(SANITIZED)TRANSLATIONS OF ESSAYS ON THE HISTORY OF THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 508
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 12, 2014
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: February 18, 1960
• Content Type: REPORT

Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
R
50X1 -HUM
Next 1 Page(s) In Document Denied
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
41r.
ql?
- -
_
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
SECRET
50X1 -HUM
Plan for the Collection;
"The First International and the
Modern Workers Movement (1864-1964)
23 Chapters Total Size: 35 Printer's
Due in
No Chapter Title and Size Prepared By Editorial
1. Traditions of the First Inter- IML [Institute June 1962
national in the Modern World of Marxism-
Workers' Movement. 1 1/2 Leninism] under
printer's sheets. Central Committee
CPSU
2. Large-Scale Building of Com- INL under Central June 1962
munism in the USSR -- In- Committee CPSU
plementation of the Ideas
of the First International.
2 printer's sheets.
3. China's Working Class Ins
Leading Force in the Struggl
for the Building of So
2 printer's sheet
S.
itute of
History, Com-
ialism. munist Party of
SECRET
?
June 1962
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Sheets
Office
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
No chaper Title and Size
4, Advanced Outpost of Socialism
in the West. 1 printer's
sheet.
5. Germany's Working Class in
the Struggle for National
Unity, 1 1/2 printer's
sheets.
6. Revolutionary Traditions of
the Working Class and the
Buildina of Socialism in
Poland. 1 printer's sheet.
7. Proletarian Internationalism
and the Triumph of Socialism
in Bulgaria. 1 printer's
sheet.
8. The Rumaniar. Working Class
on the Road to the Truimph
of Socialism. 1 printer's
sheet.
Prepared By
Institute of
History, Com-
munist Party of
Czechoslovakia
IML, Central
Committee of SEPG
Institute of
History, PORP
Institute of
History, Bulgarian
Communist Party
Institute of
History, Rumanian
Workers Party
Due in
Editorial Offic:
50X1 -HUM
June 1962
June 1962
June 1962
Uune 1962
June 1962
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 20.14/05/112".': P81-01043R004300060003-1
Uht I
.t.; w 4sio
SE ft
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1-HUM
No Chapter Title and Size
01?1?111?M:
Prepared By
9. Struggle of the Hungarian Institute of
Working Class for Socialism. History, Hungarian
1 printer's sheet. Socialist Workers
Party
10. The Albanian People are Build- Institute of
ing Socialism. 1 printer's :_Alistory, Albanian
sheet. Labor Party
[continuation of outline missing.]
- 3 -
SECRET
IIIIIIIIIIMIIIIIIII Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
Due in
Editorial Office
June 1962
June 1962.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
RFCRET
PLAN
Essa s on the Histor of the
International Workers' and
Communist Movement (Short
Po ular Textbook
(23 Chapters)
Introduction
(34 Printer's Sheets)
1/2 printer's sheet]
Part I.
The Rise and Development of the International Workers' and Communist
Movement in the Period of Industrial Capitalism (To the End of the 19th
CelatuM
5 printer's sheets
Chapter 1. Formation of the Industrial Proletariat
1/2 printer's sheet
Chapter 2. Rise of the Workers' Movement and Its Transition to an In-
dependeat Revolutionary Struggle Against Capitalistic Exploitation
1/2 printer's sheet
Chapter 3. Rise of the Communist Movement and the Scientific Development
of Its Principles by K. Marx and F. Engels
2 printer's sheet$
Chapter 4. The Paris Commune and Its Significance in the Development
of the International Workers' and Communist Movement
1/2 printer's sheet
50X1 -HUM
- 4 -
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Chapter 5. Expansion and Triumph of Marxism In the International
Workers' Movement in the Last Quarter of the 19th Century
50X1 -HUM
1 1/2 printer's sheets
Part II
The International Workers' and Communist Movement in the Imperialist
Period (1900-November 1917)
5 printer's sheets
Chapter 6. The International Workers' Movement and the Creation of the
Revolutionary Marxist Party in Russia. The Leninist Theory of Socialist
Revolution
1 1/2 printer's sheets
Chapter 7. Influence of the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution in Russia
(1905-1907) on The Revolutionary Movement in Countries of the West and
East
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 8. The International Workers' Movement in the Struggle Against
the Threat of an Imperialistic World War
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 9. The International Workers' Movement During World War I
(August 1914- November 1917)
1 1/2 printer's sheet
-5-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Part III
The International Workers' and Communist Movement Durie the First
50X1 -HUM
Stage of the General Crisis of Capitalism, and the Triumph of Social-
ism in the USSR (November 1217-September 1939)
13 printer's sheets
Chapter 10. The Influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution of
1917 in Russia on the Development of the International Workers' and
Communist Movement
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 11. Founding of the Second Communist International on the Plat-
form of Revolutionary Narxism
2 printer's sheets
Chapter 12. Program and Organizational and Tactical Principles Of the
Communist Movement. The Communists' Struggle for Unity of Action in the
Working Class in
4i=5. printer's sheets
Chapter 13. Formation of the Socialist Workers' International by the
Reformists
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 14. The International Workers' and Communist Movement During
the Relative Stabilization of Capitalism and the Consolidation of
Socialism in the USSR (1924-1928)
2 printer's sheets
- 6 _
eqCRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1-HUM
Chapter 15. Rise of the Revolutionary. Workers' and National-Liberation
Movement During the World Economic Crisis (1929-1933)
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 16. The Communists' Struggle Against Threats of War and Fascism.
Their Struggle for a United Working-Class Front and a Popalar anti-
fascist Front (1934-1935)
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 17. The Seventh Congress of the Communist International
1 printer's sheet
Chapter 18. The International Significance of the Triumph of Socialism
in the USSR
1/2 printer's sheet
Chapter 19. The International Workers' and Communist Movement on the
Eve of World War II (1936-1939)
1 printer's sheet
Part IV
The International Workers' and Communist Movement in the Second Stage
of the General Crisis of Capitalism. The Formation of a World Socialist
Order and the Transition from Socialism to Communism in the USSR
(1939-1960)
- 7 -
SERRFT
10 printer's sheets
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Chapter 20. The International Workers' and Communist Movement DUriDg
50X1 -HUM
World War II (September 1939-September 1945)
3 printer's sheets
Chapter 21, Historic World Successes of the International Workers' and
Communist Movement and the Formation of the World Socialist Order
(September 1945-1949)
2 printer's sheets
Chapter 22. The International Workers' and Communist Movement in the
avid
First Years of Competition zetee Struggle Between the Two World Orders
(1950-1955)
2 printer's sheets
Chapter 23, The Contemporary International Workers and Communist Move-
ment (1956-1960)
3 printer's oheets
Supplement
Conclusion 1/2 printer's sheet
Chronological Table
Bibliography
List of Illustrations
List of Contributors
Declassified in Part - Sanitized
Total: 34 printer's sheets
?
1
Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1 50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
PROSPECTUS
Essays on the History of the International
Workers' and Communist Movement
lahortimar Textbookl
(Jointly Prepared by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism and the Institutes
and Commissions on Party History of the Communist and Workers' Parties)
(Total size: 34 printer's sheets)
50X1 -HUM
Introduction
1/2 printer's sheet
The historic world role of the proletariat and its revolutionary
Marxist-Leninist parties. Laws of development of the international
workers' and Communist movement. Features of the development of the
workers' movement in countries of Europe, Amercia, Asia, Africa and
Australia. Historical stages in the internaLional workers' and Com-
munist movement.
Part
The Rise and Development of the International Workers' and Communist
Movement in the Period of Industrial Capitalism (To the End of the 19th
Century)
5 printer's sheets
Chapter 1. Formation of the Industrial Proletariat
1/2 printer's sheet
- 9 -
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
 1 \ ?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The rise of capitalist industry in Europe, America, Asia and
Africa. Creation of the proletariat through destruction of city and
rural petty producers. Economic position of the working class and its
deprivation of political rights. Irreconcilability of class contradic-
tions in the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.
Chapter 2. Rise of the Workers' Movement and Its Transition to an
50X1 -HUM
Independent Revolutionary Stru:We Against Capitalist E)9oloitation
1/2 printer's sheet
Early forms of the proletarian struggle in England, France, Germany,
the US, Russia, China, India, and other countries. Legal trade unions
in England. Chartism. The utopian socialism of R. Owens, Charles
Fourrier, and Saint-Simon. The Lyons revolts of 1831 and 1834 in France.
Revolt of the Silesian weavers in 1844. Secret societies. Establishment
of international relations in the working class. The international
nature of the working class liberation movement. Need for eoretical
interpretation of aims, goals, and revolutionary practice in the workers'
movement.
Chapter 3. Rise of the Communist Movement and The Scientific Develop-
ment of Its Principles by K. Marx and F. Enfis12..
2 printer's sheets
The rise of Marxism.-- basic turning point in the workers' movement.
Rise of the Communist movement -- laws of development of the working class.
- 10-
r2Ppc'ir
- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
11.? U LLU Xs EDgels
,
mime
founders of scientific Communism. "The Un inn
50X1 -HUM
of Communists." "The Communist Party Manifesto" -- program for scientific
Communism. The working class in the bourgeois-democratic revolution of
1848-1849. Marx on the sessons of the workers wovement during these
years. The struggle of K. Marx and F. Engels to create a proletarian
party and the international unity of the working class after the birth of
the revolution in 1848-1849. The establishment and activities of the
First International prior to the Paris Commune. The role of the First
International in disseminating Marxism in,the workers' movement in
Europe and America. The struggle of K. Marx and F. Engels against
various theories of non-proletarian socialism (Proudhonision,Bakuninism,
Trade-Unionism, Lassalleism, etc.). Support of the workers' movement
in the national-liberation struggle of the colonial people ?Taipei
uprising in China; the Sipi uprising in India) and the struggle against
slavery in the US. The world-wide istoric significance of K. Marx'
Das Kapital.
Chapter 4. The Paris Commune and Its Si nificance in the Further
Development of the International Workers and Communist Movement
1/2 printer's sheet
Historical framework of the declaration of the Paris Commune. The
First International and the Paris Commune. Marxist-Leninist classics
on the origins, lessons and historical significance of the Paris Commune.
- 11-
'TORET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The London Conference of 1871, The Hague Conference of 1872= Ca150X1 -HUM
for suspending the activities of u.le rirsr, International. The importance
of the First Internstiory41 history
movement.
Chapter 5. The Ex,pansion and Triumph of Marxism in the International
of the international
Workers' Movement in the Last Quarter of the 19th
---
Century
1 1/2 printed sheets
The rise and Aevelopment of working-class political parties on a
Marxist basis in Germany FrPrc- Auszro-H-ncy, Tt;,,1-1 and.! ;
other countries. The role of prominent figures in the workers' movement
(A. Bebe', Cermany; G. Quelch; England; P. La Fargue, France; E. Apbbs,
US; A. LABRIOLAI Italy; and others) in the organization of the working
class revolutionary struggle. Growth of the professional and coopera-
tiveXwement. Causes of the rise of reformism in the workers' movement.
The struggle of K. Marx and F. Engels against reformism. Expansion of
Marxism in Russia and G. PLEKBANOV's role in this.
Formation of the Second International. F. Engels' struggle
against anarchy and opportunism in the Second International. The
London Congress (1895). Anarchists expelled from the Second International.
Opportunism's guest (Revisionism) in parties of the Second International.
E. Bernstein's addresses in Germany on a frank revision of Marxism Socio-
economic causes for the spread of revisionism. The revolutionary Marxists'
MO
12
I
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RI5P81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
struggle against revisionism at the close of the 19th Century. T15?X1 +um
role of V. I. Lenin in the spread. of revisionism in the international
workers' movement.
Part II
The International Workers' and Communist Movement in the Imperialist
Period (1900-November 1917)
5 printer's sheets
Chapter 6. The international workers' movement and the creation of the
revolutionary Marxist Tarty in Russia. The Leninist Theor of Socialist
Revolut ion
The entry of capitalism into the imperialist stage of development.
Economic and political development of countries in Europe, America, Asia,
and Africa. Increase in imperialist contradictions. The struggle to
redivide the world among imperialist monopolies, and the first imperial-
istic wars.
The struggle of two trends in the international workers' movement
at the beginning of the 20th Century and its reflection on the activity
of the Second International. (Tne Paris uongress, 1900; the Amsterdam
Congress, 1904). Manifestation of leftist trends in socialist parties
in the Second International ("Tesnyak;" in Bulgaria, Leftists in Germany,
and others).
-13-
g P F
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The center of the international revolutionary movement is tragil_raFd
to Russia. Lenin on the tasks of the Russian proletariat and its role
in the international workers' movement. Establishment of the RSDPR-
Communist Party, a new type of party. Lenin and Russian Marxists,bievelop
the program, organizational and tactical principles of the Revolutionary
Marxist (Communist) Party. The Lenin theory of socialist revolution in
the imperialist epoch and its meaning for the further development of the
international workers' and Communist movement.
Chapter 7; Influence of the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution in Russia
(1905-1907) on the l'iv-lu_44ary Movement in Countries of the West and
East.
1 printer's sheet
The international workers and natloaal-liboration movement the
beginning of the 20th Century.
The bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1,)05-1907 in Russia -- the
first people's revolution in the imperialist epoch. The political strike
as a proletarian method of struggle. Armed Uprising. The role and
significance of the soviets.
Influence of the Russian Revolution on the workers' movement in
Germany, France, England, Austro-Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia, the US, and
other countries. The movement of solidarity withthe Russian proletariat
among the working class of Western countries.
' 1
?
-
tr.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Influence of the Russian Revolution on the rise of the nati5oxi-Hum
liberation struggle of peoples in Iran, Turkey, China, India, and
other Asian countries. Role of leading figures in the workers and
national liberation movements. (Sun Yat-sen, China; San-Katayama,
Japan; Tilak, India, and others)
Chapter 8. The international Workers' Movement in the Struggle Against
the Threat of an Imperialist World War
1 printer's sheet
Monopolists of capitalist and bourgeois governments prepare for
0
an imperialist4c will-la war. Intensification of the struggle of two
trends (revolutionary and opportunistic) in the international workers'
movement. Manifestation of centrism -- disguised opportunism -- in the
workers' parties. The 1907 Stuttgart Congress of the Second Inter-
national. Colonial policy of the opportunists (reformists). Lenin
exposes colonialism and its ideology. Intensification of direct
military and political preparation and the unleashing of the imperialistic
world war by the ruling classes and by the parties of the principal
imperialistic states. Rise of the workers' and national-liberation
movement in Russia, England, Germany, Austro-Hungary, France, US.
China, Turkey, and other countries. The Basel Congress (1912) and its
manifesto against.war. Antimilitary expressions from the working class
on the eve of World War I, 1914. Bolshevism's role on the international
scene. Lenin's struggle against overt and covert opportunism in the
international workers' movement for the unity of the leftist groups in
the Second International.
...
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Chapter 9. The International Workers' Movement During World War I
50X1 -HUM
(August 1914 - November 1917
1 1/2 printer's sheets
Causes and nature of World War I. Debacle of the Second International
its disintegration into individual social-chauvinist parties. The
conversion of opportunism into social-chauvinism. Deterioration of the
economic and political situation of the working clasb in the belligerent
countries. Leftist social-democrats in various countries struggle
against social-chauvinism and war (K. Lidbknecht and R. LUXEMBURG in
Germany G. KIMITROV and V. KOLAROV in Bulgaria, the Tribunists in
Holland,
e261-
al.). Growth of anti-war
peasantry, and broad laboring masses.
in a number of belligerent countries.
tendencies in the working class,
Imminence of revolutionary crisis
Strengthening of the position of
leftists and revolutionary elements in the workers' movement in various
countries in Europe, America, and Asia. Lenin heads the Bolshevik
struggle against social-chauvinism and centrism for international unity
of the left socialists and internationalists. The conference of inter-,
N
y,.,4-4v, c114cfc 0
in the zimmerirald Union. The "Limmer0.ald Left."
n
Theory and tactics of the Russian Communists (Bolsheviks) on
problems of war, peace and revolution. The Leninist theory of imperialism.
Lenin expands the theory of socialist revolution.
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Turning in world policy from war, to peace. Maneuvers of the 50X1-1-IUM-
chauvinists and centrists. The February Bourgeois-Democratic
[Document incomplete; 2 pages missing.]
Chapter 12. Program and Organizational and Tactical Principles of the
Communist Movement. The Communists Struclr. for Unity of Action in the
Working Class
2 1/2 printer's sheets
Unity of aims and missions in the international Communist and
workers movewent. The need for unity of principles in the movement.
The program and organizational and tactical principles of the Comp.
munist movement as developed by Lenin and the Comintern. Lenin's Book,
Left-Ming Communism An Infantile Disorder and its historical significance.
Lenin prepares basic documents for the Second Comintern Congress (Theses
on National and Colonial Problems, Theses on the Agrarian Problem, Theses
on Basic Tasks of the Second Congress of the Communist International,
and Conditions for Admittance Into the Communist International). The
Second Comintern Congress and its significance in the history of the
Communist movement. The struggle to Strengthen the Communist Parties
On the Basis of the "21 Conditions." The Third Comintern Congress.
Theses of the IKEI (Executive Committee of the Communist International)
on a united front. Establishment of trade-union opposition in a number
of countries and the founding of the red Trade-Union International
r r
- 17 -
"ORET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1 al&
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
: ;-?
-
50X1 -HUM
(Prof intern). The Communists struggle for unity of action of the working
class and for its vital rights against attack by capitalism and fascism.
Conference of the Third Internationalists The Fourth Comintern Congress.
Lenin -- Leader of the world revolutionary workers' movement and of the
national-liberation and Communist movement.
Chapter 13. Formation of the Socialist Workers' International by the
Reformists
1 printer's sheet
Attempts to restore the bankrupt Second International (February
1919). The Amsterdam Trade-Union Congress. Formation of the Internationia
Federation of Trade Unions (July 1919). Centrist parties attempt to
penetrate the Communist movement. Founding of the Centrist Inter-
national...
[10 lines of document illegible.]
Chapter 14. The International Workers' and Communist Movement During
the Relative Stabilization of Capitalism and the Consolidation of Social-
ism in the USSR (1924-1928)
[8 lines of document illegible]
... Struggle for vital
-
,ghs
2 printer's sheets
ge-1r pni-Aonal freedom
of the colonial peoples on the basis of strengthening proletarian
solidarity and friendly relations among workers in all countries. Struggle
against the danger of a new world war and the threat of fascism.
Workers' delegations in the Soviet Union.
