TRANSMITTAL OF DOCUMENT RELATIVE TO THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION IN YUGOSLAVIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83-00415R004300550001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 10, 2001
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 17, 1950
• Content Type: REPORT

'-V I
FORM NO. 51.'61
MAY 1949
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CLASSIFICATION SECRET/;QNTROL - U.S. OFFICIALS ONLY
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY REPORT NO.
INFORMATION REPORT CD NO.
PLACE
ACQUIRED
DATE OF I
Aa=Rm
Yugoslavia
DATE DISTR. 17 Feb. 1950
Transmittal of Document Relative .o the NO. OF PAGES 1
Macedonian Question in Yugoslavia
NO. OF ENCLS.
(LISTED BELOW)
SUPPLEMENT TO
REPORT NO.
Forwarded herewith for your information and retention is one document
containing an account of the Aaceonian. question in Yugoslavia.
CLASSIFICATION SECRETkCONv' `ROL - U.S. OFFICIALS ONLY
DISTRIBUTION
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Governmentsof old Yugoslavia, has become more so for the Governmen'
of "Marshal" Tito. It rnas become the first worry of the Communist
Government. The differences on the Yiacedonian :uestion between
the Soviet Union and Marshal Tito have once again proved the
nationalistic ideas of the Marshal.
The Soviet Union wished to create a "Macedonian republic"
from the Yugoslav Macedonia (today the People's Republic of xacedo-
noa), the PIh1N Macedonia (today in Bulgaria) and from the Greek
Macedonia. This Republic was supposed to form a part of Bulgaria.
Thus the Soviet Union wished to strengthen the Bulgarian Communist
Party which did not seize the power itself or fought for it much,
but was carried into office by the Soviet armed forces. Its
influence on the lulgarian masses is weak, much weaker than the
influence of the Yugoslav Communist Party on the Yugoslav masses.
Its power is based exclusively on force. by getting Jiavedonia,
the Bulgarian Communist party would gain prestige in the people
and consolidate its power. krom an international point of view, i.e.
from the point of view of the world proletariate, it does not
matter whether Macedonia will be within Bulgaria or Yugoslavia.
It was to be apportioned to where the Party interests were stronger
(Tomorrow, wnen the prestige of the Italian Communist Party will
have to be strengthened, aoscow will demand to return Trieste to
Italy. Note from 99). This rumour took root in Macedonia since the
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The : acedonian + ommunists accepted the rumour and made it
their own. All people, respective"-' mfta sts, with different
ideas have been eliminated from the leading positions.. The
Macedonians do not show their attitude. They are quiet, waiting
for the proper moment to realise their idea. They are afraid of
Belgrade, because the central Committees of the Yugoslav CP has
other views. It believes tat the Macedonian Republic should remain
within Yugoslavia. Comm;uiists with views other than this are traito:
to the Party.
The Macedonian Republic was nationalised immediately
after the liberation, first of all. Bank Institutes, the industry,
the shops, the craft changed from private ownership into national
ownership. The nationalisation of the villages was started at
once with the creation of land cooperatives - of kokhoses. The
transition period progressed slowlier in other Republics. In
Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia it has not been closed yet for the
individual economy branches.
The new authorities confiscated the property of all Serbs
who left Macedonia during the war, respectively the bulgarian
occupation, and escaped to Serbia. Not only were they deprived of
their property, but even forbidden to return to their houses. No
decree was passed, they simp-y got no certificate of residence.
Such is the case of the UALIC brothers, known merchants of
SKOPLJB who are dacedonians and own an estate in Macedonia, or that
of Milorad RT ;TIC, former General of the Yugoslav Army. be settled
at bnOPLJt; after the first world war and built four houses: two
for his daughters, for each the son and himself one
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all grown up, with many children. They live at Belgrade now and are
not allowed to return to olU:'LJB. Another case is that of Ing.
#dihajlo KRSTIC. He inherited, prior to World War II, the known
hotel "Bellevue" at OHRID (by the lake) from his parents. He was
sentenced by the OriRIL Court to one year's loss of natiohal honour
and confiscation of the hotel. his parents were really from bITOLJ,
while he wasx born at belgrade. Consequently, if anybody, the
court at Belgrade was responsible for the case. Meanwhile, the
court at Belgrade gave absolutely no consideration to the question.
KRSTIC did not know about the sentence and, consequently, was
unable to appeal in time. Such attitude of the new authorities
toward people who are oriented to Belgrade, can be understood only
if it is known that the Macedonian Communists on power are -
pro-Bulgarian. The authorities are suspicious of and dislike to
permit the return of people who, for justified fear of Bulgarian
reprisals in 1941, left Macedonia. Things were not different with
Bane ANDttBJEV, member of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav
Communist Party and Minister of the Central Government. He was
not appointed secretary of the Macedonian Communist Party because
he was considered pro-Belgrade. Although himself a Communist, he
was considered by ;iac edonian Communists as pro-Serbian (the author
of the letter is a school fellow of Bane ANDREJEV whose name In
prewar Yugoslavia was ANllM:Ji;VIC. He and the author studied at the
Belgrade technical faculty. Note from 99). After the publication
of the Resolution, Bane ANLHEJBV took the Soviet view on the
Macedonian question. Since this became publicly known in Belgrade,
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Bane ANDREJEV was compelled to deny this news in the daily Press
and declare himself against the resolution, as well as give a
declaration of loyalty to Tito. However, his statement is not
trusted much.
The hesolution was accepted with joy by the Communist
authorities in Macedonia. The Macedonian Parliament (ivarodno
Sobranje) was ready to prozclaim the cession of the People's
Republic of Macedonia from Yugoslavia and its incorporation into
Bulgaria. The Communist authorities in Macedonia believed that
the time has come for the realisation of their idea and desire.
Events proved that it was too early. Marshal Tito and his
Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party were still going
strong. The episode was concluded by the dismissal of a few
Ministers of the Macedonian Government, a regular trial at
SKOPLJE, the dismissal of all suspected Communists. Some of them
escaped to Bulgaria, among them Communist MRs from the Macedonian
Parliament. Others, who publicly approved the resolution, were
arrested. The separatist idea, though not realised, is nursed
secretly by ruling Macedonian Communists. At a favourable moment
it will appear again (such are the statements of Ing.HARALAiMiOVIC,
employed in a factory near SKOPLJE; of Metodije -8WD4oVI('.',, graduat-
ed lawyer, department head of the Executive People's Committee of
SKOPLJE. Both are Macedonians and reliable men).
The Belgrade Macedonians (some 30,000 men) who
worked and longed for a n4acedonian Staten for years, did not
go the newly created Macedonia. P'or them she remained alien and
unfamiliar. They are afraid of her. Their emiggree Co ception or
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Belgrade Macedonians to the Macedonian question is Onufrije
KOSTIC, buffet owner and proprietor of STALJ 1N(1HAUbtiA ULIUA.
Having emigrated to the USA, he returned to Yugoslavia long before
the war, brought plenty of dollars and bought a block of houses
from the cafeteria UINIC toward the workers' Home (Radnicki Dom).
He lived here with two brothers, many children, relatives and
other family members. he operated a buffet in one of his shops.
His buffet was the centre of Macedonians. Whoever came from
Macedonia, he passed through Uncle Onufrije's buffet. All who
longed for a Macedonian State came to see Uncle Omifrije. Uncle
Onufrije had many troubles because of his Macedonia - he suffered
much. The old Yugoslavia interned him at a camp in tiiLECt;. his
friend Dr.ivan JIBAh was interned with him. r'inally the Communists
realised the dream of uncle Unufrije, they created the Macedonian
ttepublic. Yet, Uncle Onufrije did not go to Macedonia, though
he suffered much for her. The Macedonians again met at uncle
Onufrije's buffet. The new authorities did not allow it. The
Communists again arrested uncle Unufrije. He was sentenced to
8 months of forced labour., but his friend i)r.ivan h1BAtt?, eresident
of the Presidium of the Yugoslav cepublic, did not forget him.
His sentence was commuted into a fine. The authorities disliked
the buffet, however, which was the centre of Macedonians. The
buffet was closed down. Mill, Macedonians passing through Bel-
grade, call upon uncle Unufrije to hear when this state would take
an end.
They created the Macedonian language. All family names
were altered. books are printed in Macedonian, which the Macedonians
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do not understand. :Lany.Uommunists oppose the new language. Ueda
MINDEhOVjC, secretary general of the Yugoslav writers League (Udru-
zenje Knjizevnika Jugosiavije), was resolutely against the Macedo-
nian language as director of the publishing organisation of Serbia,
"PhOSvJJ2h", and refused to print books in Macedonian. Meanwhile
the idea prevailed that a dacedonian language had to be created and
it is being created now (Aacedonians speak a language which posses-
ses more ancient blav words than the Serbian. It is a transition
between the Serbian and Bulgarian languages, but more related to
the Bulgarian. This language was never written in books, since
the Macedonian intelligentsia studied eitner in Bulgaria or Yugo-
slavia. Tney learned theoerbo-Croat language and made it their
literary language. After world Year I, the Serbian writer of Macedo-
nian origine, Uligorije 3OZOVIC, wrote a few works in Macedonian
wriic.h he', as a writer, crested uimself. . The ~-Ylacedonian language of
today is created by decrees of the Communist regime. Note from 99).
J, :Macedonian opera was founded. Joca bhktULJ, iormerly
director of the Belgrade Opera, was called to organise the new
institution. lne ilacedonra b inister of Pnlightenment demanded tnat
all operas be sung; in aacedunian. in vain ohrWLJ argumented the
difficulty and unnecessary efforts linked with such underta4ing.
He argued that because of cadres and other Operas in the country
it is far better that they are sung in aerbo-.roat. let, "~avalleria
?nusticana?r was sung; in ,dacedonian. 'A ?LULJ, in the end, refused to
fight about with the new language, inspite of the hign salary which
he was offered, and r?eturtcc to Belgrade. however, the Ustashi
former martial b&nu leader, Lovro Colonel, and T ,CIC, PA VBLIt;1 s
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o he Ztiurtt r peru, adopted the lace o. - j ilL age wita
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"great zeal". lie is now tree ::~jnu-uctor of the ~,ia_cedoniarl Opera..
Lie went to Macedonia strai ,nt from the Prison.
Tito thought that by creating the -Macedonian language
he would win the Aaceuonian people, above all the weak aceuonian
intelligentsia wiio were Mostly educated in Bulgaria and thought
pro-Bulgarian. in the begin:zyng it appeared that ne was fully
successful, and that the r eojle l s nepublic of Macedonia is his
most faithful republic. such was the situation as long as the
Macedonian intelligentsia, exploiting the rights awarded by i'ito,
thought that, they were drifting away from the Lderbians, from
Belgrade. It was the trend toward independence. dditn. tide Cominforn
j'esolution, however, the same Macedonian Communist intelligentsia
believed that the time has come to snow their true colour and
manage the following step - incorporate ?Macedonia into Bulgaria.
As far as tnis, the efforts of the Yugoslav Communist Party with
regard to Macedonia, failed. The Communist attempt to create a
"Macedonian republic" proved a, failure. They created a hepublic
without republicans, a soci&.ist -epublic, without socialists.
They created a Communist authority without politically educated
Communists. They created a language which nobody understands. lney
created a State, alien to the citizens in it. The citizens are
afraid of their :state, trey ,hate it. Only the name is reality,
the rest is deceit. The Iaceaonlans therefore did not greet the
new nepublic. They withdrewnd wait. They t,-,ink that the present
situation is only a transition period.
There are no republicans in Macedonia. The time was
too short to form them. The people in Macedonia were divided into
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pro-Serbian and pro-Bulgarian. 6ometaing more than 30 years have
passed since the country was Liberated from the Turks. The traces
of slavery are still cle--riy visible. the hepublic is something
new for the people.
There are even less Socialists. These can be formed from
a democratic atmosphere, in a future Macedonian Republic. There are
no really educated Communists. The dacedonian Communist authority
is pro-Bulgarian. it is far more nationalistic than Communist -
proletarian. It tends toward Sofia. It is suspicious of whatever
comes from Belgrade. Such authority is no Communist authority,
the ruling people are no Comae-fists. They pretend to be Communist.
The Macedonian rep-ublic is the most unstable Tito's
.Republic. Tier Communists are pro-Lulgarian. Their view of the
Macedonian question is pro-rkussian. Their cultural links with
Sofia are stronger than tr1oLe withi Belgrade. The Macedonian
Parliament Is in a revolutionary mood. The first forceful quake
will separate Macedonia from. tie remaining republics.
The :Macedonian citizens. are suspicious of the Communist
regime. They do not lice it. lne activities of the Government have
no appeal to them. They are foreign and unintelligible. They wish
to get rid of the rulers at a favourable moment.
They do not trust the Soviet Union, either. They expect
nothi;ig from it.
The 4acedonian citi4ens wish to get rid of any authority,
any dictatorship, first of all 94` the Communist. Tney want to create
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a Macedonian hepublic from the present People's xepublic of
Macedonia, the PIhIN Macedonia in bulgaria, and from the Greek
Macedonia. This Macedonian 1epublic would join a great Balkan
r'ederation.
While the wear; stratum of intellectuals are largely
linked with Bulgaria and the soviet Uniori, the iaceaonian people,
the ordinary citizens, are linked with America. Through decennia
they were emigrating to America. Many houses in Macedonian
villages were built with money brought from America. These are
the visible marks of American power. Today the Macedonians whisper
among themselves tnat a~merica wants to create such a Macedonian
Republic. Of course, the appeal of the rumour is strong.
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