TRANSLATION OF EXCERPTS FROM "ON THE PARTY AND SOVIET PRESS"

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R002100200006-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 187
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 25, 2013
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: January 1, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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NOTE
This project consists of 'translated excerpts from 0 Pirtiynoy
Sovetskoy Pechati [On the Party and Soviet Press] which itself consists,
in many cases, of mere excerpts of original sources. Sources when included
in the book are given here.
Brackets indicate translator's comments, expansion of abbreviations,
or transliteration from the Russian.
Translation of Excerpts From
"On the Party and Soviet Press
Collect.On of Documents)
*nom, 1954
TABLE OF CONTENTS
The Sixth Congress of the RSDBP(b) (August 1917)
Organizational Report of the Central Comuittee (From the
Report of Ya. K. Sverdlov)
From Resolutions and Decisions of the Congress
The Pre-Election Campaign to the Constitutuent Assembly 4
From the Statutes of the Russian Social-Democratic 4
Workers' Party
On Propaganda 5
Manifesto Of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' ?arty 6
STAT
Decree on the Press, A, Decree of the Council of Peoples' Commissars 14 -
(November 1917)
On the Revolutionary Tribunal .on Press Affairs; a Decree of the .16
Council of People's Commissars (January 1918)
Editorial in the First Issue of the Newspaper Bednota (March 1918) 18
Letter of the Central Committee of the RKP on Proletkulty
[Proletarian Cultural Organizations] (December 1920)
The Tenth Congress of the RKP(b) (March 1921)
Resolution of the Congress on Party Unity
Resolution of the Congress on_Glavpolitprosvet and
Agitation and. Propaganda Tasks of the ?arty
On Antireligious Propaganda (August 1921) .
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The 11th Congress of the RKP(b) (March 1922)
Resolution of the Congress on Press and. Propaganda
Central Committee Letter on the Plan of Local Newspapers (June
1922)
Central Committee Letter on Party Magazines (June 1922)
The 12th Congress of the RKP(b) (April 1923)
From the Resolution of. the Congress on Industry
From the Resolution of. the Congress on the National Question
Resolution of the Congress on Questions of Propaganda, Press, 48
and Agitation
Resolution of the Congress an Setting up Antireligious 67
Agitation and Propaganda
Editorial in the First Issue of the Newspaper Krasnaya Zvezda 71
(January 1924)
Priority Tasks of the Party in the Field of the Press: From a 73
Decree of the Central Committee (February 1924)
The 13th Congress of the RP(b) (May 1924) 83
A Resolution [Rezolyutsiya] on the Press 83
Plenum of the TSK RKP(b) (October 1924) 96
From the Resolution of the Plenum on the Immediate 96
Tasks of Work in the Village
On Wall newspapers
Decree [Postanovleniye] of the Orgburo TaKRKP(b) (December
1924)
On the Peasant Periodical Press , 104
Decree of the Orgburo TaK RKP(b) (February 1925) . 104
On the Policy of the Party in the Field of Artistic 110
Literature [i. e. Belles Lettres]
Resolution of the TsKRKP(b) (June 1925)
Regulations (Polotheniye] on the Telegraph Agency of the 116
USSR (TASS)
Confirmed by the Presidium of the TsIK USSR and the SNK 116
USSR (July 1925)
PAGE
33
33
41
45
47
47
47
100
110
-b -
PAGE
The 15th Congress of the VKP(b) (December 1927) 120
From the Resolution on the Report of the Central Committee 120
On Wasuresfor the Improvement of? the Press for Youth and .
Children
Decree of the TsK VKP(b) (July 1928)
The 16th Conference of the VKP(b) (April 1929)
123
123
126 -
On the Purge (Chistka] and Check-up CProverka] of Members 126
and Candidates of the VKP(b) - From a Resolution of the
Conference on the Report of M. Yaroslavskiy
To all Workers and Peasant Workers of the Soviet Union
(The Address of the Conference)
On the Reorganization of the Newspaper Network in Connection
with the Elimination of Okrugs
The Decree of the Tall: VKP(b) (August 1930)
On (Training] Newspaper Workers
The Decree of the TaKVKP(b) (November 1930)
On Poster Literature
The Decree of the TsKVKP(b) (March 1931)
On the Reorganization of the Worker and Village Correspondent
(Rabseltkorovskiy] Mbvement
Decree of the TtKVKP(b) (April 1931)
On the Publishing House "Mblodaya Gvardiya" ("Young Guards"]
The Decree of the TsKVEP(b) (Decetber 1931)
On the Reorganization of Literary and Art Organizations
The Decree of the TsE:VKP(b) (April 1932)
The Misinterpretation by Some Local Party Organizations of
the Decree of the TsK VKP(b) on Resuming the Admittance of
New Members into the VKP(b)
The Decree of the TsK VKP(b) (October 1936)
On Organizing Party Propaganda in Connection with the
PUblicatian of A Short Course in the History of the VKP(b)
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126 .
134
134
136
136
139-a
139-a
140
140
. 145
- 145
149
149
151
151
154
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^
Decree of the TsKVKP(b) (NbveMber 1938) ?
On Literary Criticism and. Bibliography
[A Report on the Decree of] the Central Committee of
the VKP(b), 1940
On the Work of Rayon Newspapers
Letter of the Administration of Propaganda 81101 Agitation
of the TsKVKP(b) (March 1942)
On the Work of War Correspondents at the Front
From the Regulation Confirmed in 1942 by the Administration
of Propaganda and Agitation of the TSK VKP(b) and the Mein
Political Administration of the Red Army
On the Tasks of Rayon, Oblast, Kray, and Republic Newspapers
in Connection with the Harvesting of Crops and Procurement
of Agricultural Products in 1942
Letter of the Administration of Propaganda and Agitation
of the TsKVKP(b), July 1942
On the Shortcomings of Newspapers in Giving an Account of
the Work of Industrial Enterprises
Letter of the Administration of Propaganda and. Agitation
of the TsKVKP(b) to all Editors of City, Oblast, Kray,
and Republic Newspapers (March 1943)
On the State of and Measures for Improving MAss-Political and
Ideological Work in the Taterskaya ASSR Party Organization
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1944
On the Immediate Tasks of Party Organizations of the Communist
Party (Bolsheviks) of Belorussia in the Field of Maze-
Political and Cultural-Educational Work Among the Population
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1944
On the Four-Page Issues of Oblast,. Kray, and Republic News-
Papers for 29 July 1945
In the Central Committee,VEP(b)
On the Four-Page Issues of Republic, Kray, and Oblast
Newspapers for 5, 12, and 19 August 1945
In the Central Committee VKP(b)
d -
PAGE
Concerning the Agitation-Propaganda Work of Party
Organizations in Connectpan with the Law Passed on
the Five-Year Plan for Rehabilitation and Development
of the National Economy of the USSR for 1946-1950
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1946
On Measures for Improving the Oblast Newspapers Mblot
PAGE
258
258
261
261
271
271
273
273
277
278
278
291
291
297
297
3014
311
311
318
318
326
326
154
179
179
183
183
195
195
198
198
211
211
237
237
243
243
248
248
252
252
-
(Rostov-on-Don), Volzhskaya Kommuna (Kuybyshev), and
Kurskaya Pravda
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1946
On Party and Social-Political Periodicals
Decree of the TSKVKP(b) "On Periodicals of the Central
Committee, 1946'
On the Work of OGIZ Publishing Houses] of the
RSFSR
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1946
On the Work of the Party Committees of the Ivanovskiy Melange
CoMbine, the Glukhovskiy Cotton CoMbine, and the Tashkentskiy
Textile Combine, 1946
On the Training and Additional Training of Leading Party and
Soviet Workers
In the Central Committee VKP(b), 1946
On the Periodicals Zvezda and Leningrad
From the Decree of the TaK VKP(b) of August 1946
On the Repertoire of Drama Theaters and Measure for its
Improvement
From a 26 August 1946 Decree of the Central Committee VKP(b)
On the Film Bollshaya Zhizn' [Great Life]
The Decree of the TsKVKP(b) of 4 September 1946
On the Shortcomings in and Measures for Improving the Work with
Agitators in the Stalingrad Party Organization
In the Cetral Committee VKP(b), 1947
On the Opera Velikaya Druzhba [The Great Friendship] by
V. MUradeli
The Decree of the TsK VKP(b) of 10 February 1948
On the Magazine Krokodil
On the Decree of the TsK VKP(b), 1948
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On the Creation of Editorial Boards in Republic, Kray, and
Oblast Newspapers, 1948
On the Shortcomings in and Measures for Improving the
Publication of Political Posters
Decree of the TsK VKP(b), 1948
Concerning the Magazine Znagya
A Check-up on the Fulfillment in 1948 by the Editorial
Staff of Znamya of the 1946 Decree of the TsE:VKP(b)
Concerning the Magazines Zvezda and Leningrad
On the State of and Measures for Improving Party Education in
the Yaroslavskaya Oblast Party Organization
The Decree of the TsK VKP(b), 1949
PAGE
-329
330
330
333
333
337
337
On the Work of the Gosplanizdat [Publishing House of Gosplan] 342
and the Magazine Planovoye Khozyaystvo [Planned Economy]
Decree of the TsK VKP(b) of January 1950
On the Serious Shortcomings in the Selection of Autkors for
Articles in the Large Soviet Encyclopedia
.Decree of the TsK VKP(b) of September 1951
On the Shortcomings in the Magazine Ktokodil and Measures for
its Improvement
314,2
344
346
Decree of the TsK VKP(b) of September 1951 346
On the Serious Shortcomings and Errors in the work of 347
Gosyurizdat [State Publishing House of juridical Literature]
Decree of the TsK VKP(b) of April 1952
On the Facts of the Flagrant Political Distortions of the
Texts of Dem'yan Bednyy's Works
Decree
On Measures
Decree
of the TsK VKP(b) of April 1952
for the Improvement of City Newspapersq
of the TsK VKP(b) of July 1952
On the Shortcomings in the Divh-rib?t4^1, of Newspapers
Magazines
Decree of the TsK KPSS of June 1953
On the Serious Shortcomings in the Work of Gospolitizdat
[State Publishing House of Political Literature]
-
Decree of the TsKEPSS of December 1953
-f -
347
350
350
352
352
357
357
361
361
a
;$2
? OW
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USSR DECREES ON THF PRESS, 1917-1953
THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF TBE RSDRP (b), (August, 1917)
A total of 157 delegates with a deciding vote and 110 delegates with
a consultative vote, representing about 240,000 members of the party, were
present at the congress, which met in Petrograd from 26 July-3 August
(8-16 August) new calendar) 1917.
The agenda of the congress was: (1) report of the Organization Bureau;
(2) report of the Central Committee of the RSDRP(b) [Russian Social-Demo-
cratic Workers' Party (Bolsheviks)]; (3) local reports; (4) the current
situation, including: (a) the war and the international situation, and
(b) the political and economic'i. situation; (5) revision of the program;
(6) organizational problems; (7) elections to the Constituent Assembly;
(8) the International (instructed by the Central Committee to draw up a
reso1utio4; (9) the unification of the party; (10) the trade-union movement;
(11) elections; 0.2) miscekazaneous questions. In addition, the report of
G; K. Ordzhonikidze on V. I. Lenin's non-appearance at court was discussed.
The congress was held illegally. Pursued by the sleuths of the Pro-
visional Government, V. I. Lenin was unable to be with the congress, but he
guided it secretly through his companions-in-arms and followers, I. V.
Stalin, Ya. M. Sverdlov, V. M. Molotov, and G. K. Ordzhonikidze.
The political report of the Central Committee and the question of the
political situation, in which the guiding instructions of V. I. Lenin were
stated, were the main questions discussed by the congress. In his reports'
on these problems, I. V. Stalin pointed out that in spite of all efforts
of the bourgeoisie to put down the revolution, the revolution was growing
and developing, and had produced the problem concerning the effecting of
workers' control over production and the dietrfbution of products, concerning
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the transfer of land to the peasants., and concerning the transfer of power
from the hands of the bourgeoisie into the hands of the working class and
the poor peasants. The revolution was becoming socialist in character.
At the congress, I. V. Stalin laid down the Leninist' tactics of the
party in the struggle for the socialist revolution, established a slogan
for the preparation of armed revolt, defended the-Leninist theory of
socialist re'volution, the theory of the possibility of the building up of
socialism initially in a single country. The congress decisively rebuffed
a group of Trotskyists who had spoken against the Party line on the prole-
tarian revolution, and who had thought the victory of socialism in Russia
impossible.
The congress rejected the capitulatory policy of Bukharin, which was
based on Trotskyist lines, and maintained that the peasants had assumed a
defensive attitude, and that they were in a bloc with the bourgeoisie and
were not following the working class. The congress rejected the amendments
of Preobrazhenskiy and Bukharin and approved the draft resolution on the
political situation proposed by I. V. Stalin.
. The congress discussed and approved the economic platform of the
Bolsheviks, the main principles of which were: confiscation of the land of
all landowners and the nationalization of all the land in the country,
nationalization of banks) nationalization of large-scale industry, and es-
tablishment of Worker's control over-production and distribution.
The sixth congress emphasized with special force in all of its deci-
sions the Leninist principle on the unity of the proletariat and +1,e poor
Peasantry, as conditions for the victory of the socialist r,volution.. The
congress condemned the Menshevist theory of the neutrality of trade unions.
The question of the appearance of V. I. Lenin for trial was discussed
at the congress. Kamenev, Rykov, Trotskiy, and others -- even prior to the
congress -- thought that V. I. Lenin should appear at the court of the
2
counter-revolutionaries. The congress decidedly spoke out against the
appearance of V. I. Lenin at court, arguing that this would not be a trial
but a mockery of justice. The congress protested against the bourgeois-
political persecution of leaders of the revolutionary proletariat and sent
its greetings to V. I. Lenin .
The sixth congress adapted new party statutes. It was pointed out in
the party statutes that all party organizations should be built on the
principles of democratic centralism.
The party manifesto issued by the congress called upon workers,
soldiers, and peasants to prepare their forces for the final battle with the
bourgeoisie. The sixth congress aimed the party at an armed revolt, at a
socialist revolution.
The congress elected the following as members of the Central Committee:
V. I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin, Ya. M. Sverdlov, F. E. Dzerzhinskiy, Artem (F. A.
Sergeyev), S. G. Shaumyan, and others.
Organizational Report of the Central Committee (From the Report of Ya. M.
Sverdlov)
The Central Committee, through Pravda has carried out both ideological
and practical leadership of the entire party. In Pravda the comrades have
.found answers to all theoretical questions. During the time of the party's
underground existence, evasions were necessary, but now there is no need
for them. -- From Protokoly Shestogo S%rezda RSDRP(b) (Proceedings of the
Sixth Congress of the RSDRP(b)), pp 37-38, 1934. [Note: Source citations
in this work are translated as they appear.]
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From Resolutions and Decisions of the Congress
1. The Pre-election Campaign to the Constituent Assembly
III. Agitation
7. Written agitation:
(a) 15ublication of a peasant newspaper;
(b) popular pamphlets and. leaflets, stating simply all the
basic slogans of our platform;
(c) the publication by a Central CoMmission of a guide for
agitators, indicating the plan and contents of speeches, as well as lists of
the necessary literary sources. In addition, this guide should give the
main principles of the electoral law, its special features, and electoral
techniques.
8. Oral agitation: to be conducted by cadres of trained workers.
To this end, short-term courses for agitators should be organized under the
Central Commission and in the local areas; in addition, the sending of
knowledgeable workers and soldiers into the villages during the election
campaign period should be practiced.
. 2. From the Statutes of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party
1. Anyone who acknowledges the program of the party, enters one
of its organizations, obeys all the resolutions of the party) and pays
membership dues is recognized as a member of the party.
6. All organizations are autonomous within their own scope of
activity. Each organization of the party has the right to publish party
literature in its own name.
7. The party organizations are organized according to rayons and
oblasts. Rayon and oblast committees are elected at rayon and oblast con-
ferences.
11.
The boundaries of rayons and dblasts are determined by rayon
conferences. In the case of a disagreement between neighboring dblasts,
resolution of the problem is turned over to the Central Committee.
8. New, party organizations are approved by oblast committees, and
in their absence, by the Central Committee. Control over the approvals
rests with the Central Committee. The Central Committee announces each new
organization in the party press.
13. The Central Committee is elected annually at the congress. For
its day-to-day work, the Central Committee chooses a small group from its
membership.
Plenary sessions of the Central Committee are held at least
once every two months. The Central Committee represents the party in its
relations with other parties and institutions, organizes various party
institutions and directs their activity) appoints the editorial staff of
central organs working under its control, organizes and manages enterprises
of general party importance, distributes the forces and resources of the
party) and manages the central fund of the party.
3. On Propaganda
The growth of the party organization and the inclusion within its
ranks of the vast working masses from the first days of the revolution
sharply pressed upon the party the question of the correct organization of
propaganda and agitation.
The flow of intelligentsia away from the ranks of the proletarian
party, beginning in 1905, became rampart after the February Revolution,
when the class content of the activity of our party inevitably determined
the attitude toward it of nonproletarian elements.
For the purpose of deepening the consciousness of the masses unite4
in our party and adhering to it, for the purpose of strengthening the in-
fluence created by the political situation and by the historic role of Our
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organization, the (propaganda) section Gektsiya) considers necessary the
constant elucidation of our party program through discussions, couraes,
and lectures. Special attention should be given in the present case to
the clubs, the role of which is important in the extension and broadening
of our program.
For the purpose of drawing active workers from the proletarian
intelligentsia, the section considers necessary:
(1) the creation of party schools, in which the workers could
learn to speak independently;
(2) the publication of popular-scientific organs, from which
the workers could extract materials for speeches on currenttopics and on
points of our program.
Manifesto of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party
Workers of the world, unite!
To all laborers, workers, soldiers, and peasants of Russia:
Comrades! Five months have passed since the revolutionary proletariat
and troops overthrew the rule of whip and lash and put Nikolay Romanov under
lock and key.
The workers threw off the chain a in which the-police order had shackled
them. The soldier became a free citizen. In the midst of world barbarism
and brutality, the voide of the Russian Revolution resounded powerfully:
"Peace and brotherhood of nations."
The proletariat had gone in advance of the revolutionary fighters.
From the very beginning, the Russian proletariat has-understood that for
the success of the Russian Revolution, for the cause of peace, and for the
cause of freedom, the mutual support of the workers of all countries and
the international revolt of the enslaved and bleeding proletarians of Europe
were necessary. Its war-cry became: "Long live the International Revolution!"
International capital answered this cry with a plot against the Russian
Revolution. For it, the Russian Revolution signified a break-through on
the imperialist front. The Russian Revolution threatened to kindle the
flame of world revolt, to shatter and smash the power of capital, and to
grind into the dust the golden idol. For the international stock-exchange
wolves and the bosses of banks arose the full-blown problem: to smother
the Russian Revolution at any price, to destroy its forces, to decapitate
the international proletariat, and to slaughter its party.
The invaders of Russia entered into a close alliance with them, and
they became bound with secret threads. From the very first days of the
revolution, the financial bourgeoisie and its party -- the so-called party
of national freedom --
European impeMlism.
throw of the autocracy
concluded an agreement with the plunderers of West
The Russian bourgeoisie had nothing against the over-
of the tsar, the rule of which made impossible even
the conduct of war (the thievery and dissipation of tsarist ministers pre-
vented this). But the further course of the revolution threatened it with
innumerable "terrors": the revolution was to transfer land to the peasants,
curb capitalism, arm the workers, and put an end to the predatory policies.
In the dirty secret treaties of the bloody tsar, the "allied" bankers vowed
fidelity to the general cause of seizure of power and the smotheting of the
Russian Revolution. The entry of America into the war inspired the allied
imperialists still further. They knew perfectly well the value of this
"great democracy)" which electrocutes its socialists, oppresses small nations"
with weapons in hand, and through the mouths of its diplomats, unparalleled *
for their impudent cynicism, "harps" on lasting peace. The American multi-
millionaires, who have filled their 'vaults with the gold coined from the
blood of those dying in the fields of devastated Europe, have merged weapons,
finances, counterespionage, and diplomats in order to annihilate their German
colleagues in international plundering, and also to tighten the noose of
strangulation around the neck of the Russian Revolution., -
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The Russian bourgeoisie turned out to be tied in with the capitalists
of Europe and America, through both general aims and a heavy gold chain)
the ends of which met in the banking houses of London and New York. Thus
was organized the capitalist bloc against the revolution.
The petty bourgeoisie of Russia, the upper strata of th& peasantry,
and part of the workers and impoverished peasants who were deceived by
capitalism) did not see and did not want to see all the dangers of the capi-
talist conspiracy. Their parties, the Mensheviks and the Social-Revolu-
tionaries) with a majority in the Soviets, went with the large bourgeoisie.
They took the standpoint of defense, not understanding that the bourgeoisie
of all the countries deceives the workers with this word and while it talks
about defense, is thinking about seizure of power. They decided not to take
all power into their own hands but transferred it to the bourgeoisie. They
cordially greeted the "socialist-patriotic" agents of West European capitalism,
those deceivers and poisoners of the people. With each day they became
more entangled in the nets which international capital was spreading.
Only the revolutionary proletariat and its party, supported by the
poor peasants and soldiers) sounded the alarm. The party of proletarian
socialism, the party of international revolution, steadfastly and consistently
tore the deceitful mask of peace-lovers from the imperialist plunderers.
It unmasked all the intrigues of the bourgeoisie, and criticized the coward-
liness, indecision, and helplessness of the Menshevist and Social-Revolutionary
tactics. With great insistence it demanded the transfer of power into the
hands of the people, a break with the capitalists of all countries) the
publication of all secret treaties which were concealed from the people.
It demanded the immediate transfer of the land to the peasants, workers'
control over production, and universal peace, concluded by the people them-
selves. "Bread, peace, and freedom:* was written on its red banner.
In the country, writhing in the throes of a three-year war, an unpre-
cedented economic and financial crisis formed like an avalanche. The cruel
?
hammer of war crushed and ground to dust the surviving remains of the ac-
cumulated national wealth. With each day the country was becoming more
and more like a paralytic. The destruction of productive forces and their
barbarous plundering led to bankruptcy. The war, like a great vampire,
sucked dry all its lifeblood and took away all its powers There was no
fuel, raw materials, or bread. The spectre of famine began to walk through
the cities, through the living quarters of the poor. The bottomless abyss
ruin gaped before the country.
Capital is deliberately pushing the people into this abyss.
The upper bourwoi:4ie aggravated the crisis and strengthened anarchy by
shutting down enterprises and disorganizing production. The united syndica-
lists, while wailing about patriotism and the motherland and exposing re-
volutionary workers, to dishonor, persistantly and systenatically impeded
the course of production - in order to seize all power within its grasping
claws, after having created chaos and turmoil and placing the blame on tfie
workers. In the ruins of the national economy, ensnarled in the Convulsions
of war, and over the bones of countless ruined petty businessmen, the hyenas
of large-scale capitalism, greedily seizing fabulous profits in provisions
and profiting by the famine of the impoverished masses) conducted their
impudent policy of
an undercurrent of
ministers began to
labor was becoming
onslaught upon the working class. Within the lower strata
dissatisfaction and indignation with capitalism and its
ripen. The grumbling of the millions in-the armies of
more and more audible.
They were answered with a political attack. The united capital of the
allies drew up its forces for an assault on the Russian Revolution. English
and American capitalists, who, as creditors) were becoming the masters of
Russian life) united with their faithful Russian handmaidenS) decided to
deliberately drive the patently unprepared army into battle. The result of
the battle was not important to them. The frustration of the armistice, the
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renewal of military operations, and the reinforcement of the power of the
commanding officers were important to them. They again had to harness the
exhausted army to the chariot of war. They had to drown out the claps of
thunder of the class struggle and revolution with the roar of cannon.
The Social-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks approved the policy of
attack and betrayed both themselves and the revolution. With their constant
conciliation with the imperialists and their lack of any hint of resolute-
ness, they gave themselves into capt.ivity to the inveterate plunderers.
With their own hands they turned the power over to the counter-revolutionary
military clique. And the triumphant big shots of the banks and stock-exchanges
are now insolently defying the people, declaring openly their desire to con-
duct a war "to the finish", that is, without end, until it breaks from the
pressure of the gold from the vault of the American'Morgans,'until the bloody
dew thoroughly soaks the fields of the land which has been torn to pieces.
The bourgeoisie were temporarily succeeding. Where were the majestic
appeals for the brotherhood of all nations? Where were the unfurled banners
of the world revolution? The Social-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks re-
placed these appeals with the appeals for the continuation of the war. The
servants of the bourgeoisie handed over these banners to 'be desecrated by
the heroes of aggression; they smeared them with mud.'
An increase of dissatisfaction and indignation was the response given
this policy by the proletariat and progressive soldiers: And the stormy,
spontaneous outburst of this indignation led the worker and soldier out
into the street, while the Constitutional-Democratic ministers, who had re-
ceived a secret dispatch on the failure of the attack,- hastened to go off
and place all the responsibility on their Itsocialise-lackeys. The 3rd and
4th of July placed before the -leaders of the petty-bourgeois "socialism"
and before the Soviet majority this great historical problem: on whose
side were they -- with the proletariat against the .counter-revolution, or
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with the counter-revolution against the proletariat? In those days one
had to make a aecision. Here one had to choose clearly and definitely.
And they chose, these ministerial socialists: against the workers and
soldiers who displayed on their banner the slogan:
"All power to the Soviets!"
The leaders of the Soviets called out the suppressor army. Having entangled
themselves in conciliation with the counter-revolution, they supported this
.counter-revolution and directed the muzzle of a gun against the workers'
battalions, against the cream of the revolutionary forces, against the party
of the proletariat. Only this party,
post. Only it, in this fatal hour of
quarters. Only it sought to impart a
our party, remained standing at its
freedom, did not desert the workers'
peaceful and organized nature to the
action, in going along with the masses. This was its revolutionary duty.
Its revolutionary honor demanded this.
The Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries, carrying out the will of the
bourgeoisie, disarmed the revolution while at the same time arming the
counter-revolution. The bourgeoisie let them engage in the dirty business
of suppression and destruction. With their silent consent the frenzied. dogs
of villainous bourgeois' slander were unleashed against the glorious leaders
of our party. It was they who carried on a disgraceful and shameful trade
involving the lives of the proletarian leaders, betraying them one after the
other to the enraged bourgeoisie. It was they who betrayed the heart of the
revolution, a heart, which could be heard beating throughout the world, the
capital. of Russia, to being torn apart by the miliaary cadets (Yunkery) and
the Cossacks. It was'with their help that Pravda was raided and there began
a violent advance against the left flank of the revolution.
The July days opened a new page of history. For the first time the
counter-revolution temporarily gained a decisive victory, and power went
into the hands of the bourgeoisie and the military staff. Up until then
power had been divided equally. Up until then tremendous power had been in
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the hands of the Soviets. 'Behind them stood the armed masses of soldiers and
workers, the free people. Now the Soviets began to lose their strength.
Having disarmed the workers, disbanded the regiments of the revolution)
and herded Cossacks into the principal cities, they -bound themselves hand
and foot, and converted themselves into an appendage of the bourgeois govern-
ment. They silenced the "socialist? ministers. Their bourgeois colleagues
chained them. They used them when it was necessary to suppress something,
and spat upon them when they rose up to protest.
Having transferred power into the hands of the counter-revolution and
having betrayed the revolution) the leaders of the lower middle classes, of
the Social-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, began to underwrite almost
all the counter-revolutionary measures of the government. The red flag of
freedom was lowered. In its place flew the black flag of capital punishment.
The executions of soldiers and wOrkers, censorship, judicial slander) counter-
espionage, arrests, the restoration of the hated tsarist legal provisions
against political crimes) dirty Okhrana slander -- all the charms of the old
regime have been set in motion by the new governments for "the salvation of
the revolution"--- by a government which is arresting revolutionaries, setting
free tsarist ministers and provocateurs, postponing the convocation of the
Constituent Assembly, and today convoking instead the ,counterrevolutionary
"Moscow Conference of the 'Big Shots' of Industry and Trade. Having
strengthened its position within the country) the counter-revolution went
'over to old methods in other respects. A decisive attack is being carried
on against the Ukrainians not only by decrees, but also by cuirassiers.
They are disbanding the Finnish Seim and are using armed force to threaten
the very right to self-determination, which was so solemnly proclaimed in
,official declarations. Dark intrigues are being carried on through govern-
ment envoys against the meeting of even the most moderate "socialists" in
Stockholm.
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The slogan, "Peace without Annexation"- was relegated to the archives,
and in its place the Milyukov and Guchkov slogan was displayed: "War to
Complete Victory". Kerenskiy proclaims the slogan, "Annihilate the Bolsheviks"
and sends a telegram "in the name of the Russian people" to that next-of-kin
of Wilhelm Hohenzollern and Nikolay Romanov -- the English King George. The
slogan of the revolution: "Peace to the Hovels, War Against the Palaces"
is being replaced by the slogan" "Peace to the Palaces, War Against the
Hovels".
But the counter-revolution is celebrating its victory prematurely. It
cannot feed the hungry with a bullet. It cannot wipe away the tears of
mothers and wives with the Cossack lash. It cannot dry the sea of suffering
with lasso and noose. It cannot soothe the people with bayonets. It cannot
stop the breakdown of industry with a peremptory order.
The subterranean forces of history are at work. In the very depths of
the popular masses, an undercurrent of dissatisfaction is ripening. The
peasants need land, the workers need bread, and both these and others need
peace. The stormy petrels have already begun to wing their way throughout
the world. In England the workers are already beginning an open struggle
against the control of capitalism; in France,- soldiers are agitating for
peace and revolution; in Germany) there is continuous ferment and strikes
and in America, the bourgeoisie is turning to the execution of socialists
raising the banner of the struggle against war; Spain has been enveloped in
the flames of the revolutionary struggle of classes. Financiers of-all
countries are already meeting in secret conferences to discuss the imminent
threat. They already hear the iron step of the workers' revolution. They
already see the inevitable.
Our party is going into this close combat with flying banners. It
holds them firmly in hand. It has not bowed before the ravishers and the
dirty slanderers) the traitors to the revolution, and the servants of capi-
talism. Henceforth, they will hold these banners high, while fighting for
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socialism and for the brotherhood of nations. For it knows that a new
movement is approaching, and the death-hour of the old world is coming.
Prepare for new battles, comrades-in-arms.: Steadfastly, bravely, and
calmly, without yielding to provocation, gather up your forces, form fight-
ing columns! Under the banner of the party, you proletariat and soldier!
Under our banner, you oppressed of the villages!
Long live the revolutionary proletariat!
Long live the union between the workers and poor peasantry!
I-, Down with the counter-revolution and its "Moscow Conference:
Long live the world workers' revolution!
Long live socialism!
Long live the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party (Bolsheviks)! --
The Sixth Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party (Bolsheviks),
Petrograd, 12 August 1917.
The above selections from resolutions and decisions of the Sixth Con-
gress are taken from KPSS v Rezolyutsiyakh I Resheniyakh (The CPSU in Resolu-
tions and Decisions), vol 1, pp 379-380, 384-385, 387, 389-394.
DECREE ON Tht PRESS (NOVEMBER, 1917)
In the terrible decisive hour of the revolution and the days immediately
following it, the Provisional Revolutionary
take a whole series of measures against the
its various [liolitical],shadings.
Immediately there arose from all sides
Committee was forced to under-
counter-revolutionary press
cries that the new socialist
in
government was thus violating the fundamental principle of their program,
having infringed upon the freedom of the press.
The worker and peasant government turns the attention of the populace
to the fact that in our society what is really hidden behind this liberal
screen is freedom for the propertied clases t? take into their own hands
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the lion's share of all the newspapers, freedom to freely poison the minds
and to sow discord in the consciousness of the masses.
Everyone knows that the bcurgeois press is one of the most powerful
weapons of the bourgeoisie. Especially in this critical moment when the
new government) the government of workers and peasants, is just gaining ?
strength, it is impossible to leave this weapon entirely in the hands of
the enemy, as it was no less dangerous in these times than bombs and machine-
guns. That is why temporary and special measures have been taken to suppress
the stream of dirt and slander, in which the yellow and green [peasant] press
would readily drown the new victory of the people.
As soon as the new order gains strength, all administrative influence
upon the press will be discontinued, and full freedom established for it
within the limits of legal responsibility, in accordance with the broadest
and most progressive law in this respect.
Considering, however, the fact that constraint of the press even in
critical moments is permissible only within the limits of absolute necessity,
the Council of People's Commissars decrees the following:
- General Regulation on the Press
1. Only the following press organs are subject to closure: (1) those
which invite open resistance or disobedience to the worker and peasant
government; (2) those which spread discord by means of clearly slanderous
distortion of facts; (3) those which invite acts of a clearly criminal,
that is) criminally punishable nature.
2. Restraints upon organs of the press, either temporary or permanent,
are to be imposed only in accordance with decrees of the Council of People's
Commissars.
3. The present regulation is of a temporary nature and will be re-
placed by a special ukase with the return of normal conditions of public
life. -- Vladimir Ul'yanov (Lenin), Chairman of:the Council of People's-
Commiasars. From Pravda, 10 November 1917.
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: ON TBE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL ON PRESS AFFAIRS; A DECREE OF THE
COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS (JANUARY, 1918)
(1) The Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs is set up under the
Revolutionary Tribunal. The jurisdiction of the-Revolutionary Tribunal on
Press Affairs extends to crimes and misdemeanors against the people, com-
mitted through the use of the press.
(2) To crimes and misdemeanors through the use of the press belong all
dispatches containing false or distorted information on occurrences of public
life, in so far as they are infringements upon the rights and interests of
the revolutionary people, as well as violations of laws issued by the Soviet
government concerning the press.
(3) The Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs consists of three per-
sons, elected for a term of not more than three months by the Soviet of
Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies.
(4) (a) Committee of Inquiry, consisting of three persons elected by
the Soviet of Workers' Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, is set up under
the Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs for the carrying out of preliminary
investigations.
(b) Upon receipt of reports or complaints, the Committee of Inquiry
must, within 48 hours, consider them and draw up a case for court trial or
arrange for a hearing in a session of the Revolutionary Tribunal.
(c) Decisions of the Committee of Inquiry concerning arrests,
searches, seizures, and the release of arrested persons are valid if they are
made by a board consisting of three persons. In cases which are not urgent,
measures of suppression can be taken individually by each member of the
Committee of Inquiry, provided such measures are approved by the Committee
of Inquiry within 12 hours.
(d) Decrees of the Committee of Inquiry are cazried out by the Red
Guards, the militia, and :the troops and executive organs of the Republic.
94.
(e) Complaints on decisions of the Committee of Inquiry are made
to the Revolutionary Tribunal and are considered in an administrative -
session of the Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs.
(f) The Committee of Inquiry has the right to: (1) demand from
all departments and officials, and also from all local self-governments,
legal establishments and authorities, notarial institutions, public and
professional organizations, commercial-industrial enterprises, state, public,
and private credit establishments the furnishing of needed information and
documents, and also cases which have not been terminated; (2) to review
through their own members and through especially delegated persons the cases
of all the establishments and authorities mentioned in the previous item
for the extraction of needed information.
(5) Investigation takes place with the participation of prosecution and
defense.
(6) All citizens of both sexes who enjoy political rights are per-
mitted to act as prosecutors and defenders, having the right of participa-
tion in the case.
(7) Sessions of the Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs are public.
A full report of all the sessions is made in the Revolutionary Tribunal on
Press Affairs.
(8) Decisions of the Revolutionary Tribunal' on Press Affairs are final
and are not subject to appeal., The Commissariat, for cases of the press,
under the Council of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, carries
out the decisions and sentences of the Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs.
(9) The Revolutionary Tribunal on Press Affairs assigns the following
punishments: .(1) a monetary fine, (2) an expression of public reproach,
concerning which the press is enlisted to inform the general public by
methods indicated by the Tribunal,- (3) conspicuous publication of the sen-
tence or even a special refutation of the false information, (4) temporary
or permanent suspension of publication or removal from circulation,
I.
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(5) confiscation to public property of printing-houses or the publishing
equipment of the newspaper, if said equipment belongs to those indicated, (6)
deprivation of freedom, (7) banishment from the capital, from various dis-
tricts, or from the limits of the Russian Republic, (8) deprivation of all
or part of the political rights of the guilty party.
(10) The upkeep of the Revolutionary Tribunal On' PressAffairs is as-
signed to the government. -- V.-Ullyanov (N. Lenin), Chairman of the Council
of People's Commissars. From Gazeta Rabochego i Krestiyanskogo Pravitel'stva
(Newspaper of the Workers' and Peasants' Government), No 30, 22 February 1918.
EDITORIAL IN FIRST ISSUE OF THE NEWSPAPER "BEDNOTA" (March 1918)
From time immemorial it has been the custom in the world that some
people live in wealth, doing nothing, while others, even though they work,
live in inescapable poverty.
And for a long time the poor have been constantly striving to destroy
such unjust customs.
'There should be neither rich nor poor. All workers should be equal and
provided with all necessities. He who does not wish to work does not have
the right to an existence.
But it is' not easy to put an end to these deep-rooted, accursed customs.
They have taken root too deeply.
Each step. forward requires terrible sacrifices on the part of the people.
Nevertheless, we are moving forward.
The maih instrument for the enslavement of the workers (property being
invested in the land)'has now been taken from the hands" ofthe enemies of
the people.
The poor are already approaching the other strongholds of the existing
order -- banks, plants, and factories and forcing-them to serve the
people and not the capitalists.
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The path of the people toward liberation is hard and thorny. Along
with the victories, defeats have sometimes been suffered here.
But a final victory is inevitable, and it is not far distant. The
poor of the cities and villages will conquer and destroy wealth and poverty.
Our newspaper will Serve the great cause of the struggle of the city
and village poor for .the final liberation of labor from the rule of capi-
talism. -- From Bednota (Poverty), 27 March 1918.
LEX1ER OF Thi CENTRAL COMMILIZE OF THE RKP ON
PROLETKULTY OROLETARIAN CULTURAL ORGANIZATION D (DECEMBER, 1920)
The Central Committee of our party and, with its instructions, the
communist fraction of the last All-Russian Congress of Proletkulty has
adopted the following resolution:
1. On the basis of the interrelations of the proletkult with Narkompros
&ople's Commissariat of Education), a closer intimacy of the work of both
organs should be prescribed in accordance with the resolution of the Ninth
Congress of the RKP CRussian Communist Parts.
2. The creative work of proletkult should be one of the component ?
parts of the work of Narkompros as an organ effecting proletarian dictator-
ship in the field of culture.
3. Accordingly, the central organ of proletkultl.taking an.active
part in the political and educational work of the Narkompros, enters it in
the status of a section, subordinate to Narkompros and guided in its work by
the direction dictated to Narkompros by the RKP.
4. The interrelations of the local organs -- the sections of public
education and political education -- with the proletkults are formed ac-
cording to the following pattern: the local proletkults enter the public
education sections as subsections, ana they are guided in their work by the
direction given to the guberniya publie education sections by-the guberniya
committees of the RKP.
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5. The Central Committee of the RKP gives instructions to the Narkompros
to create and maintain conditions which will guarantee to the proletarians
the opportunity for free creative work in their institutions.
The Central Committee of the RKP considers it necessary to give the
following explanations to the comrades of-the proletkults, and to the leaders
of local and guberniya sections of public education and party organizations.
The proletkult sprang up before the October Revolution. It was pro-
claimed "independent" by the worker's organization, independent of the Min-
istry of Public Education at the time of Kerenskiy. The October Revolution
changed the perspective. The proletkults continued to be "independent",
but now this was "independence" from the Soviet government. For this and
a number of other reasons, elements socially alien to us rushed into the
proletkults, petty-bourgeois elements, which sometimes actually take the
leadership of the proletkults into their own hands. Futurists, decedents,
supporters of a hostile Marxism of idealist philosophy, and finally, simply
unlucky wretches from the ranks of bourgeois publicists and philosophers,
Vegan here and there to change everything in the proletkults.
Under a sort of-"proletarian culture," they presented to the workers
bourgeois views in philosophy (Machism). And in the field of art they in-
stilled the workers with absurd, unnatural tastes (futurism).
Instead of helping the proletarian youth to study seriously, to extend
its communist method of approach to all problems of life and art, these
artists and philosophers -- who we're essentially far from communism and:41Tere
hostile to it -- having declared themselves truly proletarian, prevented the
workers who had been seized by the proletkults from traveling the wide road
of free and real proletarian creative work. The intelligentsia groups and
cliques, under the guise-of proletarian culture, thrust upon the outstand-
ing workeiS their own semi-bourgeois philosophical "systems" and devices.
? The same anti-Marxist opinions, which flourished so prolifically after the
defeat of the Revolution of 1905, during the years 1907-1912, occupied the
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minds of the "socialist-democratic" intelligentsia, who were drunk at the
time of the reaction with divine creation and other types of idealistic
philosophy; the anti-Marxist groups of intelligentsia were now trying to
instill the proletkults with these same opinions in a disguised form.
If our party until now has not interfered in this matter) then this
is explained by the fact that, being occupied with military work on the
fronts, our party could not always pay the proper attention to these vital
problems. Now, when the opportunity is arising before the party to be more
thoroughly occupied with cultural-educational work, the party should pay
much more attention to the problems of popular education in general and
to the proletkults in particular.
These very intelligentsia elements, which tried to smuggle through
their reactionary opinions in the guise of "proletarian culture," are not
stirring up loud agitation against the resolution of the Central Committee
mentioned above. These elements are trying to interpret the resolution of
the Central Committee as a step which will supposedly hinder the workers
in their artistic creative work. This, of course, is not so. The best work-
ing elements of the proletkults understand completely the motives by which
the Central Committee of our party has been guided.
The Central Committee not only does not want to bind the initiative of
the working intelligentsia in the field of artistic creative work, it wants
to create for it sounder, more normal conditions and give it the opportunity
to have a fruitful effect on the whole matter of artistic creative work.
The Central Committee clearly realizes the fact that now, when the war is
ending, the interest in the problems of artistic creative work and proletarian
culture among the workers will grow increasingly. The Central Committee ?
values and respects the aspiration of the outstanding workers to put first
problems concerning the richer spiritual development of personality, etc.
The party will do everything possible to have this matter really get into
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the hands of the working intelligentsia, and to have the worker's govern-
ment give the working intelligentsia everything necessary for this purpose.
From the draft of directions drawn up by Narkompros and approved by the
Central Committee of our party, any interested person will see that the
autonomy of the reorganized worker's proletkults in the field of artistic
creative work has been guaranteed. The Central Committee gave quite exact
instructions in this plan for the activity of, Narkompros. And the Central
Committee will watch and instruct the gUberniya committees to see that the
guardianships over the reorganized proletkults do not become small-minded.
At the same time the Central Committee realizeq that in the field of
art the same intelligentsia elements which have exerted a corrupting in-
fluence in the proletkults have made themselves felt until now in Narkompros
itself. The Central Committee is striving to have the above-mentioned
bourgeois tendencies eliminated also in the Narkompros. The Central Com-
mittee made a special resolution concerning the fact that the guberniya
public education sections, which will, in accordance with the new decision,
direct the work of the proletkults and will be composed of people who have
been strictly examined by the party. In the merging of the gUberniya public
education sections with the proletkults, the Central Committee sees a guaran-
tee that better proletarian elements, which until now have been united in
the proletkults, will now take a very active part in this work and thus
help the party to give a truly proletarian nature to all the work of Nar-
kompros. The Central Committee of our party also calls for a merging as close
as possible, and for harmonious work among our educational organizations,
which should all become -- not in word but in deed ?.organs of a real,
genuine, proletarian culture. -- From Pravda, 1 December 1920.
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kl
? THE TENTH CONGRESS OF THE RKP(b) (MARCH, 1921)
Resolution of the Congress on Party Unity
1. The Congress directs the attention of all the members of the party
to the fact that unity and solidarity of its numbers, the guarantee of com-
plete trust among the-members of the party and of work of truly harmonious,
truly realized unity of mind of the vanguard of the proletariat is especially
necessary at the present moment, when a number of circumstances are in-
tensifying the indecisiveness among the'petty-bourgeois population of the
country.
2. Meanwhile, some signs of factionalism have come to light prior to
the general party discussion concerning trade-unions in the party, that is,
the springing up of groups with special platforms and with the aspiration
to withdraw to some extent and create their own group discipline.
It is necessary that all class-conscious workers clearly realize
the harm and intolerability of any factionalism :whatsoever, which inevit-
ably leads, in fact to the weakening of harmonious work and to intense
repeated attempts of enemies who adhere to the governmental party to deepen
the division and to use it for the purpose of a counter-revolution.
The utilization by enemies'of the proletariat of all deviations
from the strictly steadfast communist line showed itself with the greatest
clearness in the Kronstadt revolt, when the bourgeois counter-resiolUtion and.
the white guards in all the countries of the world suddenly revealed their,
readiness to accept the slogans of even the Soviet regime, just to over--
throw the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia, and when the socialist-
revolutionaries and the general bourgeois counter-revolution used the., slogans
of revolt in Kronstadt as though in the name of the Soviet power, but against
the Soviet government in Russia. Such facts show fully that the white guards
are striving for and can turn into communists and can even appear to be..
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"left" of them, just to weaken and overthrow the stronghold of the pro-
letarian revolution in Russia. Menshevist leaflets in Petrograd on the eve
of the Kronstadt revolt show similarly how the Menshevists used the dif-
ferences within the RKP actually in order to instigate and support the
Kronstadt rebels, the socialist-revolutionaries, and the white guards, but
appearing in words to be enemies of the revolt and supporters of the Soviet
power,. with supposedly only smell corrections.
3. Propaganda on the given problem should consist, on the one hand,
of a detailed explanation of the harm and danger of factionalism from the
standpoint of unity of the party and the realization of
of the vanguard of the proletariat, as basic conditions
the dictatorship of the proletariat; on the other hand,
unity of the will
for the success of
it should consist
of an explanation of the originality of the latest tactical methods of the
enemies of the Soviet power. These enemies, having been convinced of the
hopelessness of the counter-revolution under the unfurled white-guard flag,
are now making every effort, using the discord within-the RKP, to promote
the counter-revolution in any event through the transfer of power to the
political groupings which are seemingly closest to acknowledgement of the
Soviet power.
The propaganda should also elucidate the experience of the pre-
vious revolutions, when the counter-revolution supported the petty-bourgeois
groupings closest to the extreme revolutionary party, in order to shake and
overthrow the revolutionary dictatorship, thus opening the way for the sub-
sequent complete victory over the counter-revolution, the capitalists, and
the landowners.
y. It is necessary that each organization of the party watch closely
to see that the absolutely necessary criticism of the shortcomings of the
party, any analysis of the general lines of the party, or a calculation of
its practical experience, verification of the execution of its decisions,
and the method of correcting errors, etc., be placed for discussion before
all the members of the party, and not before groups which are putting
together some "platform," etc. For this purpose, the Congress prescribes
that a regular "Debate Leaflet" and special collections be published. Each
one, appearing with a criticism, should take into consideration the position
of the party among the enemies surrounding it, and also should 13,9 direct
participation in soviet and party work strive for correction in the matter
of mistakes of the party.
5. Instructing the Central Committee to carry out a complete abolish-
ment of any factionalism, the Congress declares at the same time that in
regard to the problems which attract the special attention
of the party -- purifying the party of non-proletarian and
ments, the struggle against bureaucratism, the development
of the members
unreliable ele-
of democracy and
the independent action of workers, etc. -- an business proposals whatever
should be considered with the greatest attention and tested in practical
work. All the members of the party should know that for these problems the
party will not carry out all the necessary measures, meeting a whole series
of various obstacles, and that, while rejecting definitely-unbusinesslike
and factioneil criticism, the party will nevertheless continue tirelessly,
testing new methods, to struggle with any means against bureaucratism, for
the extension of democracy and independent action, and for the revelation,
disclosure, and expulsion of those who (falsely) adhere to the party, etc.
6. The Congress prescribes that all groups which have formed on some
platform or other be dispersed immediately without exception and instructs
all the organizations to watch closely to see that no factional speeches
are permitted. Non-observance of this resolution of the Congress should
result in unconditional and immediate expulsion from the party.
7. In order to effect strict discipline within the party and in all
Soviet work and to achieve the greatest unity with the elimination of all
25
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factionalism, the Congress gives the Central Committee the authority to
employ, in the case (or cases) of a violation of discipline or the revival
or permission of factionalism, all measures of party punishment up to ex-
pUlsion from the party, and with respect to members of the Central Com-
mittee, their reduction to candidate status and even, as an extreme measure,
expulsion from the party. As a condition for the application of such a
severe measure (for members of the Central Committee, candidates to the
Central Committee) and members of the Control Commission) there should be a
convocation of a plenum of the Central Committee with an invitation to all
candidates of the Central Committee and all members of the Control Committee.
If such a general meeting of the most responsible leaders of the party finds
necessary by a two-thirds vote the reduction of a member of the Central
Committee to candidate status or his expulsion from the party, then such a
measure should be carried out immediately.
(Note: Point 7 of the above resolution, in accordance with a decision
of the [Tenth] Congress, was not published; it was presented for the first
time in a report by I. V. Stalin at the 13th Party Conference.)
Resolution of the Congress on Glavuolitprosvet and Agitation and Propaganda
Tasks of the Party
1. The center of the main work of Glavpolitprosvet (Main Administra-
tion of Institutions for Political Education) and its-organs should lie in
agitation-propaganda work among the masses outside the party and in their
cultural education, but the apparatus and personnel of Glavpolitprosvet
should also be used in every way possible for raising the level of knowledge
among party members (via party schools of basic political knowledge, etc.).
The center of the main work of the agitation-propaganda sections of
party committees, besides guidanee of the appropriate subordinate organs of
Glavpolitprosvet, should consist of workyithin the .party for raising the
knowledgeability of its members and for their communist education.
,
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2
ET.
F.;
;:.
Party work among the masses outside the party should be: direction of
non-party conferences and congresses) agitation during elections to the
soviets, agitation-propaganda work in connection with recruiting of new
members, and general agitation-propaganda work in connection with organiza-
tions.
2. Mutual relations of Glavpolitprosvet with the cultural-educational
divisions of trade unions should be constructed on the basis of mutual
agreement on the following principle: That VTsSPS (111-Union Central Council
of Trade Union D and Gubprofsovety Ouberniya Councils of Trade Unioni) combine
their own political-educational work with the corresponding organs of Glav-
politprosvet and will then use their own goals the apparatus and per-
sonnel of Glavpolitprosvet.
3. Mutual relations with RKSM Oussian Communist Youth Unio/D are de-
termined also by means of mutual agreements on the following bases: RKSM
conducts its own independent work among the members of the union on the
basis of a single political-educational plan. But in the field of work
among the worker-peasant youth outside the union, Glavpolitprosvet relies
upon the union as if it were its own contractor, and as long as the union
coordinates the plan of its own educational work with the general state
plan. Glavpolitprosvet does not create its own independent organ for work
among the youth.
4. The control and guidance of the political-educational work in the
Red Army and Navy should belong to Glavpolitprosvet. Political-educational
work in the extra-territorial military units and institutions (divisions,
separate brigades and units) is directed by the puokry Goolitical admin-
istrations of military district i) and by the poarmy Golitical education
sections of the arm and the managing of political-educational work is
controlled entirely by Glavpolitprosvet although the established subordina-
tion of military organs of administration and commands is preserved.
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. For precise establishment of mutual relations between the political
sections and the local party organizations, as well as for examining a
number of questions related to the transfer of direction of the political
wbrk in the army to Glavpolitprosvet, the congress has ordered the Centrdl
Committee to convoke, within one month, a meeting of responsible military
workers and members of Glavpolitprosvet and to confirm conclusively and
put into pr#ctice a system of new mutual relationships in the field of
political work in the Red Army.
5. Glavpolitprosvet should enter into the general system of Narkompros
Oeoples Commissariat of Education), which confirms the organizational plan
of Glavpolitprosvet and controls its fulfillment, coordinating the work of
Glavpolitprosvet with the work of other organs of Narkompros.
The indicated mutual relationships should not impede the transformation
of Glavpolitprosvet, in its basic work into a direct apparatus of the party
within the system of government organs.
6. One of the fundamental tasks of Glavpolitprosvet is the widespread
raising, directing, and assisting in anti-religious agitation and propaganda
among the broad mass of workers. For this goal, Glavpolitprosvet should, by
the way, makenatural and historical knowledge accessible to these masses
via, the publication of magazines, books, textbooks, the establishing of a
systematic series of lectures and the utilization of all kinds of modern
techniques (photos, movies, etc.) for the dissemination of this knowledge.
7. For successful fulfillment of their basic tasks and of mass com-
munist propaganda and agitation, Glavpolitprosvet should acquire the flexi-
bility of the party apparatus, sensitivity toward the requirements of the
masses, mobility, combining these qualities with systematism, accuracy,
speed and work according to a known plan. In addition to the urgency of
supplying the workers Glavpolitprosvet and all of its apparatus, this can
be achieved only with the transferring to politicall-educational work of a
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sufficient quantity of responsible members of"the party who have sufficient
experience in agitation-propaganda work. For achieving this same goal and
for avoiding the creation of cadres with narrow specialties in political
work, isolated from the atmosphere of general party activities, it is
necessary systematically to rotate the Glavpolitprosvet workers into general
party work, for the uninterrupted replacement of the persons who have left
by new cadres from the workers of the party organization.
Agitation and Propaganda Tasks of the Party Organs
For intensifying and improving
of the party, the congress finds it
8. The most outstanding party
the quality of agitation-propaganda work
necessary to effect the following measures:
writers must have a party obligation to
take part in the compilation of popular brochures on the important questions
which are arousing the broad masses, and on the regular tasks of Soviet
construction. Besides this, the party should strengthen the mobilization
of better agitation personnel in the center and in the local areas for
their trips into the volosts, the villages, places where the army is stationed,
for making speeches in factories, in areas of mass labor conscription, etc.
of
It is also desirable to have mutual exchanges/agitation forces for short
periods between neighboring vberniyas for a greater variety in methods and
content of agitation.
9. It is necessary that all newly entered members take a short course
for familiarization with the program. In addition, all newly entered members
should be ,divided into small circles and distributed for processing among
all responsible workers. Every senior communist should bear personal re-
sponsibility before the party .for the education of the junior communists
assigned to his _onyap. The references by circle directors should serve as
important material for evaluation of a newly entered comrade in the reregis-
tering of new members.
29
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10. The minimum program which the party should set for itself in the
field of party schools in the coming year should be the following: in
addition to the organization of two-year courses at the party university,
the creation of four higher universities and oblast soviet party schools
Cgovpartshkolaj higher than the guberniya types) the party should secure a
good supply of soviet party schools in every guberniya city with two or
three graduations a year, and should organize uyezd Soviet party schools
in not less than half the uyezds of [each] republic for a brief program.
It is necessary to assign general forces to Glavpolitprosvet, Sverdlovsk
University and the Agitation Section of the Central Committee in order to
ensure the uyezd schools not less than 300 sufficiently trained lecturers.
It is necessary to require all responsible workers' of the party to be
lecturers at the party schools and to regard this work as one of the most
important of their duties. For the purpose of creating a series of com-
munist textbooks, it is necessary to complete the mobilization of a number
of responsible party writers by the Central Committee and to introduce-a-
system of training for two months of the year in order that all mobilized
comrades fulfill this task as well as refresh their knowledge. Besides
this) it is necessary in every way to support the organization, around the
responsible senior workers, .of groups of young student communists, utilizing
for this purpose the scientific facilities of the Socialist Academy.
11. The work of the Russian Communist Union of Youth OKS has great;
quite exceptional importance in the matter of communist education and self-
education of the worker-peasant youth. The pitrty should give the union
much more attention and aid than it has up to now. For its own part, the
party should demand from the workers of the union a concentration of the
bulk of its work) mot toward representation of every type in Soviet organs,
not toward the simple increasing of its membership, but toward aiding members
of the union to master scientific communist education. Each responsible
30
worker of the union should be first of all a propagandist among the backward
comrades) and then a worker in other fields of activity in the Russian
Communist Union of Youth.
12. In its program of agitation work, the party in the coming year
should include the creation of agitation sections (agitotdely) under all
guberniya committees, oblast committees, bureaus of the Central Committee
and large party committees. These agitation sections will not have an
unnecessarily large apparatus, but will be supplied with sufficient leading
party personnel, and the heads of sections will be released from all other
regular work. Women's sections Ohednotdel0 and sections for work in the
villages should be included in the general system of agitation sections of
a given organization. The soviet party schools are organized and conducted
for political education under general theoretical guidance of party com-
mittees.
13. The head of an agitation section of a guberniya committee should
be, as a rule, a member of the guberniya committee. At the head of the
guberniya unit of Glavpolitprosvet should stand a highly responsible worker,
preferably also a member of the guberniya committee; it is permissible to
have persons holding several jobs in these posts only where there is a con-
siderable shortage of personnel.
The congress orders all. the agitation-propaganda organs of the party
and Glavpolitprosvet to develop the most efficient agitation in connection
with new zones of revolution and with the task of the struggle with the
petit-bourgeois counter-revolutionaries.
The above resolutions of the tenth congress are taken from KPSS v
Rezolyutsiyakh i Resheniyakh, vol 1, pp 527-530, 549-553.
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.ON ANTIRELIGIGUS PR0PAGANDA (AUGUST, 1921)
, t
8.* The agitation section of the Central Committee and Glavpolitprosvet
are to work on a series of popular scientific brochures, which answer as
completely as possible the questions set forth in point 7; they are to
revise those brochures and books of antireligious character which are is-
sued by-the press, and to determine how many .of them should be republished;
they are to outline new themes and to order written new brochures; as well
as turning their attention toward the proper organization of the newspaper
,"'Cliurch and the Revolution
(NOTE: Point 7 treats of the necessity for conducting serious cultural
educational work which will introduce a scientific foundation for the his-
torical elucidation Of the question of religion.)
9. 'It is necessary that the editorial staffs of party organs) particu-
larly mass organs, vary their own antireligious propaganda, that they do
this seriously, intensify it. From time to time, the very reliable organs,
where there are good literary staffs who have been well briefed in these
questions, 'should issue popUlar scientific features, which would help the
less developed workers and peasants to develop new attitudes toward, the
questions of religimi.dild morals.
10. In antireligious debates as well as in the press, narrowly directed
agitation sometimes aimed at one or another cult is'to be carefully avoided;
on the contrary, it is to be systematicallSr emphasized that the Russian
Communist Party struggles not against any separate religious group, but
against all religious world views in general. Anything which would give
occasion for any individual 'nationality to think--- or for our enemies to
say -- that we turn people from their beliefs is to be carefully avoided.
From the 9 August 1921 Decree of the Plenum" of the Central Committee
RKP(b)"On the question of the Violation of Point 13 of the Program and on
the Establishment of Antireligious Propaganda," Spravobhnik Partiynogo Rdbot-
,
nika @le Party Worker's HandbooE), second edition,' Pp 92-93.
4.
C./
THE 11TH CONGRESS OF THE RKP(b) (MARCH, 1922)
Resolution of the Congress on the Press and Propaganda
On the basis of the growth of capitalist attitvdes, the intensification
of the bourgeois inf1uanc6 is inevitable not only in the petty-bourgeois
strata of societ7, but even in the more beekward sector of the proletariat.
Having established that tile bourgeoisie LS stewing by fttins of literature
and cultural works to influent, the morking Masses, the Congress believes
that it will be necessary to counteract these influences with energetic
political work. The party, therefore, should expand and iritensify in every
possible way its agitation and propaganda work.
The press is one of the most powerful instruments in the struggle of
the party for influence upon the masses and for their communist education
and organization.
Meanwhile, the party and soviet press finds itself in a state of very
severe crisis. The most characteristic features of the crisis are: (a) a
sharp reduction of the quantity of newspapers and a decrease of circulation
in other publications, due to the lack Of monetary peens, the shortage and
expensiveness