MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
LOC-HAK-475-2-3-9
Release Decision:
RIPLIM
Original Classification:
T
Document Page Count:
12
Document Creation Date:
January 11, 2017
Document Release Date:
October 22, 2012
Sequence Number:
3
Case Number:
Publication Date:
June 19, 1973
Content Type:
MEMO
File:
Attachment | Size |
---|---|
LOC-HAK-475-2-3-9.pdf | 583.66 KB |
Body:
No Objection to Declassification in Part 2013/02/15: LOC-HAK-475-2-3-9
T'O -,CSENSITIVE
EXCLUSIVELY EYES ONLY
MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION
Sirncha Dinitz, Israeli Ambassador
Avner Idan, Minister
DATE AND TIME: Tuesday, June 19, 1973
2:00 - 2:40 p.m.
DOS, NSS
reviews
completed.
[The Ambassador made the following presentation, on the basis of a cable
he had just received from the Prime Minister.
with her, and these are her remarks, after consultation with us. We
These are from the Prime Minister. We have succeeded in communicating
12initg: First a couple of general remarks, then some specific remarks.
offered some of our own ideas.
She is now stronger in her opinion that our original request was the correct
one, that is, that every effort should be made that there should not be a
joint document. The effort of Dr. Kissinger to draft such a new paper only
points out the dangers that exist in such an exercise.
Secondly, we continue to negate the necessity . . . we continue to believe
in the lack of necessity for a joint document between the two superpowers
in a documented form as a contribution to the solution to our problem --
which we continue to see as only through negotiations between the parties.
quent remarks, and in fact they were strengthened by this development.
The third general remark is that all the reservations we have stated to
Dr. Kissinger in our last meeting of June 15 are valid also for any subse-
SENSITIVE
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js[ H: \IS3' '2il~
CLAaSSIFI-D BY,-'
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No Objection to Declassification in Part 2013/02/15: LOC-HAK-475-2-3-9
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tion of the document nor are we obligated in any way or form to its content.
request to give our remarks, we are not either partners to the prepara-
The fourth point: We want to reemphasize that in our response to your
his already difficult work more difficult. And second, she did not want the
impression to be created that by not reacting we are in acquiescence with
some of the serious points we see in it.
Now I want to add my own personal point, as number five, to relay to Dr.
Kissinger. I know it was a difficult decision for the Prime Minister to go
ahead with commenting on the matter, and I know she was guided by two
considerations: She trusts Dr. Kissinger, and she didn't want to make
In paragraph four, the word "agreement" does appear, but to make it clearer
we think it must be supplemented by "between the parties. " So it wouldn't
be thought it meant agreement among the superpowers or someone else.
This goes to our. original philosophy that security arrangements and guaran-
tees cannot be instead of secure borders but at best in addition to them, with
the agreement of the parties concerned. I would add orally that there
couldn't be a situation where the Soviet Union and the U. S. come to us and
say "we have decided to guarantee you." Security must result from secure
borders that we. will achieve in agreement with our neighbors. If there are
any additional guarantees, it will be .in addition and after agreement between
parties,
most important points. We don't say that if we sat down with legalistic
eyes we wouldn't draft-it differently on other points, but these are the most
important. I will cover these in order of the paragraphs, not the order
,of importance.
[The paper to which these comments are addressed is at Tab A. ]
So far for general remarks. Now, the particular remarks to some of the
In other words, take away "appropriate participation. " We don't want them
Second, in the same paragraph 4 -- I told you earlier that the Prime
Minister was concerned about a Soviet foothold in the area. A physical Soviet
presence. You have corrected it somewhat. But the word "participation"
can have a dual meaning. You probably meant participation in the interna-
tional negotiation, but it could mean physical presence. We suggest saying;
"International guarantees could include the Soviet Union and the United States."
there,
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tinued Israeli control of Sharm el-Sheikh, so we are better off without it.
If your friends ask, "what about freedom of navigation? " you can say it's
covered by Resolution 242 and there is no need to restate it.
In paragraph six,'' our remarks are very simple. We kindly request you
omit the whole paragraph. Because the problematics of it are clear.
You're talking. .bout the specific status of the Suez Canal. But you're not
talking about the specific status of Sharm el-Sheikh except in terms of
freedom of navigation. We don't think you will get a phrase about con-
The most serious problem is paragraph seven. This is crucial. This is
for us very serious. 'I presume you didn't even realize what a serious
word you introduced into it. In 1972 you succeeded in preventing inclusion
of this item because there was a reference to UN decisions, UN resolutions.
That was very good, very clever. But now youp.re taking from these UN
resolutions the most bitter pill for us free choice -- and incorporate it
in the document by saying in paragraph seven "implementing the choices
of the refugees.". This is absolutely unacceptable for us. We have opposed
it bitterly ever since 1949,
sistent with national sovereignty. " We don't think this is enough of a safe-
And this is in spite of the fact that you did incorporate the sentence "con-
guard.
Resolution 242 dealt with it: "the necessity . for achieving a just settle-
ment of the refugee problem. " Period.
So we repeat our request to deal with the refugee problem in the manner that
It would have been desirable to add that sentence which I gave you earlier
[about sovereignty] -- I feel... it's a good thing for both parties. But if Dr.
Kissinger has any difficulties with this, it would suffice to have only the
reference to Resolution 242. But by no means can we accept this question
of choice.
Regarding paragraph eight, we really feel that such a paragraph should be
included in the peace treaty and not in a general document of principles.
So we feel it's premature and not necessary. This is not so much a remark
of substance but-rather an observation.
[This was the end of the Ambassador's comments on the paper at Tab A.
He then raised a: few other matters.
TOP SECRET"/SENSITIVE
EXCT.TTSTVFL,Y FVF.S ONLY
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25X1
2. Jordan/West Germany; . Dinitz raised a matter which he said was not
urgent and which he had thought of saving for his next meeting with you.
Israel is interested in helping Jordan with its economic problems in the
interest of stability. "Dinitz asked how you would view financial assistance
from West Germany to Jordan. Israel was contemplating whether to offer
Jordan help iu'mobilizing and obtaining funds secretly in West Germany --
through banks, government, whatever, but secretly -- but the Prime Minis-
ter first wanted to know your thoughts on the matter. I will remind you of
this question before you see Dinitz next.
day night and Wednesday. He will be back in Washington Thursday morning.
He will come back immediately if you want to see him. . Or you can reach
him through his office, or contact Minister Idan.
3. Ambassador Llinitzwill be in Atlanta at the Governor's residence Tues-
tentatively?
4. Minister xdari would like to invite you to dinner or lunch the week of
July 8th. He leaves his post here on July 1Zth. He wonders if you could
make it the evening of the 8th . 9th or 1 Oth for
dinner, or the 8th or 11th for lunch. Can we set a date
EXCLUSIVELY EYES ONLY
TOP SECRET /SENSITIVE
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General WVorkin Principles
The political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict should be
embodied in a set of agreements between Israel and each of the
neighboring Arab countries directly involved in the conflict. They
The completion of the agreements should at some stage involve
negotiation between the signatories. Separate agreements on
specific issues are not precluded.
The agreements should contain provisions for withdrawal of Israeli
armed forces from territories occupied in 1967 to secure and
recognized boundaries.
Any border changes,which may take place, should result from voluntary
. agreement between the parties concerned.
Arrangements for mutual security could by agreement include
demilitarized and other security zones; establishment of an internation
l
a
force including participation of the signatory nations; stationing of such
f
a
a
orce
t strategic points; and the most effective international guaran-
tees with the appropriate participation of the Soviet Union and the
United States.
Recognition of the independence and sovereignty of all states in the
Middle East, including Israel, is one of the basic principles on which
the peace treaties must be based.
Freedom of navigation through the international waterways in the
h
area s
ould be assured to all nations including Israel. This is fully
consistent with Egyptian sovereignty over the Suez Canal.
Th
ob
o
e pr
lem
f the Palestinian refugees should be solved on a just
ba
is
hi
s
w
ch provides for registering and implementing the choices of
the refugees in ways consistent with national sovereignty and for
8. A material breach of the agreement by one of the parties shall entitle
o
the other toinvoke the breach as a ground for suspending its perfor-
mance in whole or in part until the breach is rectified.
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CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR HENRY
FROM. PETER W. RO
SUBJECT:
Golda's Message to President on Watergate
Dinitz told you on June 2 that he had.. passed to Len Garment an
oral personal message from Mrs. Meir offering the President her
sympathy and understanding in his current difficulties. She hoped
he would be soon free to devote his time and energies to his goal
of building peace.
It turns out that Len Garment's memo to the President passing on
this message (Tab I) was not forwarded to the Pres'dent. It was
apparently treated as too routine. (G4 - - cr. K-0" o-
send it up again, if you like.
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It occurred to me that you might want this. to go forward. We could
No Objection to Declassification in Part 2013/02/15: LOC-HAK-475-2-3-9
May 31, 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
LEONARD GARMENT
Israeli Ambassador Dinitz called on me today and delivered the
enclosed letter to you from the Prime Minister (Tab A). He
added that he was instructed by the Prime Minister to convey to
you the following personal message:
That she is saddened by the difficulties. that
beset you and wants you and Mrs. Nixon to
know you have her sympathy and understanding.
She prays for a satisfactory resolution that will
soon enable you to address your time and energies
fully to the task of building a more peaceful world.
This she knows is the goal which is closest to your
heart.
I thanked the Ambassador and told him I would convey to you the
letter and personal message.
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'Dear Mr. President,
Jerusalem, 22 dray 1973
May I say how moved I was to receive from Mrs. Nixon
and yourself such kind birthday greetings.
Your warm remarks addressed to me on the occasion of
our 2 5th anniversary and on my own 7 5th birthday are deeply
appreciated. They echo in our hearts the feelings of friend-
ship and gratitude which our people cherish with respect to
you, Mr. President, personally. and to all the people of
your great country.
Please accept at this time my sincere expressions of
goodwill coupled with the prayer, which all Israel shares,
that your historic efforts in support of peace everywhere will
speedily be realized.
With warm personal regards,
Sincerely,
H. E. Mr. Richard Nixon
President of the United States
The White House
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