JET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
?
50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1-HUM
The opportunist policy of rightist leaders in the social-democratic
parties, the reformist trade unions and their international organiza-
tions. The Anglo-Russian Trade Union Committee and the AFustration of
its work by rightist leaders in the trade-union and labor parties.
rightist :i.uklers in thcci1ist Workers' International and the Amster-
dam International of Trade Unions spread anti-Communism and>lideepen the
schism in the working class. Communists struggle against rightist
social-democratic thries on "organized capitalism."
The Comintern and its sections. The Prof intern and the KIM
(Communist Youth International) in the struggle to fulfill the inter-
national goals of the working class. The Fifth Comintern Congress.
Bolshevization (Strengthening) of Communist parties on the bais of
Leninist principles in the struggle against Trotsky-sites and Zinovyev-
ists and rightist and "leftist" dAstortions of tactics for a united
front. Role of Z. TELMAi;, K. GOTTWALD, LENSKIY, and Other prominent
figures in bolshevizing the Communist parties. The Seventh Expanded
Plenum of the IKKI. The Sixth Comintern Congress.
program and its world-wide historic significance.
[Page 14 of document illegible.]
0
The Comintern
Chapter 17. The Seventh Con:Tess of the Communist Internationgi
-19
SECRET
0
1 printer's sheet
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-0104f1PnninnnnR
0
0
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
d
Historic recisions of the Seventh Comintern Congress on the strnagrie
50X1 -HUM
for a united workers' anti-fascist and popular front. The congress on
ways and means for the struggle against fascism. The congress on the
increased danger.of a new world war and on tasks in the workers' and
Communist movement in the struggle against the threat of war. The
congress evaluates successes
in socialist construction in the USSR.
hi .c3 orical,eignificance of the Seventh Congress for the international
workers' and Communist movement.
Chapter 18. International Significance of the Triumph of Socialism in
the USSR
3./2 printer's sheet
Successful fulfillment of plans for the building of socialism in
the USSR. Socialist property. Changes in the class structure of social-
ist society. The proletariat the working class. The peasantry --
a kolkhoz peasantry. The Intelligentsia. The moral-political unity of
Soviet society. The preparation and adoption of a new USSR Constitution
GNI WO
a constitution for a socialist society. Its basic principles on the
am
rights and obligations of itizens, on ecrimality of rights for races and
nations, for men and women. International significance of the triumph
of socialism in the USSR. Refutation of bourgeois, reformist and
0
revisionist theories on the impossibility of theitr/Umph of socialism
in a single undeveloped country, on proletarian incapability to manage
state and economic construction. The Soviet Constitution as a model
and program for the struggle of the internatioaal workers' and com-
munist movement.
- 20 -
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1-HUM
Chapter 19. The International Workers and Communist Movement On the
Eve of World War II (1936-1939)
1 printer's sheet
The struggle of the Communist parties to fulfill the decisions of
the Seventh Comintern Congress. The struggle of the Comintern and of
the Communist parties against imperiulistic aggression by Italy and
Abyssinia. Triumph of the popular front in pa in and France. The
fascist mutiny in Spain. Spanish republicans aid the international
proletariat in the war against fascism. Rightist leaders of social
democracy encourage German-Italian fascist aggression. The Chinese
Aation's anti-Japanese war. The CCP/Adopts the,I4ogram, "Resist Japan
and Save the Fatherland."
Support of the international proletariat in the anti-Japanese
war of the Chinese ,kople. Munich talks with Hitlerite Germany and
fascist Italy by imperialists of England and France. The working-class
seiz..ufe,
struggle against the Munich lies and the mealre of Austria and Czechoslo-
vakia by famist Germany. Activity of the political workers' parties,
trade unions and other mass organizations in various countries on the
eve of World War II. Betrayal of working-class interests by the leader-
ship in the socialist and social-democratic parties. Increase of Com-
munist influence in trade unions. Strengthening of the Communist and
/-
)Kevolutionary;WOrkers'Xirties. Transition to an illegal status by
Communist parties in a number of countries.
- 21 -
r
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
International working-class organizations on the eve of the war
(,he Communist International; the Red International of Trade Unions and
/its KIM, the Socialist Workers' International, the International Union
of Trade Unions, he Amsterdam International). Their position on problems
of the struggle against fascism and the threat of a new world war.
The CPSU -- leading section of the Comintern, organizer of the
L., V 1.
against fasc;ism und war. The 18th Congress of the All-Union
Communist Party (Bolshevik) and its significance for the international
workers' and Communist movement.
Part IV
The International Workers' and Communist Movement at the Second Stave of
the General Crisis in Ca italism. The Formation of a World Socialist
Order and the Transition From Socialism to Communism in the USSR (193p-
1960
10 printer's sheets
Chapter 20. The International Workers' and Communist Movement During
World War II (September 1939 - September 19)-i.5)
3 printer's sheets
Causes and nature of World War II. International working-class
organizations' attitude toward war: the Comintern, Socialist Workers
International, International Federation of Trade Unions, and others.
Attitude toward war of workers' organizations in various countries
- 22 -
S'FCRE
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
(Communist parties, social-democratic parties, reformist and progressive
trade unions). Intepification of fasciE terror against the Communist
4
n
parties and workers in Germany and Italy. Bourgeois governments
intensify repressions against the Communist parties in the press (France
England, US and others). Appeal against war by the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Italy; Manifesto of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of France on the struggle for national liberation and
restoration of France. Appeal for the creation of a national front.
The working class in cdccui=t1 Lit Lruggies against rascist in-
vasion. Perfidious attacks on the USSR/4 Hitlerite Germany. Beginning
of the Soviet Union's Great Patriotic War. Manifestation of solidarity
with the USSR on the part of the working class in various countries
(Czechoslovakia, China, Rumania, England, Albania, Poland, Finland, US,
Yugoslavia, Philippines, Korea, Indonesia, Burma, Malay, France, Italy
Bulgaria, Germany, and others).
The working class in various countries during the war years.
Changes in the structure of the working class. Depreciation of the
workers' economic position. Political disfranchisement of workers in
countries occupied by fascist German and Japanese troops. The
enslaved peoples struggle against the invaders.. The working class
heads the anti-fascist struggle.
The CPSU -- leader and organizer of the Soviet people's struggle
against fascism; inspirer of the international struggle for the freedom
and independence of peoples subjected to fascist and Japanese imperialist
4. 23 4?4
4i
ontiti
OrrinEy
IWO
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
occupation. The Communist and workers' parties head the resistanc50X1-HU1e Luuv-
ment against fascist imperialist aggression and for the union of national
progressive forces for the national liberation of peoples. Communist _
Xroes in the anti-fascist struggle: SEMAR, YU. FU-CHIN, SHVERNA, and
others [names unclear]. Increase Of authority in the Communist and
workers' parties in capitalist and colonial countries. Cessation of the
activities of the Communist International and the reasons therefor.
T)4,4-4n4-
3,-;cial-dcw(A;I:diii?; dud reformist traae unions
lose influence with the masses as a result of their concurring and
capitulating policy relative to fascism and imperialism.
Decline and cessation of activities of the Socialist Workers'
International and of the Amsterdam International of Trade Unions.
Cessation of activities of the International Industrial Secretariat and
the International Labor Organization.
Creation of a premise for achieving unity in the world workers'
movement. The role of Soviet Army triumphs on the fronts in strengthening
the working-class struggle. The CPSU and Soviet trade unions head the
struggle for working-class unity. Anglo-Soviet and Franco-Soviet trade-
union committees. International Conference of Trade Unions in London
(February 1945)
Prominent role of the international workers' and Communist movement
in routing the fascist aggressors.
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Chapter 21. Historic World Successes of the International Worker5oi-Hum
Communist Movement and the Formation of a World Socialist Order (September
1945-1949)
2 printer's sheets
Results of World War II, and the working class. Defeat of aggressive
forces of fascism and Japanese imperialism. Basic changes in the correla-
tion of forces between capitalism and socialism for the benefit of
socialism. The formation of a world system of socialism -- a historic
triumph of the international workers and Communist movement. The
national-liberation struggle of peoples in Asia, Afric4 the Near East,
and Latin America. The disintegration of imperialism's colonial system
and the creation of independent states in Asia and Africa. The historic
world significance of the formation of the People's Republic of China.
Formation of united political parties of the working class and successes
in the building of socialism in countries in the socialist order (Albania)
Bulgaria, Hungary, Vietnam, GDR, CPR, EFDR, 'APR, Poland, Rumania, Czecho-
slovakia). Successes in the restoration and development of the national
economy in the USSR Manifestation of general conformity to laws in the
building of socialism. Affirmation of the universality of the con-
clusions of Marxism-Leninism.
The position and struggle of the working class in the capitalist
countries (Europe, America, Asia, Africa). Struggle for unity of the
international workers' movement on the basis of general demands of the
working class (peace) democracy, improved standards of living, socialism)
- 25 -
r-
o
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
?
50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81
-01043R004300060003-1
MOM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Role of the working clasb ifl the activities of ipternational
progressive organizations (World Federation
.J --
L
-
1 ,,ora
50X1 -HUM
Inter-
national Democratic Federation of Women, Movement of the Ptic=17, of
Peace, World Peace Council, World Union of Participants in. the ResisttaiCG
Movement, and others),
Dissident policy of the right.i.
rya:a r:ti s"
in
SOPlniamorlf?'^=?'t.
parties and the reformist trade unions in the international worker'
movement. The rAvisirmisf-fis in the Crlyirnunizt and workers' parties.
Coul=
mittee of International Socialist Conferr---- (Ir''4=")
and. its trans-
formation into a Socialist International. International Confederation or
"Free" Trade Unions. International Union of Christian Tradc Unions.
Autonomous trade unions.
Information bureau of some Communist and workers' Parties and the
Newspaper, Za Prochnyy Mir, Za Narodnuyu Demokrativul (For a Lasting
Peace, xv.L Lcvy.L.or Dcmocracy:). Strz-ngthening of the solidarity of
Marxist-Leninist parties and the unity of the world Communist movement.
The international workers' and Communist movement struggles against the
"Position of Strength" policy, the Marshall Plan and the imperialist
bloc (NATO). Exposure of revisionist trends in some Communist parties
(Yugoslavia, Hungary, and Others).
Chapter 22. The International Workers' and Communist Movement in the
First Years of the Competition and Struggle of the Two World Orders
(1950-1955)
.26
Oa
2 printer's sheets
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Economic and political situation of the working class in the sog6;(3_111Dm
1st, capitalist and national-independent (formerly colonial) countries
of the world. Growth of the strike movement in capitalist countries.
Intensification of the national-liberation struggle of peoples in
colonial and s.emi-colonial countries. Strengthening of the moral-
political unity of peoples in the socialist countries. American aggression
in korea. Powerful movement of the supporters of peace against imperial-
....
0
1st aggression in Korea, Vietnam, Malay, Indonesia and other countries.
Strengthening...
0 0 0
[Document incomplete; page 21 missing.]
Chapter 23. The Contemporary International Workers' and Communist Move-
meat (1956-1960)
3 printer'sosheets
0 0
Role of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the 14th FCP Congress; the
8th CCP Congress, and other party congresses in strengthening the unity
of the international workers' and Communist movement. Intensifying the
struggle against bourgeois ideology, modern revisionism, dogmatism, and
sectarianism. Strengthening relations among fraternal Communist and
workers' parties. Improving prospects for the restoration and develop-
ment of unity in the world workers' movement.
Failure of imperialists' attempts to promote an extensive attack
against the forces of progress: Anglo-Franco-IsraeAr4gress1on against
Egypt (1956); counterrevolutionary attacks in Poland and the CPR; the
counterrevolutionary revolt in Hungary. Unanimous repudiation by re-
volutionary forces of the working class and peace-loving democratic forces
- 27 -
CIECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
??????
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
?
50-Yr 2014/05/12 ? CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
of reactionary attempts of imperialism and revisionism to hinder pro-
gressive development.
Ccifference of the Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow (November
1957). Declaration of the Communist and workers' parties in 12 socialist
countries -- a program of the modern Communist movement. Acknowledgement
of the truth in.Marxist..-Lenirist principles. Formulation of basic laws
of socialist construction. Approval of the declaration by 20.1 Marxist-
Leninist Communist and workers' Parties. The Peace Manifesto. Consolida-
tion of forces and struggle of the Communist and workers' parties against
imperialist ideology and revisionism and for purging and strengthening
their ranks. Ideological defeat and isolation of the revisionist elements.
The 21st Congress of the CPSU - a congress on the development of the
building of Communism in the USSR. Successes of countries in the social-
ist system and the crisis of the vitalist ountries of 1957-1958.
Significance of the 21st Congress of the CPSU for the further development
of the world workers' and Communist movement. Increase in party membership
and solidarity of the ranks in the Communist and workers' parties.
Strengthening of fraternal bonds between the communist and workers:I
parties. Intensifying the struggle for the unity of the working class.
The united front of Communists and socialists in local organizations of
the working class. Strengthening of unity and solidarity in the workers
and national-liberation movement. Tasks of the international workers'
and Communist movement under new conditions.
- 28 -
1
? 1 k;.-'
; 4
UR.
neclassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
S
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Conclusion
50X1-HUM
1/2 printer's sheet
Result of the struggle and triumph of the international workers' and
Communist movement the formation of a world socialist order. The
transition to Communism in the USSR. Completion of the building of
socialism in a number of countries. Growth of the power and solidarity
of the working class and its Marxist-Leninist Communist and workers'
parties. Evidence of the superiority of socialism over capitalism. The
international significance of the lawlike regularity of Socialist con-
struction formulated by the Communist and workers' parties.
21121ement
1. Chronological Table
2. Literature (what to0 read on the history of the international
workers' and Communist movement).
3. List of Illustrations.
0
4. List of Contributors.
List of Contributors
Introduction and Conclusion-Editorial Committee
Chapter 1 -- Higher School of the Trade Union Movement, All-Union
Central Council of Trade Unions
Chapter 2 -- Institute of Marxism-Leninism, Oicialist Unity Party
of Germany
0
- 29 -
cri'D
Limilimmimm Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
0
Chapter 3 -- Institute of Marxism=Leninism Under the CentraEoxT-Hum
mittee CPSU
Chapter 4-- Committee on the History of the French Communist Party
Chapter
Chapter
History).
Chapter
5
6 --
Institute of History, Academy of Sciences USSR
IML Under the Central Committee CPSU (Sector of CPSU
7 Institute of Party History, Communist Party Czecho-
sinVnkin
Chapter 8
-Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter al
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter
Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Chapter 19
Chapter 20
Chapter 21
Chapter 22
Hungary
Chapter 23
--.Committee on History Communist Party of Great Britain
OD WO
Institute
-- Institute
MOW
IMP OD
MO INN
IMO
MI SD
us_
IML Under
IML Under
Committee
0
Institute
of History, Academy of Sciences, USSR
of Party History, Bulgarian
the Central
the 'Central
on History,
of HistOry,
Gramshi Institute
Committee
IML Under
Institute
Institute
in Under
Institute
on History,
the Central
of History,
of History,
the Central
of History,
Committee
Committee
Communist
Communist
Communist
Committee
Communist
CPSU
CPSU
Party
Party
Party
CPSU
Party
Communist Party
of Austria
of China
of France
CP-China
Polish United Workers Party
Committee CPSU
Communist Party of China
Institute of History, .Socialist Workers Party of
IML Under the Central Committee CPSU
-30-.
nnCT
I
)4 4 3
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
List of Photographs
1. K. Marx
2. F. Engels
3. V. I. Lenin
4. First International (Congress)
5. Second International (Congress
2
3
6. Third Communist International (Congress) - 5
7. G. V. PLEKBANOV
8. E. DEBBS
9. A. Bebel
10. K. LIEBKVECHT
11. E. TELMAN
12. P. LAFARGUE
13. J. JAURES
14. M. KASHEN
15. G. Quelch
16. T. MANN
17. SAN- KATAYANA
18. G. KIMITROV
19. K. QOTTWALD
20. B. KUN
21. I. Sirola
22. Tilak
?-31-
ropr
LS
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
4
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
23. LENSKIY
24. L. REED
25. A. LABRIOLA
26. A. GRAM
27. SUN YAT- SEN
28. LI TA-CHOW
List of Photographs
Total: 15
-32-
SECRET
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Problems Proposed for Discussion in the Exchange
50X1 -HUM
of Experience b the Institutes During the Afternoons of the Conference
Proposals of the Institute of Party History of the Central Committee
of the Czechoslovak Communist Party:
1. The problem of determining periods.
2. The problems of closer collaboration among the institutes.
3. The problems of methods of working with document repositories.
4. Certain problems relating to the publication of primary-source
documents (document collection).
5. Problems of historical journals [Translator's Note: or surveys]
and the like.
Proposals of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee
of the German United Socialist Party:
1. Improved collaboration among the libraries and document repositories
of Soviet bloc institutes (including the exchange of aource materials,
microfilms, photographs, and the like),
2. Exchange of experience gained in editing the works of V,I, Lenin
in each of the various countries.
3. Improved collaboration and more thoroughgoing exchange of experience
on editing the works of Marx and Engels.
tv'Et&
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
4. Problems of reciprocal ex_Jaange of scientific collaborators, assistants,
50X1 -HUM
and. the like.
5. Problems encountered in working on journals [or surveys] of the institutes.
6. Problems and experience associated with the publication of documents
and source materials concerning party and labor-movement history.
7. Methods of andexperience in coordinating research and publications
relative to problems of Party and labor-movement history.
8. Experience in developing and organizing the fields of history of
the international labor movement) in conformity with the recommendations of
the Berlin Conference of October 1958.
9. The first exchange of views on the outline of the projected handbook
of history of the international labor movement, as presented by the Soviet
comrades.
10* Certain problems concerning the preparations for the publication of
a volume of documents entitled "The Influence of the Great October Socialist
Revolution on the Countries of Central and Southeastern Europe.'!
11. Experience in the coordination of research dealing with the history
of the party and of the labor movement.
Proposals of the Institute of Party History of the Central Committee of
the Polish United Workers 's Party:
1. Publication of party documents.
2. Publication of historical journals [or surveys].
3. Problems of working with document repositories.
- 2 -
rts- run rierr
t I
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
.3
410
4. Current problems in the preparation of handbooks of Party history.
50X1 -HUM
Discussion of the following problems has been recommended to the chiefs
of delegations by the Institute of Party History of the Central Committee
of the Rumanian Communist Party:
1. The outline of the projected handbook of the international labor
movement, presented by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSU.
