, gymnasia, "public schools," and universities, and thereby
become eligible for professional careers, including senior careers
in the civil service. Those who have had this education are
those who make most of the political decisions and are in the
best position to influence - public opinion. These students
become convinced at a very early age that intellectual qualities
are all-important, and that deference is owed to those who have
these qualities; indeed, they must have some such belief to carry
them through the grueling examinations they must pass and to re-
concile them to their often mediocre living conditions. Their
studies usually inspire a belief in the importance of their own
literary, artistic, and philosophical tradition, and a certain
contempt for practical studies. Products of this system, es-
pecially those who become writers and public speakers, have had
a thorough training in the arts of rhetoric and polemic, includ-
ing the art of reaching a convincing conclusion when there is
insufficient time for thorough study and understanding.
� What the intellectuals forget, distort, or ignore.
Anti-American intellectuals may (like Malcolm Muggeridge,
Simone de Beauvoir, Bertrand Russell, and Krishna Menon) belong
to the left, or the may (like Evelyn Waugh, Ernst von Salomon,
and General de Gaulle) belong to the right, but either way they
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20 May 1963
are prone to regard Americans as barbarians who spread a low-grade
mass culture of Coca Cola, Hollywood movies, fin-tailed automobiles,
and hand-painted girlie neckties. They ignore or forget such
things as the influence of Edgar Allen Poe on modern French lit-
erature (some do express perverse admiration for Dashiell Hammett
and Mickey Spillane), the impact of Louis Sullivan and Frank Lloyd
Wright on modern architecture, or the fact that the American
Charles Sanders Peirce anticipated many of the ideas of Ludwig
Wittgenstein and the English linguistic philosophers. They over-
look the current quality of the Boston Symphony, Philadelphia,
Pittsburgh and San Francisco Orchestrasand of the Metropolitan
Onera; the status of writers like J.D. Salinger, John Updike, and
James Jones; the critical stature of Edmund Wilson; the rise of
New York as a world center of modern art; and the burgeoning of
culture throughout the country: experimental theater, amateur
symphony orchestras, expansion of public library systems, wide-
spread distribution of records and paper-bound books. (More ma-
terial achievements, such as the Salk polio vaccine, the Mariner
II space mission to Venus, or the construction of the longest
suspension span in the world across the New York Narrows, make
little impression on this group.) While their education is valu-
able in many ways and probably superior in some, it does not in
itself teach them to adjust, to compromise, or to understand other
peoples' viewpoints; these defects are probably the consequence
of the merits.
Aside from casting aspersions on American intellectual achieve-
ment, intellectual critics are prone to describe Americans as
sterile, inhuman, racist, and militaristic. Evelyn Waugh satirizes
and exaggerates the euphemisms of American morticians; Simone de
Beauvoir's novel, THE MANDARINS, shows prosperous Americans as
indifferent to the starvation of Central American Indians and
makes her American lover behave with cruel rudeness to a small
boy; a Vicky cartoon in the New Statesman shows a host of hard-
faced, bespectacled Americans pushing President Kennedy into war;
Malcolm Muggeridge suggests that Americans have entered their
Kipling era; and Bertrand Russell believes that American diplomacy
is an adaptation of the drag-strip game of "chicken." Occasionally,
visiting writers discover that Americans can be gentle, kind, and
even alive, but this discovery seems to come as a great surprise.
Unfortunately, few intellectuals visit America, and most of those
who do form their impressions from New York City or the Los Angeles
suburbs and exurbs. There is little appreciation of the absence
of class hatred, the relaxed atmoshpere of most American communi-
ties, the progress in solving difficult racial problems, and the
fact that American defense policies have all been responses to
aggressive Communist actions. These policies have been calculated
to contain communism peacefully, and not to destroy it by nuclear
warfare; in the 1940's, the United States declined to use its
nuclear monopoly against the Soviet Union. Uncle Shylock's grant
of 100 billion dollars in aid since World War II is also a point
which is conveniently forgotten.
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There are defects.
We should realize, of course, that some American activities
and traits have fed the fires of anti-Americanism. Racist views
are still held -- and discrimination is being practiced -- by many
Americans. Although a policy of prior nuclear attack has never
been adopted or even seriously considered, occasionally American
officers and others have privately advocated such a policy. Not
unnaturally, few Americans have the same appreciation of local
foreign cultures that the local intellectuals have. Our educational
system has had the job not only of education, but also of making
a community out of varied nationalities, and many Americans would
now agree with Admiral Rickover that American schools have often
failed to maintain high intellectual standards. Indeed, every
foreign criticism of the United States has probably also been
stated by a native American. All of us have some criticisms to
make, and we should not react as the Soviets do when others criti-
cize. But we do have an interest in countering blanket criticisp
which leads influential groups into herd-like opposition to (W(1)
American policies. ODA
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653 EE,WE,F2a. The ?CI and the Italian Ele-tions
20 May 1963
BACKGROUND: In the Italian general elections of 23 April,
the Italian Communist Party (PCI) polled over one quarter (25.6
per cent) of the popular vote -- an increase of more than a
million votes -- and now holds 156 seats in the Chamber of Depvties
(as opposed to 140 previously), and 85 seats in the Senate (59
previously). The large Communist vote is the result of a number
of sociological and organizational factors rather than purely
political or ideological ones and does not mean that the Italian
electorate has succumbed to the blandishments of Comrade Togliatti'
more moderate and beguiling tactics. The disproportionately large
Comnunist vote in Italy has traditionally been -- in part at /east
-- a protest against inequality, bureaucracy and discrimination.
Such is still the case, despite several years of industrial pro-
gress and 14 months of cautious center-left government which
witnossed the start (but only the start) of various basic reforms.
/gee BWPG #105 Item 639 "Sino-Soviet Confrontations at Party
Congresses in East 3urope and Italy"; #114 Item 653 "The Italian
Central Confederation of Labor (CGIL)":7
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ITALIAN PARTY APPLIES CREATIVE MARXISM
by Evzen S. Rosian
When the Central Committee of our Communist Party sent the
Italian Communist Party Central Committee a telegram congratulat-
ing it on its magnificent victory in the elections, it did so in
the awareness that it was thus greeting a brotherly party in
which its voters had voiced their justified confidence, in the
first place and primarily because it followed without any reser-
vations and hesitation the road of the 20th CPSU Congress.
This conclusion from the victory of the Italian comrades
is most natural. It is well known that the Italian Communist
Party was the only party among the communist parties in developed
capitalist countries which most consistently applied the conclu-
sions of the 20th CPSU Congress to its own circumstances. The
Italian communists were able quickly to eliminate the dogmatic
layers left by the personality cult. They particularly adopted
that part of the new apsects, brought by the 20th CPSU Congress,
which dealt with the possibilities of the socialist revolution's
peaceful progress under conditions of a developed state-monopolist
capitalism, and with the possibilities of a successful struggle
for peace, because, in an atomic age, war -- although it does not
cease to be a threat -- is no longer fatally unavoidable. This
is also so because it can endanger the fate of all or the majority
of mankind.
These two new, or rather, revived theses of creative Marxism-
Leninism were grasped by the Italian communists. With great
enthusiasm they started to fight for their implementation on the
soil of present-day Italy. This brought them rich fruit.
The new policy of the Italian Communist Party made the party
even more attractive to the broad masses of the population and
primarily to the workers class. The dogmatic preaching of theories
and slogans during the personality cult period -- apart from the
fact that they were unrealistic and often untrue -- could not
enlist such a support of the masses as that which can be guided
by communism, especially after the 20th congress.
Many dogmatic cranks prophesized, with almost a masochistic
lust, the harm which would ensue from the new policy, which
robbed the masses, for instance, of the nimbus of Stalin. They
declared, especially with regard to the Italian Communist Party,
that it was in a crisis and unable to recover from the post-
Stalinist sobering up. It became clearly evident, however, that
the sobering up from the dogmas and effects of the personality
cult, even with regard to the Italian Communist Party, did not
mean a sobering up from communism. It meant the strengthening
of communism.
The Italian communists realized the importance of the cam-
paign started by the 20th CPSU Congress because they saw in it
a weapon with whose help it would be possible to attack even
better the positions of the Italian and international imperialism.
Not for a moment were they on the defensive. They did not have
to explain with perplexity and a feeling of pain what the 20th
congress actually meant and what Comrade Khrushchev really meant.
They grasped that this was the time for a flying leap onto the
road of further victories, onto the road where there would not
be less obstacles, but more strength and more means to eliminate
these obstacles.
The Italian communists proved the dogmatists guilty of a
further error. The complete pauperization of the workers class,
a bad economic situation, unemployment, and a crisis which
allegedly establishes better conditions for the revolutionizing
of the masses and for the political success of the communists
are not necessary for the success of the workers class in capitalist
countries. In Italy the situation of the workers class and of
the farmers is far from rosy. However, the workers can gain not only
in the material sense, but also politically from the position of
the Italian workers class, for instance, in strike struggles.
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They have better chances of success than during umemployment
and economic crises. These are new factors which it is im-
possible not to notice and not to stress both in the Italian
reality and in the situation in other capitalist countries.
However, the Italian Communist Party knew how to find
a concrete approach to the intelligentsia. Side by side with
the workers class and farmers stand the working intelligentsia,
with its best representatives, artists, writers, sculptors,
and people working in the film industry in its ranks. They
consider the Italian Communist Party a guarantee of the
possibility for full artistic development. Many of them put
their great talents to the service of the party and, with
their art, helped to achieve its victories.
Perhaps the greatest cause for the victory of the Italian
comrades is due to their attitude toward questions of war and
peace in general, and toward the question of NATO and American
military bases in particular. Until recently the Italian
Communist Party was the only one which consistently fought
against a situation which could lead to the physical annihila-
tion of the Italian people. It also remained the most con-
sistent fighter in this cause after recently getting an ally
on the question of war and peace in the person of Pope John XXIII
and in his encyclical, "Peace on Earth." The Christian Democrats
wanted to make political capital out of this great peace act
of the Pope. They did not succeed only because the Italian
voters realized that, in this question, it was not the communists
who took over the Pope's viewpoint, but it was the Pope who
took over the views of the communists. It was the viewpoint on
coexistence and peace. In this respect the communists are better
trusted also because they have a cleaner past, particularly sin-,e
the 23th congress.
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