MINUTES OF THE TENTH PLENUM OF THE POLISH UNITED WORKERS PARTY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R002000190002-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 375
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 17, 2013
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: April 10, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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,ATI-ON REPO
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
50X1-HUM
This matcrial contains information affecting the National Defense of the United States ,.1th',1 the meaning of the Espionage Laws, Title
igo us.c. Secs: '793 and '799, the transmission or revelation of which in any manner to an unauthorized perscm is prohibited by law.
NOFORN 50X1-HUM
COUNTRY Poland
SUB= Minutes of the Tenth Plenum of the
Polish United Workers Party
(AA;
cotem;c..
cert.4.0ry )
DATE OF
INFO.
PLACE &
DATE ACQ.
REPORT
DATE DISTR. 1 0 APr- 1958
50X1-HUM
NO. PAGES 1
REFERENCES RD
SOURCE EVALUATIONS ARE DEFINITIVE. APPRAISAL OF CONTENT IS TENTATIVE.
minutes of the Tenth Plenum of the Central Commii50X1-HUM
of the Polish United Workers (Communist) Party of October 1957. Two
sections of this photocopy are not contained in this translation
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S-E-C-R
NOFORN
STATE
(Note: Washington distribution indicated by "X"; Field distribution by "#".)
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TRANSLATION OF CSLT 3/67,1,895
The Tenth Plenum of the Central Committee
of
The Polish United Workers Party
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SEOP
ABBREVIATIONS
The following abbreviations appear in translation
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AK -- Armja Krai0148, Home Army
CKKP Centralna Komisja Kontroli Partyjnej, Central Commission of Party Control
KC -- KomitetCentralny, Central Committee
KD Komitet Dzielnicowy, Precinct Committee
KM -- Komitet Miejski, Municipal Committee
KP Komitet Powiatowy, Powiat Committee
KPZR Komunistyczna Partja Zwiazku. Radzieckiego, Communist Party of the
Soviet Union
KSOM TUR KSOM [unidentified] Towarzystwo Uniwersytetow Robotniczych
Society of Workers' Universities
KW -- Komitet Wojewodzki, Wojewodztwo Committee
Wepcsew-6,,m+tre
KZM Komunistyczny Zwiazek Mlodziezy, Communist Union of Youth
NKW Naczelny Komitet Wykonawczy, Chief Executive Committee [of ZSL]
?MTUR Organizacja Mlodziezy Towarzystwa Uniwersytetow Robotniczych
Youth Organization of the Society of Workers' Universities
ONR Oboz Narodowo-Radykalny, National-Radical Camp
00P Oddzialowa Organizacja Partyjna, Sectional or Branch Party Organization
PAP -- Polska Agencja Prasowa, Polish Press Agency
PIH Panstwowa Inspekcja Handlowa, State Trade Inspectorate
PKO Pocztowa (Powstechn)Kasa Oszczednosci, Postal (Gener Savings Bank
POLA Politiczny Osrodek Lewicy Akadenickiej, Political Center of the Academic
Left
POP -- Podstawowa Organizacja Partyjna, Primary Party Organization
PPR -- Polska Partia Robotnicza, Polish Workers Party
PPS -- Polska Partia Socjalistyczna , Polish Socialist Party
PSL Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Polish Peasant Party
PZGS Powiatowy Zarzad Gminnych Spoldzielni, Powiat Administration of Gmina
Cooperatives
E REF
V
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4,
NOr.
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PZPR -- Polska Zjednoczona Partja Robotnicza, Polish United Workers Party
SD -- Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, Democratic Party
SDKPiL Social-Demokracja Krolestwa Polskiego i Litwy, Social-Democratic
Party of the Kingdom of Poland and of Lithuania
TPPR Towarzystwo Przyjazni Polsko-Radzieckiej, Society for Polish-Soviet
Friendship
UB Urzad Bezpieczenstwa, Security Police
WKP(b) Wszechzwiazkowa Komunistyczna Partia (Bolszewikow), All-Union Com-
munist Party (Bolsgheviks)
ZBdWiD Zwiaek ksjownikow o Wolnosc i Demokracje, Union of Fighters for
A
Freedom and Democracy
ZHP Zwiazek Harcerstwa Polskiego, Polish Scout Union
ZMD Zwiazek Mlodziezy Demokratycznej, Union of Democratic Youth
ZMP Zwiazek Mlodziezy Polskiej, Union of Polish Youth
ZMS Zwiazek Mlodziezy Socjalistycznej, Union of Socialist Youth
ZSL Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe, United Peasant Party
ZWM Zwiazek Walki Mlodych, Union of Fighting Youth
Note:
Two sections of the following document are not translated since they
appear fully translated in other overt sources. "The Situation in the Party
and the Country," (pp 3-40 incl,.) is translated in Supplement No 16, 1957 of
the Foreign-Broadcast Information Service dated 29 October 1957. The 29
October issue of the Polish News Bulletin carries a verbatim translation
of the4Resolution of the X Plenum of the KC PZPR, the Verification of
Party Members," (pp 187-191 incl.) as it appeared in the October 29 issue
of Trybuna Ludu.
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X PLENUM
OF CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE
POLISH UNITED WORKERS PARTY
Warsaw
November
ScRET NO FORN
'
1957
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DISCUSSION
Second Day of Debates (25 October 1957)
Comrade Wiadyalaw KRUCZEK
Comrades: In progress and developing is the struggle for determining
countenance of Poland, the maintenance and further development of people.'s
democracy, the gain of Polish socialism for which our fathers and grand-
parents gave their lives; a gain which at a cost of denials, sacrifices
and blood of our best sons our generation has won and is building.
What is to be done to face the tasks of our great and aifficult
period? This is a question which each faithful party member presents him-
self today.
The Tenth Plenum should give today a universal answer to the question.
Yesterday, listening to the report of comrade Wieslaw, I discovered in it
the answer to this pressing question. However, before I turn to this I
would like to consider in several words the matter of healing the party
apparatus; how to liberate it from corrupt persons. We realize that when
we will wage the struggle for healing the party and power apparatus, we
are not allowed to forget that there will be advisers who will shout that
everything in Poland is corrupted and this blossoms in the essence of our
system. We must fight against operators and thieves, but simultaneously
we must deal with those who would spit on the party,
Rfr
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asserting that it is completely compromised, and depraved. At times
we will have to defend unjustly slandered persons. I speak about this because
the experience of the Rzeszow Wojewodztwo has shown that when we started
to investigate the abuses committed by some people on the people's councils
or in positions of the economic apparatus and the party apparatus, there
were many shouts, numerous anonymous letters to the wojewodztwo committee
stating that we will not do this, because we ourselves are connected and
because we ourselves are corrupt. And later, when applied the appropriate
measures to the many, many guilty ones, thr again it was said investigate
everyone and you will see that there isn't a single person in Poland who
wouldn't steal. Therefore, it is correctly emphasized in the report that
the matter of clean hands of our leading aktiv has exceedingly great
Importance for strengthening the authority of the party.
We are observing this very clearly. We have seen where in the
past several months we have removed from responsible positions people
guilty of corruption; we have seen this at the sessions of people's councils
when by secret balloting we have recalled and removed new candidates
enjoying the confidence of the party.
These moves were met with especially great approval by the workers
in industrial plants. But is corruption the principal disease which is
attacking the organism in the party? Will the party, free from corrupt
persons, be healthy? I don't think so. Not disregarding this problem, we
must expose the main link of our weaknesses. What sort of thing is this
principal disease?
The experience of the international worker movement and the Polish
movement, especially during the past period, teaches 112 that the development
of the party as a Leninist party is the main link in the struggle for
determining the countenance or Poland; the matter of the place and role
of the party in society, the matter of its ties with the worker class, the
peasants, and the matter of its ideology.
When we attempt to determine in the field where it is necessary to
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seek the causes of such, active- operation of diverse types of antisocialist
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elements, we always find the answer that the strength of the hostile
activity primarily results from our weakness--the weakness of our
apparatus of people's authority, and from the crisis we continue to
experience because of the. split in the party.
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SE(RET-rirrip
Th a fact that tha rightist alamants of ZSL arc. today scoffing at th.
rasolutions from the last plenum of thn NKW ZSL; that only some sort of
declarative fiction of the struggle with tha right wing is craatad; that the
611c.2
right wing speakse tha resolutions of the VII PlanueaiiMiiiilTas a
Stalinist maim resolution restricting thi indapandanca of th. ZSL and that
[ZSL
it is bringing tha party in on the path prior to the VIII Planum; that tha most
hostila; rowdy alamants are antaring various legal organizations in ord.r to
operate against us-- this is not only an objective action of th? classic
contradictions in our sociaty but also the result of th weakness of our party
as the leading power in Poland.
All thasa avil; datrimantal; antisocialist thaorias which our anemias in
the
Poland or a ad arertiZiusingh frequently hmillimmam were born in minds
of our possessors of party cards; cara.rists; and parsons accidentally in tha
movamant.
Therafora; it is an important thing to know with whom to fight in order
to strangthan tha party.
One of the matters which I would like to discuss is the problam of tha
dogmatic and consarvativa .laments which was prasantad in the raport of
comrade Wiaslaw.
I understand b.ttpr today that there can b. vacillations among many old
comradas; not only old Communists but also laad.rs from the 13-yaar pariod.
I expi4 .ncad this myself. Comradas -ithout rasistanc, only the non -idaological
o
705.7-10115.
per,4,hs,paApla without principles can shift The attack of the
revisionists on the party and socialism -- as comrade Wiaslaw stats in his raport--
had to-produce opposition among many sincere and devoted Communists.
Under the influence of this attack mampomradas asked thamsalvas the question:
whither ara we going? In the Rzeszow area, comrades who know comrade Wi.slaw and
worked with him; came to me and also asked ma this question.
Tharaforal today I think that a sincere, direct talk; a correct avaluation of
the past-- not only at the plenum but also in the daily press; in our daily
ideological work; an avaluationsof the effort and input of the aktiv in that which
d
has baan done in Polanft-- appealing to it; including it in the work of
stranehaning the auth
i\41.
r:179
y and the party; will convince it that there is
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nothing to long for in the old, ionotres4, and faulty methods of rule?.
It is difficult to believe that a allialimodim Communist desir.s to return
.11
the prior to the 20th Congress; and even i it is so, then perhaps
today they are only individual persons.
Several days ago I was in the Central Committee looking at a document which
is circulating in the party organizations som.where in Warsaw. In this document,
an attack is dir.cted at the 20th Congress, Khrushchev, Gomulka and the entire
rebirth. It is difficult to believe that a Communist's hand wrote this, that
a Communist would be able to reason 'Fein this manner. I think that this
is some sort of frightfulerror which is leading us to false conclusions. Perhaps
I am in error)but it might be that the author of this document is on. who
is pushing us to scandal.
dolt' id; Ls ci
It is primarily revisionism that is 4-1-x the party. The revisionists
A
are propagating the theory that socialism and misery are insuperably connected
with -ach other, that the personification of misery and poverty is the Soviet
Union and the symbol of abundance is the United States. Comrade Wieslaw,
the artificial moon does not make them happy. It does not bring joy to them
as it did to many of us at the hall yesterday; they are very disheartened by it
.5/71
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because this charges their theories with lies, ammo. their horizon of
a calf's enthusiasm before the West.
Moreover, the experience of the Warsaw incidents shows that ill0.--EXIXECIECE
revisionism is not only a theoretical problem. Besides, it has always been that
during the difficult times the rightist elements, the elements accidentally
connected with the
principles and)not
ope4y crossed ov
worker movement digressed
,
g5 octare
only did the
from the Marx t ?Leninist
gisionist position)but .611!..)
er to the other side of the barricade.
This applies not only to those from the Po Prostu. No
Tey
there aremxthxmmxx many more of these on the propaganda front. It would be
4.. Gui-011.3 -
aungnisommob assertion that there ar_
sincere Communists there, but
to many comrades working on the propaganda and ideological front, the following
one can deny that
question should be poised: What did they do after the 20th Congress, and
especially after the VII, VIII and IX Plenums to st;engthen the Marxist?
Leninist ideology? Frequently we have heard frequently thn people in the area
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have heard in all kinds of variations of the word "Leninist norms," "Leninism)"
and Lenin said just before his death that "it is necessary to protect against
distortions and to develop further the proletarian ideology: scientific
socialism?Marxism." And what have we, what have our theoreticians done?
It was correctly stated in the report that our Polish revisionists were fighting
4=
not for the removal of the errors committed in the struggle for the building 0
EPoicsij
socialtsm but for the liquidation of ourivocialism. For it was they, in
pursuit of the de-Stalinization process, who started the revision of Marxism-
has
Leninism. Lenin's place in Poland bow)
occupied by the "classics" Kolakowski
-Por
and Zimand, authors Immo the dusk of Marxism and complete negation of socialism.
A
That which has been going on and is still taking place in Polaid on the
ideological front not only does not fit within the framework of the resolutions
of the VIII Plenum but makes it especially difficult for us, the regional
leaders, to realize these resolutions. This is not the blossoming of 100 flowers,
this isn't any rivalry of diverse trends, but it is frankly on a bx1 scale the
return of buurgeois ideology. Did any of them, any of our Polish theoreticians,
even attempt on the basis of the resolutions of the VIII Plenum to emphasize
in content and in socialist form the character of the ititimmimmoregricultural
circles, did they venture for some sort of theoretical basis for ths problem?
eok.3.1?
No. The building of socialism in thn rural arifa after the VIII Plenum
vineloymftelgissiweelititaileat is an immensely important and difficult problem. They
did not imnture to undertake this problem because the matter of socialism is
not in their hearts, and it is 15nown that the righfist elements in the rural
area xxypizx explain that the agricultural circles will become a summarization
and an end of the building of socialism in the rural area.
seci-oR
But is it only this -Ammimmat of work that reeuires, theoretical
A
comprehension and preparation? After the VIII Plenum we have observed among the
revisionists a passion for struggling not with the enemy who Hildmiziomaxxxot was
attacking and removing iiibelief in socialism, but with the apparatus 1 the
feRvn TIC
people's authority, the party. An especially violent attack was imintobimi on
A
the Leninist theory of the state and party. They endeavored to oppose the
principles of socialist democracyJt&
proletariat.
cFr1:417:7
dietatorship of the
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At a meeting with reporters, comrade Gomulka said that Po Prostu
played a wrong role in the liquidation of the ZMP, that it unjustly
attacked the entire gain of the ZMP. Comrades, I think that the attack
of the-revisionists went much. further. The attack of the revisionists
intended not only to shatter the MP but also the party. It is not true
that only demagogy crushed the party, for it was the revisionists who
divided the party ideologically, bound its hands and feet, gagged its
lips, and removed the belief from each of the rank and file party member.
The only difference between Djilas and our Polish revisionists is that
he already has deduced what to do with this type of socialism and
socialism in general which does not appeal to him.
Our [revisionists] have left the conclusions to the readers. It was
well that the Central Party Control Commission has applied party measures
in relation to some of our Polish Djilases. These measures of the party
control, which were determined as a result of a number of appearances by
comrade Wieslaw, can be received only with satiSfaction by the aktiv
and party organizations, and by every party member.
It is an unquestionable fact that our party repulsed the cavalry
attacks of the revisionists, that it opposed the hostile forces.
Despite everything, despite the defects, this proves the great
strength of our party. A similar situation exists in -the Rzeszow organiza-
tion. The Rzeszow organization is solidly behind the position of the
Central Committee, and especially comrade Wieslaw in these matters.
However, it is also an incontestable fact that our party determines today
in only a small degree the political attitude of the daily press and
periodicals. The same can be said for the party organs, even for the
theoretical writings. At the most, the party has the influence as to
whether this or that article should be published. But comrades, the
'methods of censorship do not assure the point that the press be a weapon
in the struggle of the 'Tarty, a weapon in the struggle for socialisu, and
a true tribune of the people. As is known, the periodical Politykst has
not-undertaken tO the present a more serious, meritorious campaign for the
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crushing and unmask! 1 of the revisionists' theory. Nowe Drogi and
Zycie Partii are1 fighting revisionism. Zeszyty Teoretyczno-Polityczne
not infre/
quently i clude the statements of various revisionists with whom
no one polemiz
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Comrades) it is worthwhile to consider also the sector dealing with
the preparation of cadre--not only in the Institute of Social Sciences,
about which I would say that it is the incubator of revisionism. After
all, they supply the cadre, among others, for the 3-year Higher School
of Socaal Sciences at the Central Committee.
n.
Much is saAd on this subject in the field. The people who come to
school must struggle with the theories of the revisionists. Desiring
to heal the party, it is neceisary to think -- it appears--about important
organizational moves. Not only to purge the party of casual persons) but
primarily to work on the ideological front. The theoretical problems
demand a renewed) and some a new, explanation, and only the VIII and IX
Plenums expressed themselves in principle in these matters. The ideological
front; however, and the propaganda centers do not have the courage for a
bolder and scientific formulation, even though, I would say, they do not
lack this courage based on the experiences of the past period.
It is necessary to fight-the thought of passivity, because it is
mewing and harmful to the party and for building socialism. Finally,
it 11E3 necessary to remove the disparities between that which comrade Gomulka
states and that which the ideological front and propaganda do.
I understand that, in order to write better, to write with conviction,
it is necessary to be convgnced of the rightness of party policy, and judging
from the-ideological work to date following the VIII and IX Plenums, such
conviction is perhaps missing among many workers of the ideological front.
It is worthwhile to consider, comrades, right here at the Plenum about
airing .out some ideological dark corners. The act of waiting and occupying
oneself-irith matters of other countries, especially the West, and over-
looking one's own, causes the watching attitude of the party organizations
in the field and makes a correct solution of the problems difficult.
Comrade Konstanty DABROWSKI
Comrades, in my statement I would like to add several remarks to that
which hii'been related in the report of comrade Wieslaw on economic abusea
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There are people who assert that speculation and economic abuses
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because we introduced the reforms too slowly) that the lay of value is
not completely in operation, that prices regulate but are not subjected
completely to a liberal formulation on the basis of the laws of supply
and demand, that private Initiative, continues to be too restricted; that
if all this were done and in the broadest sense .possible, the situation)
according to them, would improve itself and the abuses would-automatically
cease to occur. Others, on the contrary, suggest that the existence of
economic abuses and speculation is actually connected with the introduc-
tion of the reforms; with the realization of the new policy; and that
evil under the new conditions is not avoided.
Both these groups of people, although they espouse other principles,
arrive at the same charges.
There is no doubt that both these evaluations are tendentious, false,
and do not present the correct understanding nor the possibility of
establishing the proper means of operation':
We encounter a similarly false evaluation about our present economic
situation and the solutions for the existing difficulties.
Concerning the difficulty of our present economic situation, it was
A
talked about frequently and there is no need to conceal this. However)
onecannotalsoagreetothepropaga'offalse pictures, not conforming
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to the truth and the overlookin the fact that despite many difficulties
we are fulfilling our plans and are advancing forward.
A similar problem appears if there is concern over the evaluation
of our great gain during the entire postwar period.
No one among us is concealing the errors which have been committed)
A
but on the other hand one cannot agree with the tendency of minimizing
or else of ttriking out these great, historical achievements of our nation,
the worker class) and our party which have been done in this time.
There are peopie who are endeavoring to erase the entire gain of the
people's authority or else they do not understand the party's program) or
are doing this with a clear intention of undermining the socialist structure.
ccirpr.7 p-;p9
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The sowing of unbelief, apathy, contesting actual facts at times,
frequently exaggerating the vastness of the existing evil--all this does
not help toIrcombat economic abuses, to overcome difficulties, but on
the contrary, it creates a climate for expanding these difficulties.
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In analyzing th e5e mompor for the eruption of economic abuses and speculation,
A
we must take into consideration the fundamental premises of our economic policy.
-1,eart.tasi ,,....
edi art
I have in mind such e.F.Critig0-as, for example, the faults of excessive centrali
in administering the national economy, the preponderance of demand over supply
concerning certain commodities, the fault:5?f our price system, and the existing
raw material difficulties.
However, aside from these essential premises, conditioning our present
economic situation, and the difficulties resulting thereof, to evaluate properly
the phenomena of economic abuses and speculation with which we are now faced,
-Iry c) ct, LA 01,1
we must also
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a number of other specific phenomena from the previous years.
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In past years we have liquidated a Whole number of control elements
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fl
operation llima despite the fact that i--;"-r3:34 unremoved were the conditions under which
arisen
`1'.ania415.110-prilmi.limrele abuses ahd speculation could have and did occur.
The development of socialist democracy brought out this phenomenon. Liquidated
w
during this time were the toll service, treasury control; restricted he control
was
in the 4.t. to-and people's councils, reduced the customs apparatus and the
AL) ws
industrial guards abolished(the penal-treasury branches in the courts. This gap
4:
was partially straightened out. However, it occurred agter considerable delay.
There is no doubt that the lack of adequate control, and also the lack of
necessary repressionl-
resulting from the transitory weakening of the particular
elements of authority, favored the activity of speculation and economic abuses.
The second matter was the faulty,-mithmximpiik unplanned expansion of the
private
The
intentions and aims in this sphere were considerably distorted in
practice. Subsequently there was not only an unplanned development of the net of
private enterprises but) inaddition we have many proofs to the fact that the
people's councils gave concessions to unprofessional people, frequently to known
1Kvest ai-;0
speculators, which-- as the revealed, in some cases was connected with bribery
and other 5e5, as for example the silent share in a privati:: enterprise.
The supply of ii7the handicraft industry, private industry) and also the
sources of supply for private trade were not tikkmin taken in consideration in this
problem. This became one of the factors favoring the development of speotAtion
and the occurrence
of economic abuses.
RE
!kan i.
rrA
)
g oltP
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? SECRET NO FORN
The third matter was the inadequate prot-ction of social property.
There is no doubt thatfif materialS in the factories,
.% 41"11r11118111111r11111911
if building materials remain without-ii; proper safeguarding at bui ing sites,
%,..pattICVS 'COY i0e,,s1
than such a state actually favors th thieves and simplifie*)
./Ve have hundreds
of examples where social property remains withput the necessary protection.
Th control organs which concr t the investigation often confirm th complete lack
of the most primitive supervision and protection of sociAl prop.rty, and also the
R eCod-J1121
xm chaos and disorder in .41,110004 which makes it dikicult to establish th guilty
parties.
Here are examples:
/It- 116,404
It the Bielsk Electric Machinery- Manufacturing Plants a IOA.4 of the
i I.\ rylri t-nericicieWr
J:44?NA,..of materials is-dime in an exceptionally e manner. This leads
iN
to such results thAt when on 1 April of this year an entire carload of transformer
Yheraj)
sheetr'Weighing about 23 tons was stolen, and an additional 10 tons in June.5
rl, the warehouse list did not show any dlifferences or shortages,
77 OP feCria
and the deficiency was discovered only in the course of th. Such a state or
fe.ce)(tiAs
the material permitted, for example, the head mechanic at the Dolny Slask
Electric Machinery Plants in Wroclaw to go into partnership with other workers
in making hiam privately screws and other objects from th plant's materials.
this
From the sale of these products ?mstkremprmst year, the men realized about
100,000 zloty for themsleves.
Th fourth affair: a lack of necessary supervision from the side of the
iiZ
economic apparatus over the economy witimatinatxx of subordinate enterprises
and institutions.
Clear proofs of this are supplied by the phenomena from th sphere of
examining and confirming the annual balance sheets of enterprises. In many cases,
the suPervisory officials, hence the central administrations, do not cheak these
balance sheets and do not confirm their integrity.
s
Full control on the basis of documentation
the exceptiont
The balance sheets are confirmed in a formal manner only. It must be admitted
that presently the situation is beginning to change for the better. The recently
L.7744,ili 9 crittita,
adopted,resop Council tion of the Counc of Ministers is h, Lo thasp affair
considerable work is still 11,.p.R&A to completely settle them.
To the basic weaknesses of our administration in the sphere of the struggle
Egtral
454*-
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?
SECRET ra
against spaculation and economic offansas undoubtedly must be added tha sarious
waakaning of th activity of supervision and insufficiant control in tha subordinat.
units. inxihxx Over 26)000 units ara subjact to state control in tha aconomy.
According to data from the, Ministry of Control) handy about one. half of thasa
units is controlled in a "Zrarixr more or lass corract manner. Tha other units ara
chacked only in a haphazard lommxx and dafinitaly inadaquata mannar. Control of
this sort do-'s not giva tha basas for corract avaluation of tha activity of
antarprisas or isblir,NbudgAt, units.
The following fact can tastify to ti-irazralgaunismca serious arrors happaning
in the avaluation of tha antarprisas. A chock conductad in tha first quartar of
this year at tha Gdansk Entarprisa for Purchasing Taxtila Raw Matarials ravaa1ad -eXe
abusas committad At this entarprisal amounting to savaral million zlotys. Howavar)
A
tha diractorata of the Cantral .dministration for tha Purchase of Taxtila Raw
51:7Z&IMate,rials1 to whom th. Gdansk antarpriaa is subjact, had a complataly
cliff-rent vi.w of its work.
A
ntativa of the Cantral Administration at tha confaranc. of tha
Wojawodztwo Committpa in Gdansk stated that this is the, bast working antarprisa of
this typa in tha country. And in this supposedly bast working antarprisa 36 of tha
total working force of 43 parsons at tha plant war arrasted. At the trial tha court
santancad 28 persons to imprisonment.
Alongside tha lack of control and th nacassary axacution of suparvision)
a furthar factpr waakening the affactivanass of control is thrill tho low state
osul(vr--tc.aiTiovtS2
of profassional of th contro#lars and tha axaminers amnloyad in the particular
dppartmants, plus tha lack of nacassary intprast in the, work of tha bookkaapars
on the part of_tha suprama organs and tha *economic administration.
e.
Unfavorablx is also the mattar of propar control in the paoplals councils.
According to tha data of tha Ministry of Control) control of thea departments of
paoplals councils is conducted haphazardly.
Thea inadaquata state of control dons not rpsult from th shortage of paopla.
In our national aconomy and state, administration) finaneitapparatus and
us
cooparativa fabilities are working a total),according to tha stat of 1 Uuly)
of about 222000 controllars and axaminars of divars. spacialtias. Tharafora, the,
reason for the os't-t-tonj
poor state of supervision and control is not airShortage. The low qualifications
of the controllers arR a raasonj,theadkIM:*4E-absaly defined tasks for each typo
t^1 P 7f. 1
-1:14
of controlimig.0 non-fu1ffl1Ment of.their basic dutias by part df this apparatus
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'd4orz6once, OF
any conflicts which might rasult from the control work, a tolarant
.amilimialme to thasa affairs, and at timas avan connaction with th. parsons
? c; (RET 110 Faie
0,, ?.
?
a TT/ rticie,
committing thaft.
Lat.ly wa obsarva many aecamplas of various institutions xx turning to th.
'7?6
organs of tha Ministry of Control conductimafteicontrol actions
aftar tha discovery of abusas. A chack in such cas.s cannot do much ; it
only ramains to diract tha affair to th. prosacutor.
A h 'Ergo
What doas this maan?,What is th- conc-rn hara? occursItt.4t. thought!
Per)20/Gr 44.
that tho concarn h on
's is to avoid in ?g's own anvironmant 6
Winow*Immimmilmi
o/e c c -et .coior. svc
them=2:22==4irrg. of abusas an parsons who comfit Taminal offansas.
eeTS744
eveR
it should also ba
said that a numb-'r of party organizations hayo alraady
undartakan action in this sactor. Somo party organizations, howavar, do not
display adaquat vigilanca and do not carry on a dacisivo battlo against hbusas and
ilar exeRr ReSSURe
speculation. Thy ag.-Rotimmegeriftesufficiant tha administrativ- and .conomic
apparatus. Tho party organizations in paoplats councils raouira spacial assistanco
and cora in this sphara.
From among tho racommandations baing prasantad, it is nacassary to strass
&payo all tha matt.r of tha rasponsibility"!4suparvisiob and tha proper
organization of control, profassional and complotaly rasponsibla control.
It should b. statad that this problem at tha momant is not rosolvad in
a corract manner; wa hayo many controls, wa have many control. institutions, and
concurrently wa hava such a state of affairs that Many qconomic and administrativa
units aro not controllad.
Th a Principal cours.s for rasolving this problam, it appaars, should b. :
TR
pracise
titsiVafinitionnition of th scopo of tasks tha particular typas of control
organs and tha corresponding strangthaning of thasa organs.
S cond, coordination of tha activitiqs of tha particular control organs in ordar to
assuro thair univarsality, continuity and affactivanass.
ho erz hOriOn
rgsults of tha chock by tha/f
/for arrIL
officas of thq national economy and by th party organizations.
An important factor in thq struggla with aconomic abusgs and spaculation must
xioni stolon
ba tha confiscation of,Ftioncet roparty. No one should banafit from tho fruits of
Third, assuranc of tha
criminal activity. Crime must cgase to bq profitable. It is also nacaasary to
------,
safaguard our national aconamy a ainst iladx parsons who hava comittad criminal acts
15/121-
SKP
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(r:?J' r13 AN
tI r
?
to occupy any responsible positions.
There are people here who suggest that the phenomenon of economic
abuses and theft is universal in-our country. This is not true. Talk
of this type comes from those who do not want to actively fight the
existing evil but want to justify it. But it is actually for that reason
that the feeling of social morality is shocked to the highest degree by
the existing cases of abuses and the liberalism encounteredin this
sphere.
Society demands -- and correctly --severe sanctions for the thieves,
malfeasants, and those accepting bribes. Therefore, aside from all other
conditions which must be fulfilled, the struggle against economic abuses
must be carried out with the use of just but severe penal sanctions.
Under this respect, suitable steps have been adopted -which are already
providing results. Our party is the organizer and initiator of the
struggle against abuses. Energy in the struggle against abuses, positive
attitude in these matters, removal of indifference, zealous guarding
of social property, and inflexibility must characterize each of us.
One of the basic factors in our struggle must become properly/ organized
/
social control. We have many such spheres in which the broad public masses
have a direct interest, and the management of which is effected without
social control.
At the moment, I cannot expand on this topic in detail, but I shall
cite the following example. The economic plan for 1958 envisages an outlay
of 2 billion zloty in 1958 for house repairs. We know the extent of the
abuses committed in repair workA Why shouldn't we have block committees
for checking repairs. I am convinced that the abuses would then be
considerably fewer. In other spheres, such as trade or allocation of
housing, other forms of social control are possible. These matters have
to-be thought over and discussed. However, it appears that the scope and
forms as well ai the competence of social control can and should be expanded.
? Aside from' all the necessary means in the sphere of control which must
be now adopted in theetmgg. against'abuses,and waste of basic significance
<
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t7frirr
ligd as 7,1,
--
?
in the plants will be the consequential realization of the program of
principles frau the VIII. Plenum relative to the change of administering
our national economy.
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III SECRET thl F01111 .
From the mom.nt when each worker, each employee will know that his eartlingsx=
his living standard dependiOn how his plant operates, what .xxox gains it attains
_----
and)
or what losses it bears, what final economic results it achieves, then)alongside
professional
thg;
controllers)will b. acting in the national economy-millions of
exper
Gr. '110
social controllers,
controllers who know their plant and figthiajD
against th. thixxxx theefts and abuses just as if they were fighting for th.ir
own int.r.st.
Thc struggle, which our party is conducting for compl.tr and effective r.alization
of the party program, as contained in the r.solutions of the VIII and IX Pl.nums)
demands a consolidation of th party on the platform of th.s resolutions.
e
Everything that makes ik difficult and d.lays th achievement of thA goals must
be combatt.d and conquered.
The draft reso
ion of the Tenth Pl.num
et:4;:twee (.04..f! '4011.'Otje
provides
for the necessary means which must be undebtaken in this problem. I agr.e compl.t.ly
with the draft r-solution. I am convinced that it is necessary so that our party
could fulfill in the pr.s.nt p,,riod its tasks b.fore th work.r class and b.for th.
entire Polish nation.
Comrade Rvszard STRZELECKI
Comrades, it appears to in that many of us from the central aktiv evaluates
our r.ality at times too pessimistically and at times too critically. Tiler is no
.:3
doubt that th great majority of sinc.re fieople in Poland and in the party supports
the October changes; that it is convinc.d that the' r.solutions of th. VIII and IX
Plenuml of th party's ce,ntral committee have caused basin, necessary and favorable
changes in the activity of our party and in the d.velopment of our country.
_Democratization of our political and state life, increase of th.
84
participation / psople in the work of administering th state and its plants,
hof
a,
improvement of living conditions and dherence to the right of rule will emain
transient accomplishments and proof of the October cheInges.
The past year was a difficult one b.cause, inite of the concrete and great
heat s 5e vi cez
advances, it wasn't simple to make up the longstanding oommigmemmosme. Slowly but
A
systematically the Ffttrker situation in the party and the country is improving; however
the situation is improving too slowly in relation to our needs and in relation to
4 .vni17.11
our ,possibilities. SECRET [4?
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SECRET
?
Therefore) more radical proposals, fitting proposals are required, an
expression of which is the draft resolution presented at the present
plenum.
It appears to me that perhaps one of the important causes for the
present state of things in Poland is the fact that for a'relatively long
period of time the statements, indications, and -- I would say) the
warnings voiced by Comrade Wieslaw were not sufficiently discussed and
propagated by our press and in radio plainly contrary to this.
Numerous publications and writers have specialized in knocking the
people's authority and the party, in "minimizing the importance" of state
or party leaders) and in blowing up pessimism to unheard of dimensions.
This did not have anything in common with the necessary creative criticism
in every healthy society. This was objective,:action harmful to the party
and the country. Even the more sincere capitalist press warned against
the harmfulness and tolerance of knocking dawn one's own country in such
manner.
A small illustration of what I am saying can be the statement of
Erabyk, an old journalist and emigrant, who in an interview granted to
Zycie Warszawy several days ago, asserts: "Not only I, says Hrabyk, but
the majority of Poles in America Consider that the criticism which we
discover in Polish newspapers is too intensive, especially from the view-
point of Poland's interests. And it will not be an exaggeration, if I
say, that there is no press in the world which would present its own
homeland in such dark colors."
Even Hrabyk was annoyed.
Actually, I do not have the intention of condemning the entire press.
There were and are sincere, intelligent journalists; there were and are
appropriate articles and correct evaluations. but as it is proverbially
said a drop of tar will spoil a barrel of honey; what sort of situation
could there be if tar was, poured in buckets in our press.
Propaganda, press And the radio, these are all very important
instruments for influencing and ,shaping public opinion as well as the
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414:'CRET NO PM
?
attitudes of the masses. It is essential to know what kind of musicians,
using the instruments of our propaganda, are playing and on what note--
Polish, socialist, or US, revisionist.
'1/4.Yez
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?
SECRET lig foRii
It appears to me that in our propaganda there are too many musicians who are
playing a tun- foreign to socialism, and therefore it could be,iduct?Gettlit-itee-m-----
eme a..
bompomiss the party's benefitliamakx ior our work if were conducted Moo verification
of party members working in propaganda from the viewpoint of their usefulness
for fulfilling this function and to the actual connection with the idea of
socialism.
The situation in Poland is not simple. We are feeling the pressure of
vntriir
the anti-socialist forces
all spheres of our political,iihr economic and cultural
lig. We are feeling this pressure daily in various fprms: in the newspaper,
in the factory, in the store, or even in the movie. And we are not giving the
necessary resistance to this invasion.
the following
Wel, let us tak Asmall example: letTLig-Mpr the movi or the small theatre.
In the past period in
mnntlic form.d in Poland many small theatres
and many satirical-artistic groups which pxwlum produce shows at movie- theatres,
coffee housos
and even at various ceremonies. Anti-aoviet and anti-soc ist bits and
the awful styurarions ff../
eai-s 1177
flat humor, as well pseudo-American hit tunes
arf: the
coQe 6p
th. program. Many of these groups probably benefit from state
allowancesA poisoning the minds. I beli
it is time to intervene and repress
this pseudo-artistic creativeness.
The propaganda and ideological confusion has a negative eff-ct on the 'Fenner
of thinking and acting of people, and also has an effect on the production results
in our economy. Despite these many difficulties, howvorI believe -- it can and
should be stated that the party in its basic mass is healthy, that the majority of
workers in plants correctly evaluates the situation and mobactozaci is striving toward
the establishment of order in the country.
alimmee
I would like to illustrate What I am saying with an
In the first half
the railroad junctions
:to
example from the raillowy
of this year, the vast majority of party organizations in
eXhibi hardly any activity in the
and engine sheds
realization of of the prfigram established at the VIII and IX Plenums. Many leaders
from the area trade unions-- unfortunately among these were central union leaders,
stood at--the head of the groups advancing economic demands. At the meetingaof the
crews, various demagogic and riotous elements, without resistance from party
ccrprr iitX61
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sreetR
membrs voice.
The alarmed administration-- there were cases of ejection, beating and .ven
mutilationcielding to thfattitudes endeavored to maintain some sort of order.
A considerable drop in discipline followed and an increase in absenteeism. All
this caused on the railways enormous difficulties and disturbances in th shipments
and traffic movement.
In this situation, the only solution was the mobilization of all healthy
forces in the party in order to approach as a body the railroad workers and to
convince them of the necessity and the possibility of improving the work of the
railroad industry and the fulfillment of tasks.
? sKRE14 uo
Together with the Economic Department of the Central CommitteerLe
A
Administration of the Union of Railroad Workers, we lepora_yorked out a program
of action with administrative and political -o-wommem in order to improve the
very difficult situation in the railroad industry.
Under the framework of this action, we komm summoned a national conference
of secretaries of .6- larg.st railroad party organizations, representatives of
th economic departments of th. Wojewodztwo Committees, trade unions, and staffs
of railway directorates. It must be said that the level and political posture of
many secretaries of large party organizations in the railroad industry lave
much to be desired.
Thr,, 1,00 maintained with difftculty a discussion on the main topic, because
the main topic continually slipped into minor social welfare affairs and
impersonal criticism of authority.
After the conference, it appearod that the entire planned action would not
fulfill the hopes put into it. However, when the aktiI, which attended the conference,
rietA)
travelled to the for meetings, for direction, and to meet the crews, it must
be stated that a considerable majority of the aktiv, and even those who did not
occupy an actual position at the conference, correctly reported the matters and
discussed the tasks confronting the railroad workers at the meetings of their (1101041,4
party organizations. It must also be stated here that the overwhelming majority
of the party members and the crews adopted a positive attitude to the presented
problems and tasks.
Ag a result of the railroad workers' effort, the running of trains was inserted
SEC
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?
in the train schedule on 16 August, which consequently improved considerably the
operation of the railroads and led to a normal situation.
As a result of this action, we have achieved the fact that now, although we
are in the peak period of fall shipments and the railroad industry needs added
investments and feels the serious shortages in rolling stock, the railway system
is considerably better than in previous years, and we will fulfill the plan of
shipments
?
4 __----
This efipleikoe att1 the fact that m
est ZIMMER by going to the asses, to the
40
party, one can Ioyz together with the party overcome many difficulties and
considerably improve the results of our 3a* work.
The experience of the forementibned action, as well as from other contacts
member
with the crews, points to the fact that the workers-- party an non-party personslgte
fed up with the disorders and Baulaiiiimemmieginetry. Ever more frequently, ever more
energetically voices are sounded demanding a more powerful struggle against
economic crimes and corruption, demanding order and calmness in the country, and
a just but strong authority. The majority of railroad workers listens with
eagerness and supportd those who organize this campaign.
During the days of hooligan-revisionist disturbances in Warsaw when the hostile
forces spread information on the supposedly prepared strike in the railroad
industry, the railroad workers of the Warsaw junction unanimously passed a resolution
condemning the organizers of the disturbances and stated that if the party will
call 611
-durpoimottel them, then the so-called "heroes of the second stage" will b(trought inx
b/ laeeee
xkoattxmx very quickly under order and sense
Undoubtedly the situation reached the point where a decisive campaign kaA To
be waged against everything that weakens the party strength and authority and
everything that hinders the development of our economy and our country.
Therefore, there is no doubtims4(that the party cnnnot tolerate any longer
_
peeD
such phenomena and people in it who weaken the unity and power of action; who
spread ideological confusion and hatred of the Soviet Union; who attempt
ivir.464,4MAPOWAO
to weaken the unity of the socialist camp, and also those who attack the
democratization process from the sectarian-dogmatic position.
%1MciF
much, I would say maybe too much, patience has been shown by the
-"R a 2,rty
party leadership in explaining, clarifying and expecting -blq.milsorgren.
SECRET ''PqN
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SECRET
u
-
If somq(5nr did not rediscover himself and his position in the party during the
entire year in the heat of the struggle for changes, if someone treats the party as
a stepping stone for making a career or as a cover for his personal interests or
ambition, he migki should be manixxA absolutely removed from the party.
Therefore; I agree to and completely support the dreft resolution which
stats that the party will no longer tolerate within its ranks both revisionists,
liquidators as well as hardened dogmatists-sectarians who consequently-- ono and the
other, objectively operate to the detriment of the party.
The plan for conducting verification of party members is correct; also; the
fact that th- party will stand at the head of the struggle against the prevailing
economic offenses.
hnA a 0v9
draft resolution is right: 4Jimism it appears to me that the proper
execution of its specifications in practice will present perhaps considerable
difficulty.
According to my belief, the manner of its realization is insufficiently
clearly presented in the draft resolutibn. For example, it appears to met= that
it is necessary to have a clearer view as to how the struggle against44110,-Eleur=*m4
offenses will effected. If the Koszalin example is not an isolated example,
r'ied
then there can be party units in the mow in which resistance xgxinst to a correct
execution of the resolution will arise.
How to protect oneself against this? In such cases, how to lead tro a corr4ct
realization-of the tasks?
fko-&ctk
2bminoweiottd problem annoys me. For example, how is the verification of party
members in the primary party organizations going to be conducted so as to not
caos('
prit=4.mutual trouble among individual party members: Tendencies can arise to
cover up for each other, as for example, "Do not disturb me and I will not do so
1
to you." Or it can be a converse tendency: m. false and decedtful accusationswhich
can cause difficulty in a correct determination and even checking of the case.
- errRevne
ActusTly, th,
disturbances do not have to came up, but I think that
one should protect oneself against them.
It appeats to me that attention should also be directed to the question whether
the actual personnel composition of theparty control commission assures a correct
examination ofthe cases. In What manner will the party control commissions be
SECR FT
Lf1
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410 SECRET
tat) 0 eS?
by th aktiv-- by tha wojawodztwo or tha central aktiv?
I say this not bacause that I would hava doubts or do not have conffidanca in
tha party units which will conduct this action, but, it app.ars to ma, thasa are
vary'S"trog problams. To an enormous dagree, tha rasults and ffacts dapand on
a corract raalization of this fitting resolution.
in
Bacausa wa war informed tha bullatin of tha Sacratariatethat wa will
tour
racaiva th draft resolution and tha draft instructions; 19.4woommil wa hay" not
racaivad thasa instructions and, as wa hay" haard in Wiaslawls raport, tha
instructions are. not raady yatharafore, I propose that tha comradas who ara
praparing h sa instructions inform us, avan in approximata tarms, how to carry
thixxmmxtx
out this action. It could ba that a discussion would aid/in tha praparation of
\
th most corract ax.cution of the rasolution from the organization point of view.
In conclusion, I want to affirm that it it clear to all of us that tha complata
and corract bringing of thea Tanth Planum rasolutions to the massas, tha full and
corract axacution of thasa rasolutions will b. an anormous stap forward in
the davalopmant and strangthaning of socialism in Poland.
Comrade Palagia LEWINSKA
GReaT
4swetc, comradasl
Our [arty stands bafora a rgt task-- tha task of claansing
its ranks from tha ballast which burdans us, from this ballast which has nothing
in common with tha party idaology and fraquantly with idaology in ganaral.
It appaars to me that, prior to this task, attantion should b. diractad to
all causas which hay" causad an incraase of abusas, which also hay" raachad part of
tha party mambers by their contagion as comrada Wiaslaw statad yastarday.
raduca
It appears to me that it is not parmissibla to limx this mattar only to
th phenomenon of insufficient authority of our administration, a gap in tha
general discipline. In this phenomenon blossoms ;;;;Iisuch a causa as a loss of faith
by part of tha people in the sanse, in tha possibility of building socialism. Thase
phenomena than have ideological causes.
The people have become surroundad by despair and disappointmant
when it turned out that from thir effort, from thair endeavors, and from thair work
something had grown which differed from their intentions. Evan after this period of
upheaval, many paopla remain on tha.sidaline, ara still- unable to find themselves,
and join anew in the work. Othars,,with a weaker idaalistic
4 .4%P:TV
t\S- ri
?
. ,
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? SECRET NO RR
backbon ? th:" -bacausa of is isiiimpqmft more. attachad to th.ir positions, look around
ti'-'
to sae how to arr-4. thamsalvas and how to benefit from tha situation at hand.
Tharafora, it appears to ma that this groat ranowal procassirthe claansing
of our party structura cannot b. limit.d only to savoring tha inf.ctad part of th.
1.
party ranks)but consid.ration must also ba givan to th. point that th. II!!:!..
ba actually unitad with tha struggle for raviv-S*11014140Plamitoliillirt---
/\
. F a
maatag4N- 4e c ; 1 A. "5 o; sociat svf
among the party massas and in the antira nation,
!" -
If wo amputatn a gangranad lag mt from tha organism of a sick person, it do's
not moan that ha will ba abla to accalarat. his tamp? and 1-ad a full lifa avan
though ha is able to walk. It is nac.ssary to saa thasa infactions in our party
structur. and to combat tham with full couraga.
stated/
A numbar of comrades hava/4351cmcldr:smactoday that passimism pr-vailad
A.6tYcIA.
in our party, in th- propaganda. ...ww.m.-9-mmis, a parson looks in tha past and
thinks to hims.lf: what happanad to th. Er-at effort of tha nation's massas, what
happanad to the work of millions of workars, of thousands of angin.ars and
tha creators of th. Six -Yaar Plan. Thea fac how.var, that the small lamps from
this famous plan hava glowed ov.r our country and hava craatad an industrializad
nation.
Paopla hava boon curs.d. An attampt to was mad- to dastroy th. .ntiro aktiv.
It is naceosary to arousa apin again in then tha baliaf that this off ort has not
boon wasted. It should be statad that, beginning with tha laadarship,
tha rabuilding of baliaf in our past, and not only in tha future, is being corr-ct.d.
vision
Whan wa had a of tha Six-Yaar Plan bafora us, it was a vision which
1-
rn4P454
tha baliaf in tha nation. This baliaf has bean .norTsly w.akanad today.
. - var., comradas, w. ara not arousing furthar this baliaf in our nation, b-causa
wo do not display thasa achiavamants of tho building of socia bacausa it is
insufficiant today to tall tha paoplp that thair living standard will incraaso by
a cartain p.r cent and, moraovar, that thay will ba abla to purchaso mora buttar
or clothing. Thasa statamants will ba inadaquata if w. 41? not say with full couraga
that
/API, 4P.1114,0 ellF:03/11114401111;1101:4HOMIW :111,40 :OE r 0114 110Irte.* 01W
whatavar sharp, major
or minor, w all had in thp arrors, tha foundation for raising tha wolf of th.
feofit
Wo 4p
p
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aprr r --.."-Nenftl
III
kimi ?iiukiai
stair.
has bnnn zmmeiiiak formed. Ynstnrday comrad. Wir.slaw SIM th- words which by
ii
themsnlvns are not sufficient to convinceNTer-rati-ari-nr-strtnrretrEe. "th. party
SISo
spnaks th n truth today." Ynstarday w- spoke a out things in which w- bnlinvnd.
Finithnr did wn lin ynstnrday, and wn bnlinvnd ynstnrday in this grnat vision of thn
building of socialism. This was th n right path d
tr the- rrors and untruths which
nxistnd and from which th n VII and VIII Plenums rnmovnd us. It is nncnssery to spnak
not only of a grnatnr numbnr of grams of buttnr but also of th' p-rson's yx0 position,
his moral countnnancn crnatnd by socialism. Only thin will the pnoplr want to liij.
and work for such socialism.
It should br, admittnd that what we hav- statnd so far on thn subjnct of
p-rspnctives is also not linry convincing in its concrntnnnss.
Comradn Krucz,.k said hnrn that th n idnas and conc-pts of agricultural circlns
arn not b-ing prnparnd thnorntically. It must bn statnd that agricultural circlns
?01 :e?
arn certainly moirmippr mattnr. Comrad Krucznk, we do not have this pnrsp-ctivn in
many
will
sphnrns of activity. Dmmik Do not wait, as you say, until th n thnornticians
keg aYlIV
ernatn al7 of this. Vhat ar- you for? Cnrtainly not or arranging mnntings and
settling currnnt matters. There is no such division for th n thnorntical eiktiv which,
3.1.4:=1;)
as you say, sits in _ 4 Thr e is no
such division in th- party ranks.
Plnasn, comradnsl Th n assnrtion is corr-ct that the party-finds its-lf undnr
From lOW onn side, thern is actually nor'
okt^ed`e CR/Lie
achinv.mnnts; from th n ear* side, thnrn is th
4aeciaen
which has appnarndlLin the' so-callnd cons-rvatism.
F?ssurn from two sides.
rat.? (Ica 71v- anow
,
all
of
intnllnctual and moral
Comradn Winslaw rightfully stated ynstnrday that thn parson who dons not support onn
or th oth.r sidesimismir. and axisr dnsirns to s-- corr-ctly, is pushnd down and dallima
TJs /4=
comradns, th n fact is that 2r is th n hnalthy
.15.)
of its past efforts and cannot and does not want
dnrided as a "cnntrist." Hownvnr,
in thn party -which ss th value
to rnpnat th n old errors.
It was corrnctly statnd that
revisionism will not be an antidotn for
consnrvatism. Absolutnly not. R7E2FEbs"-aGIUMMEZE This must bn
inculcatnd in th n pnopin
that actually-all revisionist elnmnnts are water for the mill in ordnr to maintain
the party in th n old methods and styln of work.
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SECRET F ?
It id nacassary to translata for tha paoplp in thp languaga of concrata
political, idaological-moral phanomana tha moaning of consarvatism and thc maaning
of ravisionism. If wa want to strangthan tha party from within today in order to
eoio9ic /
pliminatA that which is non-party in Aims graat ha ing hought, than it must b. said
that th- datactad infaction of anti-Semitism disgracas thp party it possible
today to clans p tha party of corrupt paopla and simultanaously not axpal that
A'ar
which propagates Whatrad propagatas national hatrad? Rmovimodua Thara ara
not know whathar thay kept it to thamsalvaTravaalad signs
idaological dagan.ration unknown to us in tha party.
Spaaking of tha ravisionists, comrada Wiaslaw spokes of ravaranca
bafora tha Vast. Ther a ara also othar tandancias. Actually, the thaory is false.
in which some attampt to daduca from such conflicting tandancias, stating that, in
bort
viaw of this, Poland should follow a policy indapandant rom tha Soviat Union and
tha West.
This falsa thaory rally results from tha fact of tha aDlistanca and tha
prassura upon the party of thasa two tandancias which ara alian to tha spirit of
Communism.
find what was Po Prostu? To ma, its harmful rol was claar from tha outset.
Today I am not in tha stat a to think calff4y of tha attituda of comradas who
permittad than.' D.D....Emstu.] to dissolv. tha ZMP. Mor.ovar, I cannot, without gatting
p.opla who-- I d
of
2-
axcitad, think of tha capitulation of thosa who -- undar tha tr.44,12s of fraquantly
s4
fictional padagogic valuasr.pushad tha scout organization into tha hands of tha
erwee-n
alaction, without diffarantiation tha valuabla and
prawar cadra witholat an
etiterice
idaologically
instructors from tha waathar-baatan and raactionary ballast.
It was corractly stated in tha raport that tha r-visionsits attacked the
party arrors froinT falsa positions. It is so. I admit sinjc-aly that I could
not baar to listen to thosa statamants of tha comradas from Po Prostu and
th
and of nil thosa who ancouraga thRm and whan they uncaramoniously daridad avarything.
an
Wharf. ares tha traditions of tha ZWM, who allowed thasa traditions which transfarrad
to thea ZMP to b rasad? Thasp traditions wara arasad without hasitation by a light
hand.
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-
s
RET ?
_Today, after the closing of Po Prostu, are there not voices which
defend this periodical and voices which become indignant not because we allowed
this type of action of propagating defeatism in the nation to be conducted,
an action which offended everyone of us and not because we did not suppress
this activity much sooner--on the contrary, there is an expression of regret
generally that a campaign has been undertaken against such movement in the
party.
Comrades, did anyone of authority state what rights the mass membership
has--the teachers, for example, to demonstrate their materialistic world view
when the teaching of religion in schools was introduced? People do not know Y.
whether the party still desires that it be loudly said that they are not
believers, not practicing their religion, but that they are atheists.
Believe me, comrades, scores of letters pertaining to such affairs are
received daily. People think that perhaps this is contrary to tolerance
which is not understood as a method of action but as ideological indifference.
Does not someone, who proclaims thafi religion is not a world view but a system
of populir ceremonies grown from customary traditions, help such a position
to be born? What significance does this have? Actually in this manner is
ideological susceptibility and attentiveness lulled to sleep.
Therefore, comrades, it appears to me that the campaign to cleanse the
party ranks must be profoundly united with the struggle for ideological
clarity, for ridding oneself of turbidness. This is necessary for assuring
the party its role of sqlritual leader of the nationd for strengthening
the belief in people in the reality of building socialism.
Comrade Boleslaw RUMINSEI
The Tenth Plenum is the beguiling of the Third Party Congress. The
results-of the Tenth Plenum, what we bring to the masses and party organiza-
tions, such will also be the results from the Third Congress. Therefore,
it is correct that cleansing of the party and t further consolidation
and solidarity of the party, has been placed at the head of the problems.
There is no doubt that broad democratization in the life of the party
and the nation is the infallible platform about which we consolidate ourselves.
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11? SECRET ti,n 114.
It is a broad democratization at the basis of the program which was composed
mainly at the Ninth Plenum and. supported. by previous efforts of our Party
beginning with the
?
12,
?10.1f,
ag'
?
???
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SECRET
?
November meeting, the Third Plenum, and based on the results of the nth
Congress.
It must be stated that visible changes for the better have occurred
under this respect in recent times. Important changes have been made in
raising the rule of law and democratization of the organs of the people's
government. We have made some attempts to improve our economic policy.
The internal spuation in the party has improved somewhat, and, what is most
important) the ideological chaos which prevailed not only in Poland but,
as we know, throughout the entire international movement, has been reduced
considerably.
These are facts which we all see and facts which make us all pleased.
However, it is also a fact that this improvement is proceeding too slowly,
is highly inadequate in relation to the development of the situation.
It is a fact that the authority of the party leadership has increased
but very unequally--let us say this sincerely, mainly at the expense of
the personal authority of the Party First Secretary. On the other hand,
the authority of party organizations and the party itself increased very
inadequately and remains far behind the authority which the party had and
what it should have.
The internal situation of the party has improved, especially with respect
to jealousy, group divisions. However it is still far from that solidarity,
inter-party democracy and Leninist relations in party life, which should be
in the party.
The relations of the party with the masses have clearly improved, especially
after the elections. They are different than that a year ago, but they still
are not completely certain, stabilized relations, which are best exemplified by
the recent incidents.
In one word, as the risolutiOn correctly states) a radical improvement
of the general state in our party has not occurred to date. All our efforts
must be alma in this direction, i.e., toward an improvement of the general
State (it the party. One of the fundamental elements for this improvement
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r" ?fl1Th
?
is the announced draft resolution concerning the verification of party members.
This is a project which, if well realized, should contribute to the strengthen-
ing and consolidation of the party.
I completely agree with the report, with the deductions of comrade
Wieslaw, that our party, similarly as every organization, is based not only
on numbers but also on
e. F011ii
9
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? SECRET- PLR
quaTity. Only in this mannnr can one spnak of a true party structurn, of our trun
connnction with the worknr class and working massns. As a worknrIs party wn are'
supportnd mainly by thn worknrs, by thnir knowlndgn, by thnir political maturity,
1.
and by thn bnst pnopn from thn worker class.
A
Undnr this rnsp-ct, thn situation is. not thn bnst in thea party. A good numbnr
of divnrsn fornign nlnmnnts havn -ntnrn4to the:. party; on thn othnr hand, oftnn
wn do not induct thn b-st worknrs in factori-s mhos- placn is in the party. In one
word, wn must constantly improve th xisting composition of thn party, and mor- so
in thn prnsnnt situation prior to thn Congress.
Thnrnforn, thn tasks and thn objnctivn of thn campaign area lucid: a strongor
connnction with thea worknr class, and to clnansn thn party of fornign 01nmnnts.
This objnctivn and thn tasks must bn achi.,vnd, as comradn Winslaw said, nvnn at thp
cost of r-d#cing thn numbnr of mnmbnrs.
This is clear and I do not want to speak about this. I want to spnak on thn
rnalization of t-h- r-solution. R-alization of thn r-solutiom is a snrious surgical
Just it
undnrtaking. s nvnry snricus opnration of this typ ncruirns snrious preparation
and time, rnquirns mobilization of thn nntirn party. Just as nvnry surgical
psyt
opnration, it can hnlp but it can also damag . It rnquirns an nxenptional moral
U calve-5,
. .
attitudn of thn lnadnrship and party..6410e?e; it rnrirns nxcnptional disciplinn,
character and rnsponsibility from all mnmbnrs-- thn nntirn party.
Thnrn arn many fnars concnrning thn correctness of carrying out thn opnration.
Bn it nvnn the spnnch of comrade Strznlncki who rnqunstnd an nxplanation of thn
mannnr by which thn vnrification will bn conductnd in practicn an thn lownst lnvnl,
A
in thn lownst party cnll. How is the purgn to bn nffnctnd? Th-rnforn, prior to
performing the opnration, a diagnosis must bn mad, i.n., to dntnrminn in what sort
of situation wn find "c oursnlvns.
In my opinion, thn diagnosis prnsnntnd in thR rnsolution is too narrow. Thn
diagnosis arrives at only thrne signs of thn illnnss, rathnr nffncts, i.0.1 thn
fornign nlemnnts, opposition activity, and corruption. Too littln is said of
thn main causes, of the I. of thn illnnss.
It is wnll that thn report clarifind this compintnly. On thn basis of the
rrilqra.
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? SE(RET BM ?
.t4
raport and on thea basis of discussion, it will ba nacassary to supplamant some
aspacts of thea rasolutionj\in order for thea diagnosis toall.l)claar and complataly
convincinga
I would lika to axplain soma alamants of this diagnosis.
Thea situation continuas to ba difficult. This situation is dafinad'iiiW by ti5B
\
organizational difpeptias as wall asTaunfortunat-ly7View aconomic difficultias.
What is worst, thea situation id dafin-id by an incraasa of activity of thea raaction and
thea anamy. In tYa prasant situation, thea anamy is endefaavoring to axtract banafits
for salf. Thea anamy is banafiting from our tamporary waaknass and lack of
-1-
and
veto tz_ssi
authority) from our forbaaranca and our libaralism, thea anamy is bacoming/gctiva.
A yaar ago on was abla to argua whath.r thea organiz-d and conscious hand of
thea anamy was alraady in oparation in Poznan. No ona is in doubt now who diracts
and laads thea organization of strikas and axcassas. Thea anamy faals incransingly
boldar and mora cartain of himsalf. Ha saas our waaknass, our concassions which
ware numarous avan in tIla prasant tima.
Thea dissolution of thea ZMP, forcing from thea party many axpariancad workar
laadars, introduction of raligion in thea schools, worsaning argumants and jaalousias
in thea Warsaw organization, and thea lib-ral staps in thea cadra policy within thea
govarnmant and the Economic Council, all a- theso factors anfibletha raaction and
thea alaments favoring tham to bacoma audacious.
What should bea done. in this situati6n? It is claar that s stiffttituda must
ba assumad bafora thea raaction and thea anamy. Enough concessions and libaralism.
Damocratization cannot ba a jumping-board for actions against thea paoplals
govarnmant. Thea Tanth Planum should ba such an answar. Howavar, all afforts must
ba simultanaausly diracted toward the raturn of an atmosphara of confidanca in
\Ps
thea antira party. Do not bacoma involvad in . past. Dir-ct all afforts
for thea futuraa,and bring about as rapidly as possibla an and to all wranglas and
disputas, starting from the, top and culminating at thea bottom.
An attituda of this natura will assist in claansing thea party. It is corract
and it is a graat mattar to claansa thea party of foraign adamants, factionalists,
all sorts of el-aquas, corrupt parsons, and briba takars. Coneurrantly, howavar,
it is nacassary to strangthan thea waakanad positions, to strang 11 tha sora
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spots in
-prever"
P\
What
',SECRET NO Maii,
?
th. party. In addition to tr.ating this by surgory,
it is n.c.ssary to
ck,
and to .duOte.
ar. th.s. positions? I I shall call att.ntion to thr..
..)79 M
Th first is the struggl? for str.ngth.ning th tumid' workar
iv+
and further d.mocratizqtiondt The: s.cond item is struggle OF co=ngioni
-rh-t na_
The aci F 2Tro
winning ov.r th. youth. Warsaw is th seat of r.visionism, wh.r.as Warsaw should
radiat.mnd should b. thr main c.nt.r for our socialist off.nsiv..
Our party is a Marxist-L.ninist Party. This means *tax it r.pr.s.nts th.
d.mocratic c.ntralist position. This moans it is supported primarily by th.
work.r class. This m.ans it acknowl.dg.s th- L.ninist principl.s and norms. Th.s.
ncipl.s w.re not obs.rv.d in thr past p.riod and b.cam? th principal cause
for th w.akn.ssas and .rrors of that tim..
Has th.r ben an improv.m-nt in r-c.nt tim.s? Y's, thr is a chang., but
it is again inadqquat and is too slow in r.lation to th. d.v.lopm-nt of th.
situation. D.caus it is n.c.ssary to b.gin with on.s.lf, I will say that th chang.s
are inad.ouat mainly in th work of th c.ntral party apparatus and th. party
1.ad.rs. A marked improv.m.nt in str.ngth.ning th- rol. of th. C.ntral Committ..
in 1.ading th party has not occurr.d in prectic..
Contact of th. S.cr.tariat2/and party 1.ad-rship with th. C.ntral Committpm
m.mbars continu.s to br accid-ntal and unplann.d. Th. C.ntral Committi . m.mb.rs
ar insuffici.ntly inform.d.d.spit som improv.m.nt in th bull.tins of th.
S.cr.tariatS/Conc.rning th activity in the party. The do not know much, and what
Ga-
is wors., c.rtain irr.gulariti-s and dispariti.s app. in this information. Soma
of our party
C.ntral Committ.. m.mb.rs ar w.11 indoctrinatad and ori.nt.d as to what transpir.s
0._Fiecoes +0 )
in th partyltnd. th. 1.ad.rship; othars ar. not. Som-times th,,rp 4Lren unpl.asant
impression as if the Dentral Committ. m.mb.rs w.r actually divid.d into
fully .mpow.r.d r9.mb.rs and m.mb.rs with r.strictionSin th. C.ntbal Committepo
How.v.r, th conc.rn is not over th. C.ntral Commilee. Th conc.rn is how
aAtpk4.,Dot-,
this proc.ss is 411 in th. .ntir party, i..., in thc man y
Relff*_units of th.
Woj.wodztwo or Powiat Committ..s, or .v.n p.rhaps in th. .x.cutivo board of th.
POP in factori.s.
What dos this all man?
xt:acti lutCom
l ;
11 ' I Una
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41/1Lo?cie L. g 3 NO.
Fr
EPP:1i
,
spots in th. party. In addition to treating this by surg.ry, it is n.c.ssary to
a..
lawmcoomft and to .ducAte.
P\
it.ms.
What ar. th.s.i positions? I ;III shall call att.ntion to thr 0
e-zt.$)
Th first is thea strugglc for str.ngth.ning th. laxxxik work.r. of our party
and further d.mocratizettioni, Tho s.cond item is jh struggl. or convincing and
7--'1`1`1 -1-----5----ic---t-T-181.741?k.e.21.2.!2) Te)2 I A. sat') ,Acran,zare'l.
winning ov.r th. youth. Parsaw is th sat of r.visionism, wh.r.as Warsaw should
radiat.iNand should b. the-i main c.nt.r for our socialist off.nsiv..
Our party is a Marxist -L.ninist Party. This means iixx it r.pr.s.nts th.
d.mocratic c.ntralist position. This m.ans it is supported primarily by th.
worker class. This mflans it acknowl.dgms th. L-ninist principles and norms. Th.s.
ncipl.s w.r not obs.rved in th. past D.riod and b.camrn the principal causP
for th w.akn.ss.s and .rrors of that tim..
Has th.r b..n an improv.ment in r-c.nt tim.s? Y.s, ther is a change, but
it is again inadquat and is too slow in r-lation to tb. d-v.lopment of th.
situation. D.caus it is n.c.ssary to b.gin with on.s.lf, I will say that th chang.s
ar inad.ouat mainly in the work of th. c.ntral party apparatus and th. party
1.ad.rs. A marked improv.m.nt in str.ntth.ning th. rolt of th. C.ntral Committ..
in lading thc party has not occurr.d in prectic..
Contact of th. S.cr.tariat/and party 1.adership with th. Central Committ..
mombars continu.s to br accidental and unplann.d. Th. Central Committ.. m.mb.rs
ar insufficiently inform.d.d.spit som. improv.m.nt in the bull.tins of thea
S.cr.tariatYconc.rning th activity in th. party. The' do not know much, and what
0-
is wors., certain irr.gulariti-s and dispariti.s app. in this information. Som.
Central Committ.o m.mb.rs aro w.11 indoctrinat.d and ori.nt.d as to what transpir.s
be
in tho partyi..nd th. 1.ad.rship; othPrs aro not. Som-tim.s th-,r041311-an unpl.asant
impr.ssion as if th. C.ntral Committ.? mamb.rs w.r actually divid.d into
fully .mpow.r.d m.mb.rs and m.mb.rs with r.strictionSin th. C.nttal Committee.
.t.
How.v.r, tho conc.rn is not ov.r th. C.ntral CommitX.e. Tho conc.rn is how
(1.A A0-1101
this proc.ss is in th. .ntiro party, in th. many -units of th.
Woj.wo#two or Powiat Committp.s, or .von p.rhaps in th. .x.cutivo board of th.
POP in factori.s.
What do.s this all moan?
SECRE1 NO "MN
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CUE]: vg.11liii
.1g
?
This means that there is within ourselves serious opposition to the
introduction of new methods of work. This means that the methods of style
of work even among the leading party figures are changing too slowly. It
means that we are shifting too slowly to the new [methods of work], and we
are healing ourselves too slowly from past offenses. This is disquieting,
because it was not something else that was the cause of the difficulties
and the crisis of the 1955-56 period. The former leadership knew perfectly,j,
even on the basis of the November meeting or the Third Plenum--and not only
on this basis--the causes of the errors and distortions. The former leader-
ship appreciated the necessity of a rapid democratization process and yet
was unable to attain the rapid changes. It did not manage to transform
its work quickly. In this lies the source of disquietude.
The situation today is somewhat different than it was. However, this
does not mean that we are not menaced by this danger._ Comrades; the con-
clusions from this are simple. It is necessary to hasten the democratiza-
tion process mainly at the top level and to give example to the entire
party and all party organizations.
The Central Committee and party authorities formed by elections must
assume; from top to bottom, greater importance and a greater role. The
leadership should come into contact with the Central Committee members more
frequently than formerly, and turn to the members and central aktiv. There
must be a closer and more direct routine contact of the PolitburolWith
the Central Committee members.
The party leadership and Party authorities, whereever they might be,
finally must stand above the transitory discords and Sympathies. They
must combat methods sowing discord not only by the declarations but also
by daily practice. It is necessary to have one standard for all party
members. Otherwise, we will not form the moral foundations and atmosphere
for this great action of cleansing the party.
On this basis, I would like to turn to the organizational affairs.
It is clear that the Third Congress and the delegates to this congress will
decide on our changes and on the stabilization of the party.
SECRET NO
.1),1
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SECRET NO .,FORN
What sort of parsons will thasa ba, by what will they ba dirr,ctad in
al-cting a new C-ntral Committaa? Will parsons with our ideological backbona
constituta tha pr-dominant part of tha dalagatas? Thasa ara matters which will bp
dacidad at tha congress. This is trua, but it is also trua that wa should
prapara for the,sa changas in an organizad and conscious mannar.
I will continua to maintain my position which I axprassad at tha Ninth Plenum
whan I spoke of conducting a broad post-planum id-,ological discussion, and of
proaring tha ground for a true and complrtt consolidation. At that tima the. position
avoked rasarvations. Tharafora, today I will tall mora claarly what the' concarn is
about.
In tha past than-, was the systam of dir-cting with tha aid of gars,
0
automatipn, and with tha aid of talat-chnology. Today, those, gaars, thasa machanisms
hava caasad_to ma-rata. They cannot ba usad today; and thara whara an attamnt is made
--
to us a tham, thy ftettisatilikamew. Today it is nacassary to work end to act on tha
P\
driving force, of tha party massas. This is no longar automation. It is mora difficult
to 1.21:?xx? oparata. drive,rs cannot oparata but only liZr axpariance,d social
?
laadars who hava tha de,tr,rminad idaological-political, moral veluas and tha support
of tha massas.
It is cl.,ar that this systam of op-ration raquiras,and will raquira)a serious
p7 eld
regrouping of tha cadra and organizational changes, both in tha ..611.q.: as wall as
on the cantral
At on' than- wae a stat'-forming period in which tha ,,xpariancad
party parsonnal transfarrad to tha stata apparatus. Now, it appears to ma,
workar
anothar period is approaching, a period of stranthaning thei of tha party.
o F
And so tha matter stands. mattar also ?
a mora anargatAc search for
naw cadras. Comradas, this is on of tha most important mattars Which must bP
antarad in th- rasolution for claansing and strangthaning tha party.
On tha othar hand, such moves, aspacially when thy ara done in units and
tha laad-rship, hava an assantial importance and, lat us say, an attractive xxxxx
moral and political power. Thy strangthan tha workar of tha party and
expand tha platform of conAidanca to tha party if it actually saarchas for
? Aha propar: rasponsibla paopla.
SECRET k
PPii
M,'
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tECRET aira
?
el) 77
Such moves could also be well received and understood by the 4wiia worker class
and party members. Comrades: such mov.s will finally be understood by the enemy who
tovvvr
will lose the desire to mifte4rown on our weakness, our split and who will lose the
d sire for the bold ideas of a "second atage."
However, it appears to me that such proposals: such initiative, and such moves
would b. correct if the Polit
o comes out with the.
A secondsore problem which the party must consider is th4; youth. We have
neglected the youth. In 13 years we have not found the time for holding at least
one promised plenum devoted to this problem. A second neglect-- now not a neglect
1S5
but a serious error,. is the dissolution of the Th decision was adopted
r%
spontaneously without consultation with the Central Committee. Therefore: the Polish
youth was left without a uniform organization contrary to all countries of the
people's democracy and contrary, I would say, to common sense. This lack of contact
/17F-4e-rice
and tkanatrelowillaska of the party on the youth and on the youth organization, especially
in the past period: yielded sad results. The youth was left without an organization.
$UFF,,e el-
The youth has tragedy both under the organizational as well as moral
a-
rospect. That Which it considered as an ideal was acknowledgedTat a certain time
as a crime. This was not explained to the youth; on the contrary: the youth was more
_cil:fife;;;?)
111????
- A-
furth,,r the ocmfiidence of the youth to the party.
? Th,,re were those who:preying upon the errors of the past, undermined
talk
Therefore, this has to be undone now. It is necessary to more with the
youth. To speak and to explain to the maximum whatever Kamaa possible. To explain
vua5
th. entire truth as it is. What was wrong, wha good, and how we want to improve
tAis now. The Central Committee should occupy itself more with these matters.
In this matter, the party leadership should work out a more basic program for
the improveient of the youth sector. One of the next plenums should be devoted
to this youth problem.
It is clear that in the present situation it is difficult to speak of
an immediate, complete solution of a concept for mi..4u4vAm., an
organization of youth in Poland. It is difficult to speak of forming a uniform
youth organization and, for example: of restoring the ZMP (there are such voices).
There is no doubt, however, that it is necessary to strive for the building of a
uniform youth_ organization in Poland.
SECRET
r ?
it4
rr?vm
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? 5E(RET 1\10,10 ?
The new division of youth into rural and socialist youth is not understandable.
The division of different political parties is understandable
th remains from the old [system]. However, we
youth in the new [system]. W. speak of our road to socialism
cL
foundations under a new uniform society. Therefore, wP must
and is nnatrionbanorx
are educating our
'1"cj
and w\ the
Coach
more consequentially
,,-----_,
miallftwilt? a concept for tam a uniform youth organization. We must
do everything so
that wp bring to us ideologically and uhits organizationally the entire Polish
youth.
Actually, this matter belongs to th- youth organizations-- the ZMS and the ZMW.
This matter belongs to tens and htndred thousands of exasperated and strahded
out-s Kie.
youth, F including former ZMP members who cannot remain ikie youth muvement.
This matter should be the center of attention in the party.
In conclusion, I bring up the matter of Warsaw. It is a sad and disquieting
r osIf
fact that party consolidation is transpiring the worst in Warsaw. The concern here
is not only of the difficulties of the Srodmiescie Precinct Committee or the
chaos in the academic area; but the concern is also over the stat P of the
primary organizations in the key factories and centers. The concern her is over
the proletarian spirit in the Warsaw area: in Grochow or Wola, in Ochota or Powisla.
The concern is over the proletariat of Warsaw.
Thera is a rather unilateral evaluation of the state of affairs. Some state
that the cause of this is tha jealousies and the troubles fomented and Immixbyxx
led by some disappointed cliques, etc. It appears to me that this is a unilat-ral
avaluation, evan by taking into account that there are and were such troubles. These
are effects, but they ara not causes.
The essential cause of this state of affairs is mainly the negASIct and the lack
surr4og1rms
of assistance from the Central Committea and party for this most difficult
d.eTyreN
and most responsible party mmmr.r.aviorem.
riPThe rather frequent changes, and not always successful, of the personnel composition
n2 in the Wojewodztwo Committce. leadership in. past years, the poor ideological-
instructional and political work; the dissimilar interests of the Wojewodztwo
Committae for particulardistricts and party organizations in plants, undermining
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fer,
? SECRET NO OR ?
thea confidanca in soma old workar laaders, tha dissimilar and too narvous control
of party units in on mattar or another; all of thasa points era only part of thnsa
causes.
A serious naglact is also our forbnaranca of tha activity of ravisionists
in tha Warsaw araa. It is trua that tha bold ravisionist alamants hava bacoma
somawhat silant in racant timas, but this dos not man that thay hava capitulatad.
favorabla,)
.Th a innocent birds hava spun okiastS out of nothing in the prass, radio, and in all
sin Nxit?e$1
cantars of cultural,lifa and thy NM thair silant trills. 4r nacassary,
Stna
thy know how to al...1rd loudar.
Thar-fora, it is naccasary to work mor- anargatically in Warsaw. It
z oar:
appams to ma that Warsaw raquiras a spacial rasolution of tha Cantral Committaa,
r F
a spacial assistanca plan for th-
and a plan of organizational and
cadra assistanca. nwavar, tha fundamantal task in tha Warsaw araa is to conduct a
campaign with tha objactiva of strangthaning tha organizational and ideological
unity of tha party.
Actually, wa should concantrata in th- pr-.sant situation on tha ravisionist
views and upon all typas of concassions in favor of raaction. It is cl-ar that tha
is
struggle against tha signs of ravisionW must ba don a skillfully. This n-ans it is
to Ion don a in such mannar so as to randar impossibla a raturn to tha arrors of
dognatism and sactarianism which, as wa know, thara is nn avidanca of in tha
Warsaw araa.
4=
In this mannar, tha assistance Nrom tha Cantral Committee. for Warsaw should
b. concantratad on two kay problems: to raviva tha party organizations in tha
kay fantorias and to aradicata or nautraliza tha raaction in all of its forms or
symptoms.
Comradas: it is nacassary to show in our activity in th- ',:arsau arna the
actual countananca of socialist Warsaw. We spaak and hoar too much of journalistic
Warsaw, litarary Warsaw, and acadamic Warsaw. Wa must soak, think, and display
mora of tha workar Warsaw. This is on of our fundamental tasks.
In summing Up my statamant, I would lika to strass tha following:
First, tha rasolution on claansing tha party is right and nacassary.
Sacond, the projactad action is an important surgical operation which can
SECREI, 7Prf
it
(AS
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SECRET NOIFR
?
give radaaming rasults but it can ala)ba harmful if it will ba conductad too
rapidly, too narvbusly, and without praparation.
Third, in tha praparations for tha varification tha pri1h3)ipal attantion
should ba diractad to a raturn o a proper moral atmosph'ra and mutual confidanca,
and to tha conducting of a graat idaological-instructional action in the, antira
party. It is nacassary to fight for damocratization and it is nacassary nt to
return tha Laninist norms of party life) beginning mainly from tha top. Do not stir
up tha pat. Via should hava a bold initiativa for organizational and cedra changas
which laad to a Btxxx strangthaning of tha workar-klat-Jah in tha party laadarship
and to raising the moral-political atmosphara in tha antira party.
.vert
Finally, Yrizm*mxma tha pr--Congrass acti
lat us ramambar that tha
rasults of this action dapand not only on tha surgical incisions but also on the
pravantiva activity.It dapands on strangthaning our waak positions, and primarily
on a furthar anargatic struggla with ravisionism and upon strangthaning tha
thraa kay, sora placas ir tha party: strangthaning th- workar
in th- party;
stranethaning tha Warsaw party organization, and strangthaning th- spirit of unity
of the youth with tha party. Only than will tha rasults of thasa undartakings
dacida for cartain tha antiraty of tha corract, purposaful and nacassary action
of claansing tha party. ThPy will c-rtainly dacidel tha banaficial results mbic from
tha prasant Planum.
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tigET
?
Comrade STANISLAW SKRZESZEWSKI
The appraisal of the situation contained in comrade Meal-awls report
and in the resolution is undoubtedly right. Likewise, the plan for party
activity in the immediate future was properly established. I am convinced
that the resolution will be received with acknowledgement and gratitude by
the whole party, party organizations and the greater majority of party
members. Many individuals devoted to the cause of socialism and the party
were confused. It must be stated truthfully that there were many reasons for
confusion and that the remedies suggested by the party proved inadequate to
overcome the difficulties in which we found ourselves.
It seems to me that the plan for ridding the party of the various
elements that are holding back the party from carrying out its leading
role among the people and in the country is entirely right. It seems to
me, that the principles formulated in the resolution are fair and indicate
the proper course that must be taken in solving the matter. It should also
be noted, that the executive orders will play a primary role and the
practical implementation of these resolutions will play just as important
a role in this matter. Comrades, I share the concern expressed by those
speaking before me concerning these matters.
Finally, I would like to share with other comrades certain observations
made on the past activities of the party. I even consider it an obligation
to do so.
It seems to me, that the method of solving the matter of the liquidation
6
of "Po Prostu" mut create very serious doubts and reservations.
It is very difficult to understand even today why such unreasonable
measures were taken in this politically and morally justified action. It
seems to me the 'measures to be taken were all right. However, poor judgment
was used in order of executing them. One does not have to be a good politician
RCM
41
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otellET Ng IT
?
to know that the use of administrative repression of this paper, and
especially "Po prostu,o should not have taken place without the previous
political mobilization of the people, the youth, and above all the party,
its organizations and its members. It was especially important that the
youth be mobilized because of the especially dangerous confusion that was
prevalent among them.
_ There was no special or proverbial hurry on our part in closing down
"Po Prostu." At the Zeran party organization meeting held on 21 September
comrade Wieslaw presented an alternative: neither 'Po Prostu' follows the
party line, or else it will not be printed any more." A few days later, at
a meeting of the wojewodztwo committee first secretaries, comrade Wieslaw
told them outright that owe have decided to close "Po Prostu." At the same
meeting he said "as regards to those members of the editorial board who are
members of the PZPR, the party will have to discipline them." This took
place several days before the events at Narutowicz Square in Warsaw occurred.
From these dates the declarations, it is evident that it was not a lack
of time, which tactics frequently impose, that decided the means of solving
the difficult and comples "Po Prostu" affair.
Let us look at the "Po Prostu" matter another way, that is, from the
point of view of the average activitt, student or inte34ectual. It should
be emphasized from the beginning that this matter concerned a weekly public?
cation about which "Trybuna Ludu" wrote as early as 5 October that the "Po
Prostu' view8ocontinued to be considered by the majority of the reading
public as being in conformity with the views of the new party leadership."
And what did the average Polish citizen know about the "Po Prostu" affair.
Not many knew much about it beyond the fact that it was a fighting and useful
weekly publication.
How did our propaganda, radio and press prepare the party activits in
the field-on the liquidation of "Po Prostu?" Local, state, party and other
centers of propaganda and information not only did not inform or warn the
SEAM FOP
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? ?"/gf
11nT rcNnel
?
average reader, but quite the opposite, it can be said that it confused him
by remaining silent (with minor exceptions) or by rash, unconvincing and
contradictory announcements.
In order to complete the picture, it must be added that all this took
place with the accompaniment of the blarings of the foreign broadcasts and
press on the matter of the liquidation of "Po Prostu." Meanwhile, after
the first day of events in Warsaw, the official PAP announcement on the
subject, threatened the students of higher institutes of learning with
disciplinary action for their parts in the activities while remaining silent
about the "Po Prostu" matter. The situation was cleared up by publishing an
announcement on October 5 containing the attitude of the Secretariat of the
KC FUR on the matter. A lengthy article published in the 11 October issue
of "Trybuna Ludu" explained the whole situation. It was this article in
the "Trybuna Ludu" that presented the average reader the political and moral
depths to which the editorial board of the "Po Prostu" weekly had reached.
Comrades! The "Po Prostu" affair ? I might say ? even today is not
understood by the public. By way of illustration I can show you two examples.
As late as the 9th of October the Krakow press informed us that leaflets were
being distributed among students and calling upon them to strike. There was
even talk of a hunger strike. There you have an example of how much mis?
understanding on the one hand and emotions and vehemence on the other were
evoked by the "Po Prostu" affair.
The almost universal silence prevailing in the press at the time of the
"Trybuna Ludu" article, and despite the statement of comrade Wieslaw at the
meeting of journalists leads me to believe that the "Po Prostu" matter is
not yet completely settled.
One more thing. There is the impression that we do not fully appreciate
the fact that "Po Prostu" was not permitted to publish not only because of
what was-printed in it, and with which anyone who cared to read could become
k\tk.
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?
familiar, but also of what was already written and ready to be printed, but
thanks to the censor was not permitted to be printed and to which not everyone
had access.
This brings on a few uneasy quations: why didn't the Secretariat appeal
to the party aktiv? Why didn't it prepare public opinion for the proper
reception of the announcement about the closing down of "Po ProstuU Why did
the Secretariat let things go so far, that not until the brawling and
excapades and only after the Militia and the ORMO, had to be used, was the
announcement made, then when it could no longer afford not to be made. Not
only should one have faith in the political judement and political responsi-
bility of party and non-party people, but one also must help this judgement
along by presenting the proper informtion. Why place the defenseless aktiv
at the mercy of foreign propaganda by silencing local centers of propaganda
and information which are intended for the purpose of strengthening the
party in the event of a political struggle? Why were things turned upside
down? Why was the thing which should have been made public from the beginning
I am thinking of the "Trybuna Ludu" article - published at the very end of
the controversy.
It seems to me comrades, that the truth was not made known in time.
The costs which we must pay for the necessary and in my opinion incontestable
liquidation of "Po Prostu" are unreasonably high.
I will now consider the next problem.
Comrades, many people should have been told clearly and loudly by the
party that which comrade Wieslaw said at the meeting of journalists -- namely,
that social reaction is threatening the October and that the heralds of this
social reaction may be found in the press. These people must be denied the
opportunity to be able to spread harmful slogans, views and attitudes and
they must not have the opportunity to be able to influence society. We will
defend the October achievements against social reaction.
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?aril r
?
To many confirmed enemies of socialism or other confused people it
seemed as if the time had come where they could spit on the honest expendi-
ture of work and effort and on achievements. To some it appeared that they
could publicly abuse things which during the past thirteen years we considered
most sacred, for which many millions of people worked, not sparing any effort.
Avowed enemies thought that by spitting, abuse, chaos, hooliganism and de-
struction the road would be prepared for the "second stage."
Certainly no one doubts that our present situation is the result of the
errors and excesses of the past era. There is no time to discuss today
whether the errors should have been removed slowly, by stages and with
restraint while at the same holding tightly to the reins. I am convinced
of the fact that in our extremely complicated situation to apply gradual
from the top changes would have been unheard of.
Today is not the time to condenm or quarrel.
One chief problem stands before us today: not to fall back into past
errors, to strengthen and develop those good, valuable and lasting things
which the Polish October has brought, as well as to fight with all our
strength against social reactionary attacks which are attacking our position
by taking advantage of citizen's privileges. The difficulty is not to spill
the child with the bath water. Citizen's privileges, freedoms and the right
to individual thought and the expression of one's own thoughts and views,
these are priceless things -- all these things must be preserved, developed
and strengthened. The only thing to do is to deprive the enemies of socialism
of their soap box from which they have until now been freely, with our in-
dulgence and liberalism, expounding theories contrary to the party line.
Everything that is honestly socialistic in the party must be assembled
around the new leadership. There is no longer any time or place for a
declarative, supposed unity and consolidation of the party. This unity must
be concrete, realizedin everyday activity, that is, in occupational and
party work as well as in the attitude of every party member.
'143 7
?r, II LI
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Awcr.DFImA.-?-1.1
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I have absolutely no doubts about the fact that revisionist and
liquidationist enemies as well as conservatives must be treated severaly
and ruthlessly.
The direct struggle with the revisionists and liquidators, the inten-
tional and unintentional propagators of the "second stage" has for all
practical purposes begun already. The removal of several members of the
editorial board of "Po Prostuu is a good start. Tejkowski has at-last left
the party. This is the man who went ailound shouting during the Sejm election
campaign in Krakow that the "Polish United Worker's Party was neither Polish
nor a worker's party," but rather a fascist party.
The struggle with dogmatists, with those who are undertaking group or
factional activities, has just been a matter of promises. Instead of
announcing plans which are to be effected in the future, the party should
be shown concrete examples of this danger.
Aninext comrades, a few words on the international situation.
Historical experience teaches us that the enemy does not hesitate to
exploit our weaknesses, that he wants to use the weaknesses of our camp
to bring about historical changes. I have no intention to provoke anyone,
to smoke out agents everywhere and at any price and even to "work it in" falsely
there where it does not actually exist, in order to cover up the party
political errors and weaknesses with the help of secret agents. Incidentally,
I will say that it would also be an error to be oblivious to the possibility
of enemy underground activities and their use of legal organizational
facilities. I am concerned with another more important matter. No one has
any doubt that there was a connection between the timing of imperialist
aggression against Egypt and the Hungarian crisis.
The dantinual and systematic tense war situation in the Near East, the
massing of troops on Syria's borders testifies to the fact that the
imperialists despite everything have not given up the idea of solving problems
and conflicts by means of war. The imperialists realize that time is on the
side of socialism.
cliert72." r
Luit),1'
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.61%:11
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We cannot in general, and especially now lose sight of international
affairs and the increasing and sharpening conflicts. The intense inter?
national situation warns us to close our ranks. The danger of greater
conflicts of this kind in the party and country, in which they find them?
selves today, must arouse the greatest concern.
At the past few plenary sessions of the party Central Committee, the
international situation in the wide sense of the word took a back seat to
the more pressing problems within the country. And, of course, we are not
an island. The comfortable spot which we have created for ourselves with
the help of the powerful Soviet army must be done away with. It was a good
thing that in comrade Wieslaw's report to the present plenary session of
the KC there was a whole chapter devoted to the discussion and evaluation
of the international situation, and in light of this explaining the
position and situation of Poland.
In conclusion it's a good thing that at today's Plenum a great step is
being taken in making the party and the country aware of the importance of
friendship with the USSR.
QZP r.14
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HENRIK JABLONSKI
rc2ln
Lvt.,
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Everyone of us workers 4 higher education, especially in instit4ions
dealing with the organization of science, agrees that the general appraisal of
existing / and
revisionistic dangers/in intellectual circles/contained in the report of
comrade N Gomulka is a just one. If despite this I do not limit rictly to
agreeing with this appraisal - then it is because I wish to consider the
means of solving the existing difficulties in one intellectual field - namely
the field of scientific life.
must
Above all one xignacid say to himself that the solution will k not be
found by saying that things are bad or even if we present facts confirming the
:pp re," 0 0 7-
situation. For this reason the positive side of the picture must be'
in order that this element might be developed. While analyzing the situation
and in the process discovering some evil it must be understood why has the
evil bien permitted to spread so far.
One should not minimize the rejuvenation of the activities of reactionary
forces in the field of science and higher education, but if we dwell gpon
this alone, the picture presented would not be a true one. It is even possible
to consider the situation from a completely different point of view. The
number of truly reactionary, antisocialistic elements is not greater than
Before. Probably it is even smaller than before but on the other hand it is
In cPa
more evident, louder and ggressive. The chief source of evil lies not in
the activation of reactionary forces, but somewhere else - namely, in the fact
that in scientific centers(above all in institutions of higher learning, and
also, to a lesser degree, in other scientific institutions) there are no
active party organizations and that the party organizations have lost their
is
perspective, ftild it/really within the party that our weaknesses showed up.
Our own inner-party weakness encouraged the enemy elements. Indecisions
within ovr own organizations encouraged the enemies and drove wavering elements
beyond the party into the arms of the anti-socialist forces.
As a-result two things,are.veryevident:
First - the need al-Snapping out Of?the,progressive
-11-1211Y,
very strongly by soar-eret comrades among the scientific workers.
iE felt
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11 Vqtal
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Second - that the lack of a definite position by the party organization
is looked upon uneasily by a significant part of the progressive, non-party
professors, and that they are frequently complaining that the lack of party
activity has resulted in much harm.
I would like to make it clear, that I have been talking solely of the
professors and not about the students, where the situation is different.
In the professor At field there are certain positive signs which would
have been difficult to observe in the past, say, a year and a half or two
years ago. It concerns the fact that a major portion of the professors,
and even some of their organizations, consider it perfectly natural that
one should turn to the party for guidance or decisions in very important
matters. This was done before not voluntarily but because it had to be
done. This was done unwillingly. As a result some complained that the
party was commanding. This was even so in cases where no ordering about
was done. Now the initiative in this matter frequently comes from the scholars,
and this even from those who before did not want the party to exercise any
control over the organization of science.
That is why, for instance, a learned scholar of world wide reputation
engrossed in his work even to prejudiced practical recommendations, but in
the majority of cases right, about a year ago made a few recommendations
of a local nature. I suggested that he medtthe wojewodztwo committee
secretary in Krakow. He emphatically refused. Before a few weeks passed
he made the suggestion that his proposals be presented to the Education and
Scientific Commission of the Central Committee.
Another learned scholar, from a Poznan center requested that his
proposals and that of his friends be included in a country-wide campaign.
Since it is a country-wide campaign he had no doubt that the party Central
Committee must take a stand on this matter; before the ideas were generally
propagated.
I can give many more similar examples. The majority of the honest,
progressive scholars have come to believe that we speak sincerely of
scientific freedom even though we do not surrender our leading role and that
ST:MET NO'F:51704 .
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erru7711.
Ui.LL \I
we have no intention of giving up our achievements. Such a situation inclines
them to seek the proper support and leadership from the party. It is from
here that you hear of the demands and desires of the scholars in the press:
"make use of us in the economic life of the country." Proposals of such a
0
nature are multiplying and are originating not the ministries, or the
administrations but with the scholars.
Let' us decide what this is the result of, and at the same time what
this is_proof of? It is because of the increase of party authority in
general, including the increase in the authority of the party leadership
during the past year, despite the lack of activity on the part of the lower
educational party organizations. I do not want to overestimate this fact,
because these observations chiefly pertain to a small portion of the most
learned scholars, but on the other hand we cannot afford to underestimate
it because we would lose the propei- perspective for our future activities.
This means that we have important support among our most distinguished
professors, that we have great capabilities for activity of which we are
not making use of. We are not utilizing them properly because the most
important unit of our activity is weak - the party organization in scientific
institutions. The atmosphere for reactivating the best party elements in
these institutions is so much better today that one frequently hears the
call today "we want the party." All that has to be done is to draw out
these forces, support them and then protect them. And it seems to me that
both the education and scientific commission and the Central Committee
Secretariat are working a bit too cautiously in this case. We want to have
everything worked out perfectly. In the meantime, very rarely do we have
such a well worked out plan, because in some cases the plan develops only with
experience. The improvement of concrete forms of activity will occur when
there will be a clear, basic principle of activity originating from the chief
objective: incorporating a just party line into life.
It is not that bad, however, that we must move only in thefog without
having any established or completed plans of action resulting from experience.
And if we are not able to see everything that it is possible to see sitting at
a desk then- that is not unusual but normal. The most impirtant thing is that
r,CIFTT 72,71 /7"tgli
V4ri
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011\1
Writ
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a healthy party aktiv realize that it is an aktiv and then we will have
prospects for a fundamental breakthrough of the existing difficulties and
the gradual removal of the greater dangers.
Did I paint too dark a picture or detract from the positive achievements?
No. I just am not repeating all that which is well known to us and which is
sad and dark. I see all these things but it will be easier to overcome our
present difficulties by looking at the brighter side even including its
present weaknesses. Naturally we will succeed when the principal instrument
of our activity ? the party organizations ? are cleansed and reactivated.
Just a few more words about the youth.
I have no doubt that comrade Gormakn's analysis of this situation is just.
In this sad field, however, I would like to present some positive aspects. We
professors observe among the majority of the youth a strong desire for edu?
cation. In the beginning the lapse of formal discipline and close supervision
of work led to poor results. Near the end of last school year we observed an
improvement in student's work, but one could tell that this was just a hay
fire which was started by concern over examinations. Meanwhile, the first
weeks of the present year at the department of the Warsaw University, at
which I work, despite a poor start during the first few days are going along
surprisingly well. Attendance at lectures and exercises is better than during
the past two years and student activity at the exercises is very good, while
preparation for the exercises is good. One must be able to recognize this,
use it, and direct it.
And now a little about other subjects. I spoke to a few students who
did not try to hide the fact that they did not like the way the "Po Prostu"
matter was handled and tried to justify the demonstration by this. Now these
same students name many of their fellow students, who would like to approach
the matter in the old way so that the affair would be closed. Some others
say that it was just as much the fault of the authorities as the students
that the affair turned out the way it did.
Anyone who has worked with youth for several years will not demand from
them any additional declarations, or self?criticism for what they said
"1,4 ? P:
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? SIT'4E.0 Eir 1.6 7,
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yesterday bedause this will only aggravate the situa4i/on unnecessarily.
I am speaking here of the various rank and file students and even the
rank and file members of youth organizations but not about organizations or
their leadership. At the same time this does not mean that we cannot explain
the party stand on the matter. All the more that we should. But the present*
tel
unacceptable attitude of that part of youth about which I spoke, creates the
possibility of of our working with iper, creates the possibility for- kor to fully
cr
understand the party linej and for the future mobilizing -4;1;:cm in the struggle
for this line.
This is not an easy field of work, one can say that it is bristling with
difficulties. What I have said about counteracting a bad situation in the
't9)
party organizations within the general profersorp44p field, this situation
turned out to be without comparison more serious and acute as regards the youth.
5 07 Yn P
It waslamweasier for the revisionist elements to master this terte+,Witiy than
the territory of the more mature people whom( are more set in their views.
And now we return to the starting point of our considerations. The
mobilization of party organizations in schools of higher education z.r..Q.ereitirg
boa just party line is the basic condition for the improvement of the
situation in a very important area of our intellegentsia. This mobilization
can be carried out by incorporating the directives of the X Plenum. 2Jatxx This
possibility is confirmed by the more and more frequent voices calling: "we
//
want the party. We must and we can answer this call. The processs already
under way of cleansing the party of antis ocialist and demoralized elements
is strengthening the authority of the party and the leadership in the entire
country. If enough of the proposed directives of the X Plenum are
introduced into every day life, they will hasten this process forward. As a
result a climate is already being created for strenghtening the party
organizations in the schalls and scientific institutes. And this will permit
the party to return to its proper leading role even in this very difficult
sphere of activity.
t'I'-"f,:Nrs,,,a 7.7 rfrp
6k:ii!lit 1
01.
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?
Vr,irs7ET
Comrade LEON BIELSKI
Lor
I trim agre with the report and the resolution calling for the cleansing
of the party and the verification of its members. I am convinced that the
cleansing and verification of party members will enable us to overcome this
degeneration. However, concerning the long range goal of the outlooks and
the situations affecting the economic factors and the standard of living,
there will have to be a long and enduring struggle.
r F
?
47,14c
In the course of the past two years we have done in this direction.
.F.,,Ilttu
The report referred to this. However, there are signs of 4trerees among the
people and only the communists can stand in the forefront of the struggle for
overcoming this phenomenon. The press should play an important role in this
case. Nev&rthtiss, not only did it not do this in thlpast, but on the contrary
as was discussed in the report- it was frequently a hindrance.
I completely agree with what comrade Wieslaw said in the report about
myself
the meeting of editors. And I think I will limit nlimmi2 to this Stand. The
decisions undertaken in the "Po Proste affair and in other circumstances
were unfortunately necessary and had to be carried out. Many more efforts
will have to be undertaken in order to make the press change its attitude,
in order that it would present problems in a different light, in order
that it -would not lose the respected position which it has earned and that
it might rid itself of that which was evil.
It is difficult to agree with those comrades wiCo in the
discussion
-
discussion lumped the entire press under one heading. I think that this is
unfair because one cannot 'wain consider "Polityka" or "Nowe Drogi" the
same as those lanricru+kmxx publications which have followed a revisionistic
course.
Even these publications can be criticized and they should be
Reedp)va0 e)o-0/..t: etVidr$
criticized, but one should-pi:4%9440e the gspoWAAreorm- and sirens of the struggle
1!)
even if -there are many stumbling blockQ.
I think that after the Plenum the situation in the press will change
for the better. The press should continue to criticize but the criticism
should be constructive. However, there must be a responsible policy on the
5r.
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IrtafrIN
part of the leadership toward the press which will assure the execution of
the party line. I am concerned about the fact that the measures that we take
are not enough by any means. We should help the groups in changing to new
forms of activity. I think that it is about time itxt we think of party
organization work in editorial offices. This field of activity is very much
neglected. Party organizations ix have ceased to exist in many editorial
offices and it would be helpful for us to revive them.
As far as the cleansing and verification of party members is concerned,
this is just one part of the work awaitiig us: Another factor is to create
a healthy atmosphere in the party. Those individuals who have been shaken up,
cannot reestablish their positions in the party.
I am not referring to those who must be removed from the party. I want
smugness
to talk about the fact that xxxxxxix, apathy and indecision have become
rampant in the party. Many comrades want to make an easy living for
themselves. This occurs in various ways. There has been an increase in the
go
number of " cles' .400d7Joe3 who gm are indifferent to everything
because they do not want to argue with anyone. I am talking about opportunistsx
who want to make a living from the party. They too are opportunists and they
are by far the greatest in number than all the other opportunists. If we
want the party to snap out of its doldrums, than we must also struggle
against this type of Leninist deviations.
S?1)
Many people4.Warit is unwise or unprofitable to use a little initiative
or assume some responsibility. There are thousands of good people who are
the
weakened or disheartened by/conditions which still prevail among us. These
people must be brought back into the party. It is imperative that everyone
just as the soldier in battle feel the communist spirit and not apathy and
unwillingness. The Communist must Eight when the need arises and he cannot
feel alone in that struggle.
As for the verification, several comrades before me have stated that
there is misunderstanding and uneasiness as to how to carry out the process
because we do not understand the instructions. I think it would be best
cvinFTIT As%) -ur-Ty-1
OE:eM
6t5
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if both the commission and the party organization would cooperate with one
another. I mean it in this sense, that the commissions which will be carrying
out the campaign come to an agreement with the committees and in case this=
a dispute arises to turn it over to a higher party authority. It is a matter
Fraganuat
of comming to a party organization meeting/with some sort of fMKTikittty
agreed upon and prepared proposals,if at all possible. It may even be
t.cera-9AcNNta
necessary to cal the aktiv eleraaiireaergetbiller a little earlier before
such a meeting is to take place. What I would like to emphasize is that
the party organization meeting itself should not become a battleground over
every individual to be verified because such a meeting can last for days and
organization.
can lead to a conflict between the commission and the xxxxiticxxx What is
most important is that the rank and file party members and non party
individuals realize the necessity of what we are doing.
Just one more thing about the verification program.
The matter of party dues. As we already know, a large percentage of party
members are in arrears with their party dues and this will really be one of
the more important problems of the verification program. There are cases where
party members are6, 8, 10 months or even a year behind in their dues. This
is especially true of workers, more so construction workers, and to a larger
will probablay be with passing over
extent the peasants. We maximinmeetduedbmil: faced/the fact of 45cammingxnxx
this problem and moving on to the other business of the day because of course
it is necessary to keep the workers in the party. This is not good. I am of
the opinion that some provision should be made in the resolution whereby the
party ogganizations would have the task ofrregulating these matters. Let the
party organizations provide an arrangemant whereby back dues would be repaid
in installments.
Another important matter is to apportion party tasks to party members.
today
Despite the adverse situation/we still have a large and good aktiv.
I want to speak now about applyihg the resolutions of the IX Plenum in the
field. The aktivikhat left Warsaw was not utilized to the fullest extent.
Likewise, up until now we have not fully utilized the wojewodztwo aktiv. In
my opinion, with the help of the central and wojewodztwo aktiv it is possible
7%
4..g.141
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F1PT1M
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to aesql4iit every large and more important party organization with the
resolutions of the X Plenum. We can all@eviuder do . We should set ourselves
the task of reaching party organizations in the village as far as possible
with the aid of the wojewodztwo and powiat activitts.
The last subject I would like to touch upon is the work of the commissions.
We have created numerous commissions at various party levels. These
commissions discuss many things but they have as yet learned to work
coppetently. Frequentlyythey undertake economic or administratige matters
which are not a part of their work. This must be changed. I think the
commissions should be authorized to win over the aktiv and with its help
they should carry out concrete party political work; based primarily on
helping party organizations.
The commissions are working with various party organizations and xiisk
really have no right to give orders without the permission of the party
organizations. I do not think the party organizations will have any objections
against ?kizx the commissions undertaking concrete work in order to help
bu .)
the organizations4l5bviously, not replacing the organizations. And yet such
a danger does exist. The commissions will fulfill their proper roles and
will operate more effectively when they will undertake party political work
in the field.
If we go to the people with the resolutions of the X Plenum then we will
be able to fulfill our task and inialramat help the party take a great step
forward in its new work.
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e)FRET NO FORM
Comrade MIECZYSLAW LESZ
?
Comrades The party dedisions concerning the implementation of the
verification program are absolutely..ggli"
a certain number of
There are presently in our party vi- people who do not care whether
or not they remain in the party and who have absolutely nothing in common
with socialism. There are even people in our party who despiseTit. Someone
would probably ask how is it possible to reconcile membership in the party with
such contrary feelings. Well, this is the truth.
Let me give you a few examples. For example, a party memberr-wrote a
review of Marek Hlaskols novel:in a periodical. In the review, the party member
expresses himself as folinws: "Hlasko sees the world as the communists have
made it, and therefore, the"weltshmere of the communists do not concern him.'
Can the membership of our party agree with such a statement. I would say not.
Another example. A party member writing about the currently popular
nrIONIA
French tra-rrative "The Mandarins" says that we activists and party operatives
are mandarins, that we have warped consciences and that we are almost
completely demoralized.
Can one reconcile such an attitude with membership in the party. I
would say not.
It must be stated that when a situation arises when one can smear the
party i withOi punishment this can only please our enemies and turn away from N(
us wavering individuals. It is not an accident, that at this time when we are
discussing all of this a play is being put on in one of the Warsaw theaters
portraying the gestapo in a favorable light hitt while portraying in a
derogatory manner French communists and patriots.,
"r?o-r --iel%\.?c %, ?A pa Po,,,'Tt, TV A P..-1 suall as
And I do putliWon drzejewskits play I.;
"Shadows Cover the Earth" which is presently being performed in Lodz.
I have my doubts about the wisdom of publicizing the theme of all
revisionists, that our party is just a variation of the Catholic 6hurch,
and the above play is based on this thesis.
I have -my doubts about the wisdom of developing an /extensive literature
owev 4v1.77
on the subject of past errors and *abuses. lfs not a matte oqorgatting
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about those errors and abuses. We should remember and recall them in order not
to commit them ever again. Writers,likewise, could not pass over them and just
consider the present day problems. However, we should not live exclusively in
\J"
the past, we must live in the future. 2i cannot move forward if we look
to the rear because it would then be easy to stumble and fall.
A good doctor cleans the wounds but he also lets them heal. A doctor
who reopens the woundLand pdts salt in it is a bad doctor. This is not a good
method of treatment. It appears to me that we have cleaned out the wound of
the past at the VIII Plenum and now we should give that wound a chance to heal.
That person would be in error who think d that the attacks on our party
are carried out only by the revisionists. These attacks also originate with
the conservatives.
Recently I had the opportunity of attending an open party meeting in
Dabrowa Gornicza wherein non-party individuals were also present. One of the
0
speakers told me outright, that the October is the shame of the Polish
revolutionary movement, that the party created the hymn "sto lat" to replace
"Internationale" and other such nonsense. AnI must say that no one
the
was surprised at such.a statement or even questioned it. We the members of
the Central Committee present at the meeting were the only ones that
questioned the statement.
It must be daid that a bad atmosphere has been created in the party and
is expressed by the following division: we and you. We, the party rank and file;
and you, the leaders.
No later than podougebq the day before yesterday I had the opportunity
I made a report
of being at the Srodmiescie district aktiv at which/xxxmpacttaaammti on the
economic situation. I must say frankly that the questions that were directed
to me were not of a type that ate proper at a party meeting. They were more
like interpeltion questions asked by deputies as for instance
questions
asked by the opposition party in the English Parliament )with the exception
that at this_meeting the interpellation was directed at me, that is, as if
I were not a member of the party.
Such a=situation cannot be tc,gerated in the party whereby every party
rMWT.W
LOFAL '
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841(
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member thinks that he make public
speak against the party itself.
It must be said that this state of affairs
qrarcin rt;
gainst the party line, and publicly
?
N,NbR
the lowering of social discipline,
ti)
disregard any responsibility for the
Here are a few examples.
in the party has an effect
iscipline and even irxxxin
country in which we live.
It has come to such a pass that a Sejm deputy, a non party member
does
not think it wrong to go on a foreign radio broadcast, naffiely the BBC and
the)
say that Dom machines and automobilits that we export are worthwless and any
country that buys them is making a mistake.
on
A second example.
At one of its meetings the government tried to cope with the problem
of work-absence becLse of illness. It was statedtk that in the first half
-?14r4.174,?thee?sfaie?#4oter
year alone over 400 million additional zloty more than tkixgrww+wer
last year were expended for sick benefits. Since this is a serious problem,
serious efforts have been made to solve the problem. For this purpose a
three man commission was created consisting of three ministers. Two weeks
later an article appeaAn the press which stated that it is trx known that
doctors are giving false sick leave slips and that 1/3 of all sick leave
slips are false but this is quite all right and even necessary because the
working class is tired. It seems only right than for doctors to give sick
leave slips to workers from time to time even though they are quite healthy.
Things will come to naught if we permit a public campaign against tbs-rat?Ty
goals and day to day decisions.
It seems to me social ftrzipidair or work discipline will not improve
nor will work productivity increase x if there is no
Order within the party must be the starting point.
It is clear that improving party discipline has
order within the party.
nothing in common with
the limiting of intra party discussion. There are still a few matters that
have not been resolved or decided. Such matters as for instance certain
economic problems, especially the problem of changing economic models.
un I,
.W1.."
'V5111.1
k L52114
C'
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SCECRETtz
?
It is clear that discussion on this subject must be carried out on the tenets
of socialism, but it also must be free and above all it must be free of assign-
ing any labels to an individual because he has taken this or that view.
I would like to devote a few words to the changes in trade.
First, a few words about private trade.
It must be said that as far as private trade is concerned there have been
two conflicting opinions on the subject. According to one point of view,
private trade is to be an extension of the state trade enterprise, it is to
complement the state trade network, besides this it is to be related to the
state network through the wholesale aspect, that is, receive wholesale supplies
from the state trade enterprise. It is to maintain the retail prices as
established by the state. This idea was the basis of what was said in yester-
day's report by comrade Wieslaw. However, some economists proposed another
idea. It was based on the fact that the creation of private trade is the re-
sult of the rise of handicraft production and that private trade is intended
to service the handicrafts, that means to sell the articles produced by the.
handicraftsmen. From the very beginning this idea appeared to be very unjust.
We are of the opinion that the handicrafts should sell their products through
the socialized trade network whose capabilities within the framework of the
economic changes must be correspondingly expanded in the purchasing of these
articles, pricing and other fields. The development of closer contacts between
the handicrafts and state trade has been heretofore hampered by the existing
laws. That is why it appeared unjust to us that private trade should service
the handicrafts.
After yesterday's report we will defend more zealously the first idea
proposed above, and we will strive to realize it in practice.
A few words about the changes in state trade.
Comrade Wieslaw said that especially the restaurant business demands far-
reaching reforms. This is so because the changes accomplished up until now, no
matter how remedial they were intended to be-and I am thinking of the subordina-
tion of trade enterprises to the people's councile - are inadequate and very
soon we must take more radical action.
SECRET NO ,?FORN
6A
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That is why I would like to ask the party leadership to look into the
matter of changes in the restaurant enterprises when it is considering the
proposals for overall economic changes in trade.
What is the general line of propositions which we would like to advance
along these lines.
It would be based on the fact that the enterprise assume greater responsi-
bility and at the same time have greater privileges. Up until now the trade
enterprises received everything from the state for nothing. They received for
nothing supplies and funds. They received for nothing or almost for nothing
turnover funds and when poor industrial or handicraft purchases were made which
then had to be covered up, or if they stocked themselves with goods that turned
out to be "flops" on the market, in the end the state treasury had to carry the
burden for such errors. On the one hand we would not want the enterprises to
receive the money for nothing without using it properly but should carry a
proper interest and a major portion of it should show a profit, that the enter-
prise absorb the cost of faulty purchasing from its profits while at the same
time being granted greater privileges regarding prices, wages, dideline produc-
tion, division of profits, services, etc. In other words, extend the independence
of the enterprises. This pertains to the restaurants, but not solely to them.
This pertains to all of trade. We would like to change the present system of
wages which to us seems unreasonable because it favors the employment of less
people in trade, it does not permit for the increase of employment in trade
which is necessary to do away with the queues in the stores. We would like to
replace the present system with a provisional system which would be more
appropriate and simple and at the same time would provide for increasing
employment in trade. It is sufficient to say that we have not fulfilled the
plan for employment in trade for this year. Statistically, we were suppoedd
to employ 32,000 people, whereas mainly because of the unrealistic system of
wages we only ac6epted 16,000 people. In the next year we would like to employ
as many people as are necessary to decrease waiting lines there where they are
the result of the lack of service personnel.
We would like to establish a wage fund in trade that would assure each
trade worker a certain share in the profits, if this profit is realized
realistically. =
SECRET NE. FORil
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'II SECRET la MM.
?
We want to expand very significantly this wage fund with the help of funds
from sideline and investment production. Investment, sideline, handicraft,
cottage production and then services conducted by trade, all these are sources
which can give us many additional billion zloty worth of goods.
For the coming year we have allotted a comparatively meager amount, only
3 billion zloty, but there is no doubt that if the trade enterprises receive
the proper laws in this field, then this amount can be increased very signifi?
cantly. We must see to it that their activities are not hindered by heretofore
rigid rules.
The problem which received a lot of attention here was the matter of public
representatlion in trade, namely, whether or not to establish workers' councils
in trade, whether or not to create public supervision councils in trade, some?
thing along the lines of public representation of workers in which this
representation would have a certain say in the management of enterprises. It
would seem to me that in such enterprises as central department stores it would
be best to create workers' councils with rights similar to the lawsof workers'
councils in industry. They would check turnover, investment plans and capital
repairs, develop programs for additional production, sideline production and
services, establish employment policies, division of the wage fund, etc.
It would be wise to establish public supervision councils in wholesale
establishments, councils that would consist of representatives of retail and
supply establishments in order that they may all be able to get together. This
would greatly help wholesale work.
This entire program will be realized when the factories and enterprises
improve their capabilities especially in selecting suppliers concerning articles
not dependent on distribution; and improve their capabilities especially in
choosing articles which complement the basic program of sale in stores. Every
store should have the opportunity to sell not only those goods that are basic to
the type of store, but also a complementary line of goods related to the basic
line of goods. This will make the life of the consumer less difficult. Next
we would like to change the finance principles of the enterprises in order that
SECRET Ng
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? SECRET VON
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the enterprises would not get investment funds and turnover funds for nothing
but on the basis of paying interest and in order that the enterprises would have
the opportunity to pay their debts from a portion of their profits.
As regards to the time allotted by the state trade apparatus for these
problems, we have come upon several very important, basic and serious problems
which required fundamental discussion and consultation with various areas and
that is why these proposals could not be presented any earlier than at this time.
Comrade ADAM SCHAFF
Comrades! I notice that everyone of the speakers has first expressed their
attitude toward the report and the project of the resolution. Therefore I want
to say that I not only agree completely with the basic ideas and the report as
well as the proposed resolution but I also accept with relief the fact that
fix-ally the measures announced by the report and resolution will be undertaken.
Our party has finally decided ? unfortunately such a situation exists ? to
undertake stern and determined organizational steps. The actual situation in
our party demands stern and determined attacks on the two dangers which are at
least supposedly a threat ? coming from opposite extremes of the same problem:
namely, ideological, unity and unity of action without which normal party life
and activity cannot function properly. The party must strike at both dangers.
The danger of liquidationist elements disrupts the party from within, because
they threaten its ideological unity in the widest sense of the term. There is
also another danger posed by elements generally known for lack of a more precise
term as dogmatists?conservatives, who threaten our party in a very fundamental
and imperative manner, because they threaten its union with the people. They
are a threat because we will be faced with another great danger with which we
have been in contact with in the past, namely, isolating the party from the
people. I hold that such an attack is not only just but also necessary. The
only thing that remains is to actually introduce the proposed measures into
daily life so that they would be realized in a proper manner.
SECRET
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? SEEN MR ?
was
If any errorx mil committed after the IX Plenum then the error resulted
from the fact that words were not followed by actions. This in my opinion was
the greatest blunder in the actual situation. Psychological factors should be
taken into consideration. Unfortunately, we communists did not take these things
too seriously in the past and I am aftaid that up until now we have failed to
profit by experience.
It must be remembered that when we say something as the ruling party,
especially if we speak in a determined and decided manner, calling upon
necessary measures resulting from an actual situation, then these words must
be followed by action and actual practical measures. Otherwise those to whom
we direct our words come to the conclusion -and in a sense baxictomthey are
right in doing so - that we are unwillingly undertaking such actions or that
we are incapable of undertaking them.
Concerhigg what was put forward in the resolution, I would like to add
one more important thing. The success of the projected program depends to a
great extent on how we understand and support ideologically that which we are
attempting to undertake. This ideological aspect which is integrally related
with our
?k/organizational program has a significance for us individuals, for the
and
party,/for those who will be executing it because a deep ideological
understanding and ideological necessity conditions the proper success of this
program from the organizational point of view. It is also imperative that
party mx rank and file and the masses of
the XXX1171311502X the entire society understand this
only
psychological aspect. It is not/a matter of letting the party masses and the
rest of society see the strkical operations and then come to the conclusion
resort
that we cannot control our own members and therefore have to xxxxit to scare
tactics. We must see to it that the party rank and file and the rest of
society clearly understand - from the laxx point of view of the party and its
ideology - the fairness of such an undertaking. That is why we must see this
ourselves and explain it to others in an intelligible manner.
It seems to max that our actions against the revisionist and liquida-
6e based on
tionist elements should largely mapkorfcce ?kx ideological-political
grounds.
SECRET NO FORM
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? Mt,
?
What is the problem in this entire revisionist pcx affair or as it can
be more aptly labeled, liquidationist.
It does not concern some general, abstract theoretical problem. We are
not experiencing today a period such as 4t the turn of the century or in the
19201s when they were discussing such intricate theoretical problems as;
whether or not Marxism is necessary, or discussed the theory of refraction or
the complicated problems of theoretical economics. These problems are not the
very
center of attention at present. The spotlight is now focused on/practical
political problems. What is the struggle about today/ If we look at tiqx all
dowS,ewoN is
the publications which we justly 124-Jett( *Ohm if there/at this gathering
a difference of views, interpretations and xmoixxkx emphasis, I would venture
to say there would be unity regarding the rejection of these publications),
then why do we reject them? Their chief attack is directed against the basic
problems of a theoretical xxkxxx and ideological nature which we call the
tenets of Leninism.
At present we are not concerned with philosophy or abstract problems.
The problem concerns very practical theoretical problems such as the leading
role of the party, what is the nature of our democracy, is it supposed to be
a socialist democracy or something else, the problemx of the function and
character of our state etc. In oth-?r words it concerns a group of problems
known problem of the
in Marxist-Leninist the or as the/dictatorship of the proletariat.
P0.11
This is what todayts struggle is all about.
Those who are against these theoretical theses,larelthey alslin principle
against the theory and practice of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
I want to emphasize strongly that I am not against discussions. On the
contrary, I consider it a great achievement to return to the practice of
6
discussion even the tOmbasic theoretical problems. A discussion aan be
carried on about all problems. I am in flavor of discussion. But there are
certain things. that if a person does not agree with them any further, or
refuses to discuss them, but discards them outright - then he places himself
beyond the limits of our party and ideology. It is important that this matter
be clearly understood by those against whom disciplinary action is being taken
_
SECRET
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?SECRET MI TON
?
all the rank and file party members and thn rest of society. The party has
the right and the obligation to be on 46, guard for what is known as ideological
unity and the unity of action. If it does not it ceases being a party. There
must be and should be discussion in the party) but the party is not a discusssion
club. However, some individuals forget about this. Others make use of the
false reality of the pretended "leftist" phraseology of their attitude -- it's
funny, but we ourselves become victims of the suggestions of this phraseology --
anti-Leninist attitudes
and smuggle in/under such a cover) yes I say smuggle in because I do not
believe that anyone can be so ignorant when it comes to these matters. The
strubgle concerns a very clear matter, a subject which in the history of the
workers movement has a very definite meaning and a definite & name. This is
ci
where the basic difference arises between two vie: one is called ikx social
democracy and the other is called Leninism, that is the communist view. In
order to remove certain misunderstandings -- taking into consideration the
delicate situation 4* making the suggestion that there is the danger of a
070
relapse ocial democratic ideology and that as a party we must undertake a
P,:fadangerA I consider it to emphasize
'X
that my appeal has nothing in common with the tendency of crxating differences
serious struggle against this
between comrades of this or other working parties who have united themselves.
The nature of our union is such today that we have comrades with us in various
groupings from one or another party, who are known to us and are active in
our work. This is not the reason for the division. The line of division is
the result of the difference in ideological views.
rosiTiOH
We must approach the party withilclear and then when we ave..
undertak this organizational activity) we must clearly explain what we are
/0
fighting against. We call a spade a spade even though a uproar is craated
that we are labeling things and returning to old methods. This is not a return
to the old. methods. This is a normal way of calling things by their proper
name. And thihgs must be called by their proper name.
There is another danger. I personally am not satisfied with the
-711?14
definition of the-eetetssa of dogmatism and conservatism, even though I have
no better definition with which to replace it. But anyway wex all know
exactly what the trouble is about.
SECRET NTIORN
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SECRET NO FEIN
?
Normally, dogmatism means an attitude that spasmodically xholds on to
certain formulations, and does not deviate from them despite the proof of
S
facts. It this what we mean by the dogmatic-conservative danger? In my opinion,
I would think not. We say that Luksemburgism and dogmatism-conservatism are
one and the 4e thing. Is there anything in common between the two? In my
slit
opinion, uniting these two iews would be harmful to certain views known to
us from the history of our ideology and the history of our movement. We are
now struggling with something merii.clearer, something more primitive. In the
field of organization this is known as fractionalism. This has been touched
'TO a
uppn 1.117 lightly in the course of discussion. We cannotlin the process of
attacking this danger full force, a danger which I would like to call the
Tb)
relapse social democracy, mtglattx2 afford to weakent our attack against
a second danger, which - in my opinion,- due to its nature and the people
om
something unusually imonatamt significant and dangerous
that take part in it, ix
if we do not attack it with our full force.
What are we struggling against? We are struggling against fractionalism.
We know what fractionalism is and what the struggle against it consists of.
I would say that our discredited revisionists are not capable of creating
a good party fraction even if they wanted to do so; They are not the ones.
They are individuals
52iimxprfcttaccxxxxxatattlameamx who do not know the party and who do not know
activity.
the mechanics of party mizxx*xmtimmo: 15aodmiacbmix Instead, it is the people who
are in the second group, people who know the party well , that are capable of
doing this. It is not only that they are capable of doing it, but as we very
well know, they are actually doing it. In private converaations we are able
point out
tohammext numerous different examples, addresses and names. There's no use
university
of talking too much about it. Recently, I was at a/basic party organization
meeting in Lodz. Among other things the X Plenum was discussed. The comrades
expressed various doubts and concerns, among others, they spoke of the
dogmatic-conservative danger. They mentioned fadts and names. I don't know if
they were
ttixxis/true or not, but this is mama common in Poland today. People know that
this is difficult to conceal. We oo know about this from the experience of
Np?N?c.4
this Warsaw organization, tclades Ruminski and Bielski have informed us.
We know what this means and how it threatens the party.
?
pt4/
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? SECRET WO,
There is also the ideological side of the problem.
Very frequently it is expressed this way: this is an organizational
fractionalism, and they do not care about ideology. This is not true. There are
attempted"
no organizational problems, undertakings or measures/in our movement that
some form of
dox not have/ix ideological basis behind them. And there is an ideological
basis for our present controversy. Some things in this ideological basis are
so shameful, that it is outright embarassing to speak of it. It is even more
embarrasing to make excessive use of the word "dogmatism" to refer to such an
tge
attitude. If Rosa Luxemburg was a dogmatist and/SDKPa44 L can be called
"dogmatist" then I would not like to define as dogmatism those things which
01. are transpiring in everyday life Us:11'x' such as the polemi4 tainted with
the weapon of anti-semitism. This aseris a very shameful matter from the
the history of
point of view of xxxxxxxxxxxtx our move:mint, Imaccbcc to associate it in any
v..04
manner whaiever with the concept of "dogmatism". Anti-semitism has nothing in
common with dogmatism and sectarianism. Maybe it has something in co
de-tCePS;PV #o? 77 eg 4,x 4)4- /00
conservatism or some other Ich must be
o -anV1Va Ply
but let us not besmirch the proper nature of the matter with a name that leads
us into error.
I am in favor, comrades, of a program calling for the cleansing of the
party of all foreign and destructive elements, but I mi6h that this action
would have a solid ideological h'xicimg basis and solid ideological priniciples
for the individuals who will execute this action and to whom we will turn
oh a national level.
This activity, I would like t emphasize once more in order to xvoid any
misunderstanding whatsoever, needed and necessary and has been long awaited
by the party and honest hlememts.
In fully supporting the party leadership line we should at the same time
be aware of certain dangers. All the more - since as an organ of the party
leadership we must laok consciously at the situation in the country and the
party, the actual interplay of forces which occur in the party and the country
and be able in a:scientific manner to foresee the course of events. One does
hbt have to be a wise man to foresee that if we xxx attack, this attack
SECrETro
sz, =
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SECRET v9 foDI
6
?
will be primarily concentrated on the liquidationist-revisionist elements.
Why? Above all because this is all the more comprehensible because there are
as
individuals in the group who write in the press, and who write iikm our comrades
say "what is written with the pen, cannot be erased by the pen". A person who .
has written something bad is held responsible for it and must suffer the
consequences. It is more difficult in the case of other matters 3 because thny
are not so tangible. We must truthfully say, that is the way things are.
In addition the matter has another aspect. This will go from the top
down to the bottom, it will go to the wojewodztwolmomittiew* village and
ote itr5
powiat committee,aad we m? u- st remember comrades that esr-44Eaue-has hot own
eaC. /47-"Vidfrd/
revisionist and what is more has the kind of revisionist that can
afford; there are various types. It is easy to predict that there will be
L_at_this meeting_of the party leadership)
different tendencies from which we must right now/clearly and explicitly
disassociate and sever ourselves.
Is there not the danger of making everyone in the field a revisionist
who does not see eye to eye with this or thatibiarty organization, or
TOY\xl
does not adhere to that which was written i requently false "Handblies"?
Such is the danger that threatens.
I am afraid that by using such criteria no. one of the intellectuals
present - members of the Central Committee could avoid being called a revisionist.
Why comrades? Because we have in Poland as our chief goal during the post
Octoberi'period, the revival of creative thought, the rejuvenation of creative
Marxist thought.
Comrades/ 22mb:ban Theoretically and declaratively we eagerly throw
=.
accusations at that which was evil in the previous period from the point of
view of stagnation, dogmatization etc. However, when later we come to
practical things we hate to have anything deviate from what alre dy has been
62, 8 Sedes77- \oay
recognized, /specially, f we do not know the situation well.
ie (s i' aeT
individual out of the way and to hamper
I
the progress of that which is being done.
Do such dangers exist? Yes they do) and there will be such conscious
tendencies, xxxxximai and oonscious endeavors. This will be so because of
various personal whims and because iiiiiwi11 want to play the October role._
SFPPIT
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SECRET t13 FOIT
?
will be primarily concentrated on the liquidationist-revisionist elements.
Why? Above all because this is all the more comprehensible because there are
as
individuals in the group who write in the press, and who write i?km our comrades
say "what is written with the pen, cannot be erased by the pen". A person who .
has written something bad is held responsible for it and must suffer the
consequences. It is more difficult in the case of other matters , because they
are not so tangible. We must truthfully say, that is the way things are.
In addition the matter has another aspect. This will go from the top
down to the bottom, it will go to the wojewodztwo,xxxmitiams* village and
t Is
powiat committees aa4 we must remember comrades that esr-g.rigezia. has het own
jtr' 940./e
revisionist and what is more eiromporte has the kind of revisionist that can
afford; there are various types. It is easy to predict that there will be
t1tsmeetngoftparty leadership)
different tendencies from which we must right now/clearly and explicitly
disassociate and sever ourselves.
Is there not the danger of making everyone in the field a revisionist
vegv,,74,
who does not see eye to eye with this or that party organization, or
TOM
does not adhere to that which was written i requently false "Handblicia"?
Such is the danger that threatens.
I am afraid that by using such criteria no. one of the intellectuals
present - members of the Central Committee could avoid being called a revisionist.
Why comrades? Because we have in Poland as our chief goal during the post
Octoberi'period, the revival of creative thought, the rejuvenation of creative
Marxist thought.
Comrades/ 2andockpagpf Theoretically and declaratively we eagerly throw
accusations at that which was evil in the previous period from the point of
view of stagnation, dogmatization etc. However, when later we come to
practical things we hate to have anything deviate from what alre dy has ,been
c cfes r N.9ay
recognizeldi /specially, ?If we do not know the situation well.
ok-r-Atev. (s
individual out of the way and to hamper
/I
the progress of that which is being done.
Do such dangers exist? Yes they do) and there will be such conscious
tendendies, xxxxximx and oonscious endeavors. This will be so because of
various personal whims and because iwiU want to play the October role...
S2Crr 5 ,
ADitsi FUra
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iv.; SECRET ?-c,
o
There are serious rancs here. -
_---------
NM, ?
LI do not want to say that they are devoid of any foundations, however, I would
like to make it clear that it would be very unjust if now we wanted to do sprIA among people
people
arise. The most dangerous tendency/Will
(verkSe.
-the-epposite. But such tendencies will
be the one resulting from unfamiliarity
ignorance. We must take a stand against
with the matter, or frequettly from
this. When giv? directives to party
organizations, we must not confine our directions to a concisejgenoral
declaration that we must attack the revisionists and liquidationists. We must
also tell them that we want to maintain the current of creative Marxist
matters
thought. At this point these must be dirt crystallized by turning careful
ra do
attention to what 14_41-iteppen-in-aerlier that the current of creative Marxist
thought be maintained. We have introduced into our country certain new
ideas which are unique in the entire socialist camp l This does not mean that
\"ftel)
they are eqtl. I am firmly convinced that they are good, that they present
something kneir and that they smooths the way berm" usi But we are very
80ilic.15rievpiVs
sharply criticized criticized for this iAtdeanalay-and wdemmerliyeilaby various people
within the country who do not understand what tkowlikin is all about.
We have significantly liberalized the scientific and artistic fields of
activity. Is this good? This is very good comrades. We must break with the
period of the cult of the individual in the field of ideology, culture and
this must be done not only by words but must also be carried out by practical
results in the various fields of science, cul
and art. Comrades, we in
Poland are doing just this. This is pioneer work. Are we always carrying it
out in a proper manner. I cannot say. Only practice will show. There are some
achievements xxa to show and this is no small thing. To cancel all of these
accomplishments would be a serious mistake. We must be careful of the danger
of cancelling these achievements, and this danger does exist. We must fight
against this. The fact that we have allowed ourselves to discuss non-Marxist
prin
c'
les in the field of science and ideology, a fact which seems terrible
to people used to the old way of thinking, is in myx opinion an indispensible
things, if we want to further develop our seene0. We do this under one
condition, namely, that Marxism is not relegated to a position of a poor
ketweio
that it will not be pushed to the sidepAd that by holding on to the
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reins of the cultural policy we will be careful that this will not happen
and that we would not be stung by such actions. Today we have the chance of
winning the ideological struggle within a field of free competition. This is
a great opportunity, a great opportunity for the development of our culture
since this creates new incentives which had not existed previously. This chance -
includes another significant advantage, namely, that people are persuaded
differently in such a free competitive atmosphere than they are when they
fairgantagamaxidammx are persuaded with the aid of a catechism forced upon them
administratively. There was a time when we did not know or believe that ift
were progressing in a proper manner. I myself was xxt one of themi because
with open eyes I xt struggled vigo ously and dedidedly for the public
monopoly 6f Marxist science in the humanities. What has convinced me
efkliA
otherwise comrades. It was two or three days during the October
fight
Why did I previously ximitqcgtx for suchx a monopoly? I knew that such a
1/ o 'w%
monopoly would incentives atimg
?
towards the development of science, but I thought, as did others, that at the
samqhere would be advantages, that this would hasten the tempo of winning
the minds of the people and youth and that when this was achieved we could
proceed forward with all the incentives, that we would be able to develop our
science.
However, what did really happen in practice. After our great recruiting
campaign in which we thought that all we had to do was to expose our youth
to Marxist-Leninist principles for a few years and have them take antaxt
examination on a brief course ofAhe history of the WIT(b) and that in the
/le ?i) o 1.
end we would have Marxists, an belong to us. However, the illusion was
smashed within a few days. During two or three days tkicxxkixxxx not only tkix
our
did this plin blow up like a sop bubble, but even tix people and those who
taught the course in our name themselves lost their heads, lost their sense
of direction and did not know where and what they were.
What does this man comrades? It showed that this method of administering
and giving orders in seence has its disadvantages by discouraging certain
c)meA.
Sb)
incentives, but at the same tim _ngt'fbout additional phenomena which we
pFT
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. 1.
SECREt..3 MIA ?
expected. Comrades, we must be empiricists. A politician should not lose sight
of empiricism, because then he becomes a dogmatist. One must consider experience
- /
and life in general and then come to conclusions. We have e results-otr VIA
our cultural policy and justly so. There were abuses resulting above all
from the fact that somewhere along the road we forgot that freedom of science
/as, 4roglm i
and the freedom of cultivating art are not the same as tlar?clinactimirelei of st.
cultural policy. Freedom of science and the leading role of the party met are
not contradictory things despite the fact that many people who still hold
party cards in their pockets are of the impression that this contradiaion
is a fact. Therefore, this error which we have committed in the past should
not be continued. On the other hand we cannot give up our accomplishments.
We should not return to a situation where we look upon science and in
particular such a delicate field as art from the point of view of how many
bushels of potatoes or how many meters of fabric it will yield for us. Art
is not measured by the direct effect it has on the results of production or
is not measured in meters. If we approached problems in this way we would
have to timm discard the sonnets of Petrarch because they did not yield any
potatoes or meters of fabric. We would have to discard Pushkin's Oniegir..
things associated with poetry and art
Nickiewicz's Ode to Youth, all theseiambtanamdcludatomxxdmAx
would have to be discarded. The same holds true with painting. One should
not approach these things with such an attitude because it is a bad attitude.
Does this mean that we must abandon party leadership in art?
NbiI am definitely against this. One just has to understand what is
meant by party leadership in the field of art. Personally, I am willing to
let anyone who has any concrete solution to the problem answer the question.
I myself tried to consider it, I spoke with various learned individuals and
proposed this question in various countries. Beyond certain very general
problems pertaining to finances, organi3ation etc. there are very few peoplet
who canThay anything sensibleIlt the subject. Comrades, one thing is
certain; Let's not go into this thing like an elephant into a china shop.
This is not the wgy to carry out the struggle against revisionism and we will
not be able to judge things well with-such method of doing things.
elf`
Sif:ript7 i?&9 FrP-1,4
Luro..1
?: ?
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In actual cases concerning a decision about some publication or the
presentation of some sort of piece of work, we must decide a thing concretely.
If art is politically harmful then this art should not be publicly displayed,
influence
but it does not follow that the value of art should be measured by its xxlmos -
in producing potatoes or fabrics. Recently I had a very heated discussion with
an editor of one of our publications. It concerned a play which the author
was not permitted to have printed, and which he later had printed in the Paris
publicatioh "Kultura". I read this play. This play in speech and content is
not a very complicated one and can be really= summed up in a few workds,
namely that Poland is ruled by a-lwatc-h-ry:&_prostitutes, thieves and hangmen.
That is the gist of the play. And then people become angry tkak because we
do not print such material. In reality something like that does not have to
be printed because at another date soon the will come to us with a 44-pei-f?erd--
1-yk v.c
anti-State political pamplet or even preseateel.in the form of a play and
ask us to publish it as a form of art. One must be able to distinguish art
from pure political work.
es\yr?
Another ?comrades pertains to my reservations concerning one of
4?
the formulations contained in the resolution.
Because of the struggle and the delicate situation within the party,
I must stipulate that my observations in no way influence my complete
agreement with the program of the leadership. In my opinion the resolution
lacks an important element about which I would like to speak. What is it?
I travel a little and am therefore fairly acquianted with the
situation in party organizations. I deal above all with intellectual and
student organizations but I also know from ba other comrades the situation
in other organizations.
What is wrong with our organizations? Khere does the greatest difficulty lie?
Evidently there are liquidationists; the work of the conservatives
fractions; there are thieves, scumaip-irei.4=4414teit", alien elements who got into
the party during the"opportunist " is all very true and we must
fight against it. But I see one more important thing, which in my opinion is
the most important thing, namely, the significant manifestations of indifference
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which prevail in liaxmc the party organizations and the reluctance to undertake
any kind kind of party work. The fact...kb*, is people are losing
?-) R. s
their desire for work and tillo..;ect that when e is called together for
-----------
an important matter only 25-30 percent of the members appear, and even this
many is considered somewhat of a success. They do not want to attend meetings,
pay dues and in general they do not want to participate in party work. We
must decide whether this pertains only to foreign elements and individuals
who do not see p any personal advantages from belonging to the party. To
be sure there is a lot of that going on. No one can tell us truthfully how
much of that is with us because we never looked into it and we do not z have
a reasonable instrument for measuring such things. But in establishing some
sort of ratiolee must conclude and practice will bear us out on this that
there are very many individuals who have fallen' into a state of dullness',
have become reluctant to do party work, are apathetic and persist in such a
state of affairs not because they are alien elements in the party, not because
FORE/45 wrass OF rks_tilif2.1)
they are thieves, and not because they belong to any atigillWer, but
rather because they have completely lost themselves.
Comrades, we must ?mx see the psychological side of the problem.
Unfortunately, I want to refer to this again. But really one tof the greatest
our over
errors of tkx communist movement/?x the pm& years has been the fact that
we have not been able to see and we were not able to profit from problems
which in scientific terms are referred to as social psychology. We did not
care about them, we did not see them and therefore committed frightful errors.
We cannot afford to go on committing them, we cannot afford to go on
00FINsimplifying matters.
factors
What sort of processes and ximmommtx enter into the picture here.
These people, and all of us, have
NsesempeopUT xxxxiimatxxxXtroom* lived through unsettling events during
the past 2 or 212 years.
These things do not take place without bad effects when these things
4AcasA
which were considered are thrown into the mud, when that which the people
believed in is no longer worthy of further belief, when people devoted the
maximum of good will and effort in a gLy,en activity have suddenly become
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convinced that they have been working for an evil cause. Unfortunately, this
of
is the objective truth and they realize this. This is the cause ham the
explosion in the hearts and minds of the people. Iik This is all the more the
case since they see no way way out of the situation. What has followed upon
this? The result has been an inner division of the party. Some say things one
way, others say it another way. SOMA say evil things of others, even goindso
and struggle
far as to accuse them of being agents. When inner party strife/begins, then
\\"?%P.,'?
the person in the middleyot n party or high party
functionary, does not know who to believe or what to believe. The comrades
etc.
become very indignant, when the matter of faith/comes up for discussion
because instantly they immediately suspect religion, the church etc. This is
not true. Faith does not only exist where there is religion or the church.
Our faith is the result or should be the result of deep conviction and
knowledge. Without such faith there are noemass movements there PI; n4?./
overst-rtraMfon of socialism. This is also a principle of social psychology.
this
We must know and realize this. The people have lost ttnix faith.
And now the next problem comes up. What have we done and what are we
doing to help these people. Now this is not just a matter of striking
members from tcist or expelling them from the party. They should not be
stricken from the list because once we start striking too much we must
remember that too much of an amputation can lead to a state where an organism
can no longer live and function normally. They should not be removed from
the party because they are our potential party madroxtxt members, these peofde
can still be healed and won over to our side.
The next problem is what do we have to offer them?
I understand the plans of the leadership in the following manner:
of \,of action- 1
We will cleanse the party and then we will conceive/a proper plan/intended
to revive the party organizations. But at the same time we are presenting a
seR0 immediate t'D
whole of psioliamma.
In my-Opinion this therapy should follow a different sequence, not
xlmmmmingimzity one following the other chronologically, but should take place
simultaneously with the striking and expulsion process. It is here that one
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must be unmerciful, consistent and also very careful. I refer to the voices
\FP 0101)1* WINA9 411
of the comrades belonging tothg?r-azaa4441.-/tg-4yrreteltee, of the party and who have
expressed their concern over the course of the program in the field. Oho will
be expelling whom add who will be cleansing whom. Party organizations,
especinly intellectual ones are experiencing very deep and painful concern
over this problem. We must see the difficulties and dangers. I am firmly
convinced that when the leadership presents Some concrete plans and instructions,
then all the goals will be achieved and these matters will likewise remain
within view of the leadership.
Returning to an important problem we must understand clearly that
ttriking members from the party lists will not alone tolve the problem.
Besides a small portion of the aktiv which will surely mobilize itself aloe
and improve itself, there will remain the party rank and file which will
party
not return to life because of the strikings from the/lists.
What more do they need?
They lack two things. First they lack faith. They did not lose their
faith completely, it has it just been wakened and undermined.
they
Secondly, tkrmexklecxxlack Ba that thing which was damaged during the period of
the
very difficult time before October, during the October) and during the fierce
campaign against our party and z the aktiv after October; they lack- that
that they as members
feeling of being an integral part of the ruling party, ticxxibecliwpctiontioddmicr
=Wait% of the party share in deciding the fate of the party and the country
and that their activities carry weight and are very significant.
V\Q.' e Tooe-h Ern
matter integrally connedted with the
problems of social democracy.ehin the party.
I read oneTrimak.formulation in the resolution which concerns me very
much. On this point the resolution states:"Intra-party democracy has been
returned" and this is the end of it. Now, in reality this is not so because
we do *mit know what was returned and what was not returned.
Actually much has been done.
What has been accomplished is tha fact that people speak more freely
now. Let us not delude ourselves into thinking that all the people do that.
Theis are still a lot people taught by dad experience who still are afraid
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? suiptILJ ?
1191
to speak frankly. Neverthless, people are talking and they are talking freely.
I will eow tell you what I was told recently at the Lodz University
organization meeting' It is true that people are speaking more freely now.
But democracy does not only mean that people are permitted to speak, democracy
is also based on the fact that what they say has practical significance and
fR?W;16')
that the partr?P taking this into consideration and drawinqonclusions.
Is this matter in order here at this meeting and has it finally been settled?
cook) Iv,
I would say that this matter can-and onot iga settled. In the light
of the struggles and other events that have taken place amongst ourselves
the atmosphere was not conducive and it was not possible to settle this matter
in a conclusive manner. It is not wise to hesitatertoo long with this matter
'at least/
especially if it concerns certain things which are not/Of primary importeince.
Let us, for example, take up the matter of the intra-party discussion
bulletine'
Individuals are saying: " It is not wise to discuss party matters outside
shouldnIt
the party, but xxidciockkoom discussion take place within the party?'
Personally, I am firmly convinced that the road leading to complete
consolidation and recovery of the party can be accomplished only through
And
extensive intra-party ideological discussion./I would not be afraid that
eRR.riL
comrades with a different attitude will say, even though I have'espaa&iteleeet
such opinion frequently, that in our situation and in our circumstances
such discussion should not be permitted because it leads to further disunity.
I would be afraid of something else, namely, that comrades that should speak
xparme up will not say what they are thinking. I should think that we would
have to force such comrades to speak up so that their views would be made
so
known clearly and/that they could then be submitted for the judgement of
z ou tvae e
public opinion. Tiai.o. discussion should be u.a4ertatm mit order that people
know that they are free to speak and that their voice can be heard
\eve-1$
right up to-the highest yverms of our party.
They are worried that if they do say something, their proposals will
run the gamut- of the various party and that when their proposals
doafinally reach the party leadership they will have been completely
distorted. The comrades say, give us the opportunity to speak openly, to
help in shaping opinion and to help in
rs k7) var
"t"lqA URI
arint' the bongress.
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SCIC511 r
i141
Here, is another problem conderang the field of social psychology.
In its present state the party leimaxisbr demands some sort of shocking incentives.
The party must undertake several extensive and general actions in which the
party leadership sd submit to discussion and overall party ta appraisal
problems concerning the country and the party as a whole. When all the
organizations have expressed themselveslf-their opinions will then be manifested
in '
2 e.5 -Recciliv?e an 42 e 41 74
the Las-Lts (SF
at-VNE-f;adership which a he pa y wan" s
xxxrt and what the party says. The party must again regain its self-confidence
is
and become convinced that it is the guiding force, that it gmxx not matxxx
a discussion club because the people have already had enough of this and
that discussion is all right only if some concrete proposals result from it.
Once "againcomrades o the Politburo, I would like to say that in presenting
my opinions I am in no way detraiting from complete support of the proposed
RecTR 4 ._,SD
program.I only have oeptaln doubts) is program will be
My considerations pertained to this. In doing this I have been guided by the
experience of the student of Confucius who axicubdtcxxxxxlaix when someone
asked the Master to appraise him the Plaster answered: He was a poor student
because he never opposed me nor did he ever express his own opinion. 41
Now for one more final matter.
I would like to turn to all the comrades gathered here. This has been on
my conscience for a long time and I have long since promised myself that I
would speak my mind.
This is the problem. We have been shndding bitter tears about the state
of the party, party disunity, and revisionist activities which are the result
of false views,xxot attacks on Marxism etc.
When I speak with comrades and with whomever I have anything to do with
they are all xibdthxxxximizax full of indignation and accusations and they would
all beat up and tear apart anyone who propagate5erroneous views.
Now the next problem arises. If things are that good, than why are they
xackx so bath If everyone is full of such terrible indignation and has so much
to say in various evening conversations with citizens why are Ct these feelings
- and press
expressed in party/organs, why do not you comrades who ,are so indignant want
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? orr--71.11ri
og,u10.1_
a
nothing to do in helping to form this palic opinion. This is not just any
wwm,0)
/question comrades, and I have approached many comrades with this question.
I do not know if you noticed but when "Polityka" first started to come out
I wrote at once in the first issue an article about the role of the party
publicist in the difficult situation which has appeared. I appealed to the
party aktiv and the highest party leadership for an active part in party
public information. I pointed to the fact that the development of democracy
demands that the aktiv and the party leadership speak up not only in the role
70431e.
of those who finally fammempra a matter but that they also speak up in the
role of those who help to create theory, among other things, in a manner in
which they propose certain ideas whieh can be discussed and from which
something knew then results. I was told then that I was a naive individual, a
utopian. I would say comrades that it is just the other way around, that I
am a realistic optimist. I am convinced that despite everyth#g the comrades
will take up writing again. However, why do they not went to write at present?
I asked this of different comrades and received various answers, which in
my opinion were very sad and not at all in conformity with reality. 2x1xx
Some said:" it is difficult, we have run out of things to say and therefore
we have nothing to write about." This is a x frightening answer. Others
answered differently. They said that they did not know how to write, that
they are very buy etc.
I comrades will not permit myself to believe Ix something like that, I
prefer to speak what in my opinion is the truth.
5 Kit
It is not that all of a sudden thelsilipm4014;ow of writing has been
taken from those who at one time knew how to write for our various illegal
organs bra long time. And what is more when it comes to writing various
party documen s for the leadership, they know what to do and how to write,
however, when must write in overt sources and sign their own name, they do
not want any part of the job and somehow nothing comes of the matter.
Unfortunately, I think this is the result of persiste pressures held
over from the past period of errors and abuses. This is the real trouble.
Certain deterrents have been created, and certain psychic blocks have been
formed among the comrades. Unfortuiaely the comrades remember well and
SEM
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MET po ITU
from the experience of the past period that when someone wrote something, it
remained forever. Sooner or later he had to pay for that which he wrote, because
writing as he did when a
if he wrote in one way he had to pay for timdamxxiistixikinsmarkmagedchange took
place, and on the other hand if he wrote the,: other way but it just means
that he had to wait a little longer until xx a new inevitable change would
come and then again he would have to pay for writing as he did. Such being
the case 1 the result was an instinctive reaction like the one founa among
Pawlow's dogs and other experimental animals: above all don't write anything.
This is a very smart principle of life. Under norircumstances should
anyone write under his own name.
Here is another point comrades, a fairly important one. This is not such
a period of time that if this or that comrade comes from this fex or some
/tired Rep o-rwr soKTS
other party with sum-6.71.;------.16.-Itome all the comrades will fall
on their knees and proclaim: "hosanna") truth itself, a miracle, we agree.
Frankly things will be just the opposite, even when we begin this significant
activity against the revisionists, ikiam I am convinced, and it should not be
otherwise, that when the comrades will not agree with each other, then they
biting
will be gmck one another like devils. And these are young poeple ?AO
have healthy teethe and bite terribly. Imixt And it mast be said that lux many
people do not like this because it is not nice. '44mia4miclia a person has written
=Da
something and right away they start to pick on him. Comrades I understand
that this is not pleasant, I do not like it myself when they start to pick
on me, but humor today is based on the fact that a communist cannot handle
such things. Comrades, I refuse to accept the proposition that we kLo longer
have anything to day and that we have forgotten how to write, because if
things were so then proper measures would have to be taken. :le are finished
miwith that period of time when it was enough to write about just one thing
or to be concerned with just one phase of life. Today we are living in a time,
and it is good that such times have come upon us, when we are able to get
along not only with the party but also with the mairses. Today we must know
how to talk to the people and how to write. This is a return to good times
the pent great period in the history of the workers movement.
SEC FIT FO71
1
g'cf
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111 MET L,,g; v"olin
Re4V 315 u57
Comrades frequently
listen to them. When one
so mach so that it is sad to
starts to talk about the "Trybuna Ludu" or "Polityka"
.21.i.ght you can ear such comments as "what a newspaper","devoid of imagination;
"lacks discussion", etc.
Why is it sterile? Why isolai. it alive? Well, first of all .because comrades
will not take their pens into the hand and write something or at least help.
Today one can write articles for the "Trybuna". I know from experience that
,J1AtivA.
can write risky articles oft their
one can write for themeday. Frequently one
own and the editorial office will accept them. If something does not please
and
you, then write about it, discuss, int at the same time help in freEdatqx
in shaping the paper and opinion.
And how about"Polityka"? The editor of "Polityka" is here and he himself
can tell you what difficulties he has and what means he has to resort to, and
to how many people he must appeal to in order to put out just an ordinary
edition, because of course* it would not look 4-right to publish the paper
with blank pages.
The comrades do not want to write and they do not want to help. And
what is worse they do not want to help at a time when the activities of a
which
certain group are threatening, a group contrary to logic calls itself
leftist even though it represents the olassic models of the social democratic
-r o-Ae
right when the threat of this groups snobbism affects many people. I could
give names and paint to comrades here who up until now have not soiled their
hands by writing one word or one article for "Polityka" just because "Polityka"
from the very beginning was boycotted by this certain group. And why was this?
Because it was the semi-official organ of the KC, also because it was known
that the publication was being prepared by the leadership with the direct
cooperation of comrade Gomulka, and there are 9 members of the Central
Committee on its editorial committee. I am not saying this on the basis of a
supposition. I was at an important party organization meeting where one
individual got up all of a sudden and said: Bah, "Polityka" we know yhat kind
0-17 %7:-
of a paper that is. I was startled, because I was still _acafplatiseviazhthar.o.
vsired.
So DAWN* what 4a-Fatit mea x by saying what kind of a paper it is, what has
-
happened here? Of course everyone knew, it was a semi-official organ, and
SECiLM FOE
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SECRET vg VOW"
there are 9 members of the Central Committee on the staff. This is the kind
discouraginti that is
of/thing and tkleccluockkstxkinabate argument/used by the snobs, txximom who are
non?conformist in relation to the party ang the government but absolutely
-1-re rive ( bfie, 6
conformist regarding bigotry and e The terror of snobism
A
which discourages many of our comrades, unfortunately, many a time in very
high positions, who manage to write for every publication but even though
they have been approached many times, they refuse to soil their hands by
writing even one article for "Polityka" or "Trybuna Ludu".
Comrades, something must be done about that. Neither organizational
measures nor even a very close amalgamation of these measures with any sort
of ideological campaign will not suffice in itself, if the highest party
%4411c
aktiv which is gathered here an assemblies around itself a large portion of
the aktiv does not take the offensive. We should not behave like a choir
in an opera, standing in one place and continuously hollering: "well lets
go, let's go, let's go." It is not enough to holler:"let's go on the offensive,
let's go on the offensive, let's go on the offensive." Going over to the
offensive means among other things, that everyone of us must go on to the
offensive, that we must all help in this offensive.This is a case of the
mass ideological influence of the word, and above all the written word,
because when one of you goes to a xxiiiilarge party x organization to speak hi
may get to talk to 500 people, but writing in the "Trybuna Ludu" you write
02.,0
for 200,000 readers. This is opinion is ? formed. Comrades who a little
do you think you can
negligently and carelessly say sometimes: "xilembolorowecoommiatia save Poland
with one article, what will that help?" are very much in error. Evidently
this is nota job for one man or one article, but among other things it is
the job of everyone of us, 4(a job of cooperating with the party
ideological
leadership and the party in changing this/state of affairs, this bad and evil
I eolo ca
state of affairs which has been created in the party.
The fundamental, central, basic problem facing the party today is the
ideological problem.
If we want to change the situation in the party we must change the
situation on the ideological front. In order to change the situation di the
ideological front, we must take an active part in it. This is our obligation.
SPNET .FFi
_
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T"I ..w.,71r111
gcrIET dim
Comrade ROMAN ZANBROWSKI
Attention Comrades! The axis of the discussion of today's Plenum is
the problem of the party, the problem of its internal strengthening. Our
examination of the shortcomings and the ills of the party has never been
as sharp at plenary sessions of the Central Committees as it is to-day and
never before in our party have we made such an extensive effort to eliminate
these ills.
What is the essence of the problems which are the subject of to-day's
plenary discussions? It would be regrettable, indeed, if a party member
in the ranks would see in the resolutions of the Plenum only a course for
its purification. It is most essential that the minds and hearts of the
millions of party members be imbued with ideological and political meaning
of the turning point which we want to achieve in the party in the period
before its Congress. On this point, I agree with the comments of Comrade
Schaff.
The essential problem undertaken at the Plenum to-day is to achieve
harmony between the party program, its aims, its statutes and, the principle
and activities of every party member and every party organization. Because
of the peculiar historical situation in which the party has been developing
since the, liberation, we have not achieved this harmony and in many of the
party units we have even become farther removed from it. The concept of a
mass party has been warped by disregarding in practice the idea that every
party member, and every party organization has a leading role.
'or many party members and even some party organizations, the most
legitimate-and solid regulations of the party statutes have become merely
dead letters. It has come to the point that the comrades who remember pre-
war times have a widespread the that if one verato judge from the ideo-
zosij- I
logical principles of its members, one could find in the party to-day
representatives of all prewar parties from the ccumunists and persons who
will become communists, through the socialist rightists, the "sanacja"
government followers, and followers of the national democratic principles,
to OR.
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MET Ng FOCA
'L=
The ballast of hostile and indifferent people reduces the effective-
ness of the activities of the preponderant army of comrades ideologically
in accord with the party, and at the same time constitutes a fertile soil
for poisoned seed sown by both wings which have been formed in our party.
It is not by accident, dear Comrades, that the victory in our party
of the concept of the party as a leading division has not been achieved
until now. In the past, as we know, it was impossible, despite the fact
that many of us had been attracted by this idea.
We must tell ourselves, that what happened as if by catalysis, ac-
celerating the proposal that the party become fully the leading segment
of the working class and the working masses -- was a concrete political
situation, a threat, which appeared from the revisionist wing and also
from the dogmatic-sectarian wing, and also the problem of corruption which
demanded vigorous action. It is indisputable that without removing this
ballast of undersirables and without a decided stand against revisionists
and liquidators and against dogmatic and sectarian views, it would be
difficult to achieve a party which in its composition and activities of its
organizations would fully conform to Lenin's concept of a leading sector of
the working class and working masses.
We have said and written much in the past about a new type of party,
a Lenin type party. We know that the divergence between word and action
in the past period gradually made these ideas useless or ineffective. We
remember also what warm hopes the rallying slogan of return to the Lenin
standard awakened in the party in the period of the Third Plenum.
The action being undertaken by the party to-day ought to help greatly
to illuminate fully the first and second slogan. Because only in a party
which takes a decided stand based on the principles of Mar34sm and Leninism
and the general line defined by the Eighth and Ninth Plenum, a party in which
there will be no place for wings and group activities, a party in which every
organization will follow the Lenin concept of a leading group, in a party in
which every organization will govern itself on the principles of democratic
uORLTJ
or
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SFGnET
centralism -- can the Lenin standards, collegialism, and intra-party
democracy be fully developed. This must be so that the political life
of every party organization be fully developed, that every party member
)tceJ
have right not only to make critical comments but also to influence the
situation by his vote or opinion, that every party member have the feel-
ing that he together with other party members and together with the ad-
ministration is forming the party line.
It is my opinion, comrades, that Comrade Schaff rightly emphasized
this side of the problem. Only I do not understand why he did it with
such hesitation. Perhaps he thought that it might be interpreted as a
reservation. The matter seems to be wholly indisputable that we ought
to have and develop in the course of this action the prospect of deepening
intra-party democracy as a result of the realization of the tasks of the
Tenth Plenum. The program which we are undertaking,on a scale so far un-
heard of, will demand an immense mobilization of the party aktiv. Almost
all the comrades who spoke from this voilimmmignyplatform so far,expressed
a proper anxiety as to the practical fulfillment of this program.
It will require a great mobilization of the aktiv, because it will
be necessary to submit to every primary and divisional islibilmisamrji organi-
zation our analysis of the party situation, to submit to them the resolu-
tions of the Tenth Plenum and the instructions of the KC Secretariat worked
out on the basis of these resolutions.
It will be necessary for the central, wojewodztwo, and powiat aktiv
to give practical assistance to the primary andavisional organizations in
carrying out the verification campaign.
We must also take into consideration that, in more than one primary
and divisional organization, the good comrades,who are plentiful in all
organizations, will not be able to realize the principles of the Tenth
Plenum without assistance.
We all know that there are many administrative organizations, es-
pecially in trade, in housing branches, and certain cooperative organiza-
tions where demoralization has roadbed
se)
int the party organization
, -
cannot purge, itself of these corrupt elements without help.
' gaff V.Z9
,f7r1
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There are also a number of organizations in the higher schools, in
scientific and cultural institutions where the ideological confusion and
revisionist influence is so great that they cannot carry out the verifica-
tion program without outside assistance. It is understood ,of course) that
this outside assistance should be given by party cadres which have the
greatest influence and the greatest authority in these circles.
Comrade Strzelecki,among others, has asked for more detail on the
organizational problem of carrying out the program.
Undoubtedly it will be necessary for hundreds of proven comrades
with strong beliefs in the general party line and policies of the Eighth
and Ninth plenums to work with the party control commission. Without this
assistance, the party control commissions cannot handle the great task set
before them in Gomulka's speech and the draft resolution.
We even foresee -- of course these axe problems which have not been
decided by the party heads, or by the secretariat, and we would also like
your comments -- that, in the period before the Congress, we shall be
strengthening with proven cadres not only the party control commissions
but also the leaders of the commissions. We have even considered, if it
should be necessary, appointing one of the best ministerial secretaries,
well versed all-roundlas chairman of the party control commissions for the
transition period.
We shall need thousands of comrades to participate in the groups called
upon by the wojewodztwo and powiat committees to work with the proper organs
or authority in purging the economic and administrative apparatus of demoral-
ized elements.
I wish to repeat, comrades, that,even on the basis of Koszalin as one
of the comrades has properly emphasized in the discussion, we see that not
in every instance is every organizational level Omelleselsi capable of
handling without assistance the great right against the demoralized elements
in its awn powiat or local organization. Actually there have been instances,
let me cite Comrade Pawlak, Warsaw KW secretary, who at one of the KC meetings
stated- that some KP secretaries in Warsaw Wojewodztwo actually said that,
although they know these corrupt elements, they cannot handle them without
SECtiri No"'
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uL.111te..
assistance. They ask for someone from the top to whom they would give
10
the names, am4,werleyolehetAborhandlo the matter. These comrades do not
think it wise for them to handle the matter since they are staying on.
It is unpleasant and sad to hear such an argument from the head of a poviat
party organization. This, however, is an indication that groups should be
formed, let useay powiat groups actually approved by the poviat committee,
but in cooperation with the wojewodztwo group, and the wojewodztwo group
would in turn be formed by the wojewodztwo committee in cooperation with
the central group. We cannot, at the moment, burden with this work the KW
and KP executive boards directly since they also have other very important
tasks to handle. At the same time, we must have full assurance that these
groups would be made up of comrades who will not waver in handling these
matter prudently and properly.
We would like these groups to be composedof leading comrades working
in a given area in such organs as state control, public prosecutor's offices)
militia, treasury guards, PIK, etc--for one thing to have a steady flow of
information and also to have assistance in properly submitting the problems.
FinAlly, we shall need thousands of activists to assist thell-M='-' 4
divisional party organizations in carrying out verification in POP and 00P.
The organizational concept of the verification program now being dis-
cussed is as follows: mixed verification commissions are to be formed and
attached to divisional and basic party organizations. They will be composed
not only of party members in a given plant chosen at a meeting of POP and
00P but also of activists directed there by the KP, KM, and KD. They will
carry on discussions with party members and non-party members and then
submit their findings to the OOP or POP.
7-WM expect that there will be organizations in which the suggestion
of the commission will not receive the majority support, and in such
instances, party authorities or party control commissions will make the
decisions.
;SP r
ts>?.1
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?
We want the KW executive board to issue a wojewodztwo bulletin which
would report on progress of the program and provide better control and
exchange of experience.
Is our party aktiv adequate to handle these problem and is it capable
of ensuring a successful realization of the resolutions of the Tenth Plenum?
I believe that we have such an aktiv. However, comrades, we should depart
from the traditional approach to the work with the aktiv, from the tra-
ditional approach of dragging the aktiv into the work. ?
We must go outside the charmed circle of the aktilpbecause we have
many good activists who fell out of this circle during the post-October
period. We have many good activists in factory organizations who have no
party authority and who, in many instances, are ignored by the party
authorities although they are as well developed as those who belong to
the party authorities.
I especially want to emphasize the need of drawing the factory aktiv,
the workers, and the intellectual aktiv into the political and organizational
work of realizing the guiding principles of the Tenth Plenum.
Recently7I visited the "KAsprzak" radio plant and participated in the
reporting and elective meetings of the 00P and POP from which, as a member,
I receive great benefit. It is a good party organization although actually
the party ills to which Gomulka referred in his speech are unfavorably re-
flected in its attitude and activities.
Deep anxiety on party matters characterized both meetings, but what
struck me most was the fact that many good activists after making very
valuable speeches with expert criticism of the party organization later
refused a candidacy to party offices.
I cite this fact because I do not think that this is an isolated
instance. However, we must now create in the party an atmosphere to
make the comrades and the aktiv understand that, at this time, such an
attitude is especially improper. There has been talk here about the in-
difference of a certain part of the aktiv and undoubtedly such disinterest
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SECRET "J
in a candidacy is certainly a sign of indifference. It must be said,
however, that in the past period there has been some improvement in the
party in this respect, especially in factory party organizations.
We also have large aktiv reserves in factories. I am certain that
if the traditional mobilization of the aktiv were supplemented by an
appeal to all party members who wish to participate in the verification
campaign and7in the struggle to purge the economic apparatus of demoral-
ized elements, and to those who consider themselves party activists and
want to take an active part in party activities ,to report to the proper
jaia
party committees, we gain thousands of valuable activists to realize
the provisions of the Tenth Plenum.
One more matter pertaining to the aktiv. We have in the party un-
usually valuable cadres of old party workers. Some because of age or poor
health are receiving annuities but they are still active in the party or
want to be active. The happenings of the past years have been most painful
to these comrades. To more than one of them the reactionist drive against
the "Stalinists" since October and the revisionist publications in the press
and periodicals disguised the decisively healthful character of the Eighth
Plenum. In this connection, the problem of clubs of old workers, clubs
where old retired. workers meet, and where some comrades who have become
steeped in the old concepts and do not understand the party line developed
at the Eighth and Ninth Plenums becomes a real problem.
The question' comes up as to whether or not there is a purpose for
the existence of these clubs, especially in the present situation. Would
not retired old workers be more valuable if they returned to the old party
organizations in which they formerly worked.
In connection with the situation in the party I would like to dwell
on certain problems of the youth, especially the situation in the ZNS.
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SHEET
?
We all know the fatal effect of past deviations and political
shakeups in the last 2 years on the attitude of the majority of the
younger generation, on the working youth, and especially the student
youth.
It is characteristic that in all the strikes taking place in July
and August of this year, the most active were new workers from villages
and small towns and the youth. The old cadres showed most resistance to
strike propaganda. The incidents in connection with closing of "Po
Prostu" are an emphatic sign that the political situation among the
student youth is much more serious than that among the working youth.
The ideological and, political weakness is clearly pictured in the majority
of the ZMS cadres, among whom there are those who chose the road of organ-
izing meetings, manifestations, and strikes against the party and the
people's government.
It has been proved that the organizers of the meetings of 3 October
in the Plac Narutowicza and 4 October in the Warsaw Polytechnic were two
members of the ZMS Warsaw Committee Secretariat--Gilas and Gronostaj--and
that they were distributing the illegal leaflets and placards.
Similarly in Krakow, the coorganizer of the student's solidarity
strike in sympathy with the Warsaw Polytechnic was Ogorzalek, secretary
of the ZMS Wojewodztwo Committee.
It has also been proved that many people who participated in this
criminal act against the party and the people's government had contact
with and cooperated with the workers of the ZMD which had been dissolved
the latter part of 1956 or the beginning of 1957.
How was it possible that )inWarsaw and Krakow,yeepierAin-leading cadres
of the wojewodztwo ZMS openly joined in illegal actions against the party
and the people's government? This fact is, no donbt,closely connected with
the serious effect which the revisionist elements in our party have on
the Warsaw ZMS leading cadres.
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? 411
SEOPIET1:11
Comrades, here is the letter of the Secretariat of the Warsaw ZMS
Coamittee of 2 October, the day that the KC Secretariat passed the reso-
lution approving the closing of "Po Proetu". The letter in shortened
form follows: "To the Secretariat of the Central Committee of PZPR!
We have been notified today of the decision of the KC PZPR to close
To
the "Po Prostu" a youth political and sociological weekly audible die-
4
solve the group.
We cannot understand the reasons for this decision taken a year
after the October turning point, a proclamation on the subject of socialist
democracy.
"Po Prostu" played a large role in the preparation for the Polish October
working out new concepts, doing research, subjecting to criticism Stalinism
and its October remnants. No doubt the publication made many mistakes, in
many instances taking up stands which were not proper.
We saw that, we evaluated and critized the "Po Prostu" group endeavoring
to use ideological weapons and arguments.
In our opinion, hostile concepts of "Po Prostu" or any other publication
should be fought by ideological means, in discussion, by ideological means
within the group, but never through administrative. measures.
For some time now, we have been disturbed by the activities of the
Main Office of Press Control, their meddling without basis which is con-
tradictory to the concept of socialist democracy.
We are disturbed by the return to the press of various forms of
ideological and political attacks in place of reasonable scientific argu-
ments, as was the instance in "Trybuna Lude which in reply to a series of
articles by Leszek Kblakowski published a harsh article by Krasucki.
In our opinion, these symptoms threaten the authority of the party.
The dissolution of "Po Prostu" is the most emphatic sign of this. We have
serious doubts and anxiety in connection with your decision to close "Po
Prostu" having in mind the repurcussions which this decision will engender
among the populace. In our opinion, the KC Secretariat of party should re-
consider its decision".
ri
1
1.4&.Jr-th=
Rifi t:72,
t3
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farKti 4
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if 04
At this same meeting of the Secretariat)the above mentioned Giles
and Gronostaj submitted a motion that they join the initiative of the
group of workers of the former ZMD in connection with calling a meeting
in protest.
The participants at the meetings of the KW ZMS threw out the motion
bringing no sanctions against those who submitted the motion) who, it
developedpad already decided on carrying out their plans regardless of
the stand taken by their authorities.
Comrades7 I do not wish to cloud the issue. It is well known that
the vacillations in the matter of "Po Prostu" also involved a large part
of the party aktiv at higher schools and other intellectual centers. These
vacillations have not yet been completely overcome. A week ago .)I heard a
publicly expressed opinion of two esteemed and ren1711 comrades, members
had
of the Warsaw party committee.7mOgrolimeWledmotimmtbmods that the article
'kW r?,bep.n (go
in the "Trybuna Ludu" lea* appeared earlier t* would ismip have gariiwooe.vig
demonstration, and there would have been no confusion in the matter of
suspending "Po Prostu".
This is really not a proper stand. We agree that it would have been
h4Cb
better tir the article in Trybuna Ludu in the matter of Po Prostu Ma appeared
earlier than 11 October3that is about 6 or 7 October. However, it would be
VVi
improper to say -- perhaps I am wrong -- but understood omrade Skrzeszewski
that the article in "Trybuna Ludu" should have been published before the
Resolution of the KC Secretariat. I agree that had we had more contro-
versial articles in the matter of "Po Prostu" in the Trybuna Ludu" and other
organs the matter would look better from the side of ideological preparation
niecasi
of the party. But to interpret the motion ismatimmomftememee that a public
announcement should have been made, that because of such or such an attitude
of "Po Prostu", it should be closed, I must say that such an approach would
not have helped us but harmed us.
SECRET NO
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? SEE
There is no doubt that a great national discussion would have followed.
There would have been pressures from many sides. The natter would have
turned into some sort of plebiscite or referendum and probably student
demonstrations would not have been avoided.
In general, I mould like to say that we should not overrate the delay
of the "Trybuna Ludu" article. After all, it is clear and we must take
into consideration the fact that the majority of the organizers and a
great majority of the demonstrators had never read "Po Prostu". And those
who are prone to overrate the lateness of the article in the matter of "Po
Prostu" are, in most instances, themselves well enough experienced politi-
cally to be expected to take the proper stand after the resolutions of the
Ninth Plenum which would be in accord with the decision of party leaders.
There is no doubt that the article in "Trybuna Ludu" was necessary
and brought positive results. It seems to me,however, that since we talk
so much today of social psychology we should also know that in this matter
certain comrades have a psychosis. The thing is that the article appeared
when everything seemed to have died down. The comrades seem to think that
the article had a calming effect. After all, with all the meaning and
weight of the arguments and the persuasions within the party and outside
the party, and not minimizing the importance of party propaganda, we must
remember that in many instances the masses learn best from the development
of a political situation, in the course of the occurrences.
The most quieting effects were obtained first by the fact that the
party attitude was clearly expressed in the resolution of the Secretariat
and second, the student brawls were basically isolated occurrences, and
third that they were supported by hooligans, and fourth that neither the
working class nor the basic social mass supported them, and the government,
let um say, solved the problem not without difficulties. It was this de-
velopment which had the most quieting effect, this development which after
all brought to light the definite disposition of political forces.
1?
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But returning to the matter of youth and the ZMS, we must tell
ourselves that these vacillations which we have seen in the matter of
"Po Frostu" in intellectual circles, do not minimize the harmfullness
of the vacillations among ZMS workers. It must not be minimized. We
must confirm the fact that many ZNS workers as far as the "Po Prostu"
affair is concerned not only did not fight against spreading confusion
among the working youth, but were spreading confusion themselves, and
when it comes to the student youth, the Warsaw ZMS leaders served as a
screen for the activities of even hostile elements. The "Po Prestu"
affair clearly brought to light the ideological and political weakness
of part of the ZMS cadres. This weakness stems, first of all, from the
fact that the ZMS aktiv, absorbed in discussions on contradictions in
socialism, in many instances, loses sight of the contradictions between
the socialist forces and the forces of the social and political rightist
group in the country and the world, that the avant' guard atmosphere in
the ZMS aktiv as regards our party has not yet been fully overcome, that
the ZMS aktiv does not consider the problems of the working youth im-
portant. And we must tell ourselves that there are certain -- I do not
want to exaggerate and I would not want anyone else to exaggerate -- ailing
ZMS units. just as before when we had just started to have a new viewpoint
in the old periods it was said that the most gloomy figure in the ZMP was
the young bureaucrat, so today we can say that there are certain, fortunately
not numerous, ZMS units in which the cynics take prcedence.
For the ZMS to fulfill the task)its aktiv must overcome the ideological
and political vacillation apparent in its ranks as well as rise above the
narrow circle of internal affairs and fruitless arguments and appeal to
the broad masses of youth. Only then;yill the ZMS fully deserve the
title of a socialist organization and become a center bringing together
the youth for the fulfillment of the task of building socialism, form
its class countenance, and fight decisively at every step the overt and
covert enemies of socialism. So far, the immaturity of the ZMS has been
utilized by our opponents for sowing confusion in the organization itself
and has at times lead to thoughtless and even harmful steps. The ZMS must
IA
educate or-train people to uniter?creative research, discussions, and bold
?SE:PPcT rIr
eitj
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Jr.^
7(7'71
SMIET
?
actions with absolute loyalty to socialist ideology and learn socialism
from the party and from the communists. Such people can be educated only
?
by an aggressive ideological activity of the organization as well as a
factual participation in the daily work and struggle of the working class.
Serious isemisposedimit changes must be made in the work of the ZMS as
well as other youth organizations. But most important always will be the
party influence on the youth organization and party assistance to their
aktiv. We must get rid of the reserve some party organizations are showing
in this matter, we must understand that what is needed is a real, practical
and not a declarative engagement of the party aktiv in the problem of the
youth movement, an every day interest in the development of this movement.
There has been talk on the danger of revisionism especially in Warsaw
and I agree with this. However, it is difficult to agree with a certain
disregard for the danger of dissension created by the dogmatic and sectarian
position.
Our dogmatists -- as is well known -- do not develop their activities
in the columns of the press but in many instances one can learn of their
activities from scant;-and very unpleasant notes or memorandums.
I would like to say a few words about the elections to the people's
councils which are coming up early in February 1958. This will be a great
campaign in the city and the village and should help to strengthen the tie
between the party and the masses.
The problem of the people's councils, their administration)and prospects
for 'War development is in itself a great problem and I do not wish to dwell
on it. After all we are expecting that even in the period before
tions a law will be introduced in the Sejm on the organization of
8001100?411ati
councils and there will be public discussion. As a result of
the elec-
people's
the decentralization process, the people's councils already have great authority.
EGET
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It is enough to say that the budgets of the people's councils increased
from 23 billion zloty in 1956 to 32 billion in 1957 and are expected to
show a further increase in 1958, that the people's councils received
broad authority in the sphere of planning and the budget, that they took
over the administration of trade in the wojevodztwos, that they extended
1o.
their influence in the allocation of the new housing pool, to say anything
r
=01
of the increase-00a0006, influence in the traditional spheres of their
former authority such as agriculture, health, education, communal economy,
etc. This process of expanding the authority of people's councils will
continue to develop by transferring to them ,through the central offices)
the function of administering such fields as small scale industry, State
Farms, residential construction, etc. At the moment, however, it is more
important to speed up the transferrence of the rights of the wojewodztwo
people's councils to the urban and powiat people's councils. This brings
up the problem of a simultaneous demotion of qualified wojewodztwo personnel.
Although the process of decentralization is developing satisfactorily in
general, the development of real influence of the people's councils and
through them of the working masses on the executive organs of the councils
and their administration is, indeed, unsatisfactory. Actually, the process
of expanding the authority of the councils has meant only increased authority
for vojewodztwo administrations which are already excessively expanded and,
in many instances, poorly qualified. The people's councils which under our
structure should fulfill the role of important organs of people's authority
have fulfilled this role only to a small degree. There is still much to do
in this sphere on the road to their democratization. Discussions on the
resolution of people's councils organization are bringing out a concept of
necessary changes in the work of people's councils.
The coming elections will be an important step in deciding about the
work of the people's councils in the next few years. The work of the
people's councils will, of course, depend largely on the kind of deputies
040?010, elected to the people's councils, their influence on the ad-
ministration and their ties with the masses.
R71-72r,T
ffej vulict
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The new regulations which have been worked out by the KC commission
of people's councils and approved by the commission for the cooperation
of parties provide for a real innovation, that is the introduction of in-
dustrial zones. In this manner, we want to tie in more closely the factory
workers and their factory councils with the activities of the people's
councils, especially since we expect an increased influence of the people's
councils in the development of the key industry, in the matter of welfare
and cultural opportunities of factory workers, and also an increased
interest of the people's councils in the economic results of the plants
of the key industries.
We want to achieve greater political activity of the working class,
especially the factory workers, during the election itself. We want -- and
this perhaps is the most important -- to create better conditions for the
election of the best and most worthy representatives of the working class,
fully qualified politically and socially, to fulfill the responsible role
of a deputy facilitating for the masses a daily control of its representa-
tives.
The creation of industrial zones is (=emboli*s formLf institutional
assurance for the working class of the leading role in the activities of
the people's councils. However to get full value of the election regulations,
very keen work is required in the actual choosing of candidates; it is neces-
sary to imbue the masses with their great responsibility in submitting
candidates, in order to elect people who want to and know haw to work. The
election campaign will coincide with the great work of the party on the
realization of the Tenth Plenum resolutions.
There has been some anxiety expressed as to whether or not one will
collide with theother.
It seems to me there should be no anxiety. It seems to me that the
achievements in the sphere of purging the apparatus of corrupt elements
and the practical realization of the Tenth Plenum resolutions will help
the party to submit the proper candidates and to raise the level of its
political work.
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STINT
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From the organizational point of view, carrying on two such great
endeavors at the same time will require a very great effort, but then, in
our party,great tasks bring out great energy for their fulfillment.
In conclusion let me go back to the matters which form the axis of
today's plenum. This is the first anniversary of the
Eighth Plenum. At
the Eighth Plenum, the party undertook to revise many basic matters of
previous policy.
In undertaking this revision, the party could not under the then
existing conditions make, at the same time, a revision of the old concept
of the party which was contradictory to the concept of the party as the
leading segment of the working class.
I am certain that we shall soon settle this thing which is an
incentive, a catalyzer of today's decisions in this direction, and over-
come the greatest difficulties in the struggle with revisionism and the
dogmatic and sectarian faction and in the struggle to purge the party of
corrupt elements. We ought to manage this in a few months. An then,
Comrades, we will have made the great permanent achievement of this Plenum,
which will permit us to accelerate our pace. We shall be really closer to
the realization of the great task, the task of building a really new, Lenin
type party.
SFBEI
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STEFAN ZOLKIEWSKI
SECRET
Many comrades have expressed, from this platform, proper critical
views or opinions as to the character and direction of the development
of our cultural life in the past few years, especially in the past year,
emphasizing the phenomena which resulted from the yielding of certain
creative and intellectual circles to the revisionist and bourgeois
influences.
However, I would like to start out by emphasizing clearly the
important achievements especially in the past years in the sphere of
cultural policy', cultural life, as a result of the great change achieved
by our party last October.
These achievements are apparent in all spheres of cultural life.
One of the achievements is the acknowledgment of the need and value of
scientific arguments, understanding at the same time that not every
scientific argument is a political battle and that only under definite
conditions can it be transformed into a political bfttle. And only then
can it be fought politically. On the other hand, when they have a
character of a scientific argument, even though the stands are opposite
each other, they are very valuable for the development of thought.
Another achievement is 0100 the acknowledgment, a real acknowledgment in
practice, of the right of a researcher to establish actual or real facts
XALJ
without nindrance whatsoever. As mentioned above)we have also achieved
new animation in our cultural life, new creative life, bringing it closer
to the reader and finally, in many respects, enriching his life. We must
not give up these achievements. It would mime be well for our Plenum to
express itself very clearly in this respect. In my opinion)Ke should
just as strongly point out the shortcomings in our cultural life, short?
comings which should no longer be tolerated. This pertains especially
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to the one?sided treatment of the contradictions which are apparent in
OUT social life and cultural life. These contradictions appear between
the interests of the creators, which are formed under various influences,
and the needs of the receivers; contradictions which appear also between
the various forces influencing the development of cultural life. In
working out these contradictions we do not properly take into account
the needs of our social life, or the needs connected with the socialist
direction of its development.
Looking at the past year from the perspective of today, we must agree
that we have not respected to a proper degree the permanent principle of
cultural policy of the countries building socialism, which has been tried
out by the USSR, the principle of making the most advanced ideology, the
most advanced social truth the property of the broad masses. In our
literary, scientific, publicist activities, in our activities in connec?
tion with public informatio9, there is no sign of any fight against all
the strata of prejudices, clerical influences, fideistic influences,
bourgeois influences, backward traditions to which the broad masses still
cling. One has the feeling that our writers, publicists, and propagandists
have been blind to almost whole areas of ignorance and backwardness in
our country. The whole effort has been directed and properly to achieving
new cultural life, by enriching it with forgotten realities, especially
those realities which are certainly necessary for a normal development of
cultural life, but which did not satisfy that basic necessity for us of
educating the wide masses, of educating a cultural society, which is,
after all, the essential condition for building socialism.
Where was the source of these phenomena, or at least the main source?
In my opinion, the main reason for these warpings of cultural policy
was the inadequate fulfillment by the party of its role of leader in the
cultural life.
SFCPTIT
O-6
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Like Comrade Schaff, I also would not have had the courage to state
that I know what is the leading role of the party in every concrete and
difficult situation in the sphere of creativeness, arts, or even in the
Wh
broader sphere of culture in general. It is easier to say that the
A
leadership should be in spreading the principles of culture because, in
.ca eta I- I
this instance, the party amid the cultural values to be
hAtIL)
disseminated. We must admit that, in the past year, weh-ad much proof
that this responsibility of selection hi g been neglected. Each one of
us can cite public performances in the cinemas, theatres, small resort
6041'444cl rnctiS?rt a
theatres, which 4iore.eg-strange, tangled, and politically hostile oateerten4.
However, even in the sphere of creativeness, the problem of party leader?
ship is real.
What did negate the basic conditions of ideological party influence
in the creative field?
During this year, our literature took on a healthy complexion; it
learned to speak to the reader in a more lively, a warmer, and more direct
manner. But)unfortunately, it concentrated exclusively on problems re?
sulting from the conflicts between the governing and the governed. We
could cite a whole series of works which are exlusively devoted to these
problems of conflicts resulting from the contradictions within socialism.
On the other hand, one is not aware of or does not see all the conflicts
which appear between socialism and the reactionary forceyllthe conflicts
miliminampowe the solution of which might help us in the fight against
just these prejudices, the clerical influences, and the remnants of
prejudice and ignorance.
Where should we look for the source of this state of affairs? The
answer itself is simple since we have to deal here with the tendency of
some creative circles towards bourgeois and liquidationist trends, but
we must ask ourselves where all this comes from. Undoubtedly one must
SEGPIETL'L
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also recognize the fact that it is the existence of revisionist and
dogmatic tendencies in the party itself which is one of the real and
important reasons for this situation. Let me emphasize: not only re-
visionist but also sectarian and conservative. Because, if revisionist
tendencies have a direct influence on this harmful narrowing of the horizon
of our creative intellectuals, then the conservative and sectarian tendencies
achieve the same results indirectly, since they frighten our creative in-
tellectuals with the narrowness, the false or would-be narrowness, of
the party.
If we are really to be a leading force in the field of culture, we
must appear as a consolidated force ideologically, AT1 ideological force
which could explain and show our creative circles the main and essential
conflicts of our time, especially the conflicts between socialism and
the reactionary forces in the country and in the world. Then we shall
be a force which can point out the finest tasks in this sphere, tasks
ty)
connected with the direct and vital needs of the masses aisomirlyintr2MS
$ir
the struggle for socialism; 4-e tasks of combatting ignorance, backward
tendencies, nationalism, clerical prejudices.
I speak of these problems also in connection with the situation in
our intelleotual youth circles. It is true that the recent occurrences
in Warsaw cannot be generalized, because they affect relatively limited
13o)oca
groups as compared to the kikowasew1796T66e mass of young student intellec-
tuals. Nonetheless, just as in a lens they permit us to perceive certain
phenomena which are not accidental. Comrade Zambrowski submitted a
proper analysis, in my opinion, of these problems. I would like to
emphasize one one thing2however, that jopr44am4,7.44.,41.0,the limita44sia-1517THese
McIn14*-407-,
occurrences t_ F4,4,9A,Axa.d.,,,aliabermwitireitersivevos the role of the government
and the influence of the mature intelligentsia, our teaching staff, whose
behavior in the majority of the cited instances was most proper. However,
SEM
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the weakness of our administrative leadership was also reflected in this
sphere of life, the weakness of the ministry and its inadequate tie with
the party organizations.
However, the weakness of the party organizations was most noticeable:
those dead, isolated organizations, devoid of any influence, which were
incapable of action; and those decomposed by the liquidationists, para?
lized and therefore incapable of any real activity in their environment.
This was apparent in the party organization of the Warsaw Polytechnic
an
which was isolated and was isolating itself; air organization numbering
12 members in the senate, 60 professors, several hundred members of the
party was incapable of obtaining a disciplined and uniform activity of
these party members. Similar phenomenon appeared in such an organization
as the Krakow University organization, where again the liquidationist
atmosphere paralized the organization. They forced them to submit to
the would?be aims of the environment without thought to the propriety
of these aims or whether or not these aims actually expressed the desires
of many or only a small group of wranglers. Unless we rebuild the party
organizations in the schools, we shall not be able to influence our in?
telligentsia and our youth who are to play the leading role in the
economic and cultural life. We shall not be able to influence them without
party organizations capable of acting, organizations unified ideologically,
free of paralyzing sectarian and liquidationist factors. This is a most
important matter in view of the weakness of the ZMS which was described
by Comrade Zambrowski. Party strength is the most important political
strength from which can expect support in our work with the student
Intelligentsia.
I am deeply convinced and I have much proof to the effect that the
changes in piarty policy and,as a result the changes in the cultural policy.>
created favorable conditions in circles of the creative intelligentsia,
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SECriti
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especially the scientific, and in student circles. The dissolution of
the ZMP was an irreperable loss. The fact that student circles are
completely atomized, that these people are individualistic, makes the
work most difficult. However, if we are to overcome these difficulties,
which we must do, the closeness of the party organizations is a basic
condition. This also pertains to the following problem which I would
also like to mention.
We must reach our intelligentsia and our youth with very definite
and well worked out ideological theses. We must ?0w them what the
Marxiits, what our party, thinks of the contemporary world and about
the most important phenomena of that world. We must give them developed
ideological theses. We have removed from the curriculum in the higher
schools, "The Short Course of the History of KPZR" on Marxist and
Leninist precepts, introducing in its place courses in philosophy based,
according to official announcements, on Marxist precepts, and courses in
political economy which are supposed to pertain to socialist economy,
and to be based on Marxist precepts.
In order to fulfill this task, however, we must have adequately
prepared theoretical material. We lack modern works on economy and
philosophy as real and necessary elements of our party offensive. The
development of this theoretical work is a basic and unusually pressing
necessity of todays times, if our overall activity on the cultural front
is to improve, if we are to profit fully from these exceptional achieve?
ments resulting from acknowledging the necessity of maintaining in our
cultural policy, the freedom of thought, discussion, and creative Marxist
development. We must do these things, if we are fully to play the role
of a leading force in the cultural policy, if we are to reach the
intelligentsia which is, no doubt, more easily influenced in the present
new conditions.
vex
SirGnFttcb
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I believe it is entirely clear from the problems which I have
discussed that the realization of the resolutions of the Tenth Plenum
is also necessary on the cultural front.
MARIAN RENKE
I am taking the floor because I believe it important the Plenum
give a more basic attention to the unusually important and exceptionally
urgent matter for the party, sI the work among the youth.
The situation in this sphere is very disturbing. The phenomena
appearing among the young generation are not new, they are not something
developed recently. They have been apparent for the past several years.
The difficulties of training or educating the youth are caused by
various objective and subjective reasons.
The errors and shortcomings of the past period have had an unusually
strong ftffect on the youth. The youth connected with socialism, including
the entire organizational aktiv, has been most strongly touched by the
pre-October ideological and moral revolution, if only for the reason
that its approach to any problem is mainly emotional. It is most diffi-
cult to feel and, let me say, evaluate the changes which have been taking
place in Poland for the youth which was just beginning to become aware
in the fifties, who had no prewar experience, no war period experiences,
and no experience in the period 1945-1948. The youth is especially affected
by every appearance of evil today in our life, every dissonance between
word and deed. It is,after ally against youth that the strongest pressure
of backward and hostile forces is aimed, from the bigotry of the clergy
to imperialist propaganda.
Ie could point to other phenomena among the youth, which are apparent
in all countries not only Poland, and which, in plain words, are connected
with the stormy development of the contemporary world.
S"reiPiEll FON,
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SECRET i,--J,ktika
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I mentioned these matters without analyzing them because, in my
opinion, we cannot pass over them when studying the actual situation
among the youth and the youth movement. In many instances, this would
lead, and in practice does lead, to over?simplification, to a very
superficial and ineffective treatment of the problem.
The situation among the youth was further complicated by the
dissolution of the ZMP which had some connection with other reasons
mentioned by me and the special situation which existed in the country
and the organization at the end of last year.
Regardless of the evaluation of the reasons for this fact, one
thing is undoubtedly true; the transition from ZMP to ZMS imerrib.wae
first
am? was very costly. 06stly because it devaluated,/. of all, the
idea of organization itself and led to the loss)for a certain period)
in practical activities of many valuable activists. At the turning
point of 1956 and 1957, we were faced with the rebuilding of the
socialist youth movement, almost from its very bases, under difficult
and complicated conditions, while)at that time>the party aktiv constituted
a very small force in this movement. All those, who,until recently)were
the most rabid critics of the ZMP and who brought to light not only its
shortcomingsi).but in many instances made false charges against the ZMP
organization and its aktiv, were conspicuous by their absence. At a
time when constructive action should have been taken, flPo Prostu,4 whose
erroneous concepts expressed in an article titled "What Should Be Done Nowt'
we rejected, was also silent. In this period many people washed their
hands of the youth problem.
-Up to the end of April, to the ZMS constitutional congress, during
the entire temporary period of the union 1a very sharp struggle was going
on for the ideological and political line and the direction of the
development of the organization. This struggle was decided at the
SMET
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congress in a basically correct manner as from the party point of view
ag,
,regards the relation of the organization to the party as well as the
objective evaluation of the ZMP and relation to its aktiv and, finally,
on the general principles of the ZIS activities.
I would not have mentioned those times except for the fact that we
are apt to forget how the MS was formed and this also affects the actual
status of the organization. Very often, we forget the efforts of the
party aktiv, which working in the beginning in the ZMS often in illa-
tion, maligned for its previous work in the ZMP, showed that it can be
and is a real support of the party in the youth movement.
Today, the ZMS has behind it five months of normal work, normal
activity. The achievements of these five months cannot be called
imposing but neither should they be taken lightly.
The ZMS organizations have already undertaken many problems of the
The.. o rot A 7n 7-Wri 14)
everyday life of the working youth. Let me say Amps, that ver often>
-Wow meet with very unfriendly attitude of factory management and a n 400 v)ter5
A
bureaucratic obstacles.
Many ZMS units show initiative in economic matters. We can already
talk of the efforts for the rebuilding the movement of youth production
brigades and even youth work competition, for instance2in the Katowice or
Lodz wojewodztwos.
We have been paying more and more attention to the education,
vacations, and recreations of youth. Among other things, the ZMS has
formed many clubs of various kinds and several worker universities.
The entire organization has been seriously engaged in combatting
speculation, excesses, and thievery. Many affairs of economic underground
have been brought to light. Social forces have been harnessed into action
against these excesses. The people have been convinced that they must not
have a passive attitude in the face of evil.
7R7.311
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ai vad
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The ZMS participation in this program in various wojewodztwos has
taken various forms. We have made mistakes and irresponsible decisions
and we must profit from these.
It has been and is the broadest program undertaken by the ZMS from
its inception, generally speaking a proper and useful program. It has
produced concrete results, economically and educationally, to say nothing
of the fact that it has strengthened the union and its position in many
localities. Therefore, although it is proper to point out and eliminate
faults,we must not, proverbially speaking, throw out the infant with the
bath water. The party must direct this aggressiveness and not just look
on from the sidelines.
In the period of these months, much attention should have been given
to straightening out inter?organizational matters, especially purging the
ZMS committees of persons with anti?party tendencies, demoralized persons
who achieved organizational authority through the wave of demagoguery and
confusion before the constitutional congress. Although the work has not
yet been completed, we can say, that, in the majority of wojewodztwos
we have an aktiv which constitutes a party core of the union.
This is shown very clearly in the attitude of the overwhelming part
of the ZNS organizations in connection with the suspension of "Po Prostu."
I believe we have to deal here with three different matters which I
would not group together.
The first -- the matter of people ofthe type of Giles, Gronostaj.
The second -- the matter of the Warsaw ZMS Committee
The third -- the matter of the Secretariat of the VAS Central Committee
The fact is that there were people in Warsaw who supported the "Po
Prostd" affair despite the stand of the organization's leaders.
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Let me add, that 71nthe first place.,we have been fighting Giles and
Gronostaj from the very inception of the ZMS. In the second place, these
people were eliminated from the organization immediately after the activities
in the Plac Narutowicza.
I wish also to state that the attitude or the stand of the ZMS in the
days following the dissolution of "Po Prostu" was not the attitude of Giles
and Gronostaj. Scores of examples could be cited to show the firm and even
militant attitude of our organizations and our aktiv. It is true that
among the workers militia mobilized in those days in Krakow, the majority
were ZMS members. It was the same in Wroclaw and many other wojewodztwos.
I believe that the attitude of Gilas and Gronostaj,people who found them-
selves in the ZMS by chance, with whom we have struggled at all times and
stloola
who were on the threshold of being thrown out, sownet overshadow the
attitude of our entire aktiv, our entire organization.
As to the matter of the Warsaw ZNS Committee, it is true that the
situation in that committee had been very bad for some time. The matter
had been taken under consideration together with the Warsaw Party Com-
mittee and ways had been considered to change the situation. Unfortunately,
we had been unable to make radical changes and the bad situation which
existed in this committee came to light during the suspension of "Po
Prostu." The Warsaw ZMS Committee had been sharply criticized by us
and by the Warsaw Party Committee for its errors. I may also add, that
through our initiative and the initiative of the Warsaw Party Committee,
some very basic changes were made in the Warsaw ZMS Committee. At the
general Plenum of the ZMS Warsaw Committee which took place the day before
yesterday all those who still questioned the decision of the leaders of
the party and the statements of the KC ZMS in the matter of "Po Prostu"
were removed from any office of authority.
SEG"
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srnDET, r
Liu t EL
Finally the third matter, the matter of the MS Central Committee,
in a stricter sense, its Secretariat. We had certain doubts as to the
suspension of "Po Prostu." We had these doubts not because we wanted to
protect the "Po Prostu" group but because we feared the repercussions which
might follow the suspension. (I wish to add that from the very inception
of the WS we fought the "Po Prostu" group especially as to its concept
of solving the situation in the youth movement)
In the matter of evaluating the political line of the "Po Prostu"
publication, our stand in the matter was absolutely the same from the
very beginning.
There was a long discussion on the subject by the leaders of the
union. Discussion took in much more than the "Po Prostu" affair and
brought to light many more basic weaknesses of the ZMS and our Secretariat.
It resulted in a public declaration by the Secretariat of the KC ZMS
which was accepted by the aktiv of the organization with understanding
and effected its consolidation. This is very valuable, although we know
that, temporarily, the development of the union in higher schools and
the circles of yougn intelligentsia will be made more difficult.
The process of straightening out the ZNES ranks, which I discussed,
is being summed up by the present campaign of exchanging temporary
certificates for permanent membership cards.
It must be said that ideological development in the union meets with
relatively the greatest difficulties. With very few exceptions,
ideological and political discussions are carried on mainly by the aktiv
group.
0, (e) ?rest'.
This much can be said althoughfnots.complet of the activities of
the ZNES so far. As I mentioned previously, it is not an imposing achieve?
ment even taking into account the fact that the time was not very favorable.
It was the examination period in the higher schools followed by vacation
time, summer leaves or festivals which absorbed our attention.
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The status of the organization shows better than anything else why
the results of the ZMS work are small.
At present, the ZMS has 85,000 members organized into 5,000 working
groups, that is an increase of 25,000 members and 1,500 groups since the
constitutional congress. This is deicdedly a very slow rise. On the
other hand, the social structure of the organization improved; today,
the working youth constitute 86 percent of its ranks.
It is certain that the weakness of the ZMS is caused by its wavering
ideological and political stand. It is a broader phenomenon which
appears not only in the ZRSrbut to an organization such as ours it is
especially disturbing. The organizational structure is not politically
uniform. It is not adequately significant. Although the situation has
greatly improved, there are still compromises and insinuations which it
was impossible to remove in the beginning stage. It must be said, that
the leadership of the union has done very little to overcome this and
that our stand is also very wavering, regardless of the generally proper
direction of our behavior. We have become aware of this in the past
weeks.
What do I mean when I speak of the ideological and political wavering
in the ranks of the ZMS.
First of all, the attitude of some units and organization members
to the party, expressed not in words but in practice. We have always
considered and still consider the most characteristic thing about the
ZMS the fact that it is a comrade in arms to the party and acts under
the direction of the party. The majority of the aktiv understand this.
There are, however, some in the ZMS who still have doubts in the matter.
Their attitude towards the party is one of reservations, distrust, and,
in isolated instances, even aversion. This weakens the tie of the ZMS
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with the Party and pushes some units into a blind alley. This state of
affairs is not desirable and must not be tolerated. Although these
phenomena are not overwhelming they should be the subject of a principal
discussion in the union. In the course of the discussion we must reach
a uniform understanding of the meaning of the independence of the MS.
From the very beginning it has been a matter of independent working with
the party and under its direction and not otherwise.
showing interest in the troubles of the party and its
matter of taking a position of a dissatisfied critic.
want to work in accordance with these principles must
loyalists (interpreted as a monster created last year
movement which still continues to live a very strange
A sign of instability in the ranks of the MS is
of certain units and activists of the organization to
It is a matter of
work and not a
Activists who
not be called
in the youth
life.)
also the distaste
undertake difficult
and unpopular tasks of our development and proclaim unpopular although
correct slogans. There is lack of courage in formulating production
responsibilities of youth and aggressive work in this sphere, Ineffective
opposition to improper postulates proposed in youth centers; there is no
positive stand
of the clergy,
All these
against the anti?Soviet stand, the reactionary activities
etc.
phenomena have a common source either in the ideological
chaos or, which is more common, fear of entering into conflict with some
youth group or some organizational unit, for there are people who think
that they cannot speak firmly about everything, or make demands
immediately, because this would repel the youth from the organization.
However, appearances are deceiving. The worthy youth, especially the
working youth, will be repelled by just this vacillating attitude. We
must therefore weed out remnants of these tendencies in our union and
ref
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define, in an absolutely uniform manner, the direction of its development
and its tasks. In this sphere, we must make an important step forward
as iegards the ZMS Constitutional Congress.
I do not have in mind any hampering of discussion of the youth
organization. This would be a fatal concept. I have in mind unity of
the union in its activities and in basic ideological and political matters.
I do not want to say any more about the shortcomings of the ZMS or
our ineffective work in many fields of youth activities because these
shortcomings are well known to all the comrades.
However, if I were to stop with what I have already said I would
not be giving the whole truth. The picture must be supplemented by
conditions in which we are working.
In view of the undoubtedly difficult social situation of the union
there has been and still is greater need for the party to show concern
for its problems and its development.
At the turn of the year, 1956-1957 and later, little concern was
shown for the youth movement. This also is a basic reason for the actual
state of affairs. For a long period of time, actually the most difficult
period, party organizations looked askance at what was going on in the
ZMS, and the Union was, at times, treated like an illegimate child.
Despite the fact that at the moment, the situation has improved,
there still remains much distrust and reserve towards the aktiv of the
organization, and lack of faith in its capability. Sometimes, the party
leadership merely means influencing the organizational and cadre actions
and, in this connection, reviewing their old personnel records. Some-
times the party organizations limit their contacts to the ZMS aktiv with
the following type directives: "get started, do something," or: "be calm."
rd(
They are impatient but they do not try to penetrate the complevroblems
of working with youth. The aktiv of the union is not adequately informed
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on the political situation and the activities of the party, and participates
in its work only to a small degree. Meeting with the aktiv to discuss some
meritorious problems is rare.
These are surely abnormal relations between the party and the
organization, abnormal, in this instance, on the part of the party.
The weaknesses and negative phenomenon apparent in the party now
being discussed at the present Plenum have a direct influence on the
organization, especially non?party and amoral attitudes of certain party
members which repel the youth and the aktiv as well as the evil and
lassitude in many areas. On the other hand the purging of the party
of demoralized elements and especially the resolutions of the present
Plenum of the KC, have a positive influence on the attitude of the ZMS
and other youth circles.
I speak of these matters mainly because, in studying the situation
in the youth movement, I consider it necessary to take into account all
the elements and arrive at conclusions and also because, in my opinion
the strengthening of the party itself and what the party "invests" in
the organization will greatly decide what klad of organization the ZMS
will become.
In my opinion, the most important thing at the moment is that the
party show confidence in the activities of the aktiv of the union and
encourage the aktiv and the organization since, despite many shortcomings,
it is still.aamong the youth,the nearest force to the party.
,
We must not agree with opinions harmful to the union, condemning
everything and ignoring its achievements. In my opinion, we must also
not forgetthat the union carried on a sharp struggle for its ideological
and political countenance, against a peculiar type of revisionism in the
youth movement in order to go along with the party. Despite some still
h..
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Wti2)
existing negative phenomenon, the battle was won. This is being
supported by eager people, working under difficult conditions, working
with increasingly great ardor and feeling in the matter of the organiza?
tion. These are worthy people, constituting a valuable capital for the
party for today and for the future.
At present, a substantial part of the ZMP aktiv is working in the
ZNS. All tendency to discriminate against this aktiv has been overcome
if only because the organization is directed today at all levels by
former ZMP activists. If there is still a problem in this sphere, it
is mainly to win over the lower ranks of the ZMP aktiv which still has
the waiting attitude. We shall make a joint effort with the party
organizations towards this end. We have a sincered desire that all
worthy ZMP activists and members join the ZMS.
It will not help the youth movement or the party to flent discord,
to tear apart the problems of the ZMP, especially placing former ZMP
members now in the ZNS against former ZMP members outside the organiza?
tion. This is not the way to draw the ZMP aktiv, since nothing will
replace normal cooperation in work. It only leads to unnecessary con?
flicts and strengthens the conviction of some that they should wait on
the sidelines until the ZMS is ready to fall apart and then they will
be asked to save it. I do not believe the party should support this type
of attitude.
On what does the improvement of ZMS work depend?
First, the organization must be more aggressive in its ideological
and political work, in influencing the youth. This statement sound like
a truism, but it is especially real today. The trouble isAthe wrong con ?
clusionkhAg been drawn from the really complicated situation among the
youth, the conclusion that this situation, especially the disappointment
of youth in socialism, does not permit us, a socialist organization, to
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work among the youth aggressively with any kind of drive. Consciously
or unconsciously, many young activists even those who really wanted to
do something were disarmed this way, losing their confidence and acquir?
ing a defensive attitude. On this basis, even among people with strong
socialist ties, the conviction was born, that the idea of nsocialismn
was entirely devaluated among the masses, that it must be wrapped in
scores of reservations before it could be offered to the youth. On
this basis, not only among young activists, the theory was born that
we must lower our sights, in a way lower our tone; we must not speak
to the youth directly about socialism but rather occupy ourselves
exclusively with positivistic activities.
I do not speak of those activists who are themselves not convinced
of the propriety of the road we are travelling or else are affected by
the pressure of anti?socialist forces, because these, in plain words,
should not be in the aktiv of the union. It is clear that in such an
atmosphere not much can be gained.
Therefore, our first and most important task in the ZMS is to
restore to the organization the aggressiveness, resolution and
ideological zeal in the work, change the atmosphere of its activities,
and arrive at the final straightening out of the socialist aktiv of
youth movement.
These matters will be discussed at the November Plenum of the KC
? ZMS. Therefore, we would like to take full advantage for this purpose
of the celebrations of the 15th anniversary of the organization of the
Z WM.
Secondly, the ZNS must leave its narrow circle, it must make closer
ties with the entire younger generation, it must build ties with the
unorganized youth.
CrEi -NO1
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SECIIET
At present, an overwhelming majority of the working youth, student
youth, and the young intelligentsia is outside the union, This state
of affairs cannot satisfy anybody. We must worlf towards a more rapid
growth of the organization. Studying the situation realistically, we
must take into account the fact that any sudden quantitative increase
in the ZMS membership is impossible and what is more would be unhe4thy.
The development of the organization must be more rapid but systematic.
It must find support in its work, in its authority in youth centers. It
Alage-)
must not expand its membership with the disinterested or(passive.
On the basis of these principles we ought simultaneously to work
out mass forms of reaction on the youth. For several months now)various
circles have been discussing whether or nor it would be better to form
some new general youth organization since the existing ones clearly are
not adequate. I consider these concepts wrong. On the other hand, there
is a need to create in the existing organizations (I am thinking of the
ZMS, and ZMW) centers which would expand their activities and become a
bridge between them and the unorganized youth. Th should be an area
of real work with the youth in education, vacations, and recreation.
Speaking of these centers I am thinking of various type clubs -- cultural,
travel, sport, etc. The ZMS already has several score of such clubs.
In the future we may form them into an association (at one time ?Zrywn
existed on the same basis in the ZWM or KSOM TUR) thus creating a very
necessary tool in working with youth, a tool4ille, of the socialist organiza-
tion. That also is extremely real. Actually in order to achieve more drive
in this type of work it will be necessary for the WS to retrieve part of
the material resources which were at one time the property of ZWM, OUR and
ZMP and were disposed of several years ago leaving the youth organization
only words. It will also require certain regrouping of centers allocated
by the state for cultural, educational, sport, travel, and recreational
purposes, regroupings necessary because of the past wastefulness in this
sphere.
,747;1.7:
LURE. kjiit
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I do not wish to occupy the Plenum's time with the remaining problems
of the ZMS, our production activities, or the welfare problems of the
youth. Today we understand better than ever the responsibilities of
the organization. We must start some action in the higher schools
although the ZMS has been very unpopular so far because of its so-called
loyalty to the party. First of all, we must overcome in the ZMS and
party aktiv the dist* and even fear of working among students and
reach the people who could be our support in the schools. Such people
do exist and will be available when we have ceased to look for com-
promises and undertake open discussion and bold action.
I am speaking only of the ZMS because, as you know, it is nearest
our heart. However, party work with the youth does not begin and end
with the ZMS. There are other youth organizations, there is a whole
field of education of the young generation not comprised in organiza-
tions. There are star authorities, social organizations, and institutions
dealing with youth. Only a unified effort of all these forces, a unification
which must be made by the party can bring important educational and
political results.
So far we have used hit and miss methods in our work with youth,
without an adequate knowledge of the field and without a clear conception
of it.
So far the probleml'of the young generations was being evaluated in
words and not in practice. Therefore, we really need a plenum of the
Central Committee dedicated especially to this matter. I believe it
could take place immediately after the Party Congress.
As regards the youth movement, we ought to form a council of the
existing youth organization immediately without waiting any longer.
This is very necessary not only to ensure proper future development of
the youth movement as well as to tighten the everyday cooperation of
the actually existing organizations and to prevent the advancing
procesS of isolating certain youth centers.
2
ECRU F
pt-f.
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Finally, V wish to state, that we are taking into account the fact
that there must be created in the ZNIS a new period of activity differing
from the previous one in many respects, work must be started in the
organization on a level corresponding in s2ale to the tasks and the
works which we are creating in Poland under the leadership of the party.
ISEGPIET NO
ca..r
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MICHALINA TATARKOWNA
Ideological closeness and party unity as well as purging the party
of undesirables is the "red thread" of Comrade Comulka's speech. On the
fulfillment of these tasks depends the building of socialism and the
authority of the party in society. Recently the working class in Lodz
factories emphasized these matters very strongly especially at meetings
devoted to the discussion of the Central Committee letter of August of
this year. In many factories, the POP started to purge the party of
the people who were responsible for organizing the recent strikes.
Therefore, it is very sadidunfortunate that very little has been said
4
in the report about the fact that many more great changes have taken
place in the party in recent times that in the immediate post?October
period.
Although at the Ninth Plenum I held the view that the Congress
should take place as soon as possible, today I see that that is not
possible. It is not possible because of the two factions which are
breaking up the unity of the party, undermining the faith in socialism
and the October changes, and helping the enemy to fight socialism, as
proved by today's discussion.
As regards the Lodz area, the most important matter for the working
class is to purge the party of dishonest persons and to create in the
factories a favorable climate to fight theft, excesses, corruption, as
well as for the--etatiagg44?14tee increase- 1.oduction. Speaking of purging
the party, we cannot treat this matter as a program but consider it a
cf:
ikeep daily political work and fight against the various solecistic
A
elements in the party and those who are attacking, right and left, the
general party line fixed by the October events. There is proof of this
also in some voices raised in discussion in today's plenum.
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Despite the fact that the influence of the various revisionists
in the party on the Lodz organization is perhaps weaker than, for in-
stance, in Warsaw, it is our responsibility, because of the harmful
activities of the "Po Prostu" group and other similar groups, to sensitize
every basic organization of the party to this phenomenon pointing outmarm
ty
of revisionist theories so that every party organization lie prepared to
deal with all who hold these theories.
This is one matter, which, I think, needs no disucssion since the
Warsaw incidents fully corroborated the harmfulness of the revisionist
groups.
I believe that we must give more thought also to the activities of
the second wing mentioned by Comrade Gomulka.
I must say that some comrades in Lodz expressed themselves on the
Warsaw incidents in the same way as very important comrades in Warsaw:
"Gomulka wanted democracy, so now he has it, let him see the results."
In this innocent remark, the comrades expressed their attitude on the
October changes. Tomorrow however, they may express their negative
attitude in another way.
It is time, the comrades themselves, in their own party organiza-
tions, recognized and removed those in their midst who hampered the
realization of the October Plenum resolutions, and who together with
the undesirables, with no ties to the party, are delaying the fulfillment
of the production plan. The Lodz organization is already ashamed of
these and is beginning to remove /from its organizations. Many such
instances could be cited.
The comrades have talked here about the threat of dissension and
talebearing in the process of carrying out the resolution on the purging
of the party. I believe that the resolution of the present plenum should
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SECRET NO.,VOilit.
contain a very strong admonition on this matter.
In the great political work of the party purge, the matter of
religiosity among party members, especially among the working in?
telligentsia, must be handled very clearly and intelligently. In many
instances, the activist is an atheist but his wife is devout and practices
her religion. It will be very difficult to evaluate these people in party
organizations. It will take great care in making decisions not to harm
these people who are sincerely devoted to socialism and the party.
Furthermore, I see the necessity for certain KC branches, the
ministries, and central administrations to give greater assistance than
heretofore to local authorities in the most important work which awaits
the party, taking into account the fact that certain administrative and
executive offices of the POP were formed during a specific political
situation and are not free of various swindling elements, and corruption,
and for that reason it will no doubt be necessary to treat certain people
very firmly.
I would like to call attention to two more matters:
First, the role and meaning of the party apparatus in the great
political work of party purge, which this appartus should direct. The
results will depend, to a great extent, on the proper preparation of
this apparatus and its sincere belief in the importance of the matter.
First of all, an ideological spearhead group (iiping44 must be prepared
for this work and must be two steps ahead of the party organization
whereas it is lagging two steps behind the party organization. I have
in mind "Nowe Drogi." I believe that the crisis which the ideological
groupis passing through may have a hampering effect on the course
4sitgej
of the party purge.
I believe that the KC leadership in the first place an'a the field
offices also shouldgive this problem special attention in order that
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the aktiv and the party be fully prepared to carry out the resolutions
of the previous and present plenums.
We often speak of the past period as a period of errors in the work
with the party apparatus. Even today, I think, the party apparatus from
top to bottom is not adequately prepared to work in the field; it is not
currently informed of the current political and intra-party events; it
does not_orient itself on many problems and cannot take a stand; and it
accepts many hostile arguments in silence because it either does not
understand the problem or does not have the proper arguments.
For instance, for many months now, material signed by Jan Kosa which
is spiteful and hostile to the Eighth and Ninth Plenums of the KC has been
circulated in all wojewodztwos being passed from hand to hand by the con-
fidants. It is spoken of in whispers, the party apparatus does not know
about it and because it is a secret to the apparatus, the apparatus
cannot combat its harmful principles and arguments.
In my opinion, the KC leadership should orient itself in this matter
and point out the source and the people who are fabricating this and
similar material against the leaders of the party and the October
resolutions.
Now a few comments in the matter of the proposed draft resolution.
Although, in my opinion, it is absolutely proper essentially, the
introduction should give more consideration to the activities of the
party from October to the Tenth KC Plenum, point out more clearly the
direction of the activities, and give greater attention to the necessity
of maintaining peace and good sense in purging the party, taking care at
the same time not to make decisions harmful to the people, all of which,
in my opinion, would change the exceedingly instructive character of the
draft resolution.
,
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1.
LEON KASMAN
?
Comrades! In order not to expatiate on certain matters, I wish to
state in the beginning that I entirely support the theses contained in
c.
the speech of Comrade Goiulka and in the resolution. I could make certain
comments or suggest changes to the draft resolution, but they are not basic.
I wish to state that in my opinion the decisions of the Tenth Plenum
will ensure both organizationally and ideologically the realization of
the party line established at the Eighth Plenum.
We cannot realize the policy which we call the Polish road to socialism,
we cannot walk the road of socialist democratization, and we cannot make
the changes in the system of economic management and economic policy, if
the party status remains the same.
Although not all the unfavorable phenomenon in the life of the party
can be fully overcome as a result of the resolutions of the Tenth Plenum,
however, the realization of the resolutions will constitute a beginning
for serious changes or transformations, for forming our party into a
Lenin-type party both as to the ideology of its ranks and the organizational
structure, organizational norms or standards, customs and role which -ige
should play in the realization of the new policy.
It seems to me that the Tenth Plenum and the Ninth Plenum are the
result of the Eighth Plenum. In the organizational resolutions of the
OA=
Ninth Plenum as discussed by Comrade Goiulka at one of the meetings,
there was not yet a full understanding of all the difficulties and compli-
cations which arise in the life and organizational structure of the party.
Today's resolution is a further step in achieving the necessary changes
to ensure a successful course in the building of socialism in Poland.
I wish to say a few words about ideological matters.
I shall make only a few remarks since the basic matters were all
contained in Gomulkals speech.
TIP MI
sEGRET kA
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V. SEgnET
I wish to tplk about the factions of the party.
First, a few words about revisionism. I must say it is difficult
to speak without anger about the harm this faction has done to the party.
After all, all possible difficulties and complications in making the
masses aware of and capable of fulfilling the tasks before us, all
complications that could possibly be achieved by the propaganda methods
were crea d by this faction.
Every necessary task submitted by the party during the year was
The.. kcto
opposed by this faction. It a ways insisted on an exactly opposite
course of action.
The differences between this faction and the party progressively
deepened every week and every month. It could not be otherwise, since
this revisionist faction was a concentration of certain elements entirely
divorced from the principles of Marxism and Leninism and our ideology.
Their views of our truths, our situation, and our problems was far
removed from socialism. Some perhaps were conscious of the fact and
others were not that their concepts were clearly different. I say that
some were conscious of it because certainly there are those who were.
The others were like the man who spoke in prose but did not know he did.
Perhaps thye did not realize that their concepts in all matters were
foreign and anti-socialist. In speaking with these people or reading
their writing, for instance about our economic structure, one often meets
the word nonsense or absurdity. The building of socialism is not a simple
matter. The forms and ways of reconciling contradictions may be proper or
improper, correct or erroneous. We have had many erroneous solutions in
our concrete form of forming and building socialism, these people had
only one word, one disdainful look at everything that we were doing,
everything that we had done, everything that the party had done previously,
t
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everything that the party was doing and forming after the Eighth Plenum,
that is the period when all the previous errors were being corrected.
These people look at the economic and social structure, the problems
and difficulties in building socialism with an eye of a townsman
(mieszczuch) who truly considers socialism as nonsense, as being con-
tradictory to the age-old laws created by God himself ruling the
development of the capitalist economy.
I believe that the dissolution of "Po Prostu" and the firm and sharp
demarcation between the stand of the party and the views of the revisionists
was imperative. People including myself have wondered why this had not
been done sooner. To be decided, every matter must be ripe, it must have
matured not only in the consciousness of the party aktiv, not only in the
hr.
consciousness of confirmed communists, but it must be mature also at
least in the consciousness of some wider circle of our society. Thus
events followed this course, the accumulation of this negativistic
attitude foreign to socialism and hostile to the tasks of our party,
this whole revisionist propaganda had to
before any measures could be taken.
The situation in journalist circles
reach a certain point of tension
is not good, because many
journalists especially in the capital have not rejected this revisionist
smokescreen. Realization of party policy in this field will encounter
many difficulties because the process of changeover from false positions
to proper positions is not a process which can be completed in one day
or one week. Therefore after this decided move we shall encounter a
great many difficulties in the sphere of ideology. Therefore, in my
opinion,the policy of the party must here be carried out with great
authority, great severity and firmness. In dealing with journalists
or fablicists who continue to be enfolded in revisionist smoke, one must
?.
1
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make no ideological compromises. We must see to it that our periodic press,
the periodicals with revisionist ideas, change their views. This will be
difficult, but it is tit imperative.
we shall encounter some resistance
Probably/even among journalists who support and understand the party
stand. More than one will wonder if he should forsake his comrades.
Perhaps we should permit them this wilfullness for the time being, perhaps
after a time they will return to the proper stand. I believe we should
not repulse even one man nd matter how much he erred during those critical
months if his stand today is in accord with the stand of the party. How?
ever, if he insists on using the press against the party, then he must be
firmly removed from this work without any scruples or hesitation. The
policy of the party in this sphere must be loyally and firmly carried out.
Does this mean that discussion, creative freedom, and the necessary
exchange of thought will thus be stifled?
I am entirely in agreement with Comrade Schaff on the subject of
scientific freedom 'and the subject of the leading role of the party.
I think that Comrade Schaff did not say everything he knows and
thinks on the subject of how the role of the party as leader should
appear in the present period. It is not true that we know nothing on
the subject. We do know something on the subject and in each concrete
instance we should consider how to put it into practice. Let us fight
for this role of the party as leader, but let us fight by exchanging
opinions and scientific discussions.
We must not permit these scientific discussions or exchange of
opinions between scientists to become tools for elements which have no
need for science but are guided by some anti?socialist ideas to exploit
these discussions for political purposes.
I wish to say that, in my opinion, this platform of which I speak
will, as Comrade Schaff mentioned, gain great support and understanding
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in the important and mature scientific circles of our society, not only
from the scientific Marxist but also from scientists who are not Marxists.
After all, the attitude of the professors during the disturbances around
"Po Prostu" proves that the basic policy of the party, the basic party
line, and basic defense, let us say, of state interests against irresponsible
trouble makers, revisionists, or other elements found understanding among
the professorial cadres.
I speak of this because some people are saying that the suspension
of "Po Prostu" and what followed in the period of confusions and dis?
turbances means a retreat from the Polish October. This has been said
even by editors of "Po Prostu", by some of the confused elements of ZMS,
and has been heard in circles more or less susceptible to the revisionist
attitude. They are saying that this is a 4d?be retreat from the
Polish October, a retreat from the Eighth Plenum. I do not believe this
is a retreat but a necessary condition for carrying out the resolutions
and line set up by the Eighth Plenum.
It is sad to say that this attitude is also encountered in literary
circles. More than one writer has shown signs of some kind of outbreak
of revisionist concept, having no relation to socialism. We must realize
9o,
the Q0000g some of these people and e urn*g.them to the side of the
iS wh,
fight for socialism, not a declamatory fight but a real fight 1IIbe a
k
long and difficult process. A group of writers, I shall name a few
Kruczkowski, Putrament, Jarochowska, Dobrowolski, Pasternak and others --
intends to publish a supplement to "Trybuna Ludu" dedicated to literary
matters. This will form a core for bringing together party and non?party
writers with strong feelings of kinship with the party and party policy,
writers and critics who are more concerned about the country and its
government than those who have fallen prey to these negative views. The
ezoprq T.c7.9
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411
Jut
writers grouped in this circle will provide a start to the ideological counter-
bffensive carried on by the leading creators of our literature. This will
help after a time, to covercome effectively the existing situation in
literary circles.
The talk about the retreat from The Polish October is not a monoply
of revisionist elements. There are also certain elements ideologically
idffering from the party policy and fighting against it, elements who
are beginning to interpret the party activities as a retreat from the
Polish October and from the Eighth Plenum. I have in mind the conserva-
tive and dogmatic elements who would certainly like to exert influence
for a retreat from the Eighth and Ninth Plenums and would like to change,
in this manner, the measures which the party has taken to ensure an
effective realization of its policy.
I have listened with interest and care to what Comrade Ruminski
had to say. I wish to say that I would be the last person at this Plenum
to incite any atmosphere of intraparty passions which we have experienced
with heavy hearts at more than one meeting. I must say however, that;
besides all the interesting thoughts expressed by Comrade Rliminskil my
attention was also captured by this type formulAtions. In discussing
the democratization program and the problems of consolidation, he said:
nthere is no doubt, that the infallible platform around which we are
consolidating is broad democratization of the life of the party and the
country, broad democratization on the basis of the program which was
submitted at the Ninth Plenum based on the previous efforts of our party
beginning with the November meeting after the Third Plenum and the
results of the XX Congress." I listened and later read the stenographic
notes and found that one small thing was missing, that is the Eighth Plenum.
Perhaps Comrade Ruminski and other comrades believe that the policy
of the party of which they are aware was not formulated until the Ninth
emrTrf) rhiq
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Plenum. In submitting the material in this manner, Comrade Rupinski
expresses a certain opinion of the Ninth Plenum; perhaps he has been
offended by it, or he is not in accord with it, or else he does wish
to acknowledge this Plenum.
I wish to say that there is a deep and proper conviction in the
party as a whole, the masses of the working class, and the entire society
that it was the Eighth Plenum that was the turning point in the life of
the country and the life of the party.
I am a communist of long standing. I have lived through and even
participated in many sectarian and dogmatic errors. The attainment of
the consciousness and maturity to understand that the change introduced
by the Eighth Plenum were necessary and salutory was neither easy nor
simple. We were gradually approaching this point before the Eighth-
Plenum. I wish to say also that all communists should be grateful to
the Eighth Plenum and remember it as a step toward the turning point
which preserved the party and Poland from catastrophe.
Therefore, when one hears about consolidation, about purging the
party, about verification, about ideological tasks before the party and
the Eighth Plenum is being ignored, then one is filled with more than
alarm.
Any comrades in the party who feel that they have received a real
or imagined slight as a result of the Eighth Plenum and now wish to carry
on, from this position, the process of healing and strengthening the
party to be undertaken after the Tenth Plenum, should, in my opinion,
be opposed. Efforts to carry out some separate political line, especially
a political line unfriendly to the party, must be opposed.
There has been talk of the Kosa memorial. Perhaps it has not
circulated everywhere. I do not know where it is being circulated. I
r
PT.T:CUL 00,130KA
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must say that the Kosa memorial is a special document, a kind of extract
of a dogmatic platform with various dogmatic additions, which surely not
every follower of what we call dogmatism will acknowledge. (Voice:
especially after the June KPZR Plenum). There was the big attack on
Khruschev at the XX Congress. Probably it was written by people who
expected a backward and not a forward process in KEZR. Not every follower
of dogmatism in Poland expected this; and not everyone is attacking the
XX Congress and the policies put through by Comrade Khruschev. But, if
we eliminate this, then, in my opinion, the rest of the document is
some kind of collection of dogmatic attitudes or viewpoints which one
hears and which are being propagated in the party, collection of view?
points contradictory to the party line, viewpoints which if they do find
listeners only bring about disbelief, paralysis, dista2
te dissolution,
group and fractional work.
Therefore I do not consider this document an oddity but a "fertile"
document. Even if we eliminate those concepts which many people do not
acknowledge and do not actually profess, it contains concepts which have
influence in certain circles.
I shall read for you several sentances from a private letter I
received from a worker in Lodz. I come from Lodz, I have lived there
and worked there in my youth, therefore I have friends there who write
to me opcassionally. This worker was at one time a KZM member and thus
keeps up a correspondence with me and sometimes we get to talk to each
other. He does not agree with the policy of the party. I say this
because he is not a professional party worker, he is not a man mixed
up with any great dissolution, but, in plain words an object of pressure
and propaganda of a certain type which is being carried on in our party.
EGRET
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What does he write? He speaks first of the people who have been
unjustly, in his opinion, eliminated from the party apparatus. Then
he writes as follows: "I believe that the manner of liquidating the
recent streetcar strikes in Lodz as well as the demonstration of certain
students and hooligans right in full view of the Warsaw KC is a return
to old methods of action, without which it seems nothing can be done."
Please think about what I have read. If the affair reached the
point of anti-state, anti-socialist demonstrations and it was necessary
for our government to use militia this cannot be called "old methods" of
action. These are methods of action which a class state, a state dic-
tatorship of the proletariat, must use against people who use force
against the state authority. Just think of the conclusion this man
arrives at: "old methods of action without which nothing can be done."
And what are these old methods of action for which he longs, without
which, he says, nothing can be done. We know very well what is under-
stood by that.
Someone thinks that real dictatorship of the proletariat must be
cruel, that it must use force in all situations, that it must induce
fear. This voice, this longing for the old forms of governing is being
spread among the sectarians. Thus the incidents in connection with "Po
Prostu" are being erroneously interpreted.
He continues, since obviously he wishes to place me on such a level.
"As regards the so-called anti-party group of Comrade Molotov, Kaganovich,
and others, I fear that Ilin my old age, and you, Comrade Kasman, and
perhaps other communists like us might share Molotov's lot?"
Surely this is not written by a troublemaker. It is written by a
man influenced by this type propaganda. He turns to a friend to express
his thoughts. But this propaganda is being organized in our party and
,t Av
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imbues people with the spirit of conservatism; which some people want
to deny at all costs, pretending that it does not exist.
I have been at meetings and discussion, in factories, at courses
in schools, and I must say one thing: if we nullify everything we have
done in the past thirteen years of our authority and everything since
the Polish October and accept everything in this matter which appeared
in "Po Prostu," "Nowa Kultura," and other similar publications or
articles, and add to this only some anti?semitic sauce and some longing
for this former cruelty -- we will come up with what is heard in the
lower ranks as the result of conservative agitation. On the basis of
the nullification of the achievements of the thirteen years and those
of the past year this revisionist platform completely equates the
dogmatic platform. The revisionists wrote articles which armed the
dogmatists with material on-how to oppose the party and the party line
with people who perhaps were immature and did not understand everything but
who were troubled by certain unfavorable phenomena appearing since October
40/-4
which were, of course, inevitable because the process of transeigmation is
neither simple nor easy.
In my opinion, there is a problem which we must not ignore. There
are comrades for whom the Warsaw organization is again the seat of re?
visionism. During the Warsaw conference we could see and certainly you
must have had an idea what was going on and who was trying to spread some
kind of other ideology and other activities. If a change was made finally
in the office of the precinct committee secretary in SiTImiescie, I think,
it was an important step forward by the Warsaw organization to consolidate
its ranks. What should I say here about its being a revisionist organiza?
tion? It is not true that it is a revisionist organization. Unfortunately,
as someone has already mentioned, it is being torn by two factions. These
SE1FT NO' MY.5
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factions which are tearing the party apart do not help to strengthen
it. After all, there is the problem of consolidating the people who
have been absorbed by these factions. Everyone should become aware of
certain historic responsibilities for the policy which he is carrying
out and the ideology he is spreading and for the influence of all this
on socialism in Poland.
I brought this subject up because I think that we must clearly
state what organizational changes are concerned in the program of
straightening out the party and forming it into a leader of the working
classes, into an organization which can bring about unity in the basic
matters of the general party line, one which could carry through unity
of action and inspire faith in every party member instead of discouragement
and doubts, and ground him in his socialist convictions and strengthen
his belief in the propriety of the party line. Certainly we must take
into account Comrade Schaff's statement that the danger lies in who will
argue with whom. It is imperative to put into practice the resolutions
of the Tenth Plenum according to their content. They clearly point the
way. The report[Gomulkals] pointed the way but there is the danger
of deviations if we permit it. In my opinion it is very important to
ensure fully a proper party direction for this healing action which is
being discussed. This is a very important matter.
The next subject which I wish to discuss is purging the party of
corrupt elements. The matter of purifying party organizations and, in
some instances, even party authorities of corrupt elements is neither
simple nor_easy.
Let me say that where a thief, speculator, or wrongdoer is operating
;\on a large scale he is not alone but has magy partners. If this g ngrene
has invaded high circles, the powiat for instance, there must be many
partners. One who steals one million or half a million, one hundred
OFT Fik
u.
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thousand or two hundred thousand must have many partners creating a
whole "mafia." We have found that in many areas where this gangrene
has made great strides there is a whole "mafia" and the fate of those
who try to unmask it is very often tragic. For various supposedly
ideological reasons they are destroyed, thrown out of work, and dis?
criminated against. In some instances even the press or high authorities
cannot protect these people from the umafia." In some organizations and
some areas where the poison of corruption is strong, there might be
attempts to remove, under the banner of the purge, people who have
opposed the corrupt and morally decayed elements. Therefor q I do not
think we should ignore this danger, because every day we find instances
of its existence. In respect to these areas, a certain amount of pre?
caution and centralism should be maintained, centralism in the composition
of the commission and the assurance that the commission which is to in?
vestigate these matters and combat corruption will have full support
from the top. A proper composition of personnel must also be ensured.
Not long ago, for instance, there was the Warsaw Wojewodztwo Plenum
at which instances of corruption were discussed and at which, let me say,
some corruptionists were treated with great forbearance. We must make
sure that the war against corruption is being carried out very firmly
everywhere.
I participated in a meeting at a party course where there were forty
some workers from Warsaw factories, experienced and responsible people.
In my speech I mentioned this among other things. When I spoke of the
problem of purging the party of corruptionists, these workers approached
me during the break and said that they did not know if they could handle
this. When.I asked why, they said that usually where there is corruption
it has some support. I told them that we shall get rid of the Support
r? 61 MI
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together with other corrupt elements. Then they said that if they could
be sure that they would not be abused they would gladly participate in
the action.
It seems to me that a considerable period of time will be required
to complete this action before starting the election campaign for the
Congress.
Comrade Bielski used the term that a communist must have a "sensitive
elbow" which means that he must have a certain feeling of friendliness
and solidarity from his comrades and a consciousness that they are
supporting the party policy. I should say support without reservations
because support with reservations cannot be called support at all. The
aktiv must in all sincerity and responsibility and without reservations
carry out this action in accord with its spirit and essence. We must
be very careful that the sense and character of this action is not warped
and that its purpose is not a mockery. The party will not be making these
same changes soon again. This is a basic matter. I am fully in accord
with the resolutions and their realization in accordance with their
spirit and essence.
MARIA PIE CZYNSKA
I wish to start with the subject all the comrades have already
discussed, that is, the fear as to how this party purge of corrupt and
ideologically alien elements is to be carried out.
It seems to me that many of the comrades gathered here agree with
the speech of Comrade Gomulka and the resolutions just as they did in
the previous plenum but I would say that this agreement is not entirely
sincere.
At this moment when it is really a question of party unity, of which
we have all spoken and Comrade Gomulka also discussed at the previous
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Plenum and so strongly emphasized at this Plenum, I would like the matter
to continue to be submitted by each one of us sincerely and honestly.
It seems to me that in speaking of the danger of revisionism or
the danger of a conservative and dogmatic fraction, each one of us has
a different interpretation. One fears danger from one side, another
from another side.
I am speaking of the danger of revisionism, or rather the damage
to the party from this revisionism and the fact that today we are all
in arms against these deviations and departure from socialism. But to
take the other side, tpat is so-called dogmatism and conservatism, then
Ad mic4 'ie-
ithe comrades are givingtOE is concep . e comrades have been telling
6q
me that there is some sort of horrible memorial being circulated signed A
a Mr. Kosa (voice from audience: Kosa) and that it is anti-party, from
the communist position, or dogmatic position. This is a loathsome and
shameful matter.
I ask myself why does not someone take this Rosa by the neck and
throw him out of the party (voice from audience: he did not give his
party card number). Excuse me comrade?but I think the party has enough
force when it comes to this type of pr4iganda, to check on it and take
care of it and not merely keep talking about a certain memorial going
the rounds.
The comrades are right in saying that when such papers as "Poprostun
publish revisionist articles it is understandable that even some ex-
perienced people might be misled into thinking that this is the direction
of the party. These people are trying to oppose this and fall into what
you call conservatism or dogmatism. I greatly fear that in purging the
party of the undesirable elements, some workers, especially workers
(intellectuals, you must excuse me)but I do have a great respect for the
prcBri pn tymp,1
Uhly
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real creative intelligentsia, but these pseudo?intellectuals always
seem to know how the wind blows) who are not satisfied with their lot,
or feel that the promises of the Eighth Plenum have not been kept might
tell this commission that neither the Eighth nor the Ninth Plenum gave
them anything, and ask if this is really the socialist party towards which
they are working. If they should be approached by a commission which is
seeking only those, let me say dogmatists and that conservatism, then that
commission may remove honest workers who are merely sincerely registering
their dissatisfaction. It seems to me also that if such workers were
approached with real words such as used by Comrade Gomulka they would
gladly join the party and remain in it.
And no pseudo?memorials, if that is the term, no memorials will reach
them. Only the voice of a true comrade and real socialist will reach
them.
Comrades, there is too much of this unhealthy anti?party propaganda
and agitation not only among students, of which we are all aware, but
also among the workers.
I am not a pessimist. Whenever I spoke to the workers during the
very aggravated situation they understood and agreed with the honest word
of a communist. Therefore, comrades, it is exceedingly important that,
in this purge of the party, there be a different appraoch to the lawk workers
than to the so?called intelligentsia and student youth.
, e..
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Third Day of the Meeting (26 October 1957)
Roman Werfel, speaker
?
It seems to me that the basic trend of the resolutions, presented
yesterday, is not only proper, but necessary for the implementation of the
policy established at the Eighth Plenum.
It seems to me that one basic thing is of concern here: if by the
essence of the policy of the Eighth Plenum we mean the building of socialism
,14,4,/ke sup_olri
? of the masses, then a precursor of this is the existence of the
party in the full Lenin meaning of the word.
Somewhere on the revisionist perifery we have the idolization of the
masses; some kind of theory that it isIsupposedly, necessary to fulfill
everything that the masses desire. u bviously, this not possible. There
are various kind of people-- some are mature and others, immature; some are
politically aware and others, politically unaware. There are various currents
cAnd various contradictions found within the masses. These contradictions
can be mastered only by a party of the proletariat. But a party of the
proletariat dces not mean only a central committee and a just resolution;
it also means an active organization.
In the recent period, comrades, we did not have such an active
organization that would reach effectively into every plant, factory, etc.
every day. We have not had it for some time now. Hence, the trend of 791,1;
resolutions that aims to rebuild the unity of the party, the unity of
activities, and the ideological unity_; and that tries to purify the party from
all elements that divide and paralyze the party, is absolutely proper and the
only one that can ensure the party's activities. There is, however, one
reservation: this trend must be realized in practice, and realized without Tity
Rest' Rt./ STI 0 S
political
Today, after resolutions are passed, everyone seems to follow the trend
that best suits him. For example, after the Ninth Plenum there were in
a number of periodicals introductory articles that summarized the discussions
of the plenum only from one point of view--the *goe.-6 with dogmatism.
ti7t
The &t with revisionism was completely omitted.
per
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At a press conference regarding this matter, we clearly stated that this
was a falsification of the meaning of the Ninth Plenum.
I have a feeling that ?11611111910d9LUM111131VCCEKIE a new and analagous distorticn
but in aroth(3r direction--of the present Plenum will occur after we close
our discussions.
We must say to ourselves that the resolutions that we will pass, we
will implement fully and with maximum good will.
There is still another matter that I want to discuss briefly. It is no
great feat for journalists on Foksal Street to severely criticize dogmatists.
Neither was it any great feat to severely criticize revisionists in
Koszalin four weeks ago. It is, howver, a feat to overcome those harmful
and dangerous trends that have an influence in a given environment and can
actually do harm in a particular environment.
I want to point out that to fulfill the policy of the party honestly and
faithfully, it is necessary to milarnek,attack that which is the main danger
in a given area, and at the same time to combat any other harmful
influences.
For a moment, I want to consider revisionism. If only for the reason
that-I come in contact with it in my region.
I agree with the comrades who here stated that the word "revisionism"
does not actually reflect the true spirit of the problem with which we have
to deal.
I would hesitate to use the term "social democract(>'. I think that the
-Wei^
b est term is "liquidation We We are concerned here with the trend of
liquidating not only this or another theory, but the workers' movement as a whole.
In this we find all the basic controversial matters. This includes the
matter of Leninism, th atter of evaluation of the past, the matter of
emio mir
communist activities, the matter of
f 4f-,1?C ?
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rr FOR1
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the unity of their activities, and finally, the matter about which I would
like to say a few words, for it hastne special harm. This is the matter ar
Djilas' theory of a new class, a theory that appeared in Poland even before
Djilas' book as a theory of the necessity of breaking up the entire party
aktiv.
This theory has done us great harm in the immediate post-October 1956
period. It greatly wronged the people, but it wronged the party even more.
I want to emphasize that there was no trace of this theory in the resolu-
tions of the Eighth Plenum, but directly after the Plenum, Comrade Gomulka
discussed it at a conference in the congress hall.
Wherein lies the danger of revisionism? In my opinion, what do I
consider the worst?
In my opinion, the worst danger is not the personal influence of irre-
concilable revisionists. There are only very few that are irreconcible to
the end. And this is not the great danger.
The danger consists in that this revisionism is tearing the ranks from
the inside. It is not the fact dhow popular these theories are becoming.)
A
for they do not disseminate broadly because they are "lofty" theories, but
the fact that they are undermining faith in socialism.
I agree with comrade Schaff that we do not have to fear the word "faith"
if it is interpreted as we interpret it, that is, if the interpretation is
based on a scientific knowledge.
No great mass movement lives without faith. And this faith is socialism,
faith in the right of our cause, faith in the fact that we do not have to be
ashamed of the l2-year. rule of people's authority--everythinggeople cannot
liveror act without is now being undermined by this campaign.
Furthermore, this campaign undermines this faith from another side. --
it paralyzes the forces of resistance.
Comrades have criticized our ideological front, that we have not adequately
opposed the revisionist wave. This is a very complicated matter.
Of concern here is not only the matter of Nowe Dwogi or Zycie Partii.
Reference is made to the whole ideological front. This results from the fact
that there has been a certain weakening in the fighting spirit of even those
people who do not like revisionism.
SECRET
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? Sr:611
7 '
?
,
The confiscated article by Kolakowski, entitled "The Twilight of
Gods", written with great talent, is an example of this.
It is a tragic article. If one is to believe that this article is
proper, then one must put a bullet through his head. But at the moment
this article is aiming a bullet at our heads. We must realize this.
Another problem which has appeared during the recent months is
that a class enemy sometimes moves in as a consequence of the improper
theories of good comrades.
Typical here is the matter of the properly-undertaken initiative of
reviewing the attitude on former members of AK because, here, we had
greatly sinned in the previous period But in some of the press articles,
this proper anitiative quickly transformed into apotheosis of the policy of
AK. And because of these improper articles certain elements are organizing
an opposition to the party in the ZBoWiD, and a broad campaign obviously
to fight for the second stage.
Let us take another example.
We have had popular theories interpretating the proper policies of
the Eighth Plenum to mean a broaded expansion of allied parties, unlimited
sovereignty for these parties, and competitiveness with POP.
Yes, there have been such theories. And as a result, PSL- type elements
are now arfaing in ZSL. And again there is a certain, limited correctness
in this.
A short story, which appeared in press yesterday, illustrates how
these things are already reacting in small matters.
Two engineers developed a wonderful plan for organizing an electric
construction concern The state WAS to furnish the machines, the money,
the raw materials, and they were to obtain shares in the concern. Yes,
it was a wonderful plan. Immediately they looked for publieity--in spite
of the fact that there is no bourgeois partyi47nd found great publicity on
the first page of one of Warsaw's newspapers.
I am convinced that Comrade Jarosz .cz will not approve this "wonderful"
plan; he will not give them shares, although the horizontal tie-in of
oCtiat.3 pr",1
r.?0101
ts2u,
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SEGRET r`o Frr9
G C.4il
enterprises deserves attention. But this is a characteristic natter. This
is an effort to formulate opinion on an unjust idea; a test of the pressure
of public opinion on government.
Did the night newspaper man who placed this in the newspaper realize
this? No. This is an effort to publish something novel at any cost. He
grabbed at the fact that this is a "new thing."
Therefore, it is necessary to see that here are foreign forces and
enemy forces, irregardless of the fact that we frequently deal with good
comrades and, at times, with old communists. We must perceive this.
Hence, I maintain that the situation in the press is still not good.
cannot agree with those comrades who maintain that one strong blow
will take care of the matter.
I understand the press a little, because I have been working with it
for 12 years. I understand people, and according to my conviction and ray
evaluation we will yet have many battles with the press.
A number of factors operate here. One factor is that in recent years
many persons with foreign ideology have found their way into the press.
Also, a certain snobbishness has arisen, in order that the Polish press--
heroine of the battle for freedomrIght beAaised by the foreign countries ?
A
naturally, the capitalist foreign countries.
In our press there are many outdated trends toward what I call the
creation of a politburo over a/Pblitburo; the creation of authorities above
the party.
I feel that a resolution by the Politburo on the press is necessary.
This resolution must contain certain basic truths which are questioned, as
for example, the truth that the part3;lmembers in non-party press are also
obligated to implement the policy of the party. The elementary truth that
an article in a newspaper is a political activity and not only a statement of
?
of views. Aid also the truth that the policy of the party means not only
resolutions of the Central Committee, but also means the resolutions of
the Politburo and directives of the secretariat. These are a few of the
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ipotautn.1
?
elementary truths, which are, at the moment, questioned by the press.
In one word, the same laws that obligate miners also obligate journalists.
But, at the same times, such a resolution should within the framework of these
incontestable truths guarantee-within the framework of the policy of the
party--the freedom of criticism the press. This is sometimes questioned,
particularly in the field. The resolution should guarantee the press the
freedom of criticism and the freedom of discussion in those matters in
which there are no binding party decision. Even this is at times questioned.
Without this, the press will not achieve a tie with the people; without this,
the press cannot develop.
Therefore, I judge, that it is necessary that the Politburo prepare
such a resolution. And the implemention of the resolution will have to be
executed afterwards.
I realize that there is a certain difficulty with which we must struggle.
The occupation of a journalist is an occupation of a special type, it is
an ideological occupation Two things are tied in with this.
One cannot make a journalist into a hired collie who one day would write
so and another day, otherwise. One cannot do that for then he will be a bad
journalist and a bad publicist; he will be a doormat and not a journalist.
One must clearly say to oneself that man can submit to secondary and
tertiary matters, If the matter has a basic character, we cannot demand that
he [journalist] write on a subject with which he does not agree with. For,
then, he will write badly. The spirit of the article will be faulty,
broken, and bad.
But the party as a whole cannot agree that the newspaper represent the
views of the editors and not the party. The newspaper must represent the
views of the party.
I know good, old comrades who in recent months took up minor, small-scale
journalist jobs because they do not agree with a fey of our views and do
not want to write about them.
SEC1IFT NO,,FON
t
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SECIET:i r
These are good Publicists and old comrades. I am sorry that they no
longer are fighting publicists. However, I think that is a better course than
it would be for them to conduct a campaign against the policy of the party.
Hence, I respect these comrades.
It is also necessary to see the other side of the situation of the
journalists.
Comrade Gomulka stated at a newspaper conference that the majority of the
journalists is connected with the party and with socialism, but that they
vacillate. I agree with this appraisal. I feel that the majority of the
journalists wants to support the party and wants socialism, but among them
you find vacillations
How do these vacillations originate and how can they be cut off at the
source?
Here we must get rid of a certain illusion -- the illusion that the
liquidationist trend is the concern only of publicists, writers, and
journalists.
There is a theory that these are the most dangerous revisionists.
The theory is that if a journalist has doubts he will write an article that
will influence the people one way or another, providing the press control
will release the article. But if an engineer has ideological doubts, he
will not write an article. He will still draw his circle well, independent
of all ideological doubts.
It is necessary to see that these feelings are found in a large part
of upright and respectable people. It includes not only comrades among
journalists, but also a large part of the intelligensia and also a part--
although small--of the working class. In different environments it assumes
different forms. In one of Jan Kott's recent articles, it assumes the form
of Shakespearan conception of tragedy, which assumes that everything--hence
sociltliam too--is folly of follies. Also, it assumes another form in a
A
worker whose faith in socialism has been shaken that it is not worthwhile
to build socialism; it is not worthwhile to discuss socialism; one can be
Passive.
SECRET NO?FoRrA
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SFOPri
r.=
But the fact of undermining faith remains the same. The trend is the
same But it is necessary to see it. We must not deceive ourselves that
pressure on and censuring of writers will take care of the matter. This
is a social phenomenon and we must combat it as a social phenomenon. We
must realize this fact in order to effectively combat it.
I think that in the revisionist wing we have the same situation as in
the conservative wing.
In the conservative wing we have, on the one hand, a handful of, let UB
call them, fractionists. I do not know who they are; the control commission
of the party has charge of such things, but letters are circulated; someone
sends them. Moreover, we have a letter from a comrade that was read by comrade
Kasmsn. I know this comrade; he is an ordinary worker, a respectable man,
but is uneasy about a number of things which he actually sees, but sees
out of proportion to the whole matter. He is rightfully alarmed by a
number of things; with the frequently unfair alleged "Stalinists" inquests,
and with the expansion of private initiative, which frequently branched off to
an improper direction. He only sees things out of proportions; he does not
see that these are secondary signs; signs which must and will be overcome,
nevertheless secondary signs of a proper process. He does not perceive this.
We have the same thing in the revisionist wing. We have, on the one
hand, a handful of people who have left or are leaving socialism. On the
other hand, we have tens, hundreds, and thousands of persons who are
disoriented and disturbed. They, too, are alarmed by a number of things,
but they do not see them in proper porportions.
The first matter concerns the sources of the whole situation. I've
listened to some of the speakers here, and elsewhere too. According to them,
as I understand it, actually everything was good until the revisionist came,
made a scene, and threefore everything is now bad.
8E11'9
utt.
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?
Comrades, this is not the truth. It simply isn't so. During the last
few years many things have been coming to a head, and revisionism is the
least of these things.
Hence, why don't we take into consideration that something has been
happening inside the people?
The following maxim is apporpriate here: "Only people without ideology
change without resistance."
At a glance, this seems like a proper maxim. It is true that people
without ideology change their attitudes as ordered or commanded. Only we
are breaking these resistances within ourselves since the death of Stalin;
those resistances have continues through that entire period and the entire
history of this period can be written as a history of our resistances,
instigations, deviations, and retractions. Such is the truth. And how is
it possible to draw a line between people without ideology and peoifle with
ideology. Who is without ideology? Who betrayed communism? Is it he who
understood the resolutions of the Eighth Plenum, or is it he who accepted
them after the Ninth Plenum?
This cannot go on. Non-ideology has to be stamped out. But, I feel,
comrades, that no wing has a monopoly on non-ideology.
I remember some comrades who were demoralized to the core, but here
in this hall severly criticized revisionism.
There are some persons among the revisionists who reject socialism, but
their goal is to make high earnings.
Non-ideology is neither a speciality of conservatives nor revisionists.
Thereforel-let us not take apart ideology with a false argument in the
fight for an idea.
Furthermore, Comrade Schaff here spoke about how we have hampered
science--how he himself hampered it--thinking that it was the proper thing
4,71
to do. He further stated thatectober he realized that all this was for
naught, that we did not profit by this, but lost. It seems to me that
this matter concerns not only science.
SEM tig
5-73
?W1W
?
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? 12AFT A?
PO]
The greatest blow to me VW Poznan. During these critical days I
stopped at Poznan on my way back from Szczecin.
There I spoke with our comrades--workers from plants--who were not
striking. I spoke with comrades who did not permit the crews to roam the
streets. We talked for four hours.
What did these good comrades have to say?
Mainly, they explained why they did not roam the streets. They
desperately wanted me to confirm that they behaved properly, that for a just
matter it is necessary to fight legally. They wanted me to say that they
did the right thing.
During the Poznan days we had a large part of the working class of
Poznan--our own class in one of the largest industrial cities of the country--
against us, against the party of the proletariat, against the people's
authority.
We should have 'seen this and we should have asked ourselves whether
we could continue further on this course.
I speak about this because the following question has been raised:
Was it possible to discuss the activities of enemies of Poznan at that time.
I feel that it was not possible to discuss these things at Poznan.
And. even today we cannot discuss them. Certainly, there was an enemy,
When 100,000 persons take part in a demonstration in a city, it would be
ridiculous to say that there was no enemy.
The important thing here is that it was the working class--the greater
part of the Poznan working class--that was on the street. And the enemy did
not lead it; the enemy simply attached itself to it.
It is no accident that in the same context Poznan-Lodz-and Warsaw are
compared. I heard it many times from revisionists, and from adversaries
of the policy of the Eighth Plenum.
Why? Because even revisionists state that we are following the same
line. We must, however, see one basic difference: that the striking group
of railroad workers in Lodz was isolated .from the working class, that the
hooligans in Warsaw were isolated from the working class, but in Poznan,
we were isolated from the working classteb--irr--,Posaeery-z-me;-4-rere.ttrotetted
faw*ilterwmoTkiagmipimec.
?
WET pg
L. a 14,
/Pf
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? SECRET NO FE1
?
Hence, we cannot compare these incidents, and we cannot mention them
together in the same breath. Comrades stated here that we were not threatened
by a return to old methods. If we are to carry out the voting provtlege
anywhere, is it necessary to carry out mock trials. Certainly, no one will
vote for them. But the habit of old methods actually lies in such blindness
of the masses. Later, the worst possible consequences arise from this,
matters on which no one will vote.
People are still afraid of the return to old methods. And furthermore,
this fear is latent in the party apparatus also.
I have been at a great number of meetings and one thing became evident--
at these meetings, people talked loudly, and talked much, idit was the
workers and intelligensia that did the talking. On the other hand, secretariesj
frequently, would rather keep silent, would rather have the representative
from Warsaw defend the policy of the party.
Why is it so? I spoke about this with one of the good and intelligent
comrades. He stated that the fear is prevalent that no one knows what
will yet happen.
Who is frightening us? I don't know who it is, but someone is trying
to do so. Likewise,, don't know who is circulating Jan Kosa's letters.
This we must perceive, comrades.
One more thing about journalists.
When any of us appears as a speaker in the field, what we say is soon
forgotten, but if any of us writes a false article, then he is constantly
reminded of it.
It is the same with journalists. We have to understand that our
journalists have written many improper things) and. now have qualms of conscience.
I have no intention of defending an attitude, which gives rise to
passivity. It is an improper attitude, but it is part of the human make-up
and must be patiently and stubbornly broken.
Here it was said that no danger of doglatism can be seen.
A
SECRET Ng, no-I
I
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? s, .
EMT Au Fpf,
Hence, we cannot compare these incidents, and we cannot mention them
together in the same breath. Comrades stated here that we were not threatened
by a return to old methods. If we are to carry out the voting provtlege
anywhere, is it necessary to carry out mock trials. Certainly, no one will
vote for them. But the habit of old methods actually lies in such blindness
of the masses. Later, the worst possible consequences arise from this,
natters on which no one will vote.
People are still afraid of the return to old methods. And furthermore,
this fear is latent in the party apparatus also.
I have been at a great number of meetings and one thing became evident--
at these meetings, people talked loudly, and talked much, Igirit was the
workers cnd intelligensia that did the talking. On the other hand, secretaries,,
frequently, would rather keep silent, would rather have the representative
from Warsaw defend the policy of the party.
Why is it so? I spoke about this with one of the good and intelligent
comrades. He stated that the fear is prevalent that no one knows what
will yet happen.
Who is frightening us? I don't know who it is, but someone is trying
to do so. Likewise,, don't know who is circulating Jan Kosa's letters.
This we must perceive, comrades.
One more thing about journalists.
When any of us appears as a speaker in the field, what we say is soon
forgotten, but if any of us writes a false article, then he is constantly
reminded of it.
It is the same with journalists. We have to understand that our
journalists have written many improper things)and now have qualms of conscience.
I have no intention of defending an attitude, which gives rise to
passivity. It is an improper attitude, but it is part of the human make-up
and must be patiently and stubbornly broken.
Here it was said that no danger of dogkatism can be seen.
MET
iccT
/1
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SECRET NO Ferri
But someone is circulating &ma's memorial, although the circulation
is not the only thing of concern here. After all, we here are fully matured
people; we are not boy scouts. We know what this means. For example,
there are the formulations about a new national anthem that are simultaneously
appearing in different parts of the country.
When this type of reactionary statements appear simultaneously in various
parts of the country, then I know that it is done by theficee EuropiL12_,?.diA
-/
but Jan 'Cosa does not have
Free Europe Radi
at his disposal. Someone is
circulating these writings; let us not deceive ourselves about this matter.
Comrade Gamulka rightfully stated that you cannot overcame dognatism.
with revisionism, but I want to say that neither can you overcame revisionism
with dogmatism. I want to support this with some facts.
What the party organization is like at the Warsaw Polytechnic is well
known. It is also known that the polytechnic became the staring point of
/1
what Comrade Strzelecki called, the revisionist-hooligan disturbances. It
is not a university where there are many "engaged ones", but a polytechnic
where there are very few, and their influence is little felt in the party
organization.
Another example is history, which is a difficult field in political
science. So in this great revisionist wave, which now has grown large in
our publicist-scientific world, historians are calm (only in the history
of workers' movement is there a defined situation). Why are not historians
backing down from the Marxist position? Because we long ago have stopped
having anything to do here with dogmatists. The Institute of 4story of
the Polish Academy of Sciences has long ago taken sinsible methods of dealing
with historians. And the result is that former bourgeois historians that
came over to our side have done and are doing good work, and have developed,
for example, a model of Polish non-bourgeois and non-reactionary history.
And today when the revisionist wave is attacking, there are in history
minor matters, as for example the citing of Korfanty in uprisings, but there
has not been any great revisionist pressure because there were not any strong
dogmatic influences in the previous period.
&ECM. vo FE-12,1
iIN
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SE bLIL.
,
NO 09
Notice that the dogmatists who were removed in 1952 are today in the
historical field actually the mad defenders of revisionism.
It seems to me that one of the effective forms of winning respectable
people who are afraid of a return to dogmatism and of tearing them away from
the influences of revisionism is an attack on all remnants of dogmatism which
are still found among us today.
Comrade Gomulka has already spoken about the unfortunate remarks of
ZMS in Koszalin; remarks which actually gave a false picture of Poland.
But what we know of Koszalin today show these remarks faithfully presented
what actually was happening in that city.
It is quite obvious that it is necessary to explain to these young
people that revisionism is false, that this picture of Poland which they
visualize is false. It is necessary to explain all of this.
But how can we explain what they already know about Koszalin? They
knew about the demoralization of the regional apparatus in Koszalin four
weeks before we knew anything about it.
We must see that such things create revisionism; in such situations it
is easy for a respectable person and a good socialist to slip and follow
revisionism.
Let us take another matter; one that I an familiar with only through the
press. .
At the recent plenum of the Warsaw KW, comrades Szafranski and Dolinski
proposed to remove a woman member from Nowy Dwor from the plenum for material
abuses. I know Szafranski and Dolinski and I feel that they did not
thoughtlessly propose to remove this woman member but the plenum rejected
,/
their propo4ion.
I ask you, comrades, what kind of a reputation does the party of Nowy
Dwor have when people know that X or Y has taken for their own personal
purposes credits allocated for peasants. This is contrary to the law, an
abuse of the positio5the party, and basic party units, yet the plenum did
.not acknowledge this an an error, did not acknowledge this as criminal?
What must the Now Dwor peasants think of the party?
;.
SEGRAFT KO
t
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?
?
I better follow this matter to the end. Perhaps the woman comrade
was wrongly treated, and perhaps the majority of the comrades from the
Warsaw KW were right. If so, it is necessary to hold responsible those
who unjustly made the accusation. If not, then it seems to me, that it
is necessary to hold responsible those who think that a person abusing his
position for material benefits can be a member of the basic party unit, that
he may enjoy the confidence of the wojewodztwo party organization. We must
do this, for this will encourage us and will help us to strengthen the ties
of the party with the people, and faith in socialism.
One of the factors which today hampers our attitude toward revisionism
is our theoretical weakness. Remarks made about Nowe Drogi in this regard
were entirely proper.
We too will present certain propositions to the management of the party.
But, I want to state that the matter is much more serious, and neither Nowe
Drogi nor other publication is of prime concern here. The situation is
this: for the past 20 years we did not creatively expand Marxism-Leninism--
we talked about it from plenum to plenum, and in resolutions of the central
committee, but actually we did not apply our theory to reality.
Here originated the divergences between words and actuality, between
theory and practice. Much can be said about this matter. But at present
this is a big and difficult task for us; a task which no one will accomplish
for us.
It is true that we should have a theoretical analysis of the activities
of agricultural groups.
But I cannot agree that the "ideologists" did not do this because
socialism is of no consequence to them.
Let us stop making such accusations. It can also be said that if some
other comrade has not as yet fought with all robbers in his area, then
socialism is of no consequence to him. No one will say this.
Another, and not this, matter is of concern here.
SECRET OileY1
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?
L.
W.J)
rinni17
?
'I do not believe that "ideologists" can create a theory of agricultural
units. I do believe that a real theory of Marxism-Leninism can be developed
only by all of us on the basis of experience.
I do not believe that the theory of agricultural groups can be formulated
without Kruczek, without Kozdra, without Wieczorek, and without those who
4
in the regions work for the devestopment of these groups.
A
Perhaps later, on the basis of their experiences some comrade, who is
a writer, will write an article on the results of our common inVestigations.
But, we must return to the old and good tradition of the worker movement
from which we have deviated for many years; that a working activist is at the
same time an ideological worker, and vice versa, that an employee of the
ideological front is at the same time an activist taking part in the
regional activities.
We have already little in this direction, but we must continue to do
so because without it is a creative expansion of Marxism is not possible.
It is obvious that today we can and should do one thing--defend elementary
truths which are attacked. We are too weak in this regard. This is a
difficult and big job, and not a matter that can be postponed from day to
day. We should consider how to take care of this matter, how to organize
our strength, haw to win over those who will no longer discuss only whether
proletarian dictatorship should or should not exist and whether the Soviet
form of proletarian dictatorship is only type possible, but will sit down
and analyze the experiences of these various forms of proletarian dictator-
ships that do exist. They will analyze it jointly, and then will try to
arrive at a new one. No one will take dare of this matter for us.
I mention these matters in order that we may see that besides the indispen-
sable administrative means, there is a need for ideological campaign which
is only outlined in the resolutions. A campaign which would help to win over
to the policy of the party the majority of people that succumb more or less
to the influences of one or another wing.
Finally, the last painful matter--the matter of youth.
SFORFT
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I observe the youth movement at fairly close quarters. The ZMP matter
is one of those calamities that we have borne, as, for example, the unnecessary
dissolution of large number of cooperatives. Only at close range have I
observed the conflict in ZMS, and in ZMP, too. This conflict took place
between two trends: the revisionist, liquidationist, and objectively anti-
socialist course heralding the conception of a young party against the old
party, a conception of revisionist party against Lenin party; and the
second trend, representing another conception -- part of young comrades who stated
various things, frequently improper, but who at the same time knew one thing,
that they would not go against the party, that they waofted to follow the
party. This was the process of maturing.
One of them told me that the best remedy for madness is to be well
bitten by: those who are. It can be said that these comrades were well bitten
by "madmen." These comrades matured in combat. Of course, the telegram
which the KC ZMS sent was in error and showed symptoms of certain indecisions.
But it also true that these comrades threw out the Gilas and Gronostaj types
immediately after the meeting. It is true that they eliminated the liberals
from the KW ZMS, and it is true that they prepared the ZMS organization as
much as possible to fight for the party.
To be perfectly frank, we must help these comrades. These comrades
have a very difficult task and are still making many mistakes. I feel that
what they ,are now doing is work headed in the right direction, but work that
requires corrections However, the errors trade here cannot be considered
as anti-party work.
I conclude with one other problem. I fear that here in this hall the
nature of the problems is somewhat different than in the country. With us,
the problem of revisionism and dogmatism has risen above all others. I am
not under the illusion that our battle with revisionism and with dogmatism
will be a short one. In the verification campaign we will mainly be able
to administratively solve only the most Obvious cases; it is not possible
otherwise. _ ?
And what is worrying the country as a. whole? Robberies and non-punishment-IL_
of robberies.
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shCRET go FR 1
Recently, I visited the field for a long period of time. When one
addresses a division of the party organization, with about 30 persons present,
the one can come to some understanding with the majority of the persons on
4
most matters They present their problems in a forcible manner and they are
convincing. Obviously, I am now referring to workers organizations. In
some of the organizations of PZGS, or in health services, the situation
is worse, for there we find silence. But the working class yells, argues.
and frequently says unjust things, but it is possible to convince it.
But in one situation, argument has no effect, because no arguments are found
here. Thus when they start to point out that this robber has been unpunished,
that the robber has been acquited, and that another robber has not as yet
been thrown out of the party, etc., then in such cases I can say only one
thing: you are right, and we will try to do something about this.
At this moment, the country wants lo things: justice and order.
Justice means the punishment of robbers and the prevention of innocent people
being wronged. To prevent disorder, we must have order. When we go out into
the field we must concentrate on these matters. It is necessary that the
worker class help us regulate matters and take care of non-party and party robbers.
We find here the matter of the course of the Eighth Plenum and the matter of
expansion and strengthening of intra-party democracy during the course of
this campaign. Without guidance from the bottom and without the masses,
we cannot do it by ourselves. There is one solution and that is to activate
the party masses in this fight. They will aid us in getting justice and
order. Hence, I want to say that it is our duty to state here all our
doubts, all that is now bothering us, so that we may unanimously realize
the policy of the party, a policy of which our resolutions will be an
expression.
SE, RFT in?VOrt0
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FRAT
Comrade Jozef Tejchma
The fact is becoming a symbol that different speakers at meetings, held
in recent weeks, mentioned the sputnik, which travels around the world, and
at the same time recalled that reading rooms have been changed into taverns.
Naturally, a drunk can, at some future time, sit in the chamber of the rocket,
just as well as others. But only a person of a high general level can
understand technology, science, and contemporary progress. I mention this
as an introduction to the problem of youth.
Lately, activists from the anti-alcohol committees and the church authorities
have been speaking up most frequently on these matters. It seems that party
committeee do not care so much about the development of the activities of
the youth and the organization as about the fact that the youth may create
additional trouble and difficulties.
If there is peace among the youth, they keep silent; if the youth drinks,
they complain; if something happens as, for example, in Warsaw, they discuss
It at executive meetings. This is oversimplifying the situation, but it is
not too far removed from reality. The situation is this: we have the ZMS,
the ZMW, and the ZHP organizations and it is in these primarily that we
should try to find the solutions to the problems of youth. Al bad events
in the life of the youth can be explained by the errors of these organizations.
However, this is only a partial truth.
Another part of the truth cinsists in that difficulties in the expansion
A
of an organization result, among other things, from general causes, which are
also the source of difficulties for the entire party. This statement is
not made t5 justify the organization; neither does it mean that its activists
should just wait and do nothing until a more favorable situation presents
itself to the development of the organization.
Also, we cannot agree fully with the judgement that the remnants of the
past period--which, naturally, we cannot disregard--are the only source of
today's serious youth problem.
In many countries which did not have the so-called past period, there
are many phenamons in the life of the youth similar to those found in our
A
country. It is obvious that this observation of common phenomenons in the live
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? SECRFT is40,
of the youth on a world scale is not made for the purpose of drawing conclusions
that there is no need to worry. Of importance here is the fact that we must
be conciaus that we cannot solve this matter by emergency means. What is
necessary is a good knowledge of the problems of youth, sociological
research, and the attention of the entire youth and not only on youth organi-
zations, which are still not too numerous.
Any recommendations that may be made should pretain not only to the
organizations, but also to the entire youth training system, that is schooling,
cultural institutions, press, etc.
If the problem of an economic model is urgent, so is the model of
training institutions.
It is obvious that of concern here is not the writing of a code of
morality, as has been tried at one time, but the adjustment of all training
institutions and procedures to the present needs of the youth, above all
the worker and peasant youth.
Certain forms of activities, more effective in drawing the youth, such
as tourism, foreign excursions, some types of sports, various technical clubs,
rest homes, do have an elite character to a large degree. The basic mass of
working youth and peasant youth does not benefit from these activities.
We usually want to treat them only to politics in the worst sense of the word,
that is, only to meetings and campaigns, which the situation requires at the
moment.
If there has occurred a certain turn in the consiousness of the youth;
then in can simply be defined as a turn to the side of the concrete. A hero
in the olden days was chiefly a good speaker. Sometimes this was the only
requirement for an activist.
The youth has one simple criterion: talk will not change anything. In
the village, a young, faithful man respects a priestkore for organizing an
art circle in the parish than for the best sermon. I feel, therefore,
that the youth should be won over Coneretely, without any roll-calls, and
that the most elementary conditions should be created for them in which
they may find satisfaction of their interests. The battle for the youth
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today will be won by one who in practice shows the. greatest knowledge in
organization of life, and not by one who best addresses the youth.
Therefore, these matters should be approached not only from the ideological
viewpoint, but also from the practical viewpoint. The various doubts of
youth are deepened by inactivity. We frequently encounter in the ZMW,
4
and also in important activists, the morbin approach that nothing can be
A
done, even though it is frequently difficult to find out from theg what
A
concrete efforts have been made and what activity was a failure.
In the meantime, someone from the village states that a reading room
is being made over into a tavern. It is necessary to first explain all
ideological doubts before a simple matter like this be taken care of?
"b-c-?
This is naturally, only an example of the fact that there m9 Lr problems
I
which-have to be approached in a practical fashion and which will not take
care of themselves even though we would assume a most decisive ideological
attitude toward them.
Supposedly, the clergy is thus motivated, if it is endeavoring to
supplement its religious activities in the village with cultural activities,
and even with economic activities.
We are not concerned here with opposing ideology with practice, or of
disregarding ideology. We are concerned with bolstering the forces of
-ideology with practice, and not with finding in it the justification for
inactivity, as it is frequently done.
What are experiences of ZMW up to now?
A
Experiences are such that the present situation in villages presents
the ZMW with two major spheres of work. They are culture and education and
economic development of the villages. We cannot disregard signs, the existence
of which we can confirm with complete certainty. The rural youth and their
activists are presenting the most elementary demands; for example, they want
a repertoire for artistic groups, instructors and librarian5and aid in
obtaining reading rooms, etc.
Bence, these are not primarily demands for additional funds. This
is a positive sign, and evidence against those who tnlk about youth
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SL.CnET px, Forel
matters, but frequently hold to the old standard that "formerly, the
youth was different; it was better."
Critics of youth frequently cannot present any concrete suggestions, not
even here in the Plenum. If we want the youth to give constructive criticism,
then not less, but more, constructive criticism should be addressed to the
youth.
The ZMW, no doubt, can play an active role in the development and
cultural transformation of villages--startihg with small natters, the
4
guiding thought of which will be to popularize the advantages of national
and world culture in villages.
One of the biggest achievements was the progress of villages in the
field of culture and education after the war. But many cultural efforts,
even those supported financially, were unsuccessful because they did not
aim at an active, cultural environment, and?What is more important--the
ready-made performances brought into a village from the outside contributed to
the demise of this activity and to the training of passive consumers of
culture.
We feel that state financial aid should be allocated mainly for the
creation of permanent cultural bases in villages, and not for the administra-
tion of culture.
Not expandingAny furth-e- this mattT the ZMW considers itself an
organization fulfilling the role of one of the chiefs social forces of the
cultural and educational movement of villages. This also has a significant
ideological meaning, since there are still certain people who show the
tendency to limit iota village within its cultural confines; people who
want to oppose the culture of the village against the culture of a city;
those who announce that a city is the source of degeneration, and a village
the source of moral and cultural renissance.
The second sphere of work pertains to economic natters of villages.
A problem directly connected with agricultural economy and production comes
to the fore here. This problem is agricultural education.
SECPcr
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tva)
The first steps of ZMW in this sphere are the organization of agricultural
training groups. Our experiences do not yet foresee what forms of mass
agricultural education are most suitable to present conditions. They do
foresee however, the need of undertaking seriously this problem not only
as a matter of our organization, but as a nation-wide matter. No longer can
we treat the occupation of the farmer as an occupation requiring no prepara-
tion No longer must we allow young, ambitious man, with high aspirations,
think that he cannot find his place in a village.
The trend toward migration from the village is a somewhat natural and
justified phenomenon. But it is not a natural phenomenon when there are no
roues of youth in a village who decide to do agricultural work not because
of custom or necessity, but consiously because they realize the need of
transforming villages for future socialist development.
There is no place here for detailed explanation of the potential
activities of the organization in the sphere of economic expansion of villages.
Of concern here is the general suggestion that the organization in its activities
:5
must be tied in with economic life of a village; that the question tame and
goals of the social movement, of which the organizational form for rural
youth is the ZMW.
From the viewpoint of the party, the regional committees and activists
approach to matters of youth are frequently very one-sided.
The ZMW has specific diffidulties, for it combines influences of two
parties and hence, conflicts of a personal nature occur frequently.
It is obvious that the ZMW is not free from various dangers. In some
units there occur attacks undermining the influence of the party at the
ZMW, refusing the party the right to have an influence on the rural youth.
There are those in the ZMW that want to gain a platform to criticize the
activities of the party and government not realizing that they too have a
responsibility for the solution of difficulties that we are now experiencing.
We will not tolerate this.
ct,,4
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Also, we have troubles of another nature. There are instances of
solving personnel matters of the authorities of the ZMW outside the
organization through interparty understanding or factional machinations
calculated to eliminate one or another side. This makes more difficult a
democratic functioning of the life of the ZMW, and frequently undermines
organizational independence.
By independence we do not mean to be removed as far as possible from
the influences of the party. We understand independence of an organization
as an indispensable condition which would make possible for the organization
to activize the youth, but activize it in the direction of implementation
of the program of the party, in the direction of socialism, independence, and
one that would strengthen and not weaken the influences of the party on
the youth.
It is obvious that it is not favorable to the development of an
organization when many party committees limit themselves exclusively to
personnel matters, and because of a poor evaluation of people from the masses
frequently eliminate them from activities.
Some party committees have certain delusions. They think that by
arranging personnel matters in authorities of an organization according to
their idea automatically settles the question of the party influences on the
youth.
How do these members of the party operate in the ZMW?
What is their attitude? What is their contact with the youth?
How are they helping to form the opinion of youth about the party with actions
rather than words. The rural aktiv of the ZMW encounters in their work
many difficulties, which it cannot solve with ill will or lack of aid on
the tart of people' s councils and other institutions.
Many undertakings of youth can fail if they do not find timely understand-
ing and support. I do not want to indicate any examples here,
Party committees do not always take into consideration that they frequently
lose a great opportunity of gaining influence among rural youth, if in
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Ater Ng ON
nothing more than gaining the sympathy of this youth for party activists
who could help it to take care even of small matters. Rural youth very
practically evaluates the party, observing the life and. attitude of its
members.
Therefore the anti-party demogogy which can be found in villages
will find on the part of the rural youth and chapters of ZMW faster and
more effective resistance, the more the party cannittees will require
from party members of working in the rural environment an attitude and
work deserving of recognition and trust.
The ZMW,-even though very weak and small, will with its activities
strengthen influences of socialism in villages.
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SEGRFT
Comrade Lucian Motyka
[7(4
VA:9
?
I shall not bring up matters already spoken of in this discussion.
I should like only to call attention to the situation in the party based
on the experiences of the Krakow party organization.
I wish to say, first of all, that I agree with the draft resolution
in regard to verification of members of the party and of the postponement
of the III Congress of our party.
Everything seems to indicate that the postponement of the Congress
will permit us to eliminate this ideological confusion which nnfortunately
is still rather prevalent among many of our activists and party members;
and at least, it will permit us to limit this confusion considerably and
will lead to further organizational closeness of the party.
ge have ahead in our political life two events which are not only of
party-wide significance, and not only even of nation-wide significance.
These events will be of considerable interest in the whole international
worker movement, to all international thinking. I have in mind obviously
our Congress and the elections to our people's councils.
We all agree, I think, that the Congress must be a manifestation of
the unity of our party around the politic/il line proposed at the Eighth
Plenum of the Central Committee. At the same time, Comrade Gomulka's
report indicates expressly that considerable danger continues to threaten
this unity despite the resolutions of the Ninth Plenum.
Is there really a danger of fractional activity of the two wings,
not accepting the party line?
Unfortunately, facts confirm completely the concern of the party
leaders on this matter. I should like to give a couple of examples from
Krakow gojewodztwo.
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SfiCRET NO 1:811
cL
?
In Krakow last year, we had -- excl9ing Warsaw -- perhaps the
greatest concentration of conflicts which our party survived in this
stormy period. I remember the October manifestation of the 20,000-strong
student body, the dismissal of the presidiums of people's councils at
meetings, the discrimination against members of the party in villages
who at night often had to lock themselves in against physical attacks
by enemies of the party, the manifestations in connection with the
incidents in Hungary, strikes, etc.
The PSL rightist faction operates among us yet and tries to spread
its influence throughout the country. We had the greatest split in
Poland in the youth movement. It was most difficult for us to bring
about the unity of the Union of Socialist Youth; and we also had two
unions in the villages, that is, the Union of Rural Youth and the 'Yid."
which obviously gravitated to the right.
We had in the student circles a political center of academic leftism,
so-called POLA, which wanted, just as did the weekly Po Prostu, supposedly
to build socialism only on the basis of criticism and negation. Recently,
we perceived also in public opinion the results of the criminal activity
of Dziadon and Hartman, unpunished in the past.
I recall this to indicate that the party in our wojewodztwo had
many additional -- besides nationwide -- difficulties in its political
work. Many of these difficulties already belong to the past. The party
obviously became more closely knit, we settled many difficult matters;
but we must bring up with greatest dissatisfaction the fact that in
these difficult times when we were fighting for the unity of the party
and the authority of the party units and the party organs, many comrades --
and these were older comrades, experienced in the work of the party --
stood aside and did not aid the party in this grave struggle.
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SEEM FEEJ
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I must say that in a most self-critical approach to these comrades,
the whole executive body of KW has no reason to be reproached. We tried
to win over to work those comrades who were lost in the October period,
we tried to resolve their full-grown dispilgsions and their internal
conflicts; we called a number of gatherings and meetings, encouraging
them to work in the party, to aid the party in the difficult time of
building up its authority. Unfortunately, in some we were met with a
rather consistent and silent inactivity or even with negations and such
slogans as, "Let them work alone without us." Obviously, I am not in-
cluding all the old comrades who abandoned work in the party apparatus,
or in the people's council apparatus, or in the UB. Many of them joined
in the work, but the group which firmly stood on the sidelines was quite
large. Some of these comrades approached us with suggestions for founding
a club of old commun4s, for creating the opportunity for their own in-
ternal and closed work; and in the end, they announced to KW that they
had decided to work along one line, that is, to establish circles of
TPPR and to work in the TPPR.
This was obviously all in order, because the party is ver k much
interested in developing friendship with the Soviet Union. The party
in its program emphasizes the greatest cooperation and establishment of
friendship with the USSR, not from the geographic point of New, but from
the deeply ideological point of view. If the Society were to concern
itself only with the members of the party, it would have no purpose in
existing, since the members of the party, by the very reason of belonging
to it, realize in practice the principles of the TPPR. But it must be a
source of great concern that the Society, which has had to and must con-
tinue to work on a broad nation-wide basis, to draw in the masses of
)loci
society to broaden and strengthen this friendship, -and to become a
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SEGRET I. r II
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springboard for the -- it is necessary expressly to say this -- opposition
activity in relation to the party. And the facts confirm our concern.
Part of those comrades who did not want to go into any organization
or party work went in the name of TPPR into the field giving speeches
and opinions questioning/The attainments of the Eighth Plenum and the
achievements of the party during the last year, charging that the party
says nothing for the friendship to the Soviet Union, despite obvious
facts, despite the fact that there was no speech by Comrade Wieslaw or
other members of our leadership which did not mention these problems.
I think that Comrade dieslawis answer to Comrade Mijal at the end
of his speech at the Ninth Plenum of KC satisfactorily explains these
matters. Therefore, the idea of creating from the Societ of Polish?
Soviet Friendship a base of sectarian, dogmatic, and antiparty activity
cannot be tolerated. It is in our interest that the leaders of the
party concern themselves with the activity of the Society in this
respect and that this activity be absolutely in agreement with the
line and the activity of the whole party in all its units. In the
Krakow area, at all times we shall strive for the development of the
TPPR, which we want very much, but which does not violate the principles
of our party.
There were also other matters. We had to remove the First Secretary
of KP in Wadowice because on the fourth day of October at he Plenum of
the KP, he made a speech basically contrary to the line of the party.
I do not know whether this was a coincidence that we were then having
a heated period of the student manifestations. This was the time in
which only by positive positions of the party leaders and workers in
the area of Krakow Wojewodztwo were we able to avoid the similar mani?
festations which occurred in Warsaw. And it is necessary to mention
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SECT
that concrete preparations were made in this direction. There were
attempts to include in these manifestations the working class also;
there were leaflets in Nowa Huta and other larger factories. And on
this same day, Comrade Kotyza, first secretary of the KP, in his final
speech to the plenum of the powiat committee, stated that only specu?
lators rejoiced in the October, because only they made millions from
it, that this did nothing for the workers, while in fact butter became
even more expensive -- he could not agree with this. He also said among
other things -- this is connected with the previously mentioned attempts
of activity in TPPR -- that in the party nothing was said about the
friendship with the Soviet Union, and obviously he had in mind the
whole party including the party leadership.
It is clear that we had to remove a secretary who by such means
as this "realizes" the party line.
T... a,
The explanation of Comrade KotyzAthat he took advantage of the
achievements of the Eighth Plenum, that is, the right to express his
doubts before members of the party, does not hold up under criticism,
because theme,were no doubts, but classic negations of the basic party
line.
This happened in a period when we were also having troubles in
revisionistic circles -- and there is no lack of these in the area of
Krakow. Krakow has a considerable student body, next after Warsaw; it
has a great intellectual and intelligentsia circle which was the most
succeptible to the revieionistic influences, which flourished inside
the party and outside.
In the first months after the Eighth Plenum, we talked with many
party members who took defeatist and revisionist stands.
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There existed here the so-called POLA, this means Political Center
of the Academic Left, which grouped a certain part of the students who
were members of the party and a part of the students outside the party
who, however, had declared themselves as Communists, as volunteers for
building socialism. In the difficult party situation in the student
circles, we had certain delusions about succeeding in inducing these
young people to positive party activity.
Even despite such facts as the nonparty behavior during the mani-
festations on 1 May, we tried somehow to deal with them in such a way
as to make activity in the framework of the party possible for them.
I must say that we certainly made an error. I agree with the comrades
who said that in the struggle with revisionism and in the struggle with
those who solely by liquidation and negation try to gain influence for
themselves in circles inimical to socialism -- we must be very con-
sistent, and only this consistency will give us political offensive in
the university circles.
I realize that our work in the student circles will not be easy,
that we will have to exert great efforts in order to rouse the honest
members of the party -- and these constitute the majority -- to active
and proper activity.
POLA, for example, shows clearly that this "Hamletism,n this sort
of fear about losing the popularity gained in October, was
indrance
in the party work. Continuation along the positions of negation and
opposition does not do any good -- it must lead to slipping into
ant iparty positions.
Therefore, I think that removal from the party of some represen-
tatives of these circles was necessary.
SHEET
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SECRET 140.1thimi,
We intend to work in such a manner, particularly to establish the
quality of party activists in universities and, through proven comrades,
to contribute to further development of party organizations and their
influence in schools.
I must here emphasize that party organizations in Krakow universities
were not uniform in their fluctuations on the matter of Po Prostu. In
the Metallurgical and Mining Academy and in the Higher Pedagogical
School, we had evidence of a serious attitude and acceptance of the
party line, active cooperation with the wojewodztwo committee and with
worker organizations in preventing prepared incidents and demonstrations.
A few words on the matter of verification.
As for me, the fact that we carry on verification of the members
of the party as a definite campaign is conditioned by the necessity for
a proper review of the cadre status of the party and removal from it of
elements casual, alien, and corrupted before the time of the Congress.
But I think that this cannot be only a campaign, that it must be a
constant process, without interruption in the party. If the party is
to be the vanguard of the working class and the leading strength of
the nation, then this movement must constantly be going on on two sides:
It is necessary to get rid of all those who by their own attitude, by
their own breaking off from the principles of the party, by indifference,
drunkenness, corruption, or amorality do not deserve to be members of
the party; and on the other hand, it is necessary boldly to reach out
to worker cadres, to the cadres of outstanding people in work plants
and to the technical intelligentsia, and to encourage them to join the
party.
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SECRET tt
thin
Only such a move from both sides will permit the clarification
of the proper status of our party and the creation of the party as a
real leading force. As to the problem of a favorable ratio of the
numbers of workers in our party, the basic role must be played not
only by the percentage of workers, which, for example, in our
wojewodztwo is rather good, but also by the activity of the workers
in the party, and this situation is considerably worse.
It is necessary to state that in some workers there appeared in
recent months a rather significant unwillingness to occupy themselves
with the functions of the party. Often workers -- sometimes eager and
sacrificing -- somehow did not see the needs, did not show the desire
to devote more time to party work. I think that what Comrade Schaff
mentioned played a great role here, namely, the conviction of the
ineffectiveness of their work. It will be necessary to assure the
influence of the workers in an organizational manner and to do every-
thing to plan such means as would change the existing status and permit
the workers to play the proper leading role in our party.
We continue to approach the matter of the worker aktiv as before.
p eople-
We see smart, sacrificing in factories, rejoicing in the confidence
among their co-workers. But, then somehow none of them is used as an
activist, they are not recruited into the party, if they are not yet
members of it. We rely very often on "irons' activists; we have come
to believe that they are always in power, al.41ough they give nothing
of themselves, they do not grow, anliare not widely heard.
Therefore, I think proper those remarks which aim at a new look
at the problem of party activity and which attach weight to real
activity. This new look is, however, the obligation of all party
units, of the whole apparatus, hnd of the party aktiv.
SECRET N.
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SECRET a
I should also like to bring up the matter of the countryside
because I think the experiences of the Krakow organization in recent
weeks can also be made use of by other comrades.
As I already said, in the villages just after October, we had
tremendous pressure by the right wing which here was especially active
and numerous. We had a discriminatory attitude of such a type that
members of the party simply were almost ashamed of the fact that they
realized the line of the party, that they were activists, and that
they started producer cooperatives. This shock, I would say, and
retreat from the right-wing opinion at first did not give us much
hope for activating our party in villages.
Recently, we took more concern led organizational work in con-
nection with the elections to agricultural circles, with elections to
the authorities of dairy, vegetable, and garden cooperatives, etc. And
what did this show? dherever clearly and simply we present the problem
of the class struggle, where we put forward expressly the matter of
party discipline, and where we prepare these campaigns precisely, we
meet with considerable successes.
Recently we had such meetings of dairy cooperatives. Despite the
fact that the number of delegate-party members was insignificant, almost
all the non-party members went along with the suggestions of the party
members. dhy was this so? Because the delegates perceived the unity of
the PZER members, who were adequately prepared by repeated meetings with
the party-group of the Kd and by prediscussion of meritorious and personal
subjects. We conducted this without any discrimination, without any
administrative pressure. As a result, not only were we able to bring
around the_delegates of the meeting to our stand, but they even became
party activists, they learned to appreciate by experience what can be
_SECRET 1\
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SEMI tIO
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produced by party unity and party descipline. I think that these
experiences not only concern the villages, but also can be used in
all party work.
The next matter which I would like to bring up is that of people's
councils.
The numbers of crimes recalled by Comrade dieslaw's report are
frightening.
This very much undermines the authority of our party, because the
majority of activists and especially the officials of the people's
councils are members of the party. There was even resistance to censure
by the party and public prosecutor of worker, of people's councile, be?
cause this would somehow compromise the party. But on the whole, people
have the proper attitude to all these crimes, they speak about them
openly; and it would be the worst thing for the party if we should
desire to tolerate this type of phenomenon.
Let us talk then about the regulations for election to the people's
councils, since this is obviously a very important matter. We must
prepare for these elections. But these elections are only one problem.
de also have a second problem -- this is the operation of the people's
councils, the political and economic work of people's councils, in which
our representatives -- I have such hopes -- will constitute the majority.
I am concerned for the work of deputies as a social factor, but also for
the work of presidiums and branches constantly and professionally
realizing the work of the people's authority in the area. We perceive
the need for change of former cadres and introduction of important candi?
dates, people who merit complete trust, especially since we continue on
the road of further decentralization, of increasing competence and scope
of activity of people's councils. Outside this, we do not want to take
?
LET
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rnprT
Euo:Li L,:
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over the work of the people's councils or to direct them daily through
party authorities.
At the same time, the position of the workers of the people's councils
in relation to other workers is wrong.
I mean that we cannot discuss basic wage raises, when there is a
shortage of money. But it is impossible to reconcile the fact that,
for example, the chairman of the municipal council in Trzebina -- which
has about 6,000 inhabitants, but at the same time 17,000 workers come
there daily to mines and factories -- collected a wage of 850-900 zloty
monthly; when at the same time, the day-worker easily earns a wage of
1,200-1,400 zloty; and for example, the foreman (kontystka) in a factory
receives, let's say, 1,600 zloty. It is impossible to reconcile the fact
that we place the chairman of the municipal people's council in such a
town on a lower level than an unqualified day-worker. It is impossible
to reconcile the fact that, for example, the chairman of the municipal
council in Chrzanow earned 1,300 zloty monthly and the directors of its
branches correspondingly less; while at the same time, one of the branch
directors, for example, the director of the administration of cleaning
the town-possibly earned 2,600 zloty, because this is considered an
enterprise and not an administration.
This is not the time to discuss wage raises. But a reduction of
great numbers of cadres certainly would release the funds which generally
should go to raise wages at least for the more responsible workers on the
people's councils. Otherwise we will not find people who will go willingly
to directing positions even in powiat people's councils.
This is a problem which in the present economic situation of the
country somehow or other must be settled efficiently.
And then the last matter.
SECRET
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K3-1` SECRET Km
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The Eighth Plenum answered people expressly about the economic
situation of the country and about our economic goals. Since this time,
a year has gone by. Ve read presently many enunciations about the new
economic model, but I feel there is a great disproportion between what
is said on economic matters and the practice in the field. In the field,
for some reason, the most varied sound ideas and concepts find expression
only with great difficulty, although being able to induce to work the
idle hands of which there is no shortage in Poland and being able to
increase the productivity of labor through sensible use of economic
incentives and use of the potentiality existing in the area. We still
have constant numerous signs -- I would say -- of economic conservatism
and to this phenomenon it is necessary to turn more careful attention.
Besides the sign of political dogmatism -- an inflexibility in the old
norms of economic thought constitutes a great handicap in the development
of the country. Various intermediary centers defned their positions and
existence, because obviously no one wants to eliminate oneself. I think
that it is necessary in some way quickly and energetically to bring to
life the recommendations which have been centrally discussed. Submission
by the workers to various, even inimica;Itendencies, has reason in the
fact that they still do not see solutions of different weak points in
practice, in spite of the fact that a diagnosis of these matters was
already made a year ago. That is why in the all-party discussions,
which certai4y will take place before the Congress of the party and
from the discussions conducted with members of the party at the time of
verification, it will be worthwhile to draw and generalize conclusions
for our economy and organizational work.
I think that only then will we be able to go into the Congress of
the party with new hope and with confidence the lack of which some comrades
here discussed.
REcPET tgo rPo
?? sn.
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?MET FORA1
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Comrade Artur Starewicz
I should like to bring up two subjects: the matter of purging the
party ranks and the matter of the press.
The central problem of today's Plenum is the party. The basic new
thought of the Tenth Plenum is to raise the party organizations, the whole
party, to the height of the tasks which stand before us, tasks resulting
from the resolutions of the Eighth and Ninth Plenums, by improving the
make-up of the party--improving its make-up qualitatively, ideologically,
morally, and socially.
Improving the make-up of the party is not a new idea. The party has
discussed it for several years. In recent years, we have had on this matter
resolutions, letters, and instructions of the KC, and various concrete
instructions pertaining to regulating the make-up of the party; the make-up
of the party, however, has not improved, but on the contrary, it has become
worse.
Why has it become worse? There were political reasons for this.
Erroneous work methods, the practice of bureaucratic centralism, and keeping
the party from the basic worker and peasant masses, all influenced it.
Detrimental changes in the social structure of the party followed. The
percentage of workers decreased from 47 percent in 1949 to 39.7 percent at
the end of 1956; the percentage of peasants decreased from 13.6 percent to
12.8 percent. At the same time, the percentage of white-collar workers
(especially office workers) increased; and in 1956, there were 39.5 percent
of these. We must not overlook the drop in the percentage of youth in the
party in recent years, especially in industrial organizations--this is
always a bad sign.
These changes are the more unfavorable since at the same time we had
enormous, even double, growth of the working class; and great droves of
youth went to work in production outside agriculture.
SECRET NaRE
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SECRETllli.,f0Fiil
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A worsening of the moral-ideological standard also accompanied this
process of changes in the party structure. Warnings of weaknesses began
to appear, bringing great harm to the authority of the party in society.
For years in the party there have been discussions about the necessity
to become free from the so-called ballast, that is, the people who are
casual, indifferent, etc.; but it was discussed without accomplishment,
since political conditions were not right for it.
The so-called ballast was--I think?an inevitable product not only of
the history of the organizational development of PPR and PPS before their
unification, but also ofA definite administrative methods in party work, the
result of complete sterilization in political life in many basic organiza-
tions; taken as a whole--the result of processes connected with the system
of the cult of the individual, and following this, a moral and political
decadence.
The purging of the ranks has been discussed throughout the party for
many months. It is possible to State without exaggeration that this is the
wish of all upright communists, of all who have a vital concern for the
fate of the party, who do not want to be in any organization either with
all kinds of narrow-mindedness, or with scoundrels and speculators, or
least of all to yield themselves to the will of cliques and coteries.
Recently discussing the matter of purging, we discovered var14
internal dissension among the aktiv..
First, the negative historical experiences of purging in previous times
were recalled in some measure, not those in our pai-ty but in other brother
parties. This was often, bad experience.
Second, a fear was expressed that removing a rather large number of
people from the party might make unnecessary enemies--and there is no
shortage of enemies.
SECTIET Mt,
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SEM No.tiraii
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Third--and this concerns especially last year--there is a question
as to who will dismiss whom and for what reason.
These arguments--as witnessed by the voices of the aktiv and the
voices from the field--have been weakened considerably or disproved.
I think that the proposals of thes.glitburo, brought up in the report
e..-?????
of Comrade Wieslaw, and the draft of the resolution are completely proper,
in
4,11944 the matter of improving the make-up of the party, making the party
militant, and consolidating the party ranks. This will be a considerable
co- fo
step in the struggle for a vanguard-party, et a party--whi-L will be the
leading force in the struggletW'hich will be waged at the third Congress
and thereafter. The draft of the resolution is proper, because it answers
the requirements of life, because it has ripened in the party itself, in the
thoughts of its faithful members, and also among non-party people who often
demanded this in looking to the party as to their leader.
The actual status of the party was completely revealed only at the
time of the October changes and later. Since the curtain of hypocrisy
and lawlessness split, since internal-party democracy opened everyone's
mouth--it became apparent that we had in the party ranks, besides communists
the followers of socialism, plenty of people having nothing in common with
the aims and desires of the party and its ideas, people--as comrade
Zambrowski rightly said--representing all possible, and often reasctionary
and nationalistic tripds, but not the Marxist-socialist trend. Everything
that was previously hidden behind the screen of silence, behind passiveness/7/
is now disclosed in the majority of party organizations.
Without being freed from this ballast, from the depraved and brawling
elements, we shall not push forward.
There were apprehensions of another kind, namely that the purging might
worsen the social structure of the party, since it would be accompanied by
SEW
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? MO NOININ
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unrestrained flowing off of a certain part of the workers while many office
workers would tenaciously retain party membership.
Experiences of the year negate these apprehensions.
In the course of three quarters of this year, about 92,900 people left
our party. Of this number, over 5,000 were expelled; about 56,000 were
crossed off party lists or turned in membership cards. Over 43,000 refused
transfers. Considering some growth in new members, we receive the number
given above. So, the social structure of the party,as a result not only
did not become worse, but it improved, although still insignificantly:
we have snore workers (outside agriculture) about 40 percenti. The per-
T?
centage of peasants has remailV the same; on the other hand, the percentage
of office workers decreased somewhat.
What are the main conditions for the success of the entire verification
campaign? I see two above all:
First--purging the party ranks in a method consistent with the spirit
of internal-party democracy, and under the leadership of the party authori--
ties with actual participation of the primary party organizations and the
general membership.
Second--conducting the whole campaign of purging and verification as
oaeitakip
a political campaign and not t-s'trictly organizational owl a-mare:iv which
A
must be accompanied by broad clarification of all-party and all-political
aims and ideological criteria by which we shall be directed. It also must
be accompanied by discussion and polemics with tendencies alien or inimical
to the party. It must be a campaign which will not be inclined to lable
people as "dogmatic" or "revisionistic," but one which will seek the heart
of the matter?differences of opinion, and the political and moral attitudes
C.
of party members in practice. Thedlampaign must be conducted on the level
of a prescribed political struggle within the party against whatever hinders
it, whatever draws it backwards--a political struggle through discussion74
polemics and through propagation of the party line. If the campaign became
SFCP T
ORR
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SECRET Ng Frijfj
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exclusively an organizational move, it could be greatly misunderstood by the
masses and could lead to much distortion.
a
I see certain dangers in this)lampaign. They can become real if the
purging of the party ranks is carried out in a bureaucratic manner--this
means only by selected groups, only by commissions, without the participation
of the aktiv, without the primary party organizations and the conscious
participation of the general membership of these organizations, without
discussions in the organization to which the given member of the party
belongs. Obviously this does not mean that in every case, the position of
a given organization will be the final decision, that it will never be
necessary to accept decisions by party authorities or a special group.
Nevertheless, this must be more the exception. Thus, the main method of
carrying out the verification and purging must rely on the fact that
everyone can understand the motives of our actions and be able to speak
out so that as much activity as possible in this field will come "from
below." Then it will be possible to eliminate the mistakes and wrongs;
then we shall attainA proper training effect based on activating good members
of the party. Control of the primary organizations and their active partici?
pation is also necessary to make it impossible for the different cliques to
manipulate respectable people, to frustrate "kangaroo courts" which here and
there forAgn elements and demoralized cliques try to carry out.
Danger lies also in the fact that there will be mixed different groups
of the party members, for which, according to the resolution of the Plenum,
we wish to establish different criteria and different measures. The party
control commissions must look into the matters connected with revisionist,
liquidationist, or dogmatic group activity. Another problem--the dislodging
of corrupt and demoralized elements--must be the concern of party authorities
S CET
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SFGFT O rat9ri.
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and special party groups. Different again must be the dismissal of those
people who are casual, indifferent, etc.; this must be accomplished by
verification especially in the party organizations themselves.
Classifying these matters and the use of different methods of purging
and verification against different undesirable elements in the party has
cardinal importance. For example, casuals who feel no ties to the party
and would leave without opposition and separate from the party amicably,
could choose not to do this only because it would occur at the same time
as the purging of thieves and bribers from the party.
By itself and independent from this, the use of ideological and moral
measures is necessary. Otherwise, situations can arise in which certain
political positions, very often inconsistent with the party line, will
become a screen or defense for people who should be severely punished by
the party for moral Indiscretions.
No political position nor services to the party in the past can be a
justification for people who have dirty hands and who compromise the good
name of a member of the party by abuses.
In the present situation in the party, this whole action will not be
diverted if it is carried out on principles of exact observance of internal
party regulations. This means that each member of the party must have the
power of defense in the face of accusations, the right of appeal of de?
cisions both to the bottom and to the top, that is, to one's own primary
party organization, and what is most important, to the proper party control
commission, to KW, and to the Central Committee. This guarantees the
statute-of the party; and these guarantees must find expression in practice.
Similarly, the right of each member of the party to be present at an ex?
amination of his case must be guaranteed in practice. Absentee judgment
of cases of party members must be permitted only when the member, of his
FGEIC9rT
? L t,
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own will, simply does not wish to take advantage of this right. There is
also a danger of splits of a fractional type. We have, of course, sad
experiences in this field: on the one side the wicked methods of incitement
used by various revisionistic elements--and on the other side, the schemes
and showdowns of the dogmatic-sectarian elements. Against these antiparty
methods, poisoning the atmosphere in the party, leading to wild raving--all party
authorities, the whole aktiv of our party, everyone in whose heart lies the
unity of the party must speak out against these.
I think that the Tenth Plenum should be strictly guarded from all
attempts at any fractional inquisition, from accounting for criticism, etc.
People can be made to answer to the party for their political position only
in cases of actions and propagation of opinions inconsistent with the line
of the Eighth and Ninth Plenums.
All exp sions or party punishments for any other reasons --I have in
mind political matters, not moral - -can have the character of divisive schemes
and accounting and should be cut off on the spot, in my opinion, as dis-
turbing the unity of the party. I would propose that some statements in
the spirit of these considerations be taken into account as much as possible
in the last formulation of the resolution.
I turn now to the matter of the press.
The matter of the press has not been avoided in subsequent meetings of
the KC since the Seventh Plenum. Ardrightfully this is so, since the press
reflects political trends in the country and in the party both positive and
negative. As the whole process of democratization was twofold, including
the main wave of tendencies of the masses toward changes within the frame-
work of socialism and the t, endencies of inimical forces to use democratic
freedoms for their purpose; so also was the case of the press twofold, since
besides the revival of new, live language reaching the reader and the bold
SECRET vo
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?SECRET FgH
LS
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criticism and positive initiative, we had and we still have the use of
columns, mainly of MOB periodicals, for purposes of revisionistic and
frankly antisocialistic propaganda.
What lies at the ideological sources of this situation? Generally
speaking, disappointment in socialism, which--as Comrade Schaff said here--
involved different circles, especially the more vacillating circles, some
parts of the intelligentsia.
On the basis of the ideological confusion in the circles of journalism,
certain opinions spread which justified the release of the press from the
control of the party.
There arose, for example, the theory of the specific function of the
press, of a press as a co?governing force, as a self?governing factor,
independent of the party. This opinion was introduced at the meeting of
the Warsaw branch of the Association of Journalists. We all remember how
there were such tendencies toward independence at that time in the different
editorial boards, and even to some extent also in Trybuna Ludu. The
editorial boards did not want to be an organ for anyoneithey did not want
to acknowledge the leadership of the party. Po Prostu, to the very end
was convinced of its special mission of action.
The theory also arose on the dilemma whether to reflect or to instruct:
that is, either only to talk to the readers in the name of the party and
the peoplets authority, or to talk to the government and party in the name
of the masses, in the name of public opinion. This false antithesis was
resolved apparently by the.answer: Do one and the other, reflect and
-- instruct. But this answer was very superficial. Yet this superficial
answer satisfied many journalists. It did not touch the basic problem:
how to instruct and what to reflect. Whether to train the readers according
to the opinions of some journalists or according to the line and position of
SE' 9 KOLE2
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SERI NO..f
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the party? Or to reflect what is progressive, democratic, socialistic
in public opinion, or everything and consequently also the reactionary,
antisocialistic, and anti-soviet voices. Without an express answer to
these questions, this thought-provoking dilemma became a liberal-bourgeous
phrase justifying the freedom for, carrying on in some publications
inimical, antisocialistic propaganda. And when we attempted to have an
opinion formed in agreement with the party policy and to reflect whatever
serves socialism, we were accused of wanting sterile language, covering
up, and a return to the old methods of management.
Then a spe00 theory arose concerning the role of press criticism.
The mission of the press--according to the theory--is to criticize the
governing in the name of the governed. The greater and sharper we criticize,
the more we can contribute to the improvement of the situation. Adherents
to this opinion--and there are still many of them--completely succumbed to
the erroneous conviction that the chief antagonism in our society arises
between authority and society, between the governing "elite" and the
governed masses.
On the other hand, the class struggle, the actions and influence of
the opposition, the activity of the reactionary and retrogressive forces--
this was some myth imagined by the "Stalinists" or some abstract truth which
rarely appears in life. Our attempts to develop the policy of the party in
the press, to struggle with the reactionary ideology, to cultivate limited
criticism constructive, convincing, and based on socialism and incern
for the improvement, some rejected and still reject every day as suppression
of criticism and freedom of the press.
Obviously behind all these erroneous opinions on the role of the press
are hidden differences of opinion as to the policy of the party, deeper
ideological differences, differences between Marxists and revisionists.
s
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On the situation in the press and among the journalists, simplified
4. 11
opinions are plentiful. At the present Plenum, "le of the comrades accused
the whole ideological front of favoring revisionism or of voicing revision?
istic and antisocialistic opinions. He included in this all central party
publications and all party schools. It seems to me--tactfully speaking--
that this is a deviation from the truth. This is impossible to prove,. It
is impossible to prove that the Propaganda Branch of KC, or the Press Office
of KC, or the Central Party School, or Trybuna Ludu represent the stand or
opinions favoring revisionism. Also completely groundless is the charge
concerning the editorial board of politykal that it conducts the struggle
only on one side.- Politvka from the very beginning has been one periodical,
sometimes, the only one, which undertakes polemics with revisionism.
These accusations cannot be proven by facts. And it is time now to
r, 0
abandon the methods of profless accusations.
A
The truth is, on the other hand, that despite efforts of the party
leaders and the responsible organs of KC, the situation on the ideological
front was not mastered and still requires great efforts by the central
aktiv of the party as well as time. It requires among other things that
everyone who can and is properly prepared for this be included in the struggle
on the ideological front with pen and word--from the present position of the
proper party line.
What is the real situation in the press, in this very important segment
of the ideological front?
We have--it seems to me--two processes: complete positive evolution
of themajority of the press and radio, of which the content this year has
shown very essential improvement; and negative evolution of a certain part
of the press, mainly periodicals, few but important, because of the
qualitative influence especially in intelligentsia circles. A large political
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and organizational effort to improve the over-all status of the press and
to oppose the negative processes has already been completed. For long n
months, a discussion with certain editorial boards has been going on. In
many KC meetings the realization of the party line in the press has been
discussed?chiefly errors in this field. Extensive personnel changes were
accomplished. Several dozen management positions in the press submitted to
changes. Changes were made in several editorial boards of wojewodztwo, daily,
and periodical publications, in the central press besides Trybuna Ludu, in
such periodicals as Sztandar Hlodych, Zycie Warszaws, Zycie Gosnodarcze,
Dookola Swiata, and some others, and in the Polish Radio and Television.
Several dozen people were removed from positions in editOrial boards on
lower levels. Changes were also completed to strengthen the office of
control of the press. Recently, 12 persons were removed from radio and
television.
Concerning the scope of personnel changes from the point of view of
political needs, they are no less but more numerous than in many other
spheres of our life.
Several periodicals were eliminated which carried a politically harmful
line and were operating unbrofitably?such as Kronika, Ziemia i Morze, and
Przemiany.
I believe that the situation in the daily press and in radio after the
recent changes basically will be mastered. Only single, chance eruptions
will occur. The daily press has almost 4 million copies in daily circulation.
I think that a similar situation exists in the rural press, which
however, since the October changes has never displayed any tendencies opposed
to the policy of the party. A single circulation of this press is more than
800,000 copies.
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The women's press and the political press are more or less similar; the
circulation is very large--3 million copies.
I think that we have a more or less normal situation in part of the
magazines and in amusement publications; in part, I repeat. Circulations
of these publications are considerable.
On the other hand, part of this magazine-amusement press continues to
submit to erroneous and sometimes harmful tendencies. It prints vulgar
illustrations, primitive sketches, and at times it cultivates antisocialistic
propaganda, glorifying capitalism; it passes in silence, on the other hand,
r.
and sometimes even defames, socialism. Such things appear in various
publications, such as Dookola Swiata, Nowa Wies, and Przekroi, Kulisv, and
especially the illustrated weekly Swiat. Swiat has a most definitely outlined
opposition line, not even revisionistic, but openly bourgeois. In Swiat, you
will almost never find the world of socialism outside Poland; and if Poland
is included, then it is generally in a defamed and slandered manner by
Zbigniew Nitzner and people similar to him. Oil the other hand; you can
Ld
find in this Swiat reporting from West Germany written with childlike rapture,
A
the picture of so-called "patriarchical democracy" and peoples' capitalism,
blossoming under the scepter of Adenauer, as well as feuilletons written
often from a position of neutrality in relation to the capitalistic world
and socialistic world. In spite of the fact that months have already passed
since the resolution of KC on changes in the editorial board of Swiat, the
editorial board in the name of "realism for daily use" now only is promising
improvement.
Finally, there is a group of about 30 periodic publications, including
social-political ones with a circulation of some 280,000 copies and eocial-
literary ones with a circulation of over 200,000 copies, among which we have
12 publications containing in themselves practically all of revisionistic
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and antisocialistic incidents in our press. I have in mind here such
publications as Nowa Kultura, Kronika, Ptzemiany (the last two have been
completely liquidated), Nowe Sygnaly, and to a small degree Przeglad
Kulturalny, Zycie Literackie, Zycie Gospodarcze, and some publications from
the provinces with very gribill circulations.
If we compare the proportion of the useful press, serving the socialism
and the press to a lesser or greater degree submitting to foreign ideological
tendencies then we have on the one hand the daily and periodic press which
follows the party line tota ing almost 10 million copies in a single issue,
which though it does not reflect in every respect our points of view, yet
we treat them as the press playing as a rule a positive role. On the other
axe.
hand there .is about 200,000 copies of publications, especially social?
literary, in the columns of which were and sometimes still are published
politically harmful, revisionistic, or even antisocialistic items.
Obviously, I do not state that the political proportion is 10 million
to 200,000, since the ideological weight of these publications containing
negative materials is considerably greater. A number of those publications
were modeled in fact on the political line of Po Pro stu.
To these data it is necessary to add still about 600,000 copies of
publications of the magazine type in which we also have, relatively ofte!!!
political outbursts and attacks on party practices. The ideological and
political weight of them, however, is already considerably less.
In the light of these current data, there is complete confirmation of
the analysis which Comrade Wieslaw gave at the meeting with the journalist
aktiv, that a considerable majority of journalists want to serve the party
and people's authority with their pens, either as open Communists or as
positive political realists and patriots. Only the minority, a relatively
small group, plays a negative role and attacks the policy of the party from
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the revisionistic, destructive, or reactionary position. This last group
and its voice in the columns of the press is to be eliminated.
Comrades, we are determined to realize this task as soon as possible.
The more so, because the influence of this group is still considerable,
greater than their publications, though sharply curtailed by censorship.
This influence is the wider because it partially embraces the journalistic
leaders.
How can we realize this task, a task truly not easy, and not "pour out
the child with the bath water"?
It is possible, however, to do it very simply, very quickly by
elimination of those 10-12 publications. Obviously, this is the shortest
andstmplest solution, but also it is the worst; since it would possibly
.14,05e-
push away from us both circles which the publications influence and with
which they are connected, and those additional circles in which liberal-
bourgeois opinions on the problem of freedom of the press dominate, in
ih
which it is considered permissible is Poland to say whatever you want, because?
as they say--"if socialism is stro%then it will defend itself."
I think that this would be the extreme; to such an extreme of eliminat-
ing the publication)as we had to do with Po Prostu.
Most suitable, on the other hand, after all discussions which have been
held or will be held very soon, are personnel changes in editorial boards.
:01
Without these changes?se, now with absolute clarity--our efforts will be
in vain.
We said recently at a meeting of the editorial boards of periodic
publications expressly and unambiguously: editorial boards must take a
clear, definite political position. Those who do not agree with the line
of the party should not take a two-faced stand. If they do not agrA, they
must not edit publications and they must leave this work for a less
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responsible and non-administrative position. The editorial board must be
responsible for the publication, not the censor. If they agree, they must
be responsible?responsible to the party and to the people's authority.
We lack people to solve these matters. There is a lack not of people
agreeing with the party line, because in the journalistic circles, there
are many, but of those ready to combat opinions against the line of the
party from both "wings."
These matters, however, do not exhaust the problems of the press.
Revisionistic.and opposition elements have certain support in some
editorial boardsr:nd in the Association of Polish Journalists. Without
changes in the Association of Polish Journalists, elimination of the
influence of the revisionistic elements among the journalists cannot
OCCUr.
The present administration of the Association of Journalists arose in
a very specific situation, shortly after Ocrober, when at the
eting of
the Association, different forces joined in a platform of sharp denunciation
of the past. A characteristic incident occurred in connection with the
speech of Zimand. At the meeting Zimand solemnly proclaimed that our
party was bankrupt. I then asked on the spot about why he belongs to the
party. The delegates in a majority acknowledged this as an extremely
improper question. Then they eagerly applauded Zimand.
The comrades know the stand of the presidium of the Association of
Journalists on the matter of the press policy of the Central Committee.
Comrade Wieslaw gave this at a recent meeting of the journalist aktiv.
e4it
Recently after closing lb Prostu andlItht disturbances on the streets of
Warsaw, the presidium of the Association of Journalists passed an unusual,
"bold" resolution, namely it summoned journalists in the whole country to
preserve the peace. Journalists in the field laughed when they received
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this telegram from the Main Administration of the Association.
is very clear that we do not want to subvert the independence of
the Association of Journalists, but we cannot condone the fact that the
management of such an important professional association, immensely important
from a political point of view, should find itself in the hands of the people
submitting to the pressure of foreign forces or gravitating to revisionism
or preparing opposition to the policy of the party. "Realism for daily
use" here is not sufficient. I think that Communists of the Association
who stand on the basis of the October party line and want whole-heartedly
to aid the Central Committee in its struggle to consolidate the party, can
manage, along with all politically healthy journalism, to assure by proper
means such composition of the management of the Association of Journalists
as to provide activity which will aid the party and not harm it.
In the press, there is no dogmatic-sectarian danger. On the other
hand, certain characteristic habits appear, however not only characteristic
for the press--a certain inertia, a certain impotence I would say, a certain
conservatism expressed in a return to hypocrisy and sterile speech, which.
here and there again are beginning to appear. The party answered clearly
with the words of Comrade Wieslaw that we do not want a sterile, trite, and
parrot-like press. We want to have a living press, a weapon in the struggle
for the spirit of the masses, for raising the socialistic consciousness of
the party and society and a weapon for creative criticism and wide
initiative.
I stated that there is no dogmatic-sectarian danger in the press. There
is, however, a small group of people who established themselves on the
editorial board of the very important publication Przyjazn. Part of this
editorial board, called upon to spread friendship with the Soviet Union and
with other socialistic countries, decided?as we see and hear?to transform
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411
2 Nal. HO FE
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this publication into an organ of internal-party struggle. The question
comes up, "In whose hands?" Some light( ii this is thrown by facts and
the actions of some members of the editorial board who publicly express
opinions of the following type. I cite: "Communists still will come to
power in Poland, and then every member of the party will have to be
accountable for what he says and does now! Przviazn is the only political
publication in Poland which passed over in silence the celebration of the
Eighth Plenum of KC, the plenum of such basic importance for the foundation
of Soviet-Polish friendship.
I think that, just as we cannot tolerate revisionistic centers, we
should not tolerate in the press dogmatic-sectarian groups, enemies of
party policy, since on this platform they cannot really spread Polish-Soviet
friendship; they can only discredit it in the eyes of the readers.
A large number of matters being worked on at present also require
regulation, such matters as responsiblity of the journalists and editors
for the printed word and assurance of freedom of the press in our social-
istic understanding. In connection with this, a press law is necessary to
raise the responsibility of the journalists and guarantee rights of our
press, rights of press criticism, etc. Press criticism now is often
deprived of this civil right which it should have in our country. We have
a multitude of incidents of suppression of proper criticism, and especially
of facts of excessive indifference to press criticism. The party cannot
agree with this or with the lack of responsibility for the printed word.
I think_thatthe Tenth Plenum, in a clear expression of its position
on purging and consolidating the party around the line defined in October
1956, will create conditions for complete mastery of the situation in the
press and for harnessing all the organs of the press, radio, and television
in the service of building socialism.
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Jerzy PUtrament
I should like to begin with certain general matters which I admit
frankly are very disturbing to me.
For a long time-in our party, it has been possible to say that a
certain split continues in our top aktiv. Despite different declarations,
which we have heard yesterday and today from various members on this
platform, concerning the complete support of the draft resolutions of the
Tenth Plenum and of the report of Comrade Wieslaw, I have fears that this
split unfortunately will outlive the Tenth Plenum.
It seems to me that this situation is extremely dangerous for us.
As you know, the cutting off of both wings of the party has been
discussed. I think that this is a very unfortunate and harmful comparison;
rather, there should be some other way to express this, but the operation
itself seems necessary.
I think that if we are to go to the party with all the resolutions with
which supposedly every member of the KC completely Agrees, and if we have
to carry out these resolutions, then in conditions of the split wbPjh
exists and of the differences of opinion in the concept of the wings and
their danger, I have much apprehension whether we shall be able to incor-
porate these resolutions into life.
Revisionism and conservatism have been discussed. Personally in
this roam, I see no revisionists. It is possible that this is such a specific
condition that causes other comrades not to see conservatists in their own
wojewodztwos. I know, though, that there are people in this roam who do not
appreciate the danger of revisionism. And on this theme, I should like to
say a few words.
There are among us comrades who are so very convinced of the danger of
conservatism that they cannot really perceive the completely evident signs
of revisionism even in their closest neighborhood. This, among other things,
concerns very many comrades working on the ideological front. It seems to me
that the error of these comrades carries very important political results.
If these-comrades, despite reluctance in the past, carried on without con-
viction the struggle with revisionism in their immediate neighborhood from
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fear of ccnservatists; if it seemed to them, thei,lhei.elwho knows, we
shall liquidate these revisionists, and then some conservatives will JumP
at our throats--then these comrades obviously have committed a very
significant political error, of which we now see the results.
Where, in my opinion, does the danger of conservatism lie? Does it
lie in the fact that there are in our party several dozen people who at a
certain moment, as a result of their own errors, were removed from the
direct leadership of the party? Does this constitute the danger of con-
servatism?
It seems to me that this is not the danger of conservatism. Whenever
the party makes some change, anyone who previously maintained an improper
position and was not able to get out of this position, must pay for this.
This is not horrible for the party--these few dozen ambitious people do
not constitute a danger important enough to warrant devoting much energy
to it. Obviously, the danger would be greater if there were added to it
several or several thousand so-called aparatchikstpeople who worked for
the party apparatus for some time and for whom it is difficult to get used
to the fact that now the party work must be conducted otherwise. In this
case, conservatism already is more dangerous. But even this does not
constitute the real problem.
Conservatism will be a danger to our party when these generals and these
officers get an army into their hands--if these generals and these officers,
who are not able to shift to the new course in the party, get the aktiv
of the party into their hands.
But, will this party aktiv drive into the ranks of conservatism the
work of Jan Kosa or disgusting sntisemitic statements.
If anyone thinks that conservatists will reach our party aktiv with the
aid of antisemitism, these comrades think very poorly of our party aktiv.
Antisemitism is the weapon for winning over the most ignorant masses
of our nation, and not the party aktiv.
-
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The danger of coriservatism, in ray conviction, lies in the fact that
thousands and tens of thousands, all the upright party activists looking at
some of these phenomena in our life, cannot understand that they are
independent of the will of the party, that they are phenomena against the
will of the party, that they caused by enemies of the party and not by the
new course of the party.
The danger of conservatism becomes real and threatening for us when the
party aktiv, reading all our papers and listening to our radio, wonders
Who in Warsaw permits such matters.
I think that What Comrade Gomulka said in his report--that one cannot
combat dogmatism with revisionism is right.
If you want to stop what is most threatening in cunservatism, do
everything possible so that the aktiv of our party might have faith in
the righteousness of pur party line, and suppress everything which will bring
doubt to this aktiv, whether we are going along the road of socialism or
not.
If we do not appreciate this now, if after this Plenum we are not
able to achieve this kind of result in our work, I am very much afraid
that the danger of conservatism will remain with us.
I repeat: I do not wish to close my eye to the other side of con-
servatiam, I mean to what could be called BOMB fractional test, practically
of conspiratorial activity. This does appear, but it is possible to
conquer it very easily, relatively, if the party aktiv will work with us.
Comrade Starewicz gave a very interesting speech with which I agree,
for the most part. But with one point of his speech, I should like to
argue; namely, it concerns the ineffectiveness Of previous efforts of the
party leadership in the matter of the press. I think that here the reason
is that which was touched upon in the speech of Comrade Starewicz; namely,
we have heard how-many editors were removed, we have heard how much
personnel was transferred--even that some periodicals were suspended. But
in all this?this is obviously not the fault of Comrade Starewicz, but the
fault of our whole party and especially the Central Committee?we have not
been able to confer a political character to these struggles.
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The influence of Po Prostu and periodicals similar to it, to a very
great extent rested in misunderstanding, especially in the first half of
the year. very many people reading these publications really thought they
were publications which paved the way for our October, periodicals which had
the full backing of Gumuika.
Ere I should like to stipulate that in its wisdom and fairness the
speech of Comrade Kasman did not seem right to me on one point. Namely,
in rify opiniordtlit was not at all necessary only now after the vacations for
us to close Po Prostu.
I think that if we had shown stronger political guidance a half year
ago, it might not have been necessary to suspend Po Prostu.
I do not believe that youth were all at once trained by bourgeois
liberalism that they were lost from us suddenly. I know these people.
At a certain time, we showed ourselves weak, we lost our predominance
and leadership, we were not able to direct the very often interested groups
of youth.
And the result was that, as we were not able to direct them, the
ruthless logicof the class struggle began to lead them.
If we had been able earlier to take a positive political stand against
the theories of revisionism in the journalist circles, I am convinced that
we could have avoided many surgical cuts which now seem inevitable.
Concerning the propagands situation, I think that the following danger
exists here: there are people who fear conservatism so much that they lose
their capacity to struggle with revisionism, which in some form can continue
further.
I think we must turn attention to this. I have absolutely no sympathy
with the so-called conservative tendencies. I had the honor of struggling
with these tendencies when it was much more difficult than now; but,
in spite of this, I should like to point out especially that the tactics of
permitting-revisionism with the hope that this revisionism will protect
us from conservatism, is erroneous.
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May we absolutely resign from these tactics after the Tenth Plenum!
Does this mean that I consider that the time has now come, to make the
press conform by means of force.
I think that the time has came for the party to became responsible
for the most important source of spreading its ideology; that is the press.
There are people among us who say, why blame everything on the press;
the press only reflects life. Obviously this is nonsense.
The influence of the press on the formation of attitudes is great. We
were to pass from administrative governing of the party-to a persuasion
method, and I ask you, are we to persuade if the press is so often in the
hands of the people with wham we are not of the same minds?
Here Comrade Starewicz gave very interesting examples from the press.
I cannot show special examples, but I know the facts that in several
Pare c Yet, 6kil4 j-fir t ape' i r ndeS1 rk);1_C,. sr.e 4. Son el, o wi
the insincere journalist at a certain time sneaks dila some odious item into fAe.
papers. And some of this appears suddenly in the paper.
What does this signify? It signifies that even in the editorial
board of Trybuna Ludu the political situation is not very good. And herein
lies the main direction of our struggle, not administrative, not so much the
throwing out of people, although sometime this tall be necessary, but
primarily a political struggle for the editorial boards to acknowledge the
party line and for those who do not acknowledge it to leave graciously.
But, do not be deceived. If, after this pressure from the party,
certain revisionistic groups, without doubt revisionistic, operating in
some periodical or another in our country, close their ears and lie quiet,
still do not think that you have politically convinced them:/9--
I did not participate in the conference with the journalists which Comrade
Gomulka held. I read only his speech and people reported to me. I was
shocked.
A
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Hooligans are acting inthe city--they are endeavoring to take over the
A
Warsaw working class-they despatch delegations to the factories to recruit
6
them. Then a meeting of the journalists takes place. Comrade Gomulka gives
a definite evaluation of the situation, an evaluation with which every
upright Communist must agree.
And then the meeting heard resolutions of the writers protesting
against what? Against closing Po Prostu.
This is one thing which I think -is worth mentioning here.
During the last half year, we have depended very much, as a party, on
the authority of one man; for very often it happened that Comrade Gomulka
appeared and made a definite speech in which he gave a certain political
evaluation of the situation; newspapers printed this, and the next day it
was forgotten. They returned to the status ,04o.
It was treated as a necessary evil. Gomulka had to say this, but we
will continue to do as we please.
What does this mean?
It shows a significant political weakness on our ideological front.
There is one more example which to me personally was extremely provoking.
What is the proper pabition of the party in the matter of the An
It is absolutely necessary to give each upright member of the AK an
equal start in the struggle with socialism. We have previously made grave
errors in this respect. We did not give them equal starts; we fastened some
kind of iron hobble to them.
All right, but since correcting these errors which the comrades before
0
me have discussed prlperly here, we went to the other extreme and had a
60-day festival devoted to AK in our press during the summer. How this
happened is not really known. At one time, Comrade MOrawski very properly
evaluated this as a negative sign in our press; and yet there are comrades
who consider that this is success of our press and that in this way, we
took-away an argument from the hands of the reactionaries.
Facts about the activity of dogmatists and sectarians were touched upon
here yesterday.
SEGREtin I 01
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? SEM RkFON,
?
We can endure many things, but we cannot endure cases of ordinary,
disgusting antisemitism in our party.
The only chance for the top Aktiv of our partyci-ol!!!m132y)vindicate
itself does not depend on the fact that comrades with inclinations to
dogmatism will came here and declare their readiness to struggle with
revisionism. It would be of greater value if these comrades came and stated
cntServA *ticteh e ehd
haw they think it is necessary to struggleAthey personplly have had. krA4fSt/C.S-C4.
tk till
And if if those others, who previously had, let US say, low resistance to
the danger of revisionism, turned special attention to the matter of
revisionism; the- there would be some chance of consolidating this
top aktiv. If there is no such tendency, the matter cannot be resolved
satisfactorily. And so far, I have not noticed, unfortunately, such
tendencies on the part of the comrades, at least those of, let us say,
conservatist coloring.
Rather, thus far it has been otherwise; such comrades come and declare:
All right, Comrade Gomulka, we will take care this segment of your
program, that is the struggle with revisionism. Comrades, you take care
of this work fatally. In my opinion, you do not have any special abilities
to struggle with revisionism. On the other hand, you know very well the
center and the methods of conservatism; display your abilities there.
ifeMS
Two more small memo in the area of literature.
I think that although Comrade Lesz, unfortunately, presented his views
in such a manner, let us treat this as a metaphor. Obviously, no one
expects that the printing of a verse will produce a heap of potatoes all at
once. But the phenomenon which Comrade Lesz brought up is that of such
late moral blushing. We have several writers who, after the Eighth and
Ninth Plenums, suddenly became extremely ruthless in accusing all of
Stalinist crimes.
You all know they are somewhat late. Koestler did this much, much earlier,
20 years before them.
QrpuT'IET m
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SEM NO
?
Their moral zeal very often seems doubtful. You cannot deny them
the right of writing such things, but you cannot close your eyes to the
fact that this is a very extensive phenomenon.
Does this mean that we can command the writers not to do this?
You will not get anywhere with the writers by commands. But unfortunately
there is a necessity to conduct a great political struggle in literary
circles.
And we can, no longer back away from this struggle. The literary
circle, if it is a question of the party circle, to a very large extent has
been taken over by clearly revisionistic activists or even complete renegades.
And don't think that after a year from October the Union of Writers became
an apolitical organization, devoted to pure art. This is not true. It is
a political organization. Their fashionable works, disseminated and
advertised by them, are political and follow a very definite political
line. I think that, because of this, indifference by the party is out of
place here.
We need not interfere when Przybos in this and no other way approaches
the writing of lyric verse; but with clearly political literature, we must
show political activity.
It has come to the point that the literary circle can no longer do
without the aid of the party.
One more small item. One matter to which the party must turn attention
is that of trips abroad by our various representatives.
We have very much expanded our contacts abroad and this in principle is
good, provided that Poland. will be represented by people with some political
awareness and reasonable sense of responsibility for what they do. We have
many indications that what our representatives do abroad is generally not
strictly in the mind.
Last year, I defendedlp.onimski from that platform against unfair
attacks against him. I think that at that time Slonimski was not an enemy
of People's Poland; and, even now; it is difficUlt for me to call him an
enemy of People's Poland. At this time, I see one thing: the party has
stopped glorifying Slonimski. Slonimski it seems, instead of going along
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;!4? SECRET NH ail
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?
with the party, came to the conclusion that he could lead the party.
The declarations which he voiced at this time--I have not even in mind here
the interview about which KOmsamolskaya Pravda wrote, but his appearance
at the Congress of Penclubs, the summary or even the full text of which
I saw in the PAP bulletin--these are matters with Which we cannot agree.
His formulation there in Japa5his contempt for Communism (he said there that
was concerned supposedly about Stalinistic Communism, but basically every
one of us should personally feel offended by his address), is something
different from last year. Then, he came out against many things with which
I struggled and we all struggled and shall struggle. I absolutely do not
consider that now they have become good and clear.
Last year, unfortunately, we lost control over him, and not only over
him. At this time, Slonimski makes declarations with which no Polish
Communist can agree.
Obviously, Slonimski is no exception. I feel that the policy of non-
intervention in political declarations of irresponsible people of Slonimski's
type is a poor policy.
But how do others behave? Permit me to read a report from the bulletin.
The latest issue cf the weekly, Newsweek, contains the following information:
"Officials of the Department of State who deal with arriving Polish
economic and technical delegations, are astonished by the freedom with
which members of these delegations criticize the Communist regime.
One of the delegates even answered sincerely once, "Give us time,
and we will abandon the Communists, even the good ones."
I think that it is time for us to get rid of such representatives
abroad. We cannot tolerate people alien and inimical to us and so liberally
honorable. I think that the lack of any political control over the dele-
gations visiting abroad is a lack which should be removed somehow.
One last matter. We face a purging of the party. I have joined the
party quite recently and have never gone through such an operation. Those
who have, have sad memories of this type of operation. This is indeed
a serious operation.
SEGE
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SEM
411
I think the situation has matured, and it is necessary to conduct the
operation. Otherwise it will be eery difficult to work further; but this
does not change the fact that the operation is very difficult and above
all that this operation can be conducted only once.
And what are the conditions for its success; what is the first con-
dition directly dependent on us? This is the condition that we, agreeing
to the undertaking proposed by the leaders, we agree to the whole opera-
tion. That there be no backward thoughts (arrieres pensees) among us:
I agree with the leaders in this segment of from thieves to revisionists,
and I agree with them in the segment from thieves to dogmatists.
If the Central Committee should approach this operation with such an
attitude, it [the operation] will not be a success, it will not remove
the existing split in the party, the dissension which exists in the party;
but simply the opposite, it will deepen them, it will poison even those
sections of the party which perhaps are still up to now untouched.
I think that every member of the Central Committee should take this
point deeply into consideration. This is not a matter of some fraction,
some group, or some deviation. This concerns the party. This is the best
C.
time for all of us to understand pr$trisely responsibility of this kind.
UNEr
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SECT NO?Fil,n,
MARIAN NASZKOWSK1
?
I wish to make a few observations on purifying the Party of ideologically
alien element's.
I think that this very difficult and very responsible action may be
successful if we treat it as a political action, even more so as an ideo-
logical one, rather than solely organizational. To do this, we must recognize
the paths and bypaths of both conservative and liquidationist thought, and we
must understand how it arrived at these distortions.
This is necessary because we must, also)not purify the party by our-
selves, and not only with the aid of the apparatus, but with the aid and
active participation of the party masses and with the support of the non-
party masses
If I wanted, in this connection, to touch on the "Po Prostu" question,
it would not be on the level of an evaluation of the paper's policy or the
activities of the group, since this has already been done by the Party.
Rather, it seems to me that it would be useful to analize certain mental
attitudes of this group, attitudes which are undoubtedly characteristic of
a large part of the revisionist wing, especially among young people. I say
this on the basis of conversations the CKKP, to which I belonged, had with
this group.
Above all, let us say, a certain dissolutness, a relaxation of party
discipline', organizational discipline, to unheard of litits, even a certain
lordliness, strikes us.
Suffice it to say that the party members of the "Po Prostu" group were
astounded when they were accused of publishing open letters of protest and
sending them to other party organizations not to mention that they were also
distributing them among non-party members. They considered this as the
achievement of October, as their sacred right. Asked how they could reconcile
this practice with the party statutes, they answered that it had become the
custom. So., the custom replaced the statutes.
If this group had no scruples toward the party, it did have complete
solidarity toward each other and toward the group's platform.
Unquestionably, we had to deal with)a-compact'gro7 with a definite.
,eharacter,-a fractional gXoup. ,
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? SECRET Ntl VOIR
0
?
I agree with those comrades who'state that the dogmatists and
sectarians use a very classic form of fractionalism, and that, in this
respect, they are very experienced as a result of the fractional struggles
in our party. But, I consider that, on the part of the revisionists,
certain new, although flexible, forms of group work appeared; and these
found expression, above all, in the "Po Prostu" group.
The so-called conservative circles say that "Po Prostu" is a product
of October. Nothing could be more foolish. If this phenomenon is to be
defined as a producok of something, it is certainly, above all, a product
of our former errors and distortions.
An atmosphere of ideological laxity and intoxication with a mechanical
moral and political unity, in addition to the lack of a profound cultivation
of mass psychology, especially of youth psychology, was thus capable of
producing such an attitude of emptiness, disbelief, and cynicism among
youth, undoubtedly previously ideologically oriented toward socialism, in
the moment of crisis and shock following the Twentieth Congress.
Obviously, the speeches of the sectarians and dogmatists and the
activities of a certain part of the aktiv in the period of crisis helped
spread this atmosphere.
It is possible to observe in the attitude of the publicists and liquida-
tionists, who until recently carried Party cards, and still do, a
decided emphasis on provincial ideology and mentality.
Again, I wish to give an example of the train of thought of the "Po
Prostu" group, although they do not have a monopoly on it.
Part of them claimed they were trying to find a constructive program.
I think that, essentially, they did try. But did they find one? Were they
carried away by the passion of their struggle to increase production in the
new and more real conditions existing following October, the passion of the
struggle against the relaxation of socialist discipline and for the restoration
of the
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? SE El NO FP]
?
full value of the socialist undertaking.'Were they trying to lend their
pens to combat the wave of narrowmindedness, the trend among youth to
copy the Western style of life, and the attittude of so-called internal
emigration?
To them, this all seemed banal, blase, compromi d by previous
propaganda. The only pgitive program they could effect was to seel,k
-F
some Axagrataary, eventually even valuable, but completely marginal,
initiative in small towns.
It is perhaps not accidental
small town, to pursbe originality,
gaze at the "staiated West", UQI
certain imperAdistic circles and
world
to see the hub of the modc in the
to cater to small-town tastes, to
to the military tendencies af
the feeling of panic and hopeless-
ness, and to interpret our slogan of peacful coexistence as virtual
A
capitulation before the West.
The publicists of this kind do not see the working class as a
moving force of history; they
are detached from it. If they write
about it, it is rather of the lowest part of the proletariat
(lumpenproletariafise)2 of the partially demoralized, classless
elements.
L'omrade Schaff is quite right in calling this phenomenon an
ideological relapse of social democratism. It is difficult to find
more typical features
excluc'
do not characterize
of social democratism, although these features
Obviously2
t:-e attitudes of ?:}02Pcgraria these groups. 9krmwx*x
this has nothing in common with their organizational derivation. We know,
for instance, that the "Po Prostu" people did not come from the social
democrats. They came from the ZWPc the ZMP, and the PPR. It is a question
1r;D
of the attituded and of a relapse 'the idlor of social democratism.
In the attitudes.of some of them, what it comes to is contact with a
purely bourgeois way of thinking, with the drive for the development of
private initiative, which xx can only createreudo -healthy conditions in
a country, etc.
Also typically provincial and social democratic is the liberal
humnnism, obviouslyruedo huma of "Po Prostu" or a part of the
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students, toward "the brutality of the militia" etc. In comparing capitalist
violence with the means of control used by the people's authority, they
deny the existence of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
It seems to me that it would be improper to state that this kind of
attitude was formed among the members of the party only following October.
As. Comrade Wieslaw stated in the report, the Party settled the question of
dogmatism without the help of the revisionists.
On the other hand, this does not mean that all those who recently took
up the position of revisionism and liqpidationism did so immediately following
the crisis in the party. It is clear that many publicists, newsmen, even
some who still occupy a revisionist position today, played a positive role
prior to October in overthrowing useless concepts,bureaucratic opposition,
etc. But, at the same time, we cannot overlook the fact that the begintings
of the false course of many of the critics of our errors were also apparent
then. Let us remember how, among the just thoughts, there appeared a foreign,
anti,Soviet, anti-socialist, anti-party note. Gradually, the proportion of
the proper to the improper changed. This was a definite process.
It seems to me, comrades, that the purifioation of the party of elements
which have taken up a foreign, often inimical, position and the eradication
of those two wings should be accomplished by harmoniously combining the two
following methods: the method of a positive stand and an uncompromising
attitude toward those who have stopped recognizing our program and our
statutes, and the method of a detailed analysis of the attitudes of each
member investigated, while guarding against a facile, mechanical labeling,
taking into consideration the moral attitudes and distinguishing between a
temporary straying away- under conditions which undoubtedly favored this-
and the position of a conscious, permanent negation of the party line.
In speaking about the struggle with revisionism, we speak a great deal
about the intelligentsia circles. This is right and well founded considering
the susceptibility of these elements to the above-mentioned deformation.
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SEMET FJ
?
But it would be a grave error not to warn the party aktiv, who will be
carrying out the resolution on the purification, and not to guard against
the renewal of a generally anti-intellectual tendency and the harmful
alienation of the intelligentsia from our party. Moreover, that the
attitudes of the intelligentsia are not in the least uniform is shown
by the stand, already mentioned in this meeting, which was taken by the
professors and the majority of students at the time of the Warsaw disturbances.
And such an anti-intellectual tendency, especially among conservative elements,
is bound to appear during this purification action.
Another danger we must be aware of is the danger of one-sided criticism
of the effectiveness of the organizational methods in the struggle to purify
the party.
Today, organizational methods are necessary, extremely important, and,
I should day, even decisive. It is decisive action in the direction of
purifying the party of ballast that the sound party masses and the working
class is expecting from us.
But, at the same time, it would be a cardinal error if we were to
neglect the method of an ideological gight, the necessity not so much of
merely continuing the fight against false theories, but of doubling our
efforts in the fight right now, and the necessity of continuing the main
ideolegical discussion in the columns of our party press.
If part of the intelligentsia or the young people at first accepted
the solution to "Po Prostu" with distrust, and if this attitude still
exists in some circles today, it seems to me that it was not because of,
or, at any rate, mainly because of any sequence in the action against "pp
Prostu." Undoubtedly, the sequence could have been better, but this is
a problem of secondary importance. The over-all action was right, above
all, thanks to its decisiveness, but the results are the best evidence
of this.
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1,71-
? saw laiwe
- Rather, the cause of the disorientation in the circles mentioned
lies.mainly, although not exclusively, in the weakness existing up until
now in our ideological offensive. Obviously, it is not a question now of
persuading the obstinate liquidationists (they mist be removed from the
party), but of carrying out this action with the support and understanding
of the masses.
And therefore, comrades, I think that only by combining the necessary
surgical operation of purifying the party and the strengthening of our
ideological offensive can we restore health to the party and fully develop
itsrole as leader of the working class and the nation.
OSKAR LANGE
I should like to add a few observations to today's discussion. The
projects which have been presented concerning the verification of party
members and the extension of the date for the Congress are proper. There
can be no doubt as to this.
Strengthening the leadership role of the party demands that we
accurately define its political and ideological character and overcome the
disorientation and ideological confusion. This confusion was created as
the unavoidable result of the great, profound, and proper changes which
have taken place in our country, and which are also taking place in the
entire international workers' movement.
It is necessary to define, to make clear, the political and ideological
character of the party in order to strengthen its ties with the masses, ties
which it tightened in the crucial days of October. Only a party with definite
purposes and definite ways of acting can maintain, deepen, and develop these
ties -- in a word, a party with a definite political
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and id^
? SEGPENO f:41:Frij
Ik
4cal character.
?
This is also necessary for the internal consolidation of the -arty
and the strengthening of its moral framework. One of the subjects of the
speech of 'jomrade Wieslaw and of the discussion was the question of the
demoralization and corpption which crept widely into the arty ranks.
It has various sources, and I do not intend to analize them here. I should
like, however, to call attention -- some have already done so in the
discusaion -- to the connection between this tuestion and the question of
of the ideological and political characher of theArty. The mmagaixtqcxx
uncertainty existing among part of the Party akt4 as to the prci.
pg4a'
of the political line and the Arty ideology helps the demoralization and
coruption to spread. Hence, the fight against dmoralization and coltption
P
in the Party is very closely connected with the question of strengthening
and defining its political and ideological character. In connection with
this, I should like to call attention to two problems.
The first is the need for increased activity in the field of giving
a positive concreteness to the political and ideological character of the
Arty. It is not sufficient to critieize revisionism negatively, or
liquidationism, or dogmatism. We must also define our ideological line
positively. In short, it is not sufficient to tell people what is
false. We must also define the position from 1Pich deviations are being
driticized, and indicate, posiviteLy, what la the basic ideological line
of the 'Party is.
In this respect, it is aioe necessary to increase our ideological
.sta6 tOA
activity considerably. The Congress will e the political and ideo-
logical line of the /Party in its definitive form. Commissions )reparing
for the Congress are working on it now. The resolution5of the ongress
will constitute the basis on which the arty can refuse to recognize any
contrary to_,
deviations l'e.m its line. But this matter should not be left etirely for
the Congress. Intensive work should be done now in the field of 3,:m
Phrxist and Leninist propaganda and in the field of developing it in
a creative manner, suited to our Polish conditions.
In my contacts with young people -- and not only with young people
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a_
OSEGRET Lr'71
k$
?
view oint
I am often confronted with the argument: you criticize this 17 you
iewnoint
criticize that
r
but tell us, positively, what is the Mar
position, what is the Jarty viewpoint on this or that basic issue.
I should like to appe4, above all, to the arty workers in the
ideological field, ,and to the entire/arty intelligntsia, to increase
"
their effc.JrA in the direction of p sitive work, of a positive inter-reta-
tion of the oinciples of Marxism and Leninism. It is no easy matter. )dm
Let us take, for example, the question of teaching the principles of
eas
Marxism in the higher schools. Previously, the task was mad for us.
A "Short Course" was taught which was treated as the bible, contain-
ing answers to all con9eivable
but 'ust as real
difficult,
questions. Today, the problem is more
f' G$ AgNALO 0,00174
XSal
xxxzwxg190)4 There is a need to create,in Polandlsome basic literature
determine?
to 'xr, positively, our viewpoints on basic issues.
gomrade Werfel has talked here about the work of the historians.
I agree with him. The great achievements of the historians are the result
of the existence of a -)odel of Polish history weitten from the Marxist
position. There may be errors there, even great errors; but this does
not bother me. The essential thing is that there exists a positive
T:;;:pubc foundation, on which we can concentrate our future work and
discissions. In many other areas, for example in political economy,
there is no such foundation at the moment.
Therefore, I am appealing to the creative 'arty intelligentsia to
make a positive effort
create literatire which will determine in a
a way suited to today's conditions the basic tenets of the 4Ae science
of Marxism-Leninism. There may be errors in such literature, but this
does not appall me. The important thing is that we cannot limit ourselves
to negative polemics, to saying: this viewpoint is revisionism and that is
dogmatism. We must work out a clear and positive line from which we can
-
critlize the various other viewpoints.
he second matter is to set forth a program of/arty acti
EC-1.4 614,4i (- pL?
the fields3r--- 4 ove ail, in this respect, we must
in
emphasize the achievements of the past year. The new agricultural policy,
the new policy on handicrafts and small private industry, the deeree
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? SEM
?
on workers' councils and the plant fund,m4 important ste s in the direction
./
of making socialist enterprises independent, increasing the role of
people's councils in managing the national economy, and increasing the
role of cooperatives are important
? itNowe.:4s C-1P 411414 ? ":
often underestimated
achievemetts in the sphere of a positive economic policy of the Arty
and the state. They have also produced practical results. Comrade dieslaw
spoke of this. We all know that agriculture-kiiirrmakimmixpammittymitxmikkkm
5-elYoUlaTS4
has been greatl that industrial :production is increasing, slow-
ly, to be sure, but steadily, that material reserves in industry are
increasing, that production is becoming more zythmic, and that stoppages
are being reduced. The real wages and inccme of the countryside have also
greatly increased. It is true that we still have, as a result of the latter
villYabnct,
phenomenon, a highly strained market w-ich, to a great extent,
real
mars the psychological effects of the adati achievements in the field of
production.
wkaaillisix ?
MixtPmEartfamocitioddaccigdootc6acc K*
?
In connection with the change of the date for the Congress, the need
/-- -
arises for the Party to come forth withAtt. progrfigm for an economic policy
's to
in the very near future. The congress I establish such a program, as
well as an over-all, broad, long-range plan for the development of the eouvvley,
,
'---?utMe.le-4?-04e4i4, The Congress must outline a long-range plan for the further
economic and social development of our country. But inasmuch) s the `songress
(
is being adjourned for a half a year or more, the Arty must outline a program
of its activities and the activities of the state in the field of economic
policy for 1958 now. 1 address this to the leadership of the arty.
I do not wish to go into the details of the contents of such a
program. Suffice it to say that such a pro m must be a program which,
57pes5-es exi g in
will definitively overcome the t e market situation. It
must also be a program xkiledixxictii
of further changes in the field of
methods of directing and managing the economy which.are ready to be intro-
duced in the coming year.
I speqk of this matter because it is part of determining a positive
MET
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P 1
Party line,which we nedd now, at a time when the
rty is rejecting certain
viewpoints as false. Therefore, I should like, at this time, to appeal for
an intensification of the Arty's program and ideological offensive, as an
essential part both of its consolidation and of the strengthening of its
'
?
role as leader in the process of building Socialism in P2land.
ALEXANDER ZWADZKI
The re ort of Comrade Wieslaw and the draft resolution of the X Plenum
are an expression of the unanimous stand of the Politburo, but it is not
this
*XX% that I should like. to talk about. The report, although it raises a
number of bast problems facing the Krty and our state today, internal and
econotic prolems as well as foreign ones, is, above all, a well-founded state-
ment of the particular character of this Pienum, of the particular task which
stands before it. This task is for the Plenum to put before the whole arty,
in concrete terms and in its entirety, the problem of resthoring the unity of
44 its political and ideological basis, its organizational solidarity, and
AM-ITS
the militant activity of its ? ' from top to bottomrand of all members
worth y to be in its ranks, according to the strength and capacity of each
of them.
with
The situatioir* which
put before it.
The political and ic
oP
the/Party as a whole,
organizations, individually, among the working class and the working masses
in bcth the cities and the countryside,depends on the solution of this
the Party is grappling demands that such a task be
ogical influence, the authority,wtti-e
oP
A each of its echelons, and each of its primary
problem. And without this influence and authority., as
? I?oll ?.(11. Z,? .1:0 PM Jak ? ? ?
xxqcxx we have proved by panful experience, klumacdcanacaniziozky the leader-
ship role of the Party, as we try to understand and practice it, according
to the science of Narxism and Leninism, ceases to exist.
Without a solution this problem, a disporportion, tragic in its
'P Lta-
effects ( as shown by Poznan last year), arises between the role xxxkffit
74r the leader of socialist construction marked out by history, a role
which it cannot share with anyone, for which it is solexy responsible,
.????-?????-?"
SEIRET
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'
0 S7174
rad
1Li U
?
and its capacity to fulfill this role with the best results, in the interests
of the working masses, the country, and the people.
On what basis can and should the party be consolidated? On what basis
can and should We undertake this intensive and logical work and the fight
for political, ideological, and organizational unity, and activity in the
party ranks?
The basis is and can only be the resolutions of the VIII and' IX plenums
of the Central Committee of the Party.
These resolutions, and especially those of the VIII Plenum, were framed
by the Central Committee in a situation which no one contrived, since no
one was in .a position to, but which arose as a reshlt of a profound political
crisis at a time when our party was the nominal and actual (for there was no
other) guiding force of the working masses and the people. It was this
force which, historically, played an undoubtedly great role in the struggles
of the worker class and the toiling masses for authority, for seizing and
establishing this authority, for socialist building and its historic achieve-
ments in the past years. It was this same force which, with its glorious
revolutionary traditions, permeates the entire history of the Polish workers'
movement. But it was also this force which, because of the errors of the
Central Committee and the Politburo, was not capable of standing up to its
task in those particularly difficult times when the resolutions of the XX
Congress of the KPZR and, in Poland, the broad discussion in the Party,
in factories, and in society as a whole, whibh was initiated by the Party
itself and the Central Committee -- brought about a break in the interna-
tional workers' movement.
The VIII Plenum was the result of the conclusions which the Politburo
and the Central Committee, together with Comrade Gomulka, had drawn from
this situation.
To approach the question of October 1956, of the VIII Plenum, its
resolutions, and its crucial significance in any other way is to fail to
understand d-trery important point -- the historic inevitability of the
changes. Without understanding this, it is difficult to see the rightness
of what happened as a resUt?of the VIII Plenum, to find oneself in the
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?W
07:raM:7
&ILL NO,,FIE14
?
adopt a resolute attitude toward the
new conditions, and to mckinc000cxrapaRDcWE active realization
of these resolutions, as well as the resolutions of the IX Plenum, which
grew out of the VIII Plenum. This was especially diffic0.4) as we know)for
4),o,
at/significant part f the/arty cadres both here and in Qt.4a.p-pIaeos, who
by virtue of their devoted work, felt themselves tied to
the political line of the arty and the forms of Party work in past years,
and who met with unprecedented contempt before, during, and directly after
October, as Communists of "Stalinists". In view of the many negative side
effects, about which enough has already been said, and,especially, in view
of the renewal of the strength of the reactioh and the unlegshing o: the
revisionists' and anti-Stalinists attack, dissension and fear concerning
honest
the socialism question were spread among many wfbeektA4,10,cip. and faithful
Party people, among its basic cadres, especially the working Imp people.
However, it has been some time since not only the VIII but also the
1ambol IX Plenum. This time has proved that the Arty, with its leaderSPS
ekgrat the head, has not deviated from the Socialist course, and that
it is directing the building of socialism with unsha.en resolution.Hence,
it is high time for everyone to adhere firmly to the political line of the
Arty; to cast away passitity or forMtD4ism; to devote himself to the tasks
which the /Party is realiztKng and, after the X Plenum) will realize; to
?
stop complaining about the bad symptoms,and combat them, in agreement with
the resolutions of the Central Committee; to stop complai144pNabout its
ismer
shortcomings, since this does not help the Party; Xlig,to work more active-
ly Saamt.40-ilviereTtene G'4,461, 140 s V 0 ht) 1:- A i1C h/3
/4441 451 / 74
Moreover, it is the most informed comrades, the comrades of the so-
set such an
called "wings" who should example. These comrades have too many
years of devoted work in the Party ran .s behind them to lose themselves
0/
politically now, some by underestimating the new in the /arty line ams a
result of views and bad thought habits of the dogmatist and sectarian type,
and others by placing themselves in positions ximmaxklopixxxmxxx which make
..!Lt
of them support, anWNiri inspiration, for revisionism and revisionists f
considerable authority.
ESIETIV HF '
,
t
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? SECRET FR
?
All Party members, to whom the Party has always been dear, should
devote themselves with all their strength to the work of realizing the
Party line,
in the life
strengthening the Party, and raising imix its leadership role
And especially at a time when
of the country, the Party has undertaken and is
carrying on the Vtimkxs40 far-reaching task of overcoming the effects and
symptoms of
all members should become hardened in this right and
multiply their efforts for better, more effective socialist building.
And such are the times we are passing through.
Ate verification, as it is generally termed by the draft resolution,
has as its pursose to free the Party of people who are bringing harm to it
and who are burdening it with a lifeless and excessive membership.
In my opinion, the action which the Party is undertaking, is an
action taken in self-defense
flarxist-Leninist Party.
The character of the "arty
in the defense of the Party which is the
is determined by its ideology, its
uolitics, and its or.;anizational bases. Pnd these are, and always will
be, Marxist-Leniniat.
I agree with the statements of the comrades in this room that a great
political campaign, a campaign to carry out the contents and task included
in the report of
and perhaps go a
an
Comrade Wieslaw and in the draft resolution, should accompany,
bit beyond, the verification action. In fact, I consider it
indispensable condition for carrying out this action.
I share the
heartfelt concern, expressed here also by Comrade Pieczynsk
and a number of other coaa
tgatuxtxx will be carried
of the
secreta of the KC
0
think that the ppople
s-k
respon ble action demanding an understanding of the
d over the way in which the verification action
out. 91TimmIcig Obviously the judicious instructions
will be very helpful. it is resaonable to
who will be permitted to
carry out this
exceedinOgy
arty line and a /arty
feeling and conscience#1*-1-1.4a1=mian-449,4!pf. Withes, however, will not suffice.
We must take maxitund pe cautions.
I see such a guarantee in the wojewodztwo
/arty committees t supervising the entire action in their area r to see that
it is keptin close harmony with the contents and spiat of the report and
the resolution of the X?Plenum. Where interven-O:on becomes,necessary with.
- - ,
-SECRETH FORit
,
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? SECRET ii101011N, ?
regard tote KW itself or its executive, a special commission of the Central
Committee of the Central Control dommission of the arty will act, as, for
example, in the case of Koszalin.
In the individual cases, it is necessary to seek a solution forArty
members which will be reasonable, constructive, educational, and which will
unite member
with the Party and with its concern over tarty cadres. The
executive of the KU in Kielce provided MIXEIX5CepliMaid=1164 just such an
example.When the suggestions of its representative with regard to the leader?
ship of the Powiat L'ommittee in Pinczow were not accepted by the plenum of
the latter committee, the executive of the KW turned to the primary arty
orr,anizptions in the powiat and found support there. The primary organizations
selected representatives in twos and threes for the plenum of the powiat
committee which is to be held in the very near future, following theAenum
of the Central Committee of the/arty.
I mention this because it is an example of how a KW, using proper,
Party, educational m5/ods, can provide its own solutions in a given
situation connected with puril' rng the l'arty ranks of people who are
burdening and compromising the Party. In the case given, it was a question
Ig1),A1
of people who were inted with corruption.
The verification, the purification of the Party of people with alien
ideas, of people stubbornly clinging to revisionist and liquidationist or
dogmatic and sectarian viewAwhich are not in harmony with the resolutions
of the Central Committee of the/4rty and with its /arty line, of
C4IP"OX,
corrupted people, and of ballast not united with the rtr either by
sce&e r?e
conviction_or sympathy) will obviously not a smooth cours
I join with those in this room who speak of the necessity of doing
everything possible in this action to make sure that the good, although
not quite oriented politically, worker element in the party organizations
an akt4 remains and that it is activated to a realization o: the political
and economic tasks set by the Party leadership.
It is also necessary to proceed with special care and consideration
SECRET E0 TOM
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*SECRET 11,FORil,
?
in the Arty organizations in the countryside, especially in cases
these organizations have barely recovered from th
place in the difficult situation at ti,e beginning
*kt5p74=11
What I have been saying up to now has pertained mainly to those/arty
cadres who have beentattributedaustly, and i9some cases, unjustly, with
dogmatism and sectarianism, but who, in my opinion have been unjustly
Facnolat
attributed with, as it were, a monopoly on activities
and, even withuut any reason for it, fractionalism.
I agree with the comrades, and I judge frrm the discussion that they
share the position of the X Plenum that where this kind of activity in-un-
questionably occur, in one as well as the other of t e so-called "wings",
we must use unconditionally the resolution which this Plenum will frame to
eliminate the very idea of wings so that the/Irty will come out of this
united and strengthened for the realization of the tasks which stand before
ma
where
reaches which took
ofthe year.
+sisotiF
I spoke of the worker cadres. We know that these cadres, as well as
/-
all of the best /Party cadres, were greviously affected by the long-lasting,
almost complete impunity enjoyed by those who scorned ideas which were sacred
to Party members and tore down what the /arty and its organizations had immix
built in the course of the years with hardship and sacrifice.
It should be stated that things are still occurring here and there which,
in the opinion of some, arty members and non-PL.ty members, seem to be a
contradiction between our words and our deeds, an unfathomable toleration
of those with anti-socialist views. An uncompbtising
divergencie
these I,. tANA.,...4-0,0;s4. will promote the building up
fight to eliminate
of 96rty strength, and
the building up of Arty strength will, in turn, promotl the definitive
liquidation of these divergencies -- liquidationT the end, in all areas
of the life of the-Karty, the country, and the nation, and of the building
of socialism -- by the activity (aktywnosc) of the /arty itself and its
organizations.
SECRET t1,101111
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? SECRET Ng, FOR ?
I will tie a certain example in with what Comrade Lesz said and the
rejoinder, a bit dramatic perhaps, of Comrade Schaff.
Recently, I was in the Dabrowa area for the hundred-year anniversary
of a cement plant.
After the solemnities in the Grodziec cement plant, the so-called
artistic part took place. This part was very agreeable. There were
speeches, I should say politically neutral, cheerful. There were the
usual speeches ("szczypawki") addressed to the dignitaries, the management,
and, in general, "those on top." There were speeched praising the role of
this cement plant, which had a hundred years of existence to its credit,
and the role of its splendid cadres. And the cadres there, comrades, were
unusual. One of them had served for 66 years and was still working in the
cement plant. As I said, the celebration was very agreeable. Several
hundred beople enjoyed themselves, rested, and felt the esteem expressed
-2poddracoca4cxknock
by the people's authority, and also by the variety actors, for them, their
plant, and their profession.
Does this help increase the production of cement, "grey gold," as
people call it, for the needs of the country?
I am sincerely convinced that it does.
And now another example which had the opposite effect.
The following day, in Sosnowiec, solemnities were held for the same
reason, except that they were for the entire cement industry and were attended
by delegates from all the cement plants in the country, and then there was
also the artistic part, in which the ''Voice of the Citizen" was presented.
A drunk appears on the scene with his shoes in his hand, looking through his
pockets for his key. While he is looking, he is talking to himself. The
monologue has everything in it including a minister who was made minister
against his-will. He cries in a tavern on the vest of his fellow drinker.
But, as the latter says, he hasn't got a car yet and his friend must take
the bus for Konstancin now. There is1of course, something about the Natolin
group, 12 lost years working for Poland,and the question "Who will pay for
SECRET HO FORM
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? BREI gma ?
this now?" And finally, the drunk finds the key, but he can't open the
door to his house with it. He says, "this is the right street, the right
house, the right number, and the right door, but the key won't
SECRET '10 YORM
_
-0
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&ECHO: NO,,FORN
?
Lit. What's happened? I know. They've changed the country on me." And he
exits.
The audience, most of whom were older, worthy workers, and also devoted
professional master craftsmen (majstf-owie), engineers, and technicians, as,7,
well as 1,uest TeWMAs
took this provocative outcome of the scene as
an affront to themselves, to the Polish working class, and to the intelligent-
sia.
They all know that the past 12 years are not lost years, that during
these 12 years much has been accomplished by the physical and mental
workers, and, hence, also by the Polish cement workers, who understand how
important cement is to Poland, its development, and its socialist building.
The people understood that if they were pursuaded that the entire work of
the past 12 years was worthless, that it was all errors, and that it had
all been wasted, there would be no point in making further efforts.
Therefore, when the "monolo :Lae" was dismissed, everyone in the
audience heartily approved.
Where production is concerned -and Uomrade Jieslaw devc.ted a very
large part of his report to economic problems- I should like to-come-out
- _
r-ef the development by our trade unions And in the columns of the
press, since one can also influence tshrol,igh the press, of activities and
o
of tb-LaLtailla
propaganda suc forms forces, capabilities,
and, also, feelings of class conscience and patriotism among the working
class, engineering and technical nersonnel, and entire crews, which woniA
bring about improvement -- an increase in the productivity of labor, in
nd in_,-
disciplineMffirings, an increase in the quality of production, and
order in factories.
We will soon enter the third year of the Five-Year Plan. It is high
S flock wk-OR
time to take up again such neglected and ill-treated terms as t6e-41.41mv
-,711:7EZEE: and socialist competition. The comrades in Silesia are 4oing
it right. Let the country find out as quickly as poisible about the new
e eRs00)
"Pstrowski4iP t wilrbe indebted to Silesia for increasing production
for the needs of the national economy, strengthening the attachment to
-
-SECHETVO FORM '
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SECRET El FORN
?
work plants, and developing conscientiousness in the fulfillment of tasks
and obligations.
Our press should publicize the main objectives of the Five-Year Plan.
It is not true that the nation-i:i;;Xximiammmaswhich realized its economic
tasks in past years at the cost of so much toil, sweat, and deprivation, was
not proud of its achiey{nents. lit was proud ttlf the woZ73;
U8 `mcg..f/Paol"4
engineers and technicians and ia.Pet?i?vil the scientierst!.. his is a fact.
It seems to me that in the campaign to realize all the economic tasks
included in bi4m.Comrade Wiewslaw's report, in its economic part, and not
only in this report but also in previous ones, that in the organizational
-4 IL
and propaganda efforts, we should constantly keep in mind thgt undoubte).y
great act! vements of socialist building in past years. Why? Because it is
the truth, and beclityse,in our present efforts to realize the Five-Year Plan
and the current tasks, we are reling and can rely on the same social forces
which we relied on in the first years of the development of the country ind
in the realization of the Sin-Year Plan, namely the forces of the working
class, the intelligentsia, and the working peasantry. They must have faith
that what they have accomplished mx is right and that what they 'reaccomplish-
ing today is right. The effort which the arty and the people's authority
demands of them is right; certain sacrifices are still necessary; and the
current interest in the working man is important. 'Jut the question of the
Fatherland, the question of leaving to future generations, to youth, a
Poland richer than ever before is also important.
In conclusion, one more matter. In the re!Irt of Comrade Wieslawand
in the draft resolution, the question of the fight with corruption was treated
?ar cular
strongly.
?
The facts which reach us from all sides indium:1m fully justify suhh
a strong treatment of this question;
We should carry on the fight with corruption in the most effective
manner until we overcome the situation which has been created.
I feel that this is feasible and that we will do it.
t nAt the present time, when instances of corruption are hajng a
particularly negative effect on public-op4/ion, I find the people's
EC4ET
+.V?s?i.
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*SECRET VA FORM
S e'ro
councils and their presidiums ting, since these organs
of authority are the ccrosest to the working masses, their dailyrditions,
their needs, and their grAlNances.
We cannot let up in the fight with corruption in this sector, in the
elimination of corrupted elements.
It seems to me, however, that the comrades who are representing the
central organs of the press here and the wojewodztwo party committees who
have an influence on the local press organs should be concerned with how
to overcome this exceediqy harmful symptom in the people's councils and
their presidiums'In their areas.
From
reviewing the local press and the frequent references to this matter
in %/central press, I am convinced that, along with the fight with corrupt-
ion, a widespread campaign has been started, which, whether we like it or
not, is a threat to the very institym of councils. This can be so harm-
ful that it will be difficult f6r councils to ammo...wooed and for the Party
and their presidiums
to mamosimeg make a proper choice of good cadres for these council n tle
election campaign, and to correct the situation so that the newly elected
--/Dt`t/
councils can start work invatmosphere in which the masses trust the
A
4)'1"
institutions themselves the organs of authority themselves. A
/1,.? nd so we
-
absiolutenrOpt expose the obvious facts of corruption existing and strike
at them by turning such matters over to the prosecutor's offices and courts.
But we should not carry on a widespread campaign, attacking the councils
from day to do.y. Rather we mhould protect them from such a campaign.
In conclusion, I should like to express the conviction that the X
Plenum of the Central Committee of the arty will achieve the important
task put before it, the task of strengthening the /arty, strengthening
it so that it can fulfill its leadership role in the permanent and effectii
ive building of socialism in our country with more effect that every before,
with better results every day, and in the closest unity with the working
class and with the working masses.
SECRET k
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0 SECRET EgtFURN
ROMAN NOWAK
There can be no consolidation in a Arty of the Leninist type with-
out a determined fight against those who attack the Arty line, whether
it be from the viewpoint of the revisionists or that of the dogmatists.
,71,J/tLy
The resolutions of the IX Plenum were a warning to all tYsoseTT6ilowing
A
October, did not stand for the line worked out by the VIII Plenum of the
Party. Ontof the basic points in the speech of `'omrade Wieslaw and the
draft resolution of the X Plenum is the necessity of Kfitensifying the
fight with revisionism, as the main danger, and with dogmatic sectarian-
ism, including expulsion from the/Arty of those holding such views.
-*T..* 6 6;46.4rviorvimoso ? INIOP *et ? ;ZIA inort6,6
V,QvvevJ
Thedi-eemstoR of the question of Party members Efom the "Po Prostu"
group by the Central Commission of the Party Control and the publication
of its resolution should be treated as an essential part of the larty's
fight with revisionism.
I am not in agreement with the view that we do not have to speak of
revisionism, only liquidationism. In my opinion, such a view, to a certain
extent, brushes aside, or extenuates, the question of revisionism. Obviously,
Wt4
in agreement the - ,- ? of scientific socialism, we apply the
fundamental doctrines of Marxism
.41or.? 6 ist 46. ow:6m.y.
by means of dialectics,
depending on the time and the place, and this is certalnly not revisionism.
But the question of revisionism today is not only a Polish 4uestion. The
problem of revisionism occurs in the entire workers t movement. And, therefore,
I consider the proposition tx. not to talk about revisionism, but only about
liquidationism, improper.
The course, of the discussion of the "Po ProsOg question by the Central
Commission of the Party Control
group with had strayed from the
and that the matter had reached
was evir
that we
had to deal with a
basic imaxi ideological tenets of socialism,
such a point that we had to cut off the
main-trunk of the groupa from the /arty.
The joint writing of open letters and the distribution of them was
-one facet of the groupls activities. The b__
43:141044
only 44iiir
the members
of the "Po Prostu" group had become apparent much earlier. The foundation
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SECREP9' Fo
_
of it was the essenNgl uniformity-df-'bhe members' vills as to the main
ideological and political questions, different from those stipulated by
our party and not contained in the basic framework of our statutes and
principles.
As a result of their common anti-party views, a feeling of group
solidarity developed among them which was stronger than the ties of any
one of them with the party. Despite an entire day of conversations with
the group in the Central Commission of Party Control and three days of
conversations with each of them separately, they held on to their errone-
ous views. Not one of them revised, or even really tried to revise, the
liquidationist views expressed in the columns of the publication.
In the explanations they gave to the Central Commission of Party
Control, they brushed aside such cardinal questions as the character of
our system, an appraisal of our socialist achievement, the role of our
party, and the problem of the Soviet system which were elucidated in the
columns of the paper from an anti-socialist position. All of them declared
the line of the paper was socialist, that they were not in agreement with
the estimate of the paper contained in the resolution of the Secretariat of
the Central Committee of the Party. Such, in outline, was the main line of
their defense.
Certain differences arose among them when the question came up about
the open letters. Most of the party members in the group denied any wrong
in sending open letters to other party organizations, and only a few admitted
the error of these actions.
Taking this into consideration, the Central Commission of Party Control
decided to vary the degree of party punishment meted out. We did this in
the hope that those comrades who were not being excluded from the party would
finally understand their errors. In meting out punishment 11 of the activities
of each of them, in addition to the role they played in the group, were taken
into consideration.
I consider that the attitude' those excluded from the party have in the
future will determine whether' they can belong to the party at a later date.
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CPIET NISORO
viously
iAt the same tAD/ it should be stated, comrades, that the nadeAuate
work of the Party 'ontrol Commission, including the Central Commission of
,)arty Control, in combatting bourggisd, nationalist, revisionist, and dogmatic
views alien to our ideology contributed to the laxity in the fig't against
these
local arty control commissions and wojewodztwo committees have not dealt
14.0-eto -.A't
with the glaring anti-tarty and anti-socialist the wojewodztwo
press. 4aite often, one can meet comrades who hold that there are no loner
deviations. But, at the same time, it should be pointed out that
any signs of revisionism or dogmatism in a given wojewodztwo, and yet, at
which
the same time, censorship is holding back articles in anti-socialist
and anti-arty views are expressed.
r
Mt* facts ofthis kind which were not adequately dealt with could
be presented.
But, at the same time, the fight with re7isionism, as the principal
danger, should not obscure the fight with the other phenomenon in our
Arty, i.e. dogmatism and sectarianism.
4uite often, recently, in party sessions and meetings, we have had
to contend with statements not only of a revisionist nature, but of at\
dogmatic nature.
I shall endeavor here to show exacy how this matter stands.
On arty activist, working in a powiat committee, for example,
writes: "As a CommLinist, I do not agree with the present political system
in Poland which has existed since the so-called Polish October." f.nd he
mentions that he does not agree with some of the ideas and practices in
/17?rty? ?,e4Q-W*Vd with some of the interpretations of the dictatorship
of the proletariat and socialist democracy in Poland. He does not agree
with the arty and government policy in ea ion to the church. He does
not agree with the Pia.rty's agricultural policy. He does not agree with
__regards
the 2l'arty's industrial policy. He the liquidation of the Union
of Polish Youth as a particular injustice. He does not agree with many
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V-
?SECRET PRITEll
o0
aspects of the policy 1 culture. And he does not agree with the prmyAm
?
foreign policy of the people's authority.
We see here a complete negation of all areas of our political and
economic life. And how does the explanation of this position end? He
writes, "There are some problems I can agree with. I can still agree with
the resolutions of the VIII and IX Plenums of the C ntral Committee and
LAJcjt
with Coti de Gomulka's reports. nearly a year of experience ind_cates\tlia-'
/1
the resolutions and renorts are one thing, and practice another."
At the same time, we have instances, as, for example, at the plenum
of the powiat committee in Radomsko, where certain comrades have, in their
speeches, completely negated the resolutions of the XX Congress of the
KPZR and, at the same time, criticilipd Comrade Krushchev apy.
I was at the plenary session when they removed Comrade Kotyza, who,
in summing up his remarks at the plenum of the powiat committee,s:Ad as
follows, "We and the a .tiV see many unfavo able things which have result-
ed from OcotberYwith which we cannot agree. We must be truthful about the
cktsse\\Jsir.?
In /arty ranks. The Arty is not as united as it would seem.
elany matters must be cleared up. The condition of the workers have not
A eiZES% j4
improved much since Ocotber. It is hard to explain theWcrease in butter
prices to them. We cannot agree with many things. This isn't the right
?
road to socialism, 4j".
I call attention to this because, recently, in particular, speeches
have been given 4uite often by people with somewhat disturbed minds result-
'
ing largely rollarian views.
Quite often, revisionist and conservative elements make use of the
poisonous weapons of nationalism and chauvinism, and the methods of sl_tnder
and .intrigue.
For example, in the Central Commission of Party Control, a group censured
and-admonished Comrade Brzezinski, deputy director of propaganda in the
came forward W.4-a-Lba_PE2P9SAI--
WarsaW Wojewodztwo Committee, andIrIZZriikettt514illaal that he be
ousted- from the Party apparatus for rumohmOngering, troubleipaking? and
taking_authority away from the Party directors.
SECRET_
31 T.
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SET t\i
Lt..
Many more instances of such anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic agitations
leMnitr.r.sin=loiEboacanxicateldrag, could be cited.
I should also like to devote a few words to another phenomenon
and
in our /arty life, and that is the outside leakage of various Arty ox
state secrets.
It happens that secret news reaches foreign new agencies with astonish-
ing rapidity, as was the case after the IX Plenum of our/Party and not
long after the press conference.
The final resolution of the Central Commission of Party Control on
only
the "Po Prostu" group was broadcast by western radio;a few hours
after it was made public.
The fact.c.that_yumor mongering andngarrulousness have increased among
Arty members is contributing to this lamentable state of affairs. It is
ains
necessary, comrades, to take up a deter:II:fled fight axx? this phenomenon.
The Central Commission of Party Control recently censured the newsmen
Hajniczal ?lanereand Halpern in Warsaw,for spreading rumors and talking
too much.
I should like to state in this connection, however, that good results
cannot be obtained if some condemn/Party members for certain offenses, and
others reward them. We know of instances where some comrades have been sent
abroad to work after they had been chastized by the CKKP.
It is my opinion thatlif a Party member has been punished for a
ske4J?ne
how ,01
certain offense, he should ehabilitat himself and im-
prov his activities.
The entire ,/arty is faced with the enormous task of.purifiyng its
ranks of corrupted elements, also. Recently, the arty control commissions
oP
and Arty committees discussed a number of cases,ag iJarty members
for
who had used their arty or state positionTersonal advantage. Accord-
ing to the statistics presented, 5,775 persons were removed from theArty
in the space of nine monthe. Over half of this number were dismissed because
of abuses. In these matters, we must continue to nay exceedingly close
attention-to the moral purity of the ydrarty aktiY and the members of arty
a trito gtxt,e,S
, -
ortTe.,11-15e4-1-412,s. This is necessary if the/Party is to be in a7-------t-c71
_ .
laALEOPIN.:- - f
. s,.. . , ?;9,,;,?.4z
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? sag 7,11
?
weed out corrupted elements which damage the Party and, at the same time,
lower the authority of the Arty activists and of the entire arty.
The case of Koszalin serves as an exumple. It is very clear that
a Arty organization such as that in Koszalin was not in a position to
carry on a decisive fight for the moral purity of members of the/arty
and could not establish the leadership role of the /arty in the wojewodztwo.
I should like to say a few words on dismissals from the /arty in
1957.
In analyzing the figures, we observe that a small number were expelled
from the Arty and a relatively large number were crossed off7arty lists.
For example, in the first quarter of 1957, 1,353 persons were expelled;
in the second quarter, 1,489; and in the third quarter, 2,240. On the
other hand, the number of members crossed off/arty lists amounts to
13,000 in the first quarter, 20,000 in the second quarter, and 22,000
in the third quarter.
Closer examination of the matter reveals that there were many among
those crossed off Arty lists who, by dint of the nature of their offenses,
VE-E.R3 a ssom
should have been expelled from the party, which wouid-5.-ve.beo:koamwah.%,
rty organizations in the fight with corruption.
It is a question of properly determining whether a given member is
to be crossed off Arty lists or, also, expelled from the /3arty. And it
is a question of the ,Party organizations and committees' mmt being guided
kcjixtv, by the nature of the offense rather than by harmful
liberalism. I consider this particularly essential in the great and difficult
task/standing before our party after the X Plenum,' of purifiying its ranks
of the demoralized elements which have crept into it.
Very importalnt tasks for the commission of arty control have resulted
from today's ilenum. It is my opinion that it is right for the draft
resolution to speak of the necessity of strengthening the commis4.on of
-ro teviet
Arty control, particularly in connection with the necessity 1!-ITeo1ogical
questionsussed by responsible persons, members of the Arty on
a high m6ral and ideological level.
The wojewodztwo committees should keep a closer eye on the commissions
,
4+,
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,
itaRET, kFRI
?
of Varty control to see that they accomplish their tasks.
The task standing before our ?arty of purifyipgArty ranks will be
difficult and great. The results of this great work will depend on the
judtament and organizational skill used.
It is possible that certain violations, even ijijustices to Party
here Be
members, will occur %Ilsom and there; but it wiIlAup to the arty organizations
and control commissions to recitify injustices imme.liately.
In connection with the matter raised by =rade Zambrowski, I should
like to say that it would not be right, in my opinion, to make the
secretaries of wojewodztwo committees chairmeof the Party control
commissions in all the wojewodztwos. We have wojewodztwoArty control
commissions where the chairmen are weak, and are not capable of fulfill?
ing their tasks; but we also have good chairmen of /arty control commissions
on the wojewodztwo level, who, with the help of the first secretaties,
will be able to ' quit carry out the tasks they are charged with properly.
The first secretaties of the wojewodztwo committees must cooperatgwith
the Arty control commission, esnecially on ideological matters. And,
hence, I do not think that changes will have to be made everywhere.
JAN IZYDORCZYK
I should like to make it known that I am in agreement with the
report of Comrade Wieslaw and with the draft resolution of the X Plenum,
just as I am in agreement with the policy outlined at the 'VIII and IX
Aenums of theCentral Committee. So that my avowal will not sound merely
formal and perfunctory, I want to point out that, personally, I had certain
reservations in the period following the VIII Plenum , and that it has not
been easy for me to arrive at this position, although I have carried .out
the arty line sincerely and with all my strength. What I say today, I
say with the conscience of an old Oommunist.
The Party, the working.class, and the overwhelming majority of our
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? SECRET
people, including both non-Party members and members of the ZSL ajid SD,
WI VN le
have been waiting for the present X Plenum. I travel widely and n
al Rcles -s.v, frg,41 (16q