2. Publication of party documents.
3. Exchange of views concerning the publishing of historical periodicals
[or surveys].
4. Collaboration among the libraries and document repositories of Soviet-
bloc institutes (exchange of source materials, microfilms, photographic
copies, and the like).
5. Certain problems involved in the preparations for publication of a
volume of documents entitled "Influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution
on the Countries of Central and Southeast Europer
6. The editing of the classics of Marxism-Leninism.
If time permits, the chiefs of the delegations will select other topics
for discussion as well.
3
SEGFiET
L. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
_
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1 -
TEE STRUGGLE OF TEE COMMUNIST kr) WORKER PARTIES -FOR MIL UNITY
OF THE WORICLIG CLASS
50X1 -HUM
(Report on the first topic of the agenda presented by Comrade Gh.eorghe
Vasilichi.)
The unity of the working class is a basic prerequisite for the estab-
lidhment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and for the building of
socialism and capitalism. This has been, and still is, one of the most
important tasks of the international workers' movement.
The Declaration of the Congress of Communist and Worker Party
Delegates in Moscow in 1957 wAR of historical importance and basic to
the unity of the international workel*movement. This document stressed
above all the need and importance of the unity of the working class in
the struggle for an improvement of living conditions, for the defense and
development of democratic acouisitions, and for peace and socialism.
In order to carry out the important tasks which are demanded of the
Communist and worker parties, tasks which are important in the struggle 0
for peace and democracy and for the attainment of political power, the
declaration states that "it is necessary to attain not only a union of
the Communist and worker parties but also a union of the entire working
class."
The significant historical changes which took place after World War II,
as well as the present radical changes in the relationship of forces on a
world-vide scale in favor of socialism, are permitting the proletariat,
led by the Marxist-Leninist party, on the basis of a single front and
50X1 -HUM
%
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
0
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 :?CIA-RD11)81-0-1043R0a3-166660-00n
other forms of political collaboration between various psarties and ....
[page 2 missing]
50X1 -HUM
By carefully analyzing the laws Which govern the capitalist
system, Karl Marx and Fr, Engels worked out the thesis concerning the
role to be played by the proletariat as the grave-digger of capitalism.
They showed that in order to accomplish this mission the proletariat
must. organize its own independent political party and attain unity in
its ranks. 0
0
In 1872, Marx wrote in theteneral Statute of the International
Association of Workers" that the unity of the proletariat " is indis-
pensable to ensure the victory of the social revolution and to attain
Its final goal, namely the abolition of classes." (Karl Marx-Fr. Engels:
Selected Works, in 2 volumes, Vol. ESPLP 1955, II-e, ed., page 400).
The establishment and activity of the First International represented
an expression of the unity of the working class in Europe in its common
struggle against capitalism. As founders and leaders of the First Inter-
national, Marx and Engels denounced the non-proletarian spirit of various
groups which even at that time influenced the working class (Proudhomism,
Blanquiam, anarchism, Lassellienism). Marx and Engels fought to attain
the unity of the proletariat on revolutionary foundations.
Marx and Engels watched closely over the development of the worker
movement and socialist parties and fought the attempts of certain leaders
of these parties to skirt the basic problems on the pretext of maintaining
the unity of forces of the proletariat (Critique of the Gotha program).
- 2 -
0
0
E7F:T
UjeszUlAW
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
- Declassified in Part Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
? $1,"
The establishment of the Second International affirmed the idea of
the unity and of the growing strength of the proletariat on a national
and international scale. Since its activity had now entered into the
50X1
imperialist phase of capitalism, the opportunist and revisionist cur-
rents in the ranks of the socialist parties receded. On the
pretext of conserving "at any price" the unity of the socialist parties,
the elements of the "center" and even certain elements of the left ceded
to opportunistic pressures which resulted in flagrant violations of the
Marxist revolutionary line: and the socialist parties were seriously in
danger of being transformed into docile tools of the bourgeoisie. This
false method in understanding and cultivating "unity" resulted in the
weakening of the socialist parties and in the failure of the Second Inter-
national.
By applying Marxist theory and practice during the period of imper-
ialism, V. I. Lenin gave particular importance to the problem of unity of
of the working class.
Lenin teaches us that "the working class needs unity. Unity is
extremely precious and important to the working class. Disunited work-
ers are worth nothing. United they are everything." (V. I. Lenin: Works,
Vol. 19. page 515)
This unity took on special importance as the problem of the proletarian
revolutions and the preparation of the proletariat for taking over power
became the order of the day.
In the face of unified force with which capitalism confronted the
working class, in the face of the resurgence of the "reactionary forces
all along the line," and in the face of the aggressiveness of the
-3-
-exploit-
s s sii_
.1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
ing classes, the proletariat had all the more need for a unified force
and an even more solid organization.
50X1-HUM
V. I. Lenin revealed the great need to establish a new type of rev-
olutionary-Marxist party capable of grouping in its ranks the working class.
He also showed the need for a strict control of the opportunistic currents..
[page 5 missing]
proletariat by the bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology, the
divisive activities of the bourgeoisie, as well as the existence of a
worker aristocracy in the imperialist order gave birth to various reform-
ist and opportunist currents and groups in the ranks of the proletariat
and thus weakened its forces. In this way the economic and political dom
0
ination nfothe exploiting classes was facilitated.
. With this situation in mind, Leninist teachings contain important and
up-to-date directives for the realization of the unity of action of the
working class by means of concluding agreements and setting up blocs to-
gether with organizations to which the proletarian masses belong.
The Leninist thesis on the unity of the working class demands as
attentive and friendly an attitude as possible toward those workers who
have a place in the revolutionary struggle but who do not as yet share
the advanced revolutionary ideas and are bound by backward ideas. Lenin
appreciated the experiments of revolutionary members of socialist parties
of Western nations who showed just such an attitude toward worker members
of Catholic unions and "did not spurn them with a scornful attitude regard-
ing their religious or political prejudices; but with perseverance, tact,
and patience used every action of the political and economic struggle to
enlighten them and to bring them closer to the proletariat on the basis
- 4 -
or prir.11
thooisOw"
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Apiroved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
of the common struggle. (V. I. Lenin j Vol. 8, ESP 1955, page 50V1-_
HUM
The ententes, agreements, and common fronts for carrying out immediate
a local an,A 14Trt41-Pri nature Which were undertaken
by the revolu-
tlonary party of the proletariat togetheiz
Still under the influence
imtortpInt Aten an the
S.??-"..?
j
_
11-111.0
th-
wiL.r? ufic;
em..T
belonging to
cur.L.-tosz, coastitute an
the
1-31r. r..12 lin,
alb? k:olit;t:ii,ui.ie a step toward te
final goal of attain-
.
11 a nen, 4 rtni -rawmetii
???? do ?
-r?
InI911?tV4iM.P
vuA.uA.J.61.4.6
z...1.1A;1, a pv.I.Ley, the revolutionary
party of the working class naintains its 11011+Ar.-1 and organizational in-
dependence and never for a moment loses sight of the final goal: i. e., the
attainment of political powcr. In their united actions, directed against
the exploiters and the governmental power, the workers are acquiring rich
political experience, and recognize the Marxist-Leninist party as their sole
and true leader. They realize that the revolutionary struggle for the
attainment of power is the only way to be freed from exploitation and
oppression.
II
The experience of history has fully confirmed the truth of the
doctrine expounded by Marxist-Leninist classic writers concerning the
need and importance of the unity of the working class in the struggle for
the attainment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the establishment
of a society without exploitation.
The unity of the working class on the foundations of revolutionary
principles was fully confirmed by the Great October Socialist Revolution
which opened a new era in the history of humanity and brought about a rad-
ical change in the liberation struggle of the workers of all the countries
5
72' rfir.:7141
w
117, a"
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R00430006norm1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
of the world.
Under the talented leadershir, of Leninl-the-aplshevik party under-
took a gigantic political and organizational task which convinced -Exi-Flum
working masses of the correctness of the Leninist revolutionary line. By
crushing the Menshevik, the revolutionary socialists, and other opportun-
istic currents, it succeeded in winning over the majority of the working
class.... (page 8 missing)
of France, Italy, the US, and many other countries have strug-
gled against the Interventionist activities of the ruling classes.
At the same time, revolutionary detachments from various countries
(China, Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Rumania) fought beside the Red Armies
for the defense of the revolution and thus contributed to the defense of
the Soviet Power.
In reference to the special importance of the solidarity of the world
proletariat with the Soviet Power, V. I. Lenin said,
It is exactly this support and sympathy shown to us by the working
masses the workers, peasants, farmers -- of the entire world, even
of countries which have been most hostile to us; it is exactly this sup-
port and this sympathy which have constituted the final and most decisive
reason why all attacks against us have failed." (V. I. Lenin, Works, Vol.331
ESPLP, 1957, page 131).
The Great October Socialist Revolution constituted a historic vic-
tory of Marxism-Leninism over reformism and revisionism -- a victory
Which had great influence over the worker movements of all countries.
In the light of the teachings of the proletarian revolution of Russia,
the revolutionary groups of a number of countries undertook to establish
- 6 -
t
Ot...-U1;0
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy A proved for Release @50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
. .
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Communist parties under revolutionary conditionsunder the direct
influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution, and as a result
of the long struggle agAinst opportunism and reformism. The Thirr50x1-Hum
Communist International was established in March 1919 on the initiative,
and under the direction, of Lenin.
"The historic importance of the Third Communist International is
that it began to translate into fact the magnificent slogan of Marx, a
slogan which constitutes the development of socialism and of the worker move-
ment, a slogan which finds its expression in the thought: "The Dictatorship
of the Proletariat." (V. I. Lenin, Works, Vol 29, ESPLP, page 291).
The great political struggles carried out by the proletariat in num-
erous countries during the period of the revolutionary upsurge following
the Great October Socialist Revolution revealed the importance of the unity
of action of the working class in the struggle for the attainment of
political power as well as the need for denouncing without pity opportunism
within the worker movement, as being the main Obstacle to the struggle of
the proletariat for power. The rightist socio-democratic leaders who tried
to prevent the ideological enlightenment of the proletariat, and who tried
to put a halt to the revolutionary struggles of the masses, have openly
violated the will -- clearly expressed by more advanced workers -- to estab-
lish Marxist-Leninist revolutionary parties, and have split the worker
movement. The split in the international worker movement was the main
cause which brought about the failure of the heroic struggles of the
proletariat of Europe to attain power (Hungary, Slovakia, Germany, Italy,
Bulgaria) and perpetuated capitalism.
-7-
-
SEVES
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
From the time they began to be active, the MawkistLeninist parties
assumed tIle historic task of bringing about the unity of the workir5oxi-Hum
class. On the initiative of V. I. Lenin, the Third Congress of the Com-
munist International prepared the tactics of the united front as the
main form for the mobilization of the prPletarian masses in the struggle
against the worsening of the exploitation of the workers and for the
development of future revolutionary struggles.
The Communist parties undertook activities to realize the unity of
action of the working class to confront the offense unleashed by the
employers, and to combat fascism and preparations for an imperialistic
war. Although a number of successes were realized in the struggle for
the attainment of the unity of action of the working class, they war.:
not sufficient to prevent Hitlerism from coming to power nor to prevent
fascism from taking over in several European countries. The Social-Dem-
ocrats of the right who prevented the realization of the unity of the
working class bear the main responsibility for the establishment of
fascism in Germany and in other countries.
At the urging of the Communist parties, the working masses in many
countries, acting in unity above the heads of the Social Democrat leaders
of the right, put up a front against the offensive unleashed by the forces
of fascism and war. In 1934, the united action of the French working class,
in which the Communist party played a decisive role; the heroic struggles
of the workers in Vienna against the establishment of a fascist dictator-
ship in Austria; the labor strikes of the Spanish proletariat which were
converted into armed uprisings; and the international solidarity of the
- 8 -
c'rflOrr
UL,tjaLs
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP8-1-ninzvlpnne-:nnnannno 4
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
workers manifested on the occasion of the Leipzig trails are only a
50X1 -HUM
few examples of the heroic struggle carried out by the European
proletariat against fascism and war on the basis of a united front.
The heroic struggles of the railroad and petroleum workers of
Rumania in January-February 1933, which were led by the Communist
Party of Rumania, constitute an integral part of the straggles carried
out by the international worker class against fascism. By taking the
defense of the vital interests of the broad masses of the people who
were struck down by the crisis, by rising up against the fascist
offensive in Rumania, the railroad and petroleum workers, led by the
Communist Party of Rumania, carried out a united action by going above
the heads of the Social-Democrat leaders of the right. The fact that
the labor unions which up until then were under . . . . 5age 12
missine
between the two world wars. The heroic struggles, in
January-February 1933, of the railroad and petrol2nm workers, led by
the Communist Party of Rumania, constituted a resounding confirmation
of the united front tactics.
The Communist International analyzed the struggles of the Rumanian
workers and commented as follows: "The struggles of February, led
by the Communist Party and by the revolutionary labor talons, which
relied on the united front proved not only the tremendous authority
and great influence of the party but also its bond with the broad
proletarian masses.
-9-
-
i
L.
4.0??????????????????????.0,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R00430onAnnrn_1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Through being strengthened the party cleared the way toward tqlm_Hum
most important proletarian masses which it trained and led to the
struggle. (Citations taken from Gil. Gheorghiu-Dej: Articles and
Speeches. 4th edition; ESPLP 1955, page 618).
The heroic struggles of the railroad and petroleum workers in
1933, led by the Communist Party of Rumania, which had the support of
a large international movement, barred the way for the time being to
of
the establishment/fascism in Rumania. They also constituted the first
resolute affirmation of the antifascist struggle of the proletariat
of Europe following fascism's advent to power in Germany.
By continuing with perseverance its work for the realization of
the unity of action in the period of time which followed, the Communist
party made numerous offers to the Social-Democrat Party to extend the
united front. In a statement made to the new Executive Committee of
the Social-Democrat Party on 1 November 1935, the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Rumania showed that it was ready to sign
an agreement, even though limited in nature, and pointed out at the
same time that "the proletariat is prevented from exercising its real
role because of its division into various organizations and parties.
Proletarian unity, trade union unity, unity of action, and political
unity, real total unity of all the proletariat, acting as one single
class action, one single central professional organization, one single
political party, united under the banner of the struggle of the classes
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
against capitalism -- this is the best guarantee of success of the
antifaidist people's from in the struggle for the destruction of 50X1 -HUM
fascism." (Documents from the History of the Communist Party of
Rumania, 1934-1937, Vol 4, page 313).
Despite actions hostile to unity, carried out by the leaders of
the Social-Democrat Party which rebuffed these propositions, the
Communist Party succeeded in developing united activities of the
working class and realized, together with certain organizations of
the Social-Democrat Party, a democratic coalition which had some
succecs in the by-elections of 1936-1937.
The Seventh Congress of International Commuilism conatitutcd a
turning point in the struggle of the Communist parties for the real-
ization of the unity of the working class. The Congress underlined
that the most important task of the international worker movement
was the realization of the united worker front, both as a basis for
the realization of the antifascist popular front and the anti-
imperialist national front. By determining as an immediate task the
struggle for the realization of unity of action of the working class,
the Congress stressed that the task of the Communists was to struggle
for the realization of a single party of the working class on re-
volutionary bases.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP-81-01043R-0E4330-0-65-60-37
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
By underlining the responsibility which fell WI the Social-Democrat
leaders of the right for preventing the realization of the unity 5.91(1-Hum
action of the working class, the Congress showed the Communist parties
the need for fighting the leftist and sectarian methods which made
more difficult the struggle for the realization of the united front.
0
Keeping in mind the specific conditions of each individual country,
depending on the degree of maturity of the working class, the
Communist parties placed themselves at the head of the struggle in
order to realize unity of action, as a basis for the concentration
of all the people's forces in a broad common front against fascism
and war.
In France, the heroic French Communist Party, which had rich
experience in the struggle for the establishment of a united front,
succeeded in making the unity of action of the proletariat the
powerful frame of the antifascist people's front.
The unification of the trade union movement in March 1936 con-
siderably increased the forces of the united working class. The
increase of the number of organized workers from one million to
5 million within 9 months was quite edifying. The correctness of
the political line of the popular front of the French Communist
Party was once again verified by the results of the elections of
April-May 1936 which resulted in the creation of a parliamentary
majority of the popular front.
- 12
r
???
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060-00-3-1-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
In Spain, the realization of the unity of action of the working
people constituted the basis for the regrouping of the antifascist
50X1-HUM
democratic forces of the country and the establishment of the anti-
fascist popular front in the beginning of 1936. The establishment
of the popular front permitted the Spanish peOple to make an immediate
and determined counter-attack on the dark forces of the Spanish reaction
which were inspired and supported directly by Hitler Germany and by
Fascist Italy." This unity of the working class constituted the basis
for the heroit struggles of the Spanish people during the entire 32
months of war for its national independence aad for the defense of
democratic freedoms.
Success in establishing popular fronts was also noted in other
countries such as Mexico, Chile, etc.
.In China in 1937, the national, anti-imperialist front against
the Japanese invaders was formed under the leadership of the Communist
Party.
The rightist leaders of the Social Democratic parties sabotaged
the agreements aiming at the formation of a single front, both in
France and in Spain, and supported the "conciliation" policy of the
large capitalist countries toward Hitler Germany and militarist Japan,
thus undermining the struggle of the people against fascism and the
danger of war. Their refusal to follow the "unity of action!' line
with the Communists was costly to the working class and the Social
Democrats, and in the end they were destroyed.
-13-
-
re. recall
SEUIt
,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Such events occurred in Italy, and especially in Germany. The
50X1-HUM
absence of unity of the working class permitted aggressive fascism
to start the Second World War. The Communist parties in the countries
invaded by the Germans (Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Belgium,
France, Yugoslavia, etc.) proceeded to organize the struggle of the
entire people against the occupiers, for liberty and national
independence.
' The Great Patriotic War and the response of the heroic Soviet
people to its challenge, the monolithic unity of the people around
the Communist Party which was demonstrated under the harsh conditions
of war, and the historic victories of the Soviet armies against the
German Invaders, gave a powerful impetus to the struggle of anti-
fascist, patriotic forces, strengthened the confidence of the
proletariat of all countries in its own forces, and spurred the
struggle for the unity of action of the working class.
In drawing up the anti-Hitler, patriotic platforms, the Communist
parties appealed, in the first place, to Socialist workers to cooperate
in their implementation. On the initiative of the Communist parties,
the Communist, Socialist, Catholic, anarchist, and trade union workers
combined their forces to liberate their countries from the yoke of
the fascist invaders. In the heat of the struggles conducted by the
subjugated peoples, led by the proletariat, against fascism and war
and for national liberation, the authority and mobilizing force of
the Communist parties, (the only parties unswervingly internationalist
and patriotic) increased.
?yr '-r2 rig
... A '4..
vsnmr verSre as ...or on nr
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
In the anti-fascist struggle for national liberation, the efforts
of the Communists to bring about a united front, the basis of the anti-
50X1 -HUM
Hitler patriotic fronts, were intensified in many countries.
In this struggle the left wing of Social Democratic parties was
strengthened, and the conditions for cooperation between Communists and
Socialists were established.
The historic world importance of the victory of the Soviet Union
in the Second World War lay also in the fact that it resulted in a strong
increase, internationally, in the aspirations to the unity of action of
the working class. The historic liberating missicn carried out by the
Soviet Union during the Second World War established favorable conditions
so that in a series of European and Asian countries the people,
under the direction of the Communist parties, were able to take their fate
into their own hands. The united struggle of the proletariat, directed by
the Communist parties, was the decisive factor in the overthrow-. of the
fascist dictatorship, in the popular revolutions, and in the installation
of peoples' democracies in these countries. It was the basis of the alli-
ance between the working class and the laboring peasantry and the large
democratic fronts formed under the direction of the proletariat. The
unity of action of the working class assured its hegemony in the popular
revolution.....(page 18 missing.)
The formation of single parties was a decisive factor in the con-
solidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the victorious
advance of the socialist revolution in the people's democracies; it also
-15
ci i;r? er
- 111..11111 - VI -PT.' IPPWII vm-se? ivgip yr.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
was an important victory in the struggle of the working class of the
whole world for the unity of its ranks. That signified the final and
complete victory of Leninism over reformism and opportunism within tbroxi -HUM
working movement of these countries and constituted a blow at inter-
national reformism, narrowing the sphere of activity of the rightist
Social Democrats and enlarging and strengthening the support by the
masses of the united, revolutionary, working movement for the victory
of the forces of peace, democracy, and socialism.
In Romania, during the popular revolution Which began with the
armed insurrection of 23 August 1944, the unity of action of the working
class constituted the basis of all revolutionary changes, which resulted
in taking political powcr from the hands of the exploiting classes and
installing the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the revolutionary
changes of the first, stage of the popular revolution and in the struggle
against the exploiting classes and against the rightist Social Democrats,
the unity of action of the working class was continually strengthened and
developed. The result was the formation in February 1948 of the single
party of the working class, the Romanian Workers' Party, the expression
of the complete unity of the Romanian working class based on Marxism-Leninism.
The complete unity of the working class was preceded by forma-
tion on I May 1944, during the war and the fascist military dictatorship,
of the Workers' United Front, through the agreement made between the Com-
munist Party and the Social Democratic Party. The formation of the Workers'
United Front, the result of prolonged efforts of the Communists and leftist
Social Democrats, strengthened the combative capacity of the working class
r re-1
LJ
swo Ile.* se vnr, os pp go
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP8i-ninaqpnnAnnriarv-,,,,,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
and allowed it to carry out successfully its role as the directing force
in the struggle to overthrow the fascist military dictatorship, to take
Romania out of the anti-Soviet war, to make Romania turn its arms unW
Nazi Germany, and to establish a people's democracy.
Following the victory of the armed insurrection of 21 Acgust l944?
which marked the beginning of the popular revolution in our country, on
1 September of the same year the working class of Romania took a new
step toward achieving its unity. Following the formation of the Workers'
United Front, the labor unions, which had been liquidated by the fascist
dictatorship, were reformed on the basis of the principles of the class
struggle and proletarian internationalism. The labor movement soon won the
support of the majority of wage earners of businesses PrIA
The cooperation of Communists and Social Democrats within the single
labor movement, their joint struggle to support the anti-Hitler war, to
satisfy the daily demands of workers, and to fight against speculation
and economic sabotage, and their struggle against the employer class to
carry out agrarian reform in a revolutionary manner -- all these factors
conwatuted the basis of the consolidation of the unity of action of the
working class.
The united working class, allied with the laboring peasantry, succeeded
in grouping around it all social forces interested in the victory of the
revolution on the basis of a democratic platform drawn up by the Romanian
Communist Party and adopted also by the Social Democratic Party. In
addition, the working class succeeded in forming in October 1944 the
National Democratic Front (the Communist Party, the Social Democratic
Party, the Laborers' Front, the Union of Hungarian Workers, the labor
- 17
SEORET
err.. Ps s se pr., 4.1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
union, and other democratic organizations) .
The supremacy of the working class, headed by Romanian COMIMMiSt
50X1 -HUM
Party and the profitable cooperation between the latter and the Social
Democratic Party to carry out the tasks of the revolution, represented
the essential factor in the installation of a people's democracy.
With the installation on 6 March 1945 of the democratic government,
the working class represented the directing force. It thereby opened new
perspectives for the strengthening and development of its unity, con-
sidered as a premise for the transition to the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat.
In October 1945, during the struggle for the consolidation of the
people's democracy, the National Conference of the Romanian Communist
Party called upon the entire working class to fight for total unity. "The
realization of the Single Workers' Party," stressed the resolution of the
National Conference, "will considerably increase the political influence
of the workers and will further strengthen the unity of democratic forces.
The slogan, "the Single Workers' Party" met a strong response from the
ranks of the entire working class, which, at a number of meetings, demon-
strated its resolve to work for this goal.
After the National Conference of the Romanian Communist Party, the
rightist Social Democratic elements, who, under the pressure of the masses
had been forced to accept temporary cooperation within the Workers' United
Front, intensified their attacks against the unity of the working class,
especially during the preparation for the parliamentary-elections of
November 1946. The attempts of the rightist Social Democrats to break
up the unity of action of the working class and that a democratic forces,
- 18 -
4 ?,
11.311IN ara we,. x?ft?it 11.11
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
,
...4- Party (Bratianu), which were the Dringilaai rettetic'narv forces of the ex-
I.- -1
J
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
+Tuck sIelp'an of
partici-cation in the elections on separate lists,
were denounced and 14.1wc---44-----A.
ft
?rt er2
the ViWALAiwurf,.
_ ?tz leftist
P in MarnM
taluiL
? ,t
-;114720!_t Sffr7.1.tebL
=jai Democrats, who gormed the
50X1 -HUM
overwheiminer majority of the delegates, isolated and
party the principal rig4tist Social Democratic
from this
iiizents headed by litei
Petreseu., thea.by streagthening the Worker& United Front.
MCILA,
705r
W.11,Q
-
j
3....t ?, ?.t
Party;
?
%or
bined Ia the Bloc of Democratic Parties:
the democratic imurces cam-
dctd by the united working
class, crushed the National Peaclant ary (Maniu) arid the National Liberal
ploiting classes, and won an overwhelm?ng majority in. the new parliament.
The cooperation between Communists 'And Social Democrats in the parliament
was utilized by them to consolidate wad extend the revolutionary accom-
plishments of the workers.
The continued strengthening of the Communist Party, the multilateral
cooperation from top to bottom between the Romanian Communist Party and
the Social Democratic Party in the government and parliament, in the
committees of the united front, and in the labor unions, as well as the
united struggle of the working class for the implementation of measures
for the reconstruction and development of the national economy and for
the consolidation of the people's democracy, have further increased the
Communist Party's prestige and have helped to promote more quickly the
political consciousness of the working-class and to mature it for the
establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Toward the end of 1947, the Communist Party and the Social Democratic
Party undertook the formation of a single working-class party, based on
- 19 -
?
rri nrkil
4.t?
? 1* ???
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
a
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
joln p orm drawn up in complete agreement and in the spirit of
Marxist-Leninist principles. That considerably increased the directing
force of the proletariat in the revolution and helped to accelerate 1711
rate of revolutionary changes, which led in November 1947 to the elimina-
tion from the government of the last bourgeois representatives and,
finally/ ()n 30 December 1947, to the elimination from the government of
the last bourgeois representativeg and, finally) on 30 December 1947, to
the abolition of the monarchy. Romania became a popular republic and a state
under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The constitutive congress of the Romanian Workers' Party; which was
held from 21 to 23 February 1948, established the complete political and
ideological unity and oraanization of the Ronsqlian wgrkina conAia.
As Comrade Gh. Gheorghtu-Dej stated, the realization of a lasting
unity of the working class and the unification of its parties in a single
workers' party, on the basis of the fuil recognition of the Marxist-
Leninist doctrine and the experience of the Bolshevik Party, constitute
our most important victory.
The aren't forme of attraction which socialism exercised even when
the USSR was the only socialist state in the world, has increased further
with the formation and consolidation of the world socialist system, headed
by the Soviet Union.
The tremendous successes won by the countries of the socialist camp
in the building of socialism show what the popular masses are capable of
accomplishing under the dictatorship of the proletariat and the unshakable
- 20 -
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
unity of the working class led by the Marxist-Leninist parties.
After the Second World War) in a whole series of Western European
countries such as France, Italy, Belgium, and others, favorable condl=
were established for the proletariat to seize power from the exploiting
classes and to establish the power of the people. For that goal, the
Communist and Socialist parties, which have the allegiance of the great
ma.lority of the working classes in the capitalist countries, should act
together. Many times the Communist parties have proposed to the Social-
ist parties that together they should assume the responsibility of power
and realize the wish clearly expressed by the working class to end the
system of exploitation, which causes wars and terrible misfortune for the
popular masses.
However, the rightist Social Democratic leaders of Great Britain)
Austria, Belgium, France, Finland, Holland, West Germany, Italy, Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark, have refused to commit themselves to the policy of
unity of action. During the years which followed the Second World War,
the rightist Social Democratic leaders broke even more openly with Narximm,
preaching a whole series of "theories" opposed to the interests of the
working class -- from the theory of the so-called "third force" to "people's
capitalism" to "democratic socialise and "the welfare state," etc.
The document of the Socialist International entitled "Some Alns
and Tasks of Democratic Socialism" openly stated "that it matters little
Congress of the Socialist International a report regarding the pTesent
to socialists if they find the sources of their convictions in the results
Social Democrat of the extreme right -- -- presented to the Sixth
of a social analysis or in religious and humanitarian principles." A
-21-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
z T,1
n.nts.?
1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
situation of "democratic socialism," imbued from beginning to end with
anti44arxism4 offering at one and the same time a model of unreserved
50X1 -HUM
defense of the bourgeois system, of capitulation to bourgeois ideology,
of inveterate anti-Communism, and of spiritual sterility.
Faithful to their devisive tactics, they preferred the policy of
coalition with the reactionary bourgeois parties to the policy of unity,
particularly the clerical parties (the Christian Democratic Party in
Italy, the People's Party in Austria, and the Catholic Party in Holland).
Certain rightist leaders of the Social Democratic parties are allied fur-
ther, passing.completely over to the side of the most aggressive elements
among the imperialists. For example, there is Spaak, who occupies the
post of secretary-general of the aggressive military bloc of NATO; Tanner,
who seeks to subjugate Finland again to Western monopolists; and Guy Monet,
who has continued and supported the colonialist war in Algeria and has smoothed
de Gaulle's path to personal power in the interest of strengthening the posi-
tions of monopolies. They become anti-Communist and anti -Soviet cham-
pions and use these issues as a permanent diversion to prevent the achieve-
ment of the unity of action of the working class. The rightist leaders
of the Social Democratic parties actively support "the cold war," con-
ducted by imperialists, and they become the zealous supporters
of the aggressive blocs of NATO and SEATO.
The outcome of the realization of +.11A unity of the I.:n.1'12-4'1- cl-cs,
on
the one hand, and the policy of preventing its unity, on the other, is clear-
ly seen in considering the fundamental difference between the situation in
France during 1934-1936 when the united working class crushed attempts to
install a fascist regime, or during the Second World War when the unity of
- 22 -
sEPri:Eir
I
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
action of the working class was at the base of the national resistance
movement, as contrasted with the situation of -recent years when the
50X1 -HUM
absence of unity of the working class facilitated the coming to power of
de Gaulle.
In the struggle for the unity of the working class under present
circumstances, a very important factor is the struggle not only against
rightist Social Democrats who, taking anti-Communist and anti-Soviet
positions, repulse any cooperation with the Communists, but also against
revisionism, the main danger in the working movement. Facts demonstrate
that contemporary revisionists, whose anti-Marxist ideas are expressed in
their most concentrated form in the program of the Communist League of
Yugoslavia, behave as dividers of the working class as a "Trojan horse"
in the working movement.
Of importance is the zeal demonstrated by revisionist elements to
pass themselves off as adepts and even as protagonists of the unity of
the working class, while presenting as proof their rapprochement with
the Social Democratic parties. However, the problem is what type of unity
they wish and to what interests they are subordinating their so-called
struggle for unity. However, in reality, the revisionists call for rap-
prochement and cooperation with the Social Democratic parties and the
establishment of relations with the latter: founded on a platform whose
aim is the abandonment of the basic principles of Narxism-Leninism, the
ignoring of the fundamental interests of the working class, and the serv-
ing of the interests of the bourgeoisie. While preaching "unity" with
-23
crPritr
LUEL
---b
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
the rightist leaders of the Social Democratic parties, contemporary
50X1-HUM
revisionists furiously attack aid slander the Communist parties and
the international Communist movement. The chattering of revisionist
elements regarding the so-called "sectarianism" of Communist parties
aims only at concealing the abandonment by these elements of the
revolutionary conceptions of the working class.
The eommunist parties are making greater and greater efforts to
achieve cooperation. between Communist workers, Socialist workers,
and workers of other political orientations in matters of common
interest. True to the struggle for the unity of the working class,
they make no concession to bourgeoise ideoloavl APIA maintain stead-
fastly the positions of unity based, as Lenin taught us, on the
principles of unity as a means of ensuring the victory of Socialism.
The continued ideological and organizational strengthening of
the Communist and workers' parties plays a decisive role in the achiev-
ment of the unity of action of the working class, In the struggle to
obtain new successes in the realization of the unity of all forces
that want peace and democracy. Ignoring the interests of the inter-
national working class, the revisionists in their theoretical and
practical activity, aspire to control the unity of the Communist;
parties of various countries and the international Communist movement.
Denying the decisive role of the Marxist-fatiast;parties in the struggle
of the working masses, the revisionists make common front with the
imperialist and reformist preachers of anti-Communism and set up
obstacles to the creation of working class unity.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The Communist and workers' parties conduct an IL?
comprom18:12450x1 -HUM
struggle against the revisionists. The denunciation and exclusion of
the revisionist elements of the Communist and workers' parties con-
tributed to the strengthening of the capacity for struggle of these
parties, and to obtaining new successes in their determined struggle
for unity.
The unity of the international Communist movement has become even
stronger in the struggle against contemporary revisionism, and inter-
national relations between the brother parties have become still
closer.
The Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties of November 1957
in Moscow was the expression of the monolithic unity of the Socialist
countries, demonstrated the unshakable cohesion of the international
Communist movement, and dealt a powerful blow to contemporary
revisionism.
Struggling steadfastly against revisionism, the Communist parties
at the same time combat manifestations of dogmatism and sectarianism.
V. I. Lenin drew attention to the danger which narrow doctrinairism,
sectarianism, a presumptuous or scornful attitude toward workers who
belong to other groups or movements (1) represents for the achieve-
ment of working class unity, The Declaration of the Moscow Conference
states that dogmatism and sectarianism check the development of
Marxist-Leninist theory and its creative application to specific
conditions which are in a constant state of change and lead to the
rupture of the party with the masses.
" oc.
v g r 471.1
? ;
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The struggle of the Communist and workers' parties against the
50X1 -HUM
Social Democracy of the Right, the action which aims to combat and
constantly unmask revisionism, and the struggle against. dogmatism
and sectarianism constitute a decisive condition for the achievement
of working class unity.
The Marxist-Leninist parties of the capitalist countries act to
achieve unity of action on the basis of common aims of vital interest
to the workers and the masses. The achievement of unity of action
of all the detachments of the working class of capitalist
countrie61 on the basis of a . . . . . 5ext page missi47
. . . . for the achievement in the interior of the country of the unity
of action of the working class and of the anti-Franco front of all
the forces which oppose the dictatorship of Franco, favor political
amnesty, the repatriation of exiles, and a democratic government.
The strikes of the preceding years and the political protest strike
of June 1959 have been powerful demonstrations of these conditions.
The decisions of the 9th All-German Workers' Conference, of the
meeting of 450 Social-Democratic leaders in Leipzig in March 1959,
of the Regional Conference of the Social-Democrats of Cologne give
evidence of the increasing possibilities for collaboration between
the German Communists aid Social-Democrats in the struggle against
the militarist policy of the Adenauer government, for the solution
of the Berlin problem, the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany,
and the unification of Germany.
-26
r ri;
? kff
ri tei
npriassified in Part - Sanitized COPY Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The Japanese Communist Party is making constant efforts to achieve
unity of action. The Japanese Communist Party had cAmmon posit 1.M
with the Japanese Socialist Party on the problems of the diplomatic
relations to be established with the People's Republic of China and
the defense of democratic liberties. Title cooperation between the
Japanese Communist Party and the Japanese Socialist Party frustrated
the adoption of certain reactionary bills proposed by the Kishi
government.
The unity of action of the working class has played an important
role in the victory of the revolutions in Iraq and in Cuba, in the
consolidation of the revolutionary conquests and the defense of the
national independence of these countries.
Under the influence of the great successes obtained by the
Socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union, an ever-growing mother
of members of the Socialist parties realize the disastrouscommquences
of the policy practiced by their righist leaders and understand that
in the present situation, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism will lead
to national catastrophe and that only cooperation with the Communist
parties can put a check on the reactionary forces and consolidate the
peace.
Opinion is developing among the members of the Rnr.401_11.-^cratic
parties in favor of a basic change in the policy practiced so far
by the leaders of these parties in order to achieve the union of the
forces of the proletariat in the struggle against the offensive of
capital and its aggressive policy.
-27-.
nAclassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The whtitli,le of the rightist leaders of the Social-Democrat;iso +um
parties, which is contrary to the opinion in favor of unity shown by
the majortty of the members of these parties, constitutes one of the
main causes of the crises within these parties.
As pointed out by the article titled "What the International
Socialist Congress Showed" which appeared in Pravda on 15 August,
the abandonment of the positions of the class struggle by the Social-
Democratic leaders of the right and the opposition to the desire of
the proletariat to conduct a united struggle to fulfill their interests
leads to their increasing disrepute among the masses, to the reduction
or their influence, and to the lessening of their organizational
strength.
Although in the first years following World War II the Social-
Democrats controlled or participated in the governOents of 22 countries,
at present this nudbv has been reduced to 8.
The number of votes obtained by the Social-Democrats fn the elections
is declining more and more, and in most of the Social-Democratic
parties
the number of members is (Stropping constantly 5ee 32
missine
? ? ?
. Latin America have joined the international trade-_--
union movement. The international trade-union movement has been
considerably strengthened by the participation of the trade unions
of the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies.
-28-
norinccifipri in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Since the trade-union movement is now the largest mass organiza-
50X1 -HUM
tion of the proletariat, it has become one of the main arenas in
which the struggle for unity of action of the proletariat is taking
place.
The Communists and the leftist elements of various trade union
organizations and of Socialist and Social-Democratic parties are the
promotors of the unity of action of the trade unions of the entire
world. This struggle cannot be separated from the efforts made at
-present to obtain undArstanding and close cooperation between the
Communist parties and other workers' political organizations.
The impowlaliat forces tried desperately to destroy or at least
to split the international trade union. movement.
The elements hostile to the unity of action of the proletariat,
the leaders of the AFL and CIO, (Which were later united), the British
trade union and other trade unions of Western Europe, split the
international trade union movement in December 1949 by the formation
of the so-called ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions).
Despite this, the WFTU and the trade unions affiliated with the
FSM succeeded in strengthening their ranks. The WFTU is making
continuous efforts to draw the other trade-union organizations into
the common struggle for the defense of workers' interests.
In spite of the desperate resistance of the reformist leaders,
the revolutionary trade unions struggle tirelessly to achieve unity
at the base between the various trade unions. In many cases the
29
SECRET
r\,,,i,eeifinri Parf - Raniti7ed COM/ Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
4.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
results of this work is already evident. In France, for exaxple, the
trade unions of the CGT (Confederation Generale du Travail, General. 50X1-HUM
Confederation of Labor) succeeded in a short time in obtaining agree-
ments between certain national trade union federations and undertook
joint action with various trade unions despite the leaders of the FO
(Force Ouvriere, Workers' Force) and CFTC (Confederation Francaise
des Travailleurs Catholiques, should be Chretienj French Confederation
of Catholic OlaristiajWorkers)s
In quite a few Western European countries, unity of action by
workers belonging to different trade unions is being used agatnst the
increased capitalist exploitation, especially the consequences of the
European Common Market, (reduction of the work week, discharges,
attempts to hold up wages).
The workers of the reformist. Catholic, and anarchist trade unions
are becoming more and more convinced in, practice of the urgent
necessity for a single front with the workers of the revolutionary
trade unions for the purpose of repulsing the offensive of the
monopolies against their standard of living and against democratic
liberties. Such actions took place in Italy, Germany, France, and
Japan.
Phe ?gets prfvFa thiat the rrrarnhar of thfuls3 Who WrivIt n reyilainrt of
the obsolete line, the anti-Communist, divisionary line which elements
like Guy Mallet, Saragat, Speak, Pollak and others defend, is increasing
within the workers' movement and within the Social-Democratic movement
- 30 -
S
1.111, jii,T
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
also. The number of those who demand that the unity of action of
50X1 -HUM
the working class be achieved in order to obtain their economic
and political demands, and to improve international relations so that
peace may be consolidated, is increasing.
The speeches made by certain Social-Democratic leaders who assume
realistic positions show that the idea is penetrating also in the
Social-Democratic parties that without powerful forces like the
Soviet Union, the world Socialist camp, the international Communist
movement 5age 35 missing]. ? ? ? ? against the military bases
and for the recall of the US troops, for the banning of nuclear arms.
The efforts of the Communist parties and workers of the Socialist
countries (the CPSU, the United German Socialist Party, the Rumanian
Workers' Party, the Polish United Workers' Party, and others), which
are directed to certain Socialist parties of the capitalist countries,
to call them to joint actions, especially for the purpose of preventing
the unleashing of a new world war, are of great importance for
achieving working-class unity of action on the international plane.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is making great efforts
in this respect. In May 1959, it sent letters to a number of Socialist
parties and carried on numerous exchanges of opinion with the
rRprozaAn-hwEilpbe of
Socialist parties on present problems, especially
on problems concerning international defense. The Central Committee
of the CPSU sent a special letter to the 6th Congress of the Socialist
International held in July 1959 in which it proposed joint actions
and stressed especially the necessity for defending the peace. But
- 31 -
SECRET,
neclassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
the most stubborn anti-Communists on the administrative staff of the
50X1 -HUM
congress hid this letter, showing once more that they act against the
vital interests of the working class and of the peoples of the entire
world.
The international organizations of workers, the WFTU, the World
Federation of Women, the International Union of Students, which
include a large number of members united by the aspiration for peace
and social progress, are carrying on productive activity in the
struggle against reaction and war.
Many mass actions headed by the working class prove that there
are opportunities for the achievement of working class unity in the
struggle against war, and that the united working class is able to
destroy all machinations of the instigators of a new war.
Comrades
The historic experience of the international movement has proved
and is proving the mom:ma importance of working-class unity.
Thanks to the unity and cohesion of the working class under the
leadership of a true Marxist Party, of the glorious Communist Party
of the ervii4mt
astablit-Alea by Lenin, the victory of the Great
October Socialist Revolution and the transition to the construction
of Communism in the USSR has been possible.
-32-
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
LLJT
AI VI. J.U. 1rrtrnt v.
St I r45161,- 1.-141MIT Vag: ;the ail ranir4.1
?=1 bas
= .
*40'
the founding of a form or the dictatorship of the proletariat ln 50X1-HUM
number of countries in Europe and Asia and for important successes in
the constritntim of SnniPAISM in this Conntryo
The achievement of working class unity opens 1.113 a sure means or
liberati n from exploitation 12"A oppression or the peoples who still
bear the imperialist
Bi
4. . 1.
,s
wor :u.L. Z4-- At
king c4-ss a6 e ituom
io - ?
force which 4-1--ct lovers of war ri-g
W.11
, ? ? ? =,-14.7, ra
11hvain
The fortunes of peace and progress depend directlY on the united
action of the international working class.
Conscious of their task ar. of their historic responsibility/
devoted body and soul to the interests
and
007.14verina
4.44:-. people,
loyal to Marxist-Leninist doctrine, the Communist and workers'
parties struggle tirelessly
fevr.
fhr' achievement and strengthening
of working class unity, an invincible weapon in the struggle for the
bright future of humanity.
Taking all this into consideration, an important duty of honor
devolves on our institutes and Marxist-Leninist historians to study
and investigate the problems relating to the achievement of working--
class unity. A model of the analysis of these problems is found in
the manual of the history of the CPSU in which the determined struggle
of Lenin and the Bolshevists for the formation of the new type party,
for the unity of the proletariat of Russia and for the unity of the
international workers' movement.
? fin.. ilk.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
a.nd
The decisions of the congress of Communist and workers' parties
50X1 -HUM
the works of the leaders of these parties cmstitute valuable
assistance for the study and generalization of the experience of the
Marxist-Leninist parties in the struggle for working-class unity.
A number of works, studies, and articles dedicated to various aspects
of the struggle for working class unity were published in several
countries.
The study of the problem which we are considering exists also in
our country. For this reason, while compiling the manual on the
history of the Rumanian Workers' Party; our Institute is paying
attention to the constant struggle of our party for the unity of the
workers' movement, and to the many aspects of this problem. In the
theoretical and political organ of the Central Committee of the
Rumanian Workers' Party, La Lutte de Classe, in some magazines like
Les Annales de l'institut d'Histoire du Parti Etudes, etc, articles
appeared which discussed the party struggle, some methods and some
results in the field of the achievement of working'-class unity
. * pproximately 7 lines illegiblp7
* of the role of the 3rd Communist International, of its
contribution to the struggle for the achievement of the unity of the
working class of the entire world.
It is still necessary to compile works which deal with the struggle
of the Communist Parties for the formation of single Marxist-Leninist
parties in Socialist countries. Works which show the close connection
between the struggle of the Communist Parties for workingrclass unity
and their determined struggle against opportunism and revisionism are
still needed.
SEW'
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
4 4 ?
f
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Works generalizing the experience of the struggle of the Communist
50X1 -HUM
Parties of the capitalist countries for the unity of the workers'
movement and taking into consideration the specific conditions in
which this struggle developed would be highly useful for the study
of the history of the international workers' movement.
Certainly, the field of scientific-historic studies concerning
the problem which we are dealing with is much wider. For example,
it includes tradeeunion unity, the role of unity in the struggle for
the popular front, for peace, for Aational liberation, etc.
We are aware of the fact that this connection has affected only
some aspects of the problem of workingfeclass unity and that the
discussions which will follow will help to clarify this especially
important problem in a more complete and timely manner for the workers?'
movement.
Today, more than ever, the immortal appeal of the founders of
scientific Socialism, Karl Marx and Friedrich Eflgelst "Proletarians
of the world, unite," which for more than a century has reverberated
around the world and hAs lifted and led the working class to victory
W- ords
on ? 5pp roximately
- 35 -
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 6-50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Speech of Comrade Shirpat Armit Dange (India)
on Item One of the Agenda
50X1 -HUM
Comrades,
I have to speak without a written text; therefore you may find it dif-
ficult to follow the course of my thoughts.
What I want to tell you, first, is that we, the visitors from India,
expect to benefit considerably from this conference, for we still have to
learn what is required in presenting party history in a true light, or
the proper way to provide the committee with a general view of our devel-
opment. In other words, we feel that we can learn from you much more than
we can tell you.
Second, I must admit that I am not quite clear whether to present a
general survey of our party's development, to discuss one by one the ques-
tions we face at the present stage. This present stage is of course quite
interesting.
You may have heard that we have had a Communist government formed in
the sma_l
Indian State of Kerala, and that this government has been sup-
ported by a few independents. The state of Kerala is located in south
western India and has a population of 15 million. We won the elections
of April 1957 with a total of 2 million votes. The opposition party ob-
tained 200,000 votes more, but fewer seats than we.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Our majority was two seats in a parliament of 128 deputies. Th:1561,07upt
that with two members ill, or killed by the opposition, we would lose con-
trol. This interesting situation, and the events taking place in India
attracted the attention of the whole world. Our victory stunned the
bourgeoisie; but even, more than the bourgeoisie, the Communist party itself
was amazed. We did not expect to obtain a majority at the elections, not-
withstanding the Declaration of the Twelve Communist Parties which said
that there are many countries where parliamentary electoral procedures
could bring the working class into power. A concrete example now stood
before us: the Communist Party of India had won the elections in this
small state with a population of 15 million in spite of its lack of no-
toriety and its rather poor organization. The bourgeoisie did not expect
that; neither did the Communist Party. In fact our own line provided that
the communist should not run independently. We felt compelled to create
united fronts of the democratic forces.
Following this line we tried to unite in a front with the Socialists
in the state elections. There were generally three socialist groupings.
It may be of interest ot you to know that India has some la/or 17 socialist
groups of the most varied
Rhndps. It would be quite imprIssihla at this
point to tell you what they are, or what their differences represent. We
find among them the Socialist Praja Party, the Communist Party, the Rev-
olutionary Communist Party, the Revolutionary Socialist Party, and the
2
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
United Socialist Front. This should be enough to illustrate how c1e5ox1-i=ium
2
and consistently the bouleoisie has misled the working class with regard
to Marxism. We should also recall that the present platform of the Indian
national bourgeoisie is socialistic,and that it stands for a classless
society. This is the philosophy supporting Nehru's government, and the
Five-Year Plan now being, carried out in India. I doubt that anycther peo-
ple in the world is fortunate enough to have a national bourgeoisie striving
to establish a classless society!!!
Nevertheless, you may well imagine the troubles, when we tried to form
a front of democratic forces belonging to the left wing. As you know, the
socialists were against us. They accused us of being the agents of Moscow,
and claimed that we wanted to impose a government and a system alien to
the Indian people. They said that our party was anti-national and anti-
democratic, that it maintains contacts with foreign centers. This was their
way of fighting proletarian internationalism. They fought entrenched in
positions of bourgeois nationalism, and used the crowd-pleasing argument
that the rnmminiRts would jeopardize the independence of their country,
selling it to Moscow -- a foreign center. As you may see, proletarian in-
tgarrscrEinnoliams ia
not to "weted without a car-tail-A cautioa. Problems
of internationalism must be inter-eared with problems of national defense,
of independence, and of wholesome patriotism and nationalism. Actually
our situation was much worse than was the situation of the Social Democrats
in 1914 during the war. Well, let us not enter into the details of that
010.000
- 3 -
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
question. We saw how hard it WA to raise the banner of the democraecixi-Hum
front; as a result we were forced to fight from separate platforms, al-
though we had campaigned for the union of leftists. This is actually the
way it happened, yet we obtained the majority at the polls. Now, what
are the theoretical conclusions to be drawn from such an outcome, begotten
in a country which had none of the traditions of democratic parliamentarism,
which was recently liberated from imperialism, which has a government striv-
ing to keep a balance between the socialistic and the imperialistic camps
and has a national bourgeoisie advocating the struggle for peace, and fi-
nally a country which has chosen neutrality and tries to promote it in
spite of the hesitations and the contradictions of its leaders? I really
believe that this situation should be analyzed by the historical commission,
as it has never been encountered before in any underdeveloped country. Nor,
it seems to me, has this ever happened in a bourgeois democratic country,
if we except the Republic of San Marino, where a similar situation lasted
but a few days. I do not believe however that this small republic should
be compared with my country, which has a population of 15 million and a
stabilized form of government.
in fact the power wialch we gained in the Kerala elections was neither
absolute nor sovereign. This is the first weakness of our Communist-led
government. Not all of our states have their own armies. State government
Apparatuses are controlled by the/eentralAvernment. This isprovided by
SECRET'
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
the federal constitution which gives some power to the states and moni_Hum
of it to the central government. We remained in power for 2 years and 4
months, upon which the central government ceased supporting us. In Kerala,
forming a government is a major event. The bourgeois camp was divided On
the subject of whether or not the Communists should be allowed to remain
in power with a scant majority of two seats. Earlier, attempts were made
to murder two representatives from our side; one independent and one Com-
munist. We warned that even in this event the difference of two seats would
remain in our favor. Our warning had quite an effect on the opposition,
and it dropped its idea of murder.
The second try of the opposition consisted in attempting bribery. The
opposition knew how proud the Communists of the whole world would be/ should
the bourgeois fail in their attempts to bribe or tempt a single one of our
leaders, throughout the 28 months of our period in power; they also knew
that our pride would be even greater for this having happened in a country
where bribery, corruption, coercioirtc. are current methods for transfer-
ring political allegiances from one party to another. Our party remained
firm, and proved that the bourgeoisie could not bribe us, in spite of the
fact that this was our first experience in government. This served the
bourgeoisie a good lesson. It failed to overthrow us through bribery and
murder -- its usual methods -- and had to hope that something else would
come about.
.5_
50X1 -HUM
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1 Nommilmmumgy
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
r's.w
The question of class struggle provided the pretext. Our govemintri_Hriut
was passing measures which benefitted the working class, the peasantry and
the small bourgeoisie. I have no intention of entering into the details,
and taking too much of your time, yet I ought to emphasize that these meas-
ures did not appeal to the Ehglish landowners and planters holding proper-
ties in Kerala. Neither did they appeal to some people from our own
bourgeoisie. There is not much industry in Kerala, and its working class
is rather small. A law which we passed, gave the land to the peasants
under certain conditions; a minimum wage rate was established for landless
workers; we also recommended minimum wages for 18 industries and certain
guiding standards for schools, and provided for definite wage standards.
You ought to know that, unlike the other Indian states, Kerala has quite
a large Christian population. The Indian population is predaminAtly
Hindu, with a Moslem minority and a very small minority of Christians. In
the south organized communities of Catholic Christians own considerable
land properties. Christian churches and missions, financed from abroad,
almost completely monopolize education in the state. They received 30
million rupies to subsidize their
img+ Nrgacev?la
mem4-4-ry.44.....
cAu.v.ur.s.uj mAx#4.4.
When we
passed our law on education the Catholics rose against us. They joined
with another group and began a campaign of agitation, which culminated
with the suggestion that the Communist minister should resign or else the
Indian government should remove him. In order to justify their attitude
they alleged that the minister governed for the exclusive profit of the
- 6
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Communists, and that Communists filled education with Marxist ideology. -HUM
attacked religion, and took over the schools under the pretext that they
were poorly operated.
They started this as a non-coercive movement and called it the
"peaceful movement of law violation." It found some support from the mas-
ses, especially in towns.
The majority still remained in our side, as we managed to attract the
vote of the peasants. The Moslem peasantry, in particular, voted Communist
in the northern part of the state, while the Trindu peasants did likewise
in the south. In these particular elections the Catholics remained neutral,
in the sense that their priests did not declare it a bad act to vote for
Communists. The reason for their restraint was that many Christians school-
teachers were Communists. Mbreover our party had a strong influence over
the Christian peasants, as it had led their struggle in the past. There
was also another reason: from the day of the proclamation of independence
in 1948 until 1947, i.e. over a period of 10 years, the National Congress
or, rather, the bourgeois landowner party of India had six governments,
four of which fell as a result of an internal party strife between the
Christians and the Nairi -- the two major bourgeois-landowner blocks.
This was another factor which played its part in the decision of the church
not to forbid voting for us. Yet, the movement against us was gaining
strength. Even women took part in it. These were primarily women from
planter, landowner and bourgeois families, who were joined by the wives
- 7 -
MIX:MERMIN Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
of small traders and other well-to-do middle class people from the (515)6:HUI%
This shows the type of people which started the movement to overthrow the
government of Kerala. The time is running out, andA believe that additional
details on all the phases of this movement would not interest you. Yet,
there is still one important point to make, and this because eventually
some of our historians will have to face the problem of appraising Nehru.
The role of Nehru at the various stages of our history made many a
Communist party throughout the world loose its bearings. Nay I be for-
16.Lveu vu.Lo eXpreSSiail.) la
L.1.0 41.;,4AJJAC%.vivia, rf
ucavecaa vuLavirv vv
have disagreed with some of our brotherly parties. There were a few in-
stances where Communist parties examined this problem in connection with
their own country rather than in connection with us, Indians. In about
another five yearsIthat is when the present stage is over, we may be in
a position to formulate the right conclusions. At this stage we are still
unable to express our views. This is not based upon any diplomatic calcu-
lations; we reserve our opinion primarily so as not to impede the progress
of the people's movement and, second, for helping to ensure peace in the
world.
In qnitgl of the fen+a +110+ our cerwrImAa4=^1 of 11,....hru is
...lauLA=4 AA=wuAA"Ao,
and that we have omitted at all to elaborate on certain points, I would
not call our attitude opportunism. We would have been opportunistic had
gone behond certain limits. Had we considered for instance that the eco-
nomic platform of the national bourgeoisie, the Five-Year Plain (what an
- 8 -
4COCT
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
t'
appropriate name, suggesting socialism as practiced in socialistic coun-
tries), or the promotion of a classless society were grounds enough to
call Nehru the standard-bearer of a trend to promote scientific socialism
in India; had wa accepted this as irrefutable truth, then). of course, we
would have committed an error. The platform adopted by the national bour-
geoisie should be viewed as an example of diversionary tactics, fitting
well the peculiar conditions of an underdeveloped country, where people
become increasingly conszious of the fact that economic independence and pro-
tection of the interests of the masses can be achieved only under the ban-
ner of socialism. This is where the difference lies between what we call
"national socialism" of the German fascists, and the democratic, or na-
tionalistic socialism of the Indian bourgeoisie. The stero-typed so-
cialistic phraseology used by German fascists had quite a different mean-
ing. In India all this is different. One should not call our bourgeoisie
fascist for having adopted a socialistic platfo
on the other hand this
can neither be called a genuine striving for socialism.
I have a reason for mentioning all this. I have often visited EUrope
on business for the World Federation of Trade Unions, and I noticed, as
""'".""'""V
,'-P wrr Tindian collc^~ucc
--v
did throughout their i&tet With ruteigu
countries, that even communists and workers with advanced opinions have
their thoughts confused when they pass judgments upon Nehru. I believe
that today, in 1959, people reach sounder conclusions in the light of what
-9-.
SECRET
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
happened in Tibet. In his dealing with Kerala, Nehru sided against50x1djum
and gave us the following advice: "You are opposed now by a mass movement;
we know that you were elected, but now you have lost the support you had.
Why don't you resign? Run for re-election and prove that the popular
far?44)
support is still on your side." The suggestion to display ourAlpft's in
democracy, and to prove our popularity was quite attractivelYespecially
as it came from Nehru himself. Any way the Communist party rejected such
tactics. Whether or not we were right is debatable. It has been said last
VA1:174
----,
at the.gress iu Amritsar, that we should have run for re-election,
thus abiding by the principles of bourgeois democracy and the parliamentary
/les of our country; a whole series of ideological opinions were expressed
on that subject. I have already told you that our opponents stressed our
allegiance to Moscow and argued that we could not be democrats since we
were promoting dictatorship. In the past ten.years we were flooded by re-
quests to state whether or not we were upholding the Indian constitution,
parliamentary democracy and the principle of "non-resistance to force."
I believe that the Communist party of the US is even more accustomed to
this: than we are. Such
Ce
approach retained in India its full effective-
ness, as even ideologies came under its impact. People, indeed, were told
time after time that they owe their freedom from the British imperialism
to the "nonviolent resistence" advocated by Mahatma Gandhi. Large segments
of our intelligentsia and even of our peasantry, are thus influenced by
-10-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA1113P81-01643R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
an extremely powerful argument, in spite of their being frequently 'ffj
to protect their interests by exchanging violent action with the authori-
ties.
In this particular instance, the main drive against us bore upon the
question of whether or not we respected parliamentary procedures. We fi-
nFoly answered in 1958, at the party congress held in Amritsar, and spoke
on a subject we consistently avoided over the period of the last 30 to 40
years of our activity. Our answer consisted in a confirmation of our
support of the principles of parliamentary democracy and peaceful strmovflez,
At the beginning the nationalistic bourgeoisie argued that this was just
another hypocritical Communist maneuver. Later, after we had won the elec-
tions in Kerala, they told us that "the time has come to apply these prin-
ciples without restriction. They formed an opposition and proclaimed the
following views: "The people are against you, therefore you must resign
and call for new elections." You see how tricky they were in maneuvering
against us. We rejected the idea of new elections and refused to resign.
Needless to say we found ourselves forcedinto a position where three quart-
ers of the police were not on the government side, almost one half of the
bureaucracy was also against us. This meant that we formed a government,
without having the unlimited power of the state at our disposal. This
shows you the peculiarity of our positionr. Policemen who took our side
were armed, but had a bad reputation because in the empire days they sided
MID
11
SECRET
- ? ?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003---1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
against the nationalist movAmv--t.
supporters of
r7rIntrinuai5t governm;:mtl
There is no need to tell YOU
..4=5 Art. Az%
from
-
at
riAngi
d.edicavx1-Hum
quite a picture.
situation. 'Under these
conditions we could not govern without caliii upaa the masses to rise.
Then the question is --
aiCL
we eintcill upon our labor class and our
peasantry to neutralize ad repel tbe forces which the landowners and the
bourgeoisie raised agaillst1.1.,s The aaer i 7-rel."%r simple: had we followed
that course we
wrevullA
have promoted Ideal conditions for a civil war, whereas
for tactical reasons we wanted no overt civil war at that stage. This
s
why we did not set in motion the working class, the 'Peasantry and the petty
bourgeoisie. The opposition, landowners and big bourgeoisie, formed an
alliance with the bourgeois of the cities, obviously creating the impres-
sion that a mass movement was spreading against Communist dictatorship.
We tried to avoid fighting. _In India the use of firearms implies actions
against peasants and workers. It does not matter who fires the first shot.
The government is the government, and the people, the people. He, who
shoots at the people is evil, whatever his reasons. This logic is extremely
simple. The alternative to regaining power by authorizing the police to
use firearms against the people was to call the armed forces of the gov-
ernment of India. In that case the implication was that all governmental
functions were to be transferred to the military leaders, while nominal
responsibility was to remain vested in the Communist Party. A military
12
AND
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014105/1-2-7CIAWD-P-81:01'043140-043-00060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
command, operating under the cover of the Communist Party, and led Ol_Tairse
by "progressive" elements aupported to some extent by the masses, would
have stamped out the trouble in a great display of action. Our position
would have been catastrophic.
We were in a very special position, which required extremely clever
tactics. We had to decide between using the police or the armed forces,
or letting the central government 'hove in and' lead to our ultimate re-
moval. There was no other device. All what remained for us was to choose
our method of leaving. We had come to power through elections. Hence,
we answered the bourgeoisie: "You will not remove us through electoral
procedures. According to you, who was defeated?' In coming to power the
Communist Party abided by the parliamentary rules, yet the bourgeois na-
tionalistic government was overthrowing them.
Some of our members felt that we would gain by renouncing power and
running for re-election. They thought this would establish a good pre-
cedent, whether we were re-elected or not. We rejected on the attractive
prospect of setting precedents the bourgeois democracy would approve. We
felt that it 'would be more beneficial for democracy, including its
bourgeois variety, if we were overthrown by Nehru rathpr than if
1.742'
resigned. Last month, the National Council of the Communist Party ap-
4-akel
proved our line. Originally the decision was-known by the Central Com-
mittee. However, for a question as important as this one, we assembled
the National Council, composed og 110 members; they approved our line by
-13-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
an overwhelming majority. As a result the government of the State 62x1.14m
rala was dissolved on 31 July.
The parliament in Delhi started debate on this subject on 17 August.
Speaking in the name of the Communist Party, I presented the whole problem
in its true light, and reported to the country on our party's position.
We attacked the central government for what we called the overthrow of
the first worker-peasant government ever formed in India. About the land-
owner and bourgeoisie directed uprising against the legal and democratically
elected government, we said that it was approved by the Congress itself
in spite of the latterts claims to foundations established upon princples
of parliamentary democracy. Who was actually defeated in this case?
We were certainly not. The whole country and the even the British con-
servative press )re saying: "Democratic ideology was placed in jeopardy
when the Communists succeeded in forcing Nehru to interfere in the conflict
and to overthrow their government." Nehru should have convinced us to
resign, which he actually tried, but we refused to become the victims of
this jabbering of a bourgeois democrat about peace and socialism. Nehru
is quite popular; he strives for the good of his country, but he is by
nature a bourgeois democr. Two j=m,x0 imuuj bourgeoisie did
not support us; it does now, and precisely as a result of our removal from
the government the fact that we acceded to power through elections was to
our advantage; it comforted many of our allies who feared that Communists
?
vzmusammv.....,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1_Emy
50X1-HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
would make it a rule to provoke armed revolutions. We gained exoe;lri!ium
allies among the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry throughout the
nation; and these allies remained on our side even after our 28 months of
governing in Kerala. The circumstances which surrounded our removal re-
versed the feelings to our advantage throughout the nation. The intern-
al
gentsia found that our removal was a disrupting in the progress of parli-
A
amentary democracy in India. They feared that intervention and foreign
rule might find there an opening to establish a military dictatorship, as
this happened in many Near Eastern countries, and even in the nearby
Pakistan.
Thus all these events, the government formed in Kerala, the Communist
party dealing with parliamentary democracy, its strategy, the connections
the party made with different classes, which led to alliances within the
framework of a democratic front, were incidents which became topics or
animated discussion, and which aroused considerable interest. These events
have solved a series of problems which we must discuss at our party meet-
ing next year.
I have presented this condensed survey of the Kerala situation with
the feeling that no topic of greater interest can be found in the history
of the Communist Party, or in the history of India itself. Let us not ror-
i"
get pat Lenin had in mind Russia, China, and India when he said: "What
will become of the World when the last has joined the two others in be-
coming a socialist state?" This is how Lenin saw the problem. Well,
-15-
? re Mr -?
ammamummam..--
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
our Chinese comrades have solved their part, and according to Lenitu7- HUM
were supposed to be the next in turn. Yet, this did not happen. As strange
as it might seem, our turn came while our country was still underdeveloped
and had no democratic traditions. It has been said about us that our form-
ing a Communist government was quite unexpected since previously our party
has not had a single vprising on its record, and could be credited with
not a single large-scale revolution planned and carried out under its
guidance. Adding a drop of cypidiam, I might even say that we were more
frequently heard investigating our errors and deviations, than discussing
insurrection. Anyway, our party has gone through an experience which lasted
two years and four months, and this experience is still to be digested and
analyzed.
Theclassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
This was the first part of what I wanted to tell you. Now I shall
50X1 -HUM
mention a few other questions. I am not certain that there is a real
connection between them and the present item of our agenda. When I
think of all the efforts our party made to promote unification of the
1C
workers' movement of do not think that It could even summarize ,them
at this meeting.
First I want
search, which our
I just want to say a few words on this subject.
to tell you that the commission for historical re-
central committee appointed as a result of the
Berlin Conference, has not started its work. Therefore I can offer you
no documentation whatsoever originating from the Central Committee.
Ae.
When you start working on the lort of the manual you had in mind, you
114,
will have to face that problem. Our party is small, yet Imp manual could
afford to overloaLlit because of the size of our country. Our comrades
from the Soviet Union will run into considerable trouble when they
start studying this question. It is possible that even the archives of
the Communist International will be found useless in this respect, be-
cause their documentation is incomplete.
Now, I would like to emphasize certain facts
problem. What was the origin of our party? This
is it since our Vor6ing class
ff
started to take shape accordingly. This question
coltz!gt..inn!
TfraJ long
related to this
calls for another
became a class and
is easy to answer.
At the beginning of World War I the process of formation was practically
W
completed. The postwar crisis set the moring class in motion. I might
17
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
add that our national movement was neither inspired by nor direct36-dim-Hum
related to any of the events -which took place during the October Revolution.
Their influence, however, was felt. Our national movement began to shape
like a revolution in Punjab, during the uprising which tbok place there
tUrwhit-i'14
in 1919. Peasants re
from war transformed the movement into
a fight. India, as you know was enslaved by the British, and imperialism
had a well-organized system of censorship at its disposal. You probably
know that we did not see a single 1440of Lenin's W4e4As until 1927. Un-
der the circumstances it was fair to expect that Narxist-Leninist ideas
would originate from nothing, as Indians are well known for their ability
C,e4tt bro ?
to produce philosophical theories in a DOOMM. The British were so
!ho
efficient with their censorship that we had as truthful information even
about the October Revolution itself. Our first information on the Soviet
Union came from English writers such as Herbert George Wells, Lansbury,
Berteand Russell, etc. After that our national movement became stagnant
and progressed no more. Communist groups began forming in India in 1921:
Forgive me if I mention that in 1921 I founded the first one and that I
was also the author of the first book about Lenin to be published in India.
Back in those days, while we were still young students, we exposed Gandhi
as a man who would not lead India towards freedom and socialism, and we
emphasized the significance of Lenin instead. This book which was
published in April 1921 was titled Gandhi Against Lenin. It attracted
the attention of the Communist International. About three fourths of
_ _
ABET
? ? or as ? ? ? s . . ? ? os ? -?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
what I had written was erroneous. I was right only on one fact,I
UA 7-HUM
about historical materialism only from Russell's book, Road to Freedom.
I spoke pi surplus value and commodity price increase, that is, I assumed
a slight deviation. Only one point was completely correct: Gandhi was
wrong, and Lenin was right.
A second correct position in this book was that Lenin rose against
capitalism and the landowners; therefore, he should have been accepted
in India. It goes without saying that the publication of this book
attracted attention to me from the government, the police and the
nationalist press. In it they envisioned Bolshevism infiltrating into
India and called on everyone to be vigilant. They said that this? of
course, was the delusion of youth which had lost; its head; that it posed
an insignificant threat, but that at any rate, it was a poor omen. This
was the first group we set up in Bombay -- the center of the militant
working class where the Communist Party was established.
At the same time a second group was started in Calcutta,
and
SO
on. I am telling you here facts which you may not find in the archives.
We received an invitation to the Fourth Congress of the Communist Inter-
national which took place in 1922. Bombay published India's first
Communist newspaper, which was called Socialist and began publication in
August 1922. It interpreted socialism as I understood it and wrote you.
We received a direct invitation, and if we could have gone to Moscow
at that time? I presume the party could have begun to operate, both
esummeman.uniczum,..,---
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
earlier and better. But the underground organization was in the )1?/1(9R
50X1 -HUM
of people who were not real Marxists.." Part of them were former Indian
terrorists who had gone to Germany and from there to the Soviet Union.
They made mistakes and were not able to break through the wall of
c.ensorAhjlp by the British government. We were gripped in a Yise and
could find no exit from the prevailing situation. We could not obtain
literature of any kind. It was very rarely that we got our hands on
a newspaper which had evaded the censor. We managed to get the Com-
munist Manifesto in 1921-1922. In 1923 we attempted to convene a conference
of India Communists to unite all the groups. The government found out
about this, and the leaders were arrested. The first attempt to estab-
lish a Communist party collapsed. Four of us were imprisoned for four
years. Despite all this, a Communist conference took place in 1925,
and the party was founded. I mention this because the question of the
moment when the Communist Party of India was founded has been discussed
and debated in some Soviet press articles, and one author dated it as
of 1933. This date is wrong ,I explained to our comrade where the error
lies. Then he agreed with me that the year 1925 should be considered
as the date the party was founded. It was in 1925 that the first
conference of Communist was held in Kanpur, where we had wanted to hold
it the first time and had been charged with "conspiracy" in the organiza-
tion. It is for this reason that I have made special mention of this.
Although the date does not make us either younger or older or more
intelligent, I nevertheless raise this question, since I deem it quite
an important circumstance.
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Before coming here, we held a meeting of the Secretariat of
Communist Party of India, where there was disagreement on this. We
had receivedreceived the an invitation to the Communist International. Our
group attempted to hold a conference. We were all ready to adopt the
program, but our attempt was frustrated by the government, which arrested
the principal leaders. But even in this situation our conference was
held. A very weak Central Committee was elected. It is possible that
some of those who were elected were not even genuine Communists. But
at any rate; one of the deputies of the first secretary is Darticinatina
at this conference - and a second one is the comrade who came here with
me.
It was not necessary at that time to be occupied with the history
of the Communist Party. The Communist Party was founded upon, and
relied on, the workers' movement, especially the trade-union movement
in 1928. I do not intend to expound further on this question.
I shall summarize here the eight periods in our history:
The first period, 1921-1925 -- the stage of the development of
groups which emerged as the result of the national-liberation movement
and the founding of the party.
The second period, 1925-1930, in which the party took its basis
in the mass trade unions created by its own initiative. Out of this
originated and developed the trade-union movement which served as the
mainstay of the party, which occupied the ruling position in it up to
- 21 -
massrannowakotAguanz=suusw......--..._77 _
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1930. This year was marked by a world crisis. The party was confronted
50X1 -HUM
with the problem of uniting the working-class role with that of the
national bourgeoisie in the national-liberation movement. Complex and
difficult was this problem, on which the party focused its attention
from the time of its establishment to 1947, when the Indian government
was formed. When we discuss the Communist International question we
should touch upon this problem, especially the role of the World Congress
of the Communist International and its influence upon the tactics and
strategy of parties in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Both
you and we have clashed on this issue. The Communist International sent
some advisors to us in India, with whom we discussed party tactics in the
national-liberation struggle. We have no time here to discuss this entire
issue. We played a positive role in the sense that we exerted great in-
fluence on the workers movement and especially, on the trade unions.
We did not have any influence whatsoever among the peasants. The problem
of the agrarian revolution was our great weakness.
Out of this we adopted our erroneous position regarding the national
bourgeoisie. Although we also participated in the national-liberation
movement, the tactics of the National Front was always a problem for the
Indian party. The comrades will have to elaborate on this theme when
they arrive at the appropriate historJ:cul division. At that time we were
close to guaranteeing for ourselves a broad base and a sufficiently
strong leadership of the liberation movement. But the party was crushed
-22
tra .4-3'
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
again by the British government, beginning with a case well-known ty?
5UX1 -HUM
Communist history. The case of Mirutis conspiracy is well known to
all. All the leaders in the party and in the trade unions were ar-
rested. Many of those arrested were confined for seven years.
In the second period, 1925-1930, we advanced forward but we were
compelled to step back.
The third period encompasses the years 1930-1934, when we took
one step back. We had suffered from a certain isolation, and we were
expelled from the trade-union movement, The trade-union movement collapsed.
The Social-Democratic Party, the socialist party in the congress, was
founded in India in 1934. It was inspired in part by Nehru, and in-
corporated some good intelligentsia elements from the middle classes,
part of whom had adopted Marxism but did not agree with us on questions
of tactics and national liberation.
The fourth period relates to the years 1934-1939, that is, the
eve of the war. The main issues were a united front,ia united trade-
union movement and the creation of peasant organizations. You will
probably recall that when the war began, we had had a strike against
war.
I am not sure of the preciseness of the fact which I am citing
here, but I believe that the Communist International mentioned in its
Bulletin that India would be the first country which would start a
general strike against war in October 1939.
- 23 -
1:41I" RET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
From 1939 to 1941 the first phase of the war -- the issuerecD-6=1.um
not too complex. The national movement was against war, and we were
against var. The party had gone underground, but we found some methods
of operation and were able to resolve a number of the movement's
organizational problems and tasks. When Hitler's troops attacked the
Soviet Union in 1941, we were confronted with the problem of coordinating
the struggle for national liberation with the tasks of the struggle
against Fascism and for the defense of the Soviet Union. The situation,
of course, was difficult. National sentiment developed and demanded
open war against the British occupation. The party then pointed out
that participation in necessary military efforts constituted one of
the proletariat's international tasks and that therefore, we must oppose
any national-liberation movement. This is just what happened in 1942
when the national congress began the struggle for liberation. It goes
without saying that the national bourgeoisie then considered that Hitler
would break through the front at Stalingrad, and the Japanese in Burma,
and that 4 it should display its hostility as regards the British it
would obtain participation in the government. The people thought at
that time t.ht British
Imperialism was in a difficult position, and
that the time had come to deal it a blow. In not evaluating this
position we committed a tactical blunder. As a result, the party
turned out to be isolated, completely isolated, from 1942 to 1946. We
were not able to discuss this problem with even one of our friends
from the International. When I had the chance to be in England where
E
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
50-Yr 2014/-05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Soviet Union delegates were also present, I was given an opportun
X HUM
to bring up this question. But we were not able to discuss it.
In 1946, after the war's end, our role became quite clear. We
joined the national-liberation movement and returned to our position.
But ourlsolation had had serious repercussions, both in the trade unions
and in the peasant movement.
The seventh period) 1946-1951 -- These were the years when the
British government transferred its authority. The Constitution of the
Indian Republic was drawn up. The Indian Government declared that
in 1951 there would be free, democratic elections throughout the country,
based on electoral rights accorded to adult citizens. The party in this
period was faced with resolving many questions and with eliminating
some errors of a reformist and sectarian nature which had been committed
sometimes in concurrence, sometimes separately. During this same period
we also took part in the agrarian struggle led by the well-known, so-
called "Telengan statement."
We placed first in the country among the opposition parties at
the elections. The national bourgeoisie had assumed that the errors
we had committed during the war and our isolation bad comillPtPly
put us out of action. We drew up a new party program which was then
published in Pravda, which praised it as evidence of the creative
assimilation of Marxism. We prided ourselves greatly on this.
- 25 -
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
MUNIIIMMmoommommommuAll
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Unfortunately, we
1-. ? ?;
._ L.; : ? .2 ar's
is no need to dc-,cribe
at unuttr6ruuliu
came as a complete "ala
_urprisp
largest oppnsibinr
rfloorvill-rs
The next period is
-
1.1'JW 12.11.11:7:
-7
_
?
? ?TAr
1",Q
progzi-am was u,aw.
There
50X1 -HUM
? -71
0 rst:
t7L-r-, r?N ":
? I
to the bcurgeoiie 2,_11 n.^.r.% when we
4_
in,71 1007
when we were
problem; how to conaeut idAtt cf wg
_
the
faced with the following/
c1:. ill rstE
necessity for developing the laggirrr economy and
tion. Consequently, it was u
nrnTotinr,
industrializa-
gneqfinn of (7rimmlirtiaf r-rty attitude to
the congressional government's so=k:aI:Led Five-Year Plan. which had been
In My npini7,TI_Td.e: have successfully
drawn up through Nehru's
resolved these problems. We succeeded in overcoming some differences
in the field of tactics and strategy, touching upon different deviations
and errors, and in creating a more or less united party having a broad
base in the trade unions and strengthening the base in the ranks of the
peasantry, mainly among the agricultural proletariat and poor peasants.
1,
Re;Ing on this basis, we emerged the victors in the 1957 electTons and
formed a government in the state Of Kerala. The period from the moment
of the formation of a government in Kerala up to 1959 when this govern-
ment was overthrown was a new period in our work.
Thus, as a beginning, I should divide the history of our party
into periods.
-26..
-'71f!ntirie
!IL
Declassified Sanitized CopyApproved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
To finish my address, I should not wish to start a discussion on
our current problems and evaluate the strength of the party on the
trade-union front, the peasant front, etc. or on the possibilities for
converting it into a popular party. We have not yet become a popular
party. Until a few years ago we were guided by_tt party motto of "a
few elected." Our ranks numbered about 50,000. Then we obtained 6
million votes at the elections. Although 6 million voters had voted
for us, we totaled 50,000 members in all. This was very bad. We are
now trying to correct this situation. We now have over 200,000 members.
However: we cannot consider ourselves a popular party in a population
of 400 million people.
Other problems have arisen. First of all, how are qe to hinder
the national bourgeoisie from transferring to the side of the imperialist
camp, and what should our role be in this connection? The national
bourgeoisie is vacillating at present. It is accepting support both
from the socialist and the imperialist camps. Are we to support it, even
in this position? Its position has now significantly veered to the right,
especially since the Tibetan events. Herein lies the most urgent problem
regarding the national bourgeoisie.
Secondly, there is the problem of how to unite the working class.
In these days, it is our party which is the strongest power in the
trade union movement. The All-Indian Congress of Trade Unions, which
-27-
r? , 1.14.... 1
,
r
F
glanarkAna*
? ? - - ? ^^* ? ?-?_aor--..-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
is under the influence of our party, hs the greatest influence anl -Fum
the working class. But haw can we be united as an organization? You
see, the workers are divided into three trade-union centers.
The third problem: how to wrest the peasantry from the bourgeois
leadership? Today it is the bourgeoisie which is leading the peasantry.
Fourthly, haw are we to create a united front of democratic forces?
What parties will join this front? We are advocating a united front, but
in the last analysis, only we remain. Can we, together with a few
ivIrlem-mc.ywimInfc
^ail
1.1:011U4
The fifth problem: haw to create a mass party and resolve problems
in educating it?
The sixth problem: how to preserve ideologicalrurity, since in the
present situation, India feels the corrupting influence of the parliament-
ary democracy with everything that is connected with it. For this reason,
we must take stock of such a phenomenon as the Communist government of
the state of Kerala., A deviation may arise, in the sense that someone
will be persuaded not only to use bourgeois democracy, but to go into
it with complete faith in it to replace the revolutionary proletarian
concept with the concepts of bourgeois democracy, under the pretext
that India is quite a special country, r.lth special problems, with
special leaders, like Nehru, and therefore, so tb_speak, its Marxism
too must be a special brand. Such a deviation may arise. Tendencies
toward this are further strengthened in that we have 13 linguistic
- 28 -
-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
3
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
groups! In contradistinction to China and the Soviet Union, each 50X1-HUM
linguistic group constitutes a large nationality, numbering approximately
30 to 60 million people each. None of these groups is merely a petty
national minority, settled in some corner of the country. Each of them
is spread out throughout the entire country. Each of these nationalities
Is well-developed. Each has its literatureiits economy, its peculiar
features.
One more problem is that of caste, the vestige of the fegdal order
which has not yet been completely eradicated, since bourgeois development,
even in the economy, is not strong enough. This has an effect on the
consolidation of the working class, as a class.
The class is divided into castes. The caste system is not only
connected with religious problems. It is something bigger; it is a
social organization. These two problems relate specifically to our country
and should be specially considered, since in the absence of vigilance on
our part, it way become the source of revisionism. This would impgae
the correct development of our working class and of the party.
I Ifyour forgiveness if I have taken up too much of your time.
I thank YOU.
- 29 -
,7,:z.EftJ
nEt
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
PIM! INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF INSTITUTES FOR MARXISM-LENINISM
50X1 -HUM
AND COMMISSIONS ON PARTY HISTORY UNDER Tlit? CENTRAL C0/41I'imitak2 OF
COlviMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES, WHICH TOOK PLACE IN BUCHAREST
25 AUGUST TO 2 SEPTEMBER 1959.
ITEM TWO OF THE AGENDA
Contents
1. "Problems of Historical Science in the Struggle Against
Modern Revisionism." Speech by N. I. Shatagin (USSR)
2. Speech by Kalman Endre (Hungarian People's Republic)
3. Speech by Le Maxth Trinh (Democratic Republic of Vietnam)
11.. Speech by Tadeusz Danis zewski (Polish People's Republic)
5. Speech by Pavel Reiman (Czech People's Republic)
6. Speech by Sotir Manushi (Albanian People's Republic)
7. Speech by T Tien Ch' un-fang (People's Republic of China)
8. Speech by Ludwig Einicke (GDR)
9. Speech by Leo Michelson (Belgium)
10. Speech b;) Tjo0 Tik,Tioon . (Indonesia)
11. Speech by Sanjajavin Avirmid (Mongolian People's Republic)
12. Speech by Petre Georgiyev (People's Republic of Bulgaria)
13. Speechorlund (Denmark)
1.4. Speech by Jakob Rosner (Austria)
p 71.
-
7.!.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
?
50-Yr 2014/05/12 CIA-RDP81-01043
R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
15. Speech by Nikolay Goldberger (Rumanian People's Republic)
16. Speech by N. R. Doniy (USSR)
17. Speech by J. Chambaz (France)
18. Speech by Luciano Gruppi (Italy)
19. Speech by J. Jacobs (Great Britain)
20. Concluding address by Shatagin (USSR) on Item Two of the Agenda
21. Resolution
Recommendations of commissions
23. Concluding address by Gheorghe Vasilichi
22.
SECRET
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
TASKS OF HISTORICAL-SCIENole?113 TEE
50X1 -HUM
STRUGGLE AGAINST MODERN REVISIONISM
Report by Comrade N. I. SHATAGIN (USSR) on item two of the agenda.
During the two years which have elapsed since our meetings at the con-
ferences in Prague (1957) and in Berlin (1958), Marxist-Leninist historical
science and Soviet historical science, as its composite part, have been
principally engaged in studying the problems of Party history, -- the history
of the contemporary workers and Communist movement. Mese two years have
qv
been years of litensive creative work for Communist historians in all coun-
tries, in studying the history of the Communist and workers' parties and
the history of the international workerd and Communist movement. At the
same time they have been years of uncompromising struggle against revision-
ism in historical science.
In the past two years, congresses of Communist and workers' parties
have been held in a number of countries: the 21st Congress of the CPSU;
the second session of the 8th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party; the
Third Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party; the 9th Congress of
the Czechoslovak Communist Party; the 5th Congress of the Socialist United
Party of Germany; the 7th Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party; the
15th Congress of the French Communist Party; the 26th Congress of the Com-
munist Party of Great Britain; the 16th Congress of the U.S. Communist
Party, and congresses of other fraternal parties.
- 1 -
SECRgi
L.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The decisions of the Congresses and tVe works and. addresses in50x1-Hum
most prominent workers in the international Communist and workers' movement
determined the course of the further development of historical science --
particularly, the scientific study of Party history and the current inter-
national workers' movement. These documents are imbued with a creative
understanding of Marxism-Leninism, and represent a tremendous new contri-
bution to Marxist-Leninist theory.
As a representative of the Institute for Marxism-Leninism under the
(ani:vs:41 Onmmittaa of the nmni T ghmild like to -review in A Rimnla era-
tion the theoretical problems which were worked out in the decisions of
the 21st Congress CPSU, and in Comrade Khrushchevls report. The most im-
portant of these are; 1.) the two phases of Communist society, and laws
of the transition from socialism to Communism; 2.) Communism's material-
technical base; 3.) the distribution of material goods under conditions
of socialism and Communism; 4.) ways for the development of and closer re-
lationships between kolkhoz and communal forms of property; 5.) the politi-
cal organization of society during the period of the developing construc-
tion of Communism; 6.) the complete and final triumph of socialism; 7.) the
development of a world socialist system: and the nations' more or less even
transition from Socialism to Communism. The scientific treatment of these
questions-on the basis of a generalized experience in building of Socialism
and Communism in the USSR and in countries within the socialist camp -- has
enriched the theory of scientific Communism.
- 2 -
SECR
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
Our party congresses delivered a shattering blow to revisionism, con-
sidered a major threat in the international Communist movement. The
treacherous, bourgeois essence of revisionism was exposed. Its adherents
were banished from the Party and isolated. Simultaneously, great atten-
tion was everywhere focused on the struggle against dogmatism. But, as
Comrade Khrushchev said, it is necessary to be on the alert, to expose and
to adopt stern measures against every manifestation of revisionism and
opportunism, which constitute a major threat to the Communist movement.
In our performance we Communist historians are viAad by them deci
sions of the congresses, and by the instructions of our party leaders.
We have strived and are striving to make a contribution to the struggle
for purity of the Marxist-Leninist theory in the field of our work i.e.,
the field of historical science.
Marxist-Leninist historical science has been waging its own battle
on the ideological front for the consistent fulfillment of the decisions
issued by the Moscow Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties in
November 1957 and by the party congresses. It has already contributed a
great deal in exposing bourgeois reformist and revisionist ideologists,
who falsely interpreted the basic problems of history of the international
workers' and Communist movement and the history of the Communist parties.
The representatives of Marxist-Leninist historical science in the so-
cialist and capitalist countries have been active during the pest two
years in the production of works devoted to the history of the international
- 3 -
SECRE
neclassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
workers' and Communist movement. They at the same time exposed the ra.Lsi-
fied and anti-historical nature of modern revisionist writings. It goes
without saying that this dual problem was resolvedpand is being resolved -
in each country, in accordance with local conditions and problems.
Of tremendous importance in the struggle against modern revisionism
are the works by the founders of scientific Communism. The works of K. Marx,
F. Ehgels and V. I. Lenin place a powerful weapon in our hands for the
struggle against bourgeois ideology and against its inplitration, via re-
formism and revisionism, into the workers' movement.
In addition to the publication of classics of Marxism-Leninism, the
Soviet Union has published three collections of Lenin's works which are
directed against opportunism: On Revisionism) Against Revisionism in De-
fense of Marxism; and On the International Workers' and Communist Movement.
These collections have been widely disseminated in our country, and, to
the best of our knowledge, they have been translated into other languages
and republished in a number of countries.
Permit me briefly to recall what was accomplished during this time
in the struggle with revisionism, in which historians - and especially
Party historians - participated.
A great everit, in the ideological life of our Party was the publica-
tion of the book History of the Soviet Union's Communist Party, on which
we reported at the previous Conference. The publication of this book is
of great importance, as much for the struggle against modern revisionism
nprlaccified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
as for the wealth of experience it contains, concerning the Bolshevik
Party's struggle with opportunists of all shades for over more than half
a century, both in Russia and on an international scale.
Soviet publishers last year published a large number of copies of
three collections of articles, devoted to the exposure of modern revision-
ism [and titled] Revisionism - A Grave Danger (State Publishing House of
Political Literature); Against Modern Revisionism (published by Pravda);
and Against Modern Revisionism (Publishing House of Foreign Literature).
These collections contain articles by Soviet authors) as well as by repre-
RICA,%it4=04.44POAft ~46
W.6
t1 ii?e3. parCies. The collections present a detailed
criticism of the views of contemporary revisionists regarding 1.) the most
basic problems of Marxist-Leninist theory; 2.) the history of the contem-
porary worldwide workers' and Communist movement; and 3.) questions on
Party history.
During the past two years, the theoretical organ of the Party (the
periodical Kommunist), and Soviet historical journals (ygprosy Istorii
KPSS, Voprosy Istorii, Istoriya SSSR, Novaya i BOveyshaya Istoriya,
NIrovaya Ekonomika I i&zhdunarodnyve Otnosheniya, and others) have pub-
lished a large number of research and popular-scientific articles devoted
to Droblems
of history of our times and the exposure of the bourgeois es-
sence of revisionism.
.5_
;7 Ea n Ft fa '77.
r
?
ir Dmi-F - Caniti7Pri r,ODV Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
It should be noted that Soviet historical science showed a. me0X2;Lluivi
shift, after the 21st Party Congress, toward the study of the problems of
Party history, and the history of the workers' and Communist movement dur-
ing the past 40 years. This is evidenced primarily by the work plans of
our country's scientific research institutes and higher educational insti-
tutions, particularly the work plan for the Institute for Marxism-Leniniam
under the CC-CPSU.
en,
Among the most important works on which Soviet historians are worklig,
these should be noted:
The History of the CPSU a monographic research in 4 vrovimg:.=. The
History of the Comintern - a monograph in two volumes; Outline of the
History of the International Workers' and Communist Movement - a popular-
scientific textbook in one volume to be published jointly by the Institutes
of Party History and by the Historical Commissions; The History of the Work-
ers' and National-Liberation Movement in the 19th-20th Centuries - a textbook
in three parts; Histo Outline of the Workers' Movement in EUret- After
World War II - a monograph in two volumes; Outline of the History of the
Workers' Movement in the Orient After World War II - a monograph in - [two
lines illegible].
A Rricep the Cct part17
... _
46. 5.11511,-11.1
~Ma Ymfoalftla0
several other works.
- 6 -
rt
-.Etrh tie
= by Nlao Chu-huang, and
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
In connection with the iith 'emniversary of the ?bourgeois
revolutloa of 1918 and the 40th anniversary of the founding of the German
Communist Party, Historians in the German Democratic Republic published
three volumes of documents on the history of the German workers' movement
in recent times and a collection of documents from the first and second
Congresses of the Communist International. Publication of the bulletin
Internationale Arbeiterbewe continues (supplement to Neues Deutschland).
Articles against revisionists are published in magazines, primarily, in
Einheit, the Party's theoretical organ. GDR historians (Comrades Walter
Bartel, Leo Stern et al) have published valuable monographs on the problems
of the latest history of the German workers' movement. For example we cite
W. Bartel's work Leftists in the German Social Democracy in the Struggle
Against Militarism and War.
In 1959 Czechoslovak historians published a large collection of ar-
ticles, Against Revisionism, which comprises a critical review of Bernstein-
ism, Kautskyiam, Austro-Marxism, and modern revisionism in a number of
countries in Europe, America and Asia. A textbook on the history of the
Czechoslovak Communist Party was an important landmark in the ideological
life of the Czechoslovak Communist Party.
Published in Warsaw in 1959 was clement L. os book Against Ideological
Disarmament of the Partylwhich presents a persuasive critique on revisionism
in Poland. The history of the Polish workers' movement was given detailed
- 7 -
SECRE:;-:
50X1 -H
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
interpretation tn tIA^ three-volume nnay_211.324, compiled by
50N -JF1J
authors with much assistance from Polish scientists.
The 1958-1959 editions of Lupta de Classe (Class Struggle), theoreti-
cal organ of the Rumanian Workers' Party, published articles by N. Cretu
on the works
4?umani
aa present-day historians; G. Tudor's Revisionism and
the Essence of Modern Capitalism; C. Alesan's Modern Revisionism - A Maia
Threat in the Workers' Movement; and a whole series of other articles pre-
senting a, meaningful and well-founded critique on modern revisionism.
In addition to the publication of documentary materials exposing the
counter-revolutionary activities of Losonczy; TmrP NagyiS revisIonist
ervirettrin
Crft
Hungary published a number of articles which contain a critique on the re-
visionist views of lmre Nagy, Gyorgy Lukacs, et al.
Bulgarian historians have done a great deal of work in exposing the
revisionists and clarifying the problems which confront the international
workers movement. They published a two-volume book of documentary materials
on the history of the workers' movement in Bulgaria. Magazines and news-
papers ran a considerable number of articles, exposing revisionism.
Historians in Albania, the Korean People's Democratic Republic, the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Mongolian People's Republic published
a large number of magazine and newspaper articles with a critique of
revisionists (Chole Chlang-ik in Korea and Trani Due Theo in Vietnam).
- 8 -
SHUT
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Tile entire international Cownli-4st
-1%,te.c.-4G=
criticism the program of the Association of Yugoslav
had been adopted at the latter's 7th
-
.L112.=
aaapirA0ii=
....11-450X1 -HUM
nt--....-warairri !Its,/
L1F1.
program was reviewed
as a document in which revisionist views were MDSt thOrOUgilly
Thus, the works published in the past two years by
-
extrflunued.
al.lauggLgalmr2m-R,-,U.0
and all other Marxist-Leninist historians subjected to an annihilating
criticism revisionist conceptions of the fundamental issues of the
international workers' and Communist movement and the history of the
Communist Partiese
I have pointed out to you only very little of what Marxist-Leninist
historians have accomplished in the past two years in clarifying questions
on the history of the international workers' and Communist movement, as
well as in exposing revisionism. I hope that the representatives of the
fraternal Institutes of Party History and Historical Commissions will
supplement the report with interesting new data.
It should be kept in mind that there have not been - nor are there -
among the modern revisionistsany great historians engaged in the study
of the international workers' and Communist movement. Revisionists speak
and write of history most frequently in the manner of polemics with
Marxist-Leninists by distorting the historical course of events in every
way possible:
From the great number of problems on which the struggle against
revisionism on the historical front has been - and is being - waged, it
is expedient that we Party - historians submit the following questions
for discussion at this Conference:
- 9 -
SECRE1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1. The role of the Communist parties in,the contemporary workers'
50X1 -HUM
movement.
2. Special features of the workers' movement at the contemporary
stage.
3. Ways of transition from capitalism to socialism.
We shall try to pause briefly on these questions
out claiming to treat them in an exhaustive mannet,
in our report, vith-
1. The Role of the Communist Parties in the Contom9orary Workers'
Movement
With the growth of the forces of democracy, socialism and Communism,
the leading role of the Marxist-Leninist parties is increasing. Their
bonds with the working class and with the broad popular masses are becoming
stronger. The forms and methods of their work are being perfected. The
intensification of the Marxist-Leninist parties' leading role is a basic
condition for further successes in building socialism in countries of the
socialist camp. Especially on the increase is the role of the Party
during socialism's evolution to Communism. The 21st Congress of the CPSU
placed special emphasis on this logical sequence of party development.
Precisely for this reason did modern revisionists fulfill the bourgeoisie's
social demands and direct its main blows against the Marxist-Leninist
parties, their theoretical and practical activity, their organizational
principles and ideological bases.
-10-
U
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
At a time when
stress with special
during the struggle
during the building
historical experience and our present actual conditions
50X1 -HUM
clarity the vital need for the Communist parties, both
for the dictatorship of the proletariat and especially,
of a Communist society, the revisionists conduct their
malicious attacks on the Marxist-Leninist parties, and demand their
liquidation. The revisionists take an especially violent stand against
the CPSUI the generally acknowledged leading force in the world Communist
movement.
A demand for the dissolution of the party and its replacement by the
so-called "association for political action" was most openly expreseed by
the rfchtiet-opprirtriniet romiaionint group in the Communist Party of the
US, headed by D. Gates (former editor of the Daily Worker.) The funda-
mental motive advanced by the revisionists as justification for this
demand is that the Party is allegedly the product of a certain revolutionary
situation. Inasmuch as such a situation does not now exist in the United
States there is no need for the existence of the Party. Thus it was a
frank demand for liquidation. [This demand] dealt a blow to the very
existence of the proletarian party which is at variance, according to Lenin's
expression, with complete disarmament of the proletariat in favor of
the bourgeoisie.
conception of reviaionisml
was.6%.,aa drew
"to t"
UMMtArba, ^0
%OA.
the American imperialist bourgeoisie, was actively supported by revisionists
from a number of capitalist countries in Western Europe.
r
r r
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Among the Western European rerisionixtre even some (for instance,
Haridh [Haarichfl in the GDR and Onofri, in Italy) who began to claim
50X1 -HUM
that the Communist parties were becoming a drag on modern social develop-
ment. They aimed their main fire against Leninist teachingZon the Party,
which, in their opinion, was absolutely not applicable to practical
functioning of the workers' movement in highly-developed countries.
The history of the entire international Communist movement graphically
illustrates the great transforming power of Marxist-Leninist teachings
about the proletarian party and its ideological and organizational
principles. The successes of the peoples in the USSR and in countries of
the peoples' democracies in building socialism and Communism serve as the
best proof of the power and vitality of Marxist-Leninist teachings on
the party as a leading organization of the working class in its struggle
to build socialism and Communism. These successes openly refute
revisionist attempts to depict the role of the Communist parties as a
political weapon, suitable only for ephemeral revolutionary activities.
The destructive and anti-national views held by Gates and his
followers were defeated by US Communists. William Foster appealed for a
high appraisal of proletarian party achievements and for an intensive
study of the parties' political experience. "The Marxist-Leninist party,"
be wrote, "is the best type of leading organization under any circumstances
with which the working class may be faced. (It is the best organization]
for periods of prosperity, under conditions of fascist terror, in the
course of imperialist wars, during the time of colonial revolutions,
-12
Ii- , 4.
A r ;t
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
in the struggle for power in the capitalist countries, and in building
50X1 -HUM
socialism. 4 (Kommunist, No 4, 1958, p 86)
These words by William Foster, honorary chairman of the United States
Communist Party and say%
outstanding worker and prominent historian of
the international workers' movement, give/a good definition of the
importance of the Communist parties in the struoalp iNly the interests
of
the proletariat and all workers and excellently characterize their role
in the contemporary workers' movement.
A special section in the Marxist-Leninist teachong on the Party
concerns the organizational principles, whose basic essence is democratic
centralism. The theoretical principles of party organization and party
construction were already being developed by Lenin during the formation of
RSDRP. However, the development of Lenin's teaching on a new type of
Party did not stop here, but is continuously progressing and improving
by profiting from the experience of the worldwide workers' movement and
the experience in building Socialism and Communism.
Vladimir Il'ich Lenin advanced and substantiated the basic Marxist-
Leninist theses stating that in its struggle for authority, the working
class has no other weapon except organization. The proletarian party,
according to Lenin, is the highest form of class organization for the
proletariat, uniting the most advanced and class-conscious workers within
its ranks. It is armed with a knowledge of the laws of social development.
It is firmly allied with the broad working masses. It is welded by a
-13-.
S 7'"-;
I,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
unity of will,
a unity of action and a unity of discipline. The Party
50)(;31-Hum
is being built on the principles of democratic centralism, which stand1
for (1) the electivity of all directing organs from top to bottom, (2)
their accountability to Party organizations, (3) the subordination of the
minority to the majority, and (4) the decisions of higher party organs are
binding
to the lower party organs. These guiding principles of the party's
organizational structure are dictated by objective conditions in the class
struggle of the proletariat for liberation from the bourgeois yoke and
for the revolutionary transformation of society.
Why do the revisionists take up arms against democratic centralism
in particular? Because democratic centralism is the esuence of uut, pmruj D
organizational structure. A blow against it would constitute a blow
against the Party itself.
Under the banner of fighting against J. V. Stalin's personality cult,
the revisionists especially defame the peat activity of the CPSU and other
Communist parties. They vilify [these parties] with slander derived from
murky sources of the mercenary yellow press. By distorting the heroic
history of the Communist parties, they depict the [latter's] activity
over a considerable period of time as one continuous path of error and
(1) politically
inadequacy. The revisionists are attempting/emompsiiiimmior to rehabilitate
the different types of anti-party organizations (Trotsk4ites, rightists,
etc.) which were at one time broken up or rejected, and their ringleaders;
(2) to depict the fundamental ideological struggle in our parties at
k- 4:
f....
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
0
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
various historical stages as an innocuous struggle of opinions, as a
pursuit of better paths. On the question of the role of the CommuniaN"um
Party, the revisionists have been completely' exposed as direct servants
of the bourgeoisie.
In the further struggle with the manifestation of revisionism, great
significance will be attached to the publication of textbooks on the
history of the Communist and workers' parties. As has already been
mentioned, the Soviet Union has published its book, History of the
Soviet Union's Communist Party.
The history of CPSU offers (1) instructive examples of uncompromising
struggle vith raviginniffm in the Russian and the international workers'
movements; (2) examples of the ideological defeat, and isolation from
the masses of other political parties which labeled themselves as
socialistic to deceive the masses, but actually betrayed the interests of
the working class to propitiate the bourgeoisie. The CPSU has preserved
its militant unity. It has been able to act as the leader in the
socialist revolution, to become a guiding and directing force in the
Soviet state, the inspirer and organizer of the triumph of Socialism and
of Communist construction in the USSR. This has been due to the
ideological and organizational defeat of Trots4yites, Zinovyevites,
Bukharinites; honreoni= net4 onal4ats and vEhm" 'er"'S
1sr14n4eirms
01.113.&5 T.A.vm.simes.a
the Party. The fraternal Communist and workers' parties originated,
developed and grew strong in the fierce struggle vith revisionism of all
-15--
r'
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
shades and hues. The publication of textbooks on the history of the
50X1-HUM
fraternal Communist and workers' parties, the preparation of which has
begun by all the fraternal institutes, will be a great event in the
ideological life of the international working class and the Communist
movement, and will contribute to exposing revisionism.
The publication of textbooks on party history will generate more
4r%4.a.w...4vws% .... .46 Axsitreve?msA
L& V- .LeSec, 41.0r s.A&,e P4GeGbiGbtoti.M&A 1./.L W.11.1011/10.LVW j) 5J., ?sNavyvv?A,
to the study of individual problems from the history of the Communist
parties.
The study of party activity at the present stage; is of special
importance for the creation of such works.
A detailed exposition of the parties' leading role in building
socialism and Communism, based on the collection of factual material,
will be necessary. This will disclose the unity of theory and practice
and the authentic party approach to historical problems. The 21st Congress
CPSU directed the attention of Soviet party historians specifically to
the solution of such problems.
[4 lines illegible]
[page 14 missing]
The entire experience of the struggle for the triumph of socialism
? ? ? ?
and Communism in our country and in other socialist countries confirms
the correctness of one of the most important Leninist theses: that in
the process of building a Communist society, the role of the Party must
IRO
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
grow, and not slacken, ad modern revisionists claim." (N. S. Khrushchev,
report at the 21st Congress of the CPSU, p 138).
50X1 -HUM
The Soviet press has already published brochures and articles which
expound the detailed theoretical conclusions made by Comrade N. S.
Khrushchev. But this is merely the initial step. We are confident that
historians from both the Soviet Union as well as from the parties of other
countries in the socialist camp will also focus their attentiou on
resolving this problem. It is urgently necessary that thim be lone; both
in the interests of studying the Marxist-Leninist teachings on the Party,
as well as for the struggle against revisionists who would deny the
expansion of the Party's leading role during the construction of socialism
and Communism.
[Incomplete page]
(Incomplete sentence.) These attempts should be properly rebuffed.
We must create a scientifically reliable history of the Communist
International. We must indicate how its program, organizational and
tactical principles were developed. We must reveal its interrelationship
with the sections, and its role in the worldwide workers' and Communist
movement. We must at the same time present a scientific study of the
most important problems in the history of the Comintern, primarily its
struggle against opportunism (revisionism), of "leftists" and "rightists",
dogmatism and sectarianism, for unity of action by the international
proletariat in the struggle against Fascism; for peace; against war; for
social progress, for implementing the principles of proletarian inter-
nationalism.
Declassified in in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
_
We have ala. the conditions, andoWortinatties for fulfilling this
50X1 -HUM
task. By joint efforts, we can do it in a short time. Having created
a scientific history of the Comintern, we shall deal a shattering blow at
revisionist distortions of its activities.
During the next three or four years, fortieth anniversaries will be
observed for the following: the Comintern Congresses (II, III, Itr) and
the foundation of a number of Communist parties; France, Spain and Great
Thvitn4vt (1960);
China, Italy, Czechoslovakia, and Rumania (1961); and
Japan (1962).
The task facing Marxist-Leninist historians in this connection is to
observe befittingly these prominent dates in the history of the world
Communist movement by publishing monographs, popular scientific works,
and collections of documents and articles.
Characteristics of the Workers' Movement at the Present St
The unprecedented tremendous growth of the workers' movement and of
the workers' and Communist parties should be considered one of the most
remarkable characteristics of modern history. The working class has
become the ruling class in 13 countries of the world. The number of workers
and employees in all the countries of the world, who have become organized
in trade unions increased to 160 million people (instead of 60 million
prior to World War II), of which 95 million are united in the World
Federation of Trade Unions. The number of Communist Parties increased
to 83 parties, their membership surpassing the 33 million mark (prior to
_ 18 -
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
the war,
there were 43 parties with a membership of 42200,000).
mu?
zu=
50X1 -HUM
workers' and Communist movement became one of the decisive factors in
yorld politics and in the socio-political life of the popular masses in
the capitalist states.
The strike movement in the post-war period in the United States,
France, Italy, the Latin American countries and Japan took on a
persistent nature and unexpectedly broad dimPneionc.
During the first three quarters of 1958, the United States had 2,195
strikes, participated in by 1,020,000 workers, with a loss of more than
11 million man-days. In July 19590 500,000 workers in the steel-smelting
industry went on strike for higher wages. In connection with this strike,
President Eisenhower made the following significant comment at a press
conference: "You are well aware of my concern that evidently it has
become a custom in our country to propagate some theories which were
advanced by Marx. One of them talks about the inevitability of violent
and irreconcilable war against the working man, a war between the workers
and those who hire them. It seems to me that this is an anti-American
theory." (Pravda, /8 July 1959, No. 199)
Argentina for one year (July 1957 to July 1958) had 1,294 strikes
involving 7,383,000 people. Italy experienced 793 stri.tes during 5 months
in 1958, involving 792,000 vcrkars. France listed 655 strikes in the
first half of 1958, the total number of participants exceeding one million.
From April 1957 to September 1958, over one million persons went on strike
in England, and the number of lost work-days during the strike period
-19-
SEbr '
itra
npnlassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
reached 7.5 million. There were 449 strikes in Japan [for this same
50X1 -HUM
period] with 725,000 strikers.
In the pre-war decade (1931-1940) the number of strikers in the US,
England, France, Belgium, Japan, Austria and Canada amounted to 20 million
in round numbers, and the number of strike days was 191,233,000 man-days,
Corresponding figures for the post-war decade (1946-1955) were 7-1324,000
[partly legible] strikers and 630,276,000 man-days. Thus, the number of
strikers and of lost days due to the strike more than tripled.
The economic crisis of 1957-1958 greatly increased the number of
unemployed. According to official-i.e., obviously reduced-figures, the
number of unemployed at the end of 1958 was 5 million in the US; 1,627,000
in Italy; 1,107,000 in India; 570,000 in Japan; 467,000 in England;
339,000 in West-Germany; 312,000 in Canada, etc.
-20-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The intensification of the working class' struggle for improving its
situation acquired significant dimensions and graphically showed thel
00X1 -HUM
utter insolvency of revisionist theories concerning a class world, a
crisis-less development of capitalism and a so-called "people's capitalism."
Only those who are blinded by their hatred of Communism and the
proletariat can fail to note all this, and can speak about "the lack of
perspective" and, about "apathy" in the workers' movement. This is
precisely what the revisionists do in talking about regression in the
workers' movement, allegedly caused in the past by Comintern activity, and
in the present by the Communist Parties' line of conduct. On this issue,
the revisionist falsification of the contemmorary workers' movement has'
acquired truly remarkable dimensions. Bourgeois politicians and ideologists
commend the revisionists for initiating the contemporary workers' move-
ment and falsifying its history.
The revisionists have taken the old, worn-out bourgeois fiction about
"Moscow's hand" as their armament, and are accepting their patrons'
gratitude for this. In the pages of the bourgeois anti-Communist Bible
Handbook on World Communism (Handbuch des Weltkommunismus Published by
Karl Albert, Mdnich, 1958, p 177) the Jesuit philosopher Bochensky ex-
pressed sympathy for P. Herve, the French revisionist. Edgar Hoover,
head of the American FBI, openly praised the revisionist renegades in a
speech given in Charleston on 16 June 1958. Many former Communist Party
members, he said, having realized the errors in Communism, gave the
Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Congressional Committee invaluable
?
-21-
t4,4 xv.triT
et'
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 . CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
aid in the struggle against subversive activities, i.e., against
Communism. Hoover's statement stressed that, in practice, the struE5050-Hum
against the Party leads the revisionists to open collaboration with the
bourgeois government and with its intelligence organs.
It is significant that at the London "Atlantic Congress" which took
place at the beginning of June 1959 in commemoration of NATO's tenth
anniversary, something took place of the nature of a competition in
attempts to exaggerate anti-Communist history in which many well-known
reformists participated along with well-known bourgeois politicians,
scientists, diplomats and journalists.
The Dutch bourgeoisie and its party exhibited a pathetic concern for
Brandsen's revisionist group. They very actively supported this renegade
group at the last parliamentary elections (March 1959) thinking, with
its help, to deprive the Dutch Communist Party of its representