PRC JOURNAL: CHINA, US SHOULD STRENGTHEN DIALOGUE, COOPERATION ON CYBER SECURITY

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 06586901
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 28, 2022
• Document Release Date: March 2, 2017
• Case Number: F-2016-02039
• Publication Date: May 7, 2013

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WARNING: TOPIC: INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL, MILITARY, TELECOM
SERIAL: CPP20130424787010
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COUNTRY: CHINA, UNITED STATES
SUBJ: (U) PRC JOURNAL: CHINA, US SHOULD STRENGTHEN DIALOGUE,
COOPERATION ON CYBER SECURITY
SOURCE: BEIJING LIAOWANG IN CHINESE 15 APR 13 NO. 15,
P 52(U)
TEXT:
(U) Article by Shen Yamei: "The United States Sets Off a
Cyberspace 'Supremacy Offensive'"
Publications
OSC Translated Text
(U) This product may contain copyrighted material; authorized use
is for national security purposes of the United States Government
only. Any reproduction, dissemination, or use is subject to the
OSC usage policy and the original copyright.
The United States has always viewed the world with an intense
hegemonic logic, and it has been difficult for them to
scientifically acknowledge the new changes in their own
environment and the international environment, to say nothing of
objectively acknowledging China.
Recently, for no reason at all, US officials have denounced
Chinese Internet secret-stealing activities as being a threat to
US security, stirring up a "China Internet threat theory" and
greatly elevating Internet problems as large problems in Sib-US
relations. This is interfering with the hard work of China's
current development of a new model major power relationship with
the United States. China must expose the motives of the United
States in this round of attacks, and at the same time, must also
cleverly eliminate differences of opinion between China and the
UNCLAS SUIEW
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United States in terms of Internet development and applications.
China must work hard to transform cyberspace into a new domain
for Sino-US dialogue and cooperation.
From the official speeches regarding the national situation since
Obama's reelection, Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs the National Security Advisor Donilon's speech
to the Asia Society, the remarks of Under Secretary of State
Hormats on a recent visit to China, etc., it is apparent that the
United States is putting every effort into using these trips to
seize the high ground in cyberspace for the future. The United
States has defamed China's Internet development from the
economic, political, security, and other levels, and deduced from
it a reproduction of the "China threat theory." In one aspect,
this is also a manifestation of the fact that the United States
has always viewed the world with an intense hegemonic logic, and
it has been difficult for them to scientifically acknowledge the
new changes in their own environment and the international
environment, to say nothing of objectively acknowledging China.
The root origin of the various problems between China and the
United States rests in the ebb and flow of the two sides' power
and the obvious changes in attitudes. The United States has
always held very deep strategic misgivings about China.
Economically, faced with the phenomenon of a large-scale shifting
of wealth within the current international system ti xi, the
United States has been unwilling to acknowledge the natural
endowment of resources and system zhi du advantages that have
brought about a rapid development of the Chinese economy, and at
the same time, it has also been unwilling to squarely face the
deep-level structural issue of a modest decline in its own
competitive ability. Instead, it is blaming this on the outside
world's activities of stealing via the Internet US intellectual
property rights and commercial secrets, and it has illogically
shifted "the majority of the blame" onto China. This aspect
exposes the US sense of egotistic self-important stubbornness.
It is even to the point that the United States has distorted the
overall trend in the international situation of "the East rising
and the West declining" since the financial crisis into the
relevant nations pirating US developmental achievements. In
another respect, this denouncement also completely overlooks the
arduous hard work of the other nations of the world, including
China, in search of development on the road to reform.
Politically, the United States is anxiously establishing
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behavioral standards for cyberspace, and they have come out with
this regulation formulation process with the intention of
crowding out China. The techniques of the United States in vying
for supremacy in the Internet domain share the same lineage with
its usual tricks used in the handling of geopolitical issues in
the Asia-Pacific, the Middle East, etc., namely, first building
up and maintaining low intensity tension over the relevant issue,
and then appearing to step in as an intermediary, a balancer, or
mediator. Essentially, the United States is using the process of
establishing rules and regulations, in which it is the leader, to
constrain the other participants. Actually, back in August 2011,
China, Russia, and other nations had already submitted a draft
for an "international conduct standard for informati on security"
to the United Nations, proposing that the international community
formulate and implement international cyberspace standards. But
the United States is now re-issuing a proposal of similar
content, ignoring the contribution that China has already made to
the international conversation on Internet security, and this
exposes their global Internet strategy of a supremacy offensive.
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In terms of security, the United States needs to establish a
target, and thereby drape its Internet attack activities in a
veneer of legality and ethics. In recent years, the United States
has strengthened its cyber warfare preparations, formulated cyber
warfare regulations, and promoted a cyber command headquarters to
increase and accelerate the intensity and speed of cyber military
building. It has already incisively and thoroughly brought into
play its advantages in network security technology and in policy
and mechanism management. In the 2011 Strategy for Operating in
Cyberspace, the US Department of Defense clearly listed the
Internet as the fifth battlefield after sea, land, air, and
space. It even stated that it would take military action against
serious Internet attack activities. The US Government, Congress,
military, media, and interest groups have coordinated with each
other to contemptuously accused China of developing strategic
Internet weapons, concoct lies about China carrying out Internet
attacks against the US key infrastructure, and the like. They
are using this to get their own piece of the pie in the national
political agenda, the defense budget, and other actual
interests.
In reality, it is the US' own actions in the domain of cyber
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offense and defense that have put people in a state of high
vigilance. In the example of the Iran nuclear issue, the United
States kicked off a war of attrition early on in network,
intelligence, and other secret action domains. In June of last
year, The New York Times revealed that a network attack plan
codenamed "Operation Olympic Games," that was aimed at Iran's
nuclear facility, was formulated during the George W. Bush
administration, and that after Obama took office, he accelerated
the progression of this plan. Iran has frequently suffered
computer virus attacks in recent years that have caused the
Bushehr nuclear power plant, the Natanz uranium enrichment base,
large petroleum corporations' internal networks, network
operators, and other such industrial companies, as well as
electronic government affairs and civilian networks, to be
affected. It is publicly accepted that the main actors behind
the scenes are the United States and Israel. US intelligence
evaluations have also pointed out that the 2010 "Stuxnet"
computer virus delayed Iran's possession of nuclear power by at
least a year and a half. Some scholars in the United States have
even recommended that Congress win US hackers over to its side,
and that if they agree to only attack those nations and entities
approved by Congress, then the government would give them
immunity from prosecution, or even provide them with funding. It
is obvious at a glance who is building a hacker empire.
In the Chinese view, the frequent occurrence of global Internet
security incidents has really increased the urgency to protect
Internet security. Still Internet attacks possess the
characteristics of being transnational, anonymous, and deceptive.
There is a great deal of uncertainty about the origin of the
attacks, and this makes it difficult for any given nation
fighting alone to achieve absolute Internet security. The issue
of Internet security can completely become an excellent platform
for creating international cooperation.
At this time, as the new content in international relations of
the transition of authority between a rising power and the power
holding onto its position is bestowed upon Sino-US relations, the
differences of opinion and conflicts between China and the United
States h ave seen a trend of being distributed over a wider area,
running deeper, and being more closely connected. Scientifically
acknowledging the differences of opinions is helpful to making
the development of a new model major power relationship achieve
possession of a definite object in view and pointedly putting an
end to the drama of power politics. One could say that the
conflicts and differences of opinions between China and the United
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States in the aspect of Internet security are by no means
fundamental or irreconcilable, but rather, that they contain the
advantageous conditions for being transformed into conversation
and cooperation, and they will not have a destructive effect on
Sib-US relations by any means. Based on the considerations for
building a new model major power relationship and promoting the
establishment of international cyberspace regulations, the two
nations of China and the United States should strengthen dialogue
and actively promote cooperation in the areas of striking out
against Internet crime and the administration of the Internet to
reach more understanding and consensus on cyber sovereignty and
military control of the Internet. The Chinese are steadfast
advocates of Internet security cooperation, and they are
optimistic about China and the United States holding more
frequent direct conversations about this, and seeking to solve
the problems through normal law enforcement cooperation and
consultation while working hard to make the Internet become an
active factor in spurring Sino-US relations.
Description of Source: Beijing Liaowang in Chinese -- weekly
general affairs journal published by China's official news agency
Xinhua, carrying articles on political, social, cultural,
international, and economic issues
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15 Apr 13
15 Apr 13
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CPP20130424787010
Translation/Transcription
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OSC Translated Text
Routine
China, United States
Asia, Americas
East Asia, North Americas
INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL, MILITARY, TELECOM
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