JOSE FIGUERES FERRER PRESIDENT-ELECT OF COSTA RICA

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 06780392
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: March 8, 2023
• Document Release Date: October 18, 2019
• Case Number: F-2018-01413
• Publication Date: March 1, 1970

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ret (b)(3)
DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
Intelligence Memorandum
Jose' FIG UERES Ferrer
President-Elect of Costa Rica
CR M 70-9
March 19 70
Copy No. TO
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WARNING
This doe ment contains information affecting the national
defense of the United States. within the meaning of 'Title
13, sections 79:3 and 794, of the US Code, as amended.
Its transmission or rew:latiou of its contents to or re-
ceipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by iOw.
GROUP 1
, f curoinj
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COSTA RICA
President-Elect of Costa Rica
Jose FIGUERES Ferrer
THE VICTORIOUS. PRESIDENT-ELECT
Elected President of Costa Rica on 1 February
1970, Jose "Pepe" Figueres will be inaugurated on 8
May 1970. Receiving 55 percent of the national vote,
he defeated former President Mario Echandi (1958-62),
his nearest rival and candidate of the National
Unification (UN) coalition, by 73,000 votes. Figueres'
party, the National Liberation Party (PLN), won a
majority in the Legislative Assembly, which it has
controlled since 1953.
This memorandum was produced solely by CIA. It was
prepared by the Central Reference Service and was
coordinated with the Office of Current Intelligence.
GROUP I
Excluded from automatic
downgrading and
declassification
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Founder and leader of the PLN, Figueres was
President of the Republic from 1953 to 1958, but he
has not held public office since leaving the Presi-
dency. During the intervening years he traveled
extensively and devoted a major portion of his time
to party activities.
The 1970 Campaign
In his recent campaign Figueres concentrated
primarily on countering the attacks of the UN
coalition because of Echandi's attempts to link him
with Communism. At first, Figueres belittled these
attempts, and then, following a strategy meeting of
the PLN in November 1969, he launched a series of
counterattacks. In a televised speech that the PLN
repeated several times, Figueres dismissed his
adversary's charges as sheer demagoguery. The PLN
labeled the Echandistas "Purveyors of hate."
At the same time,
the PLN expressed regret
at the need to descend
to the mudslinging
tactics of the UN, and
on several occasions it
tried to discuss the
problems confronting the
nation. Figueres
stressed the theme of
the "forgotten one-third
of the nation," those
who had not benefited
from Costa Rica's develop-
ment. He elaborated on
the domestic issues of
malnutrition and
unemployment but made
few programmatic state-
ments regarding foreign
policy.
ONE VOTE FOR FIGUERES
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Foreign Policy
Despite the lack of a specific outline of his
foreign policy during the campaign, Figueres is
known to believe that Costa Rica must lead the fight
in the Organization of American States to develop
democracy in all Latin American countries. He favors
arms limitation by the major powers. He also
advocates that these powers give increased assistance
to underdeveloped nations. Figueres is pro-United
States, but he never hesitates to oppose or criticize
this country if it suits his purpose.
In the economic sphere, Figueres advocates a
US coffee quota for Central America such as that
which currently exists for sugar. Like other coffee
planters associated with the PLN, Figueres favors
increased trade with Communist countries. He is
also a firm proponent of the Central American Common
Market.
Domestic Policy
More specific about his domestic plans, Figueres
indicated that he favors forming a constituent
assembly, composed of experts, to reform the present
Constitution. He plans to create a Ministry of
Culture, Youth and Recreation that will focus at-
tention on the young--hopefully imbuing them with
an appreciation of Costa Rican culture.
As noted in the campaign, Figueres plans to
construct migrant worker camps to encourage migratory
workers to settle in the Atlantic Zone, where work
is available. He also advocates upgrading vocational
training to coincide with employment demands. He
intends to provide jobs for the unemployed through
the construction of houses for the poor.
Hoping to lessen the economic gap between the
rural dweller and his urban counterpart, Figueres
wants to raise the rural income, provide improved
housing and establish better health and educational
facilities. He has announced that he will give high
priority to enforcing the minimum wage.
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Figueres envisions reforming the Ministry of
Agriculture to make it more responsive to the needs
of the citizens. He recognizes the value of
industrialized farming and a functional agricultural
extension service. The President-elect sees
further land reform as a necessary means of provid-
ing new land owners and private managers with enough
land to increase productivity. To combat malnutrition,
Figueres has urged the production of more nutritional
foods; he has also stated his intention to educate
the population in the value of a well-balanced diet.
Political Orientation
The President-elect is first and foremost Pro-
Jose Fiqueres.
Figueres
is known, however, as a firm proponent of democracy.
In the late 1940's he was a member of the now
defunct Caribbean Legion, an organization of several
hundred Central American and Caribbean citizens
dedicated to overthrowing the dictatorships in the
area. He has been hostile toward totalitarian
governments, such as those of Rafael Trujillo, former
strong man of the Dominican Republic (1930-61), and
the Somoza family, which has controlled Nicaragua
since 1936.
Personal feelings, however, have tempered
Figueres' hatred of dictatorships. He was
notably tolerant of Argentine dictator Juan PerOn
(1946-55). His almost fanatic antipathy toward the
Somozas stems primarily from the civil war of 1948,
when the late President Anastasio Somoza Garcia
aided the forces who were trying to keep Costa
Rican President Teodoro Picado in power illegally.
The Somozas also aided Costa Rican exiles seeking
to invade their homeland in 1948 and 1955.
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Attitude Toward Communism
Figueres has a long record of anti-Communism
but he seems willing to ally himself with the
Communists to serve his political purposes.
Figueres later stated privately that any minority
group that had organized itself into a political
organization should have the right to participate
in the electoral process and the opportunity to
elect representatives to the Legislative Assembly.
Figueres admitted that he might be belittling the
possible dangers resulting from the legalization of
the BOCI. He felt, however, that if they participated
in the election they could elect only two Deputies,
and he doubted that two Communists could seriousay
disrupt the legislative process. In July 1969,
nevertheless, the Legislative Assembly proscribed
the BOCI.
The following month, Figueres and other members
of the PLN in the Legislative Assembly allegedly made
it known that they would not support any attempt to
proscribe another well-known Communist-front organi-
zation, the Socialist Action Party (PASO). The PASO
did participate in the elections.
Early Life and Career
Jose "Pepe" Figueres Ferrer was born in San
Ramem, Costa Rica, on 30 September 1906. His parents
had recently immigrated to Costa Rica from Spain,
where his father practiced medicine and his mother
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taught school. Figueres is a Costa Rican citizen
by option. He received his early education in
local schools. He went to the United States in
1923, residing in Boston and New York City, and
worked as a translator, among other jobs. Figueres
attended night classes at the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology and Columbia University, but apparently
he did not graduate from either of these institutions.
Returning to Costa Rica in the mid-1920's,
Figueres established himself as a farmer and business-
man. For over a decade he steadily developed his
enterprises and became a successful merchant and
plantation owner, growing, processing and exporting
coffee.
Entering politics in the early 1940's, Figueres
became active in the opposition to the administration
of President Rafael Calderein (1940-44), a regime
associated with the Communists. Figueres spent most
of the time between 1942 and 1944 in exile in Mexico
and Guatemala.
Figueres returned to Costa Rica in 1944 and
was an unsuccessful candidate for a seat in the
Constitutional Congress. In November 1945 he was
instrumental in founding the Social Democratic Party
(PSD), an opposition group. This party opposed
CalderOn's handpicked successor, President Teodoro
Picado (1944-48).
The Civil War
Otilio Ulate was elected President in February
1948, but in March the Calderein-Picado forces nul-
lified their opponents' electoral victory and attempted
to perpetuate themselves in power. Figueres, a
supporter of Ulate, then led a successful rebellion
against the Caldercin-Picado forces. In May Figueres
and Ulate made an agreement whereby Figueres became
head of an interim junta government, officially
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designated the Founding Junta of the Second Republic.
The junta then suspended the Constitution and dismissed
the Congress.
De Facto Head of the Government
Figueres remained de facto head of the govern-
ment for 18 months. During that period he emphasized
the role of the state in the nation's economy. He
established many autonomous agencies, the most
important of which were the Central Bank and the
National Production Council. He also adopted a
10 percent capital levy. As a result of these
measures and the arbitrary manner of their adoption,
however, Figueres lost the backing of the older,
wealthier and more conservative Ulate supporters.
This group exerted its influence in the December
1948 Constitutent Assembly elections, preventing a
Figueres-sponsored draft from serving as the basis
of the Constitution of 1949.
Ulate assumed the Presidency in 1949, but
Figueres did not hold an official post in his
administration (1949-53). In 1952 Figueres organized
the PLN as an official vehicle for his own presi-
dential candidacy. Following an overwhelming victory,
he was inaugurated on 8 November 1953.
President of Costa Rica
As a constitutional President, Figueres pursued
many of the same objectives and policies he had
worked for as head of the junta. His commitment to
a planned economy, stabilization, social welfare
programs and public works has been likened to
Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal. He even adopted
the practice of frequent "fireside chats" in the
Roosevelt fashion. As a result of his accomplish-
ments, particularly in agriculture and social reform,
Figueres enjoyed widespread popularity.
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Many Costa Ricans were concerned, however,
about the possibility of deteriorating relations
with their neighboring countries. They were alarmed
by Figueres' denunciations of the so-called
dictatorial regimes in the area. In January 1955,
nevertheless, the people generally backed the
Figueres government when Costa Rican exiles, aided
by Nicaragua and other nearby governments, attempted
to invade Costa Rica.
Post-Presidency
In accordance with the Constitution, Figueres
did not seek reelection when his term of office
ended in 1958; he concentrated on leading the PLN.
In the early 1960's he launched a lecture tour in
the United States. In 1964 he served as a member
of the Costa Rican delegation to the UN Conference
on Trade and Development. He was also a delegate
to several sessions of the UN General Assembly.
With the elections of 1966 approaching,
Figueres announced in February 1965 that he would
not run for the Presidency. He thought that others
should have a chance to attain this high office and
thus preclude the country's lapsing into a cult of
personalities. Some qualified observers speculated
at that time that Figueres was deliberately waiting
until the 1970 elections, when his arch rival,
Mario Echandi, would be able to run for reelection.
During 1967-68 Figueres devoted his time to
his private enterprises. At that time, he had
large commitments to banks that he could not honor,
but his current financial status apparently is
improved.
Candidate for the Presidency
On 15 December 1968 the PLN nominated Figueres
as its candidate for President of Costa Rica.
Figueres had defeated his nearest rival for the
nomination, Rodrigo Carazo Odio, by a vote of two
to one. His selection, however, caused resentment
among the more liberal members of the party who were
seeking to discard the personal orientation of the
PLN. The challenge to Figueres' domination of the
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PLN was revealed during the selection of candidates
for the Legislative Assembly. Figueres threatened
to resign unless the party removed at least two
candidates whom he considered unacceptable and
replaced them with his own choices. The ensuing
impasse was finally resolved when the party met his
demands, but a residue of ill feeling remained.
Foreign Travel
One of the few Costa Rican politicians who
enjoy international stature, Figueres has traveled
extensively in Central America, Europe and the
United States. He also attended the meeting of the
World Anti-Communist League in Saigon in 1968.
To a large segment of the Costa Rican population
Figueres is a national hero--a charismatic father
figure of benevolence and security. An orator of
note, he has an exceptional ability to arouse and
hold his audiences, inspiring great trust and con-
fidence in his followers. At the same time, however,
he evokes strong bitterness and deep-seated enmity
among his opponents.
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He speaks fluent
English.
Family
Figueres has been married twice, both times
to US citizens. He is divorced from his first
wife, the former Henrietta Boggs of Birmingham,
Alabama, by whom he has two children. On 6 February
1954 he married Rita Karen Olsen. They have four
children, the oldest of whom, Jose, Jr., was born
on 24 December 1954.
THE FIGUERES FAMILY (JOSE, JR., ABSENT)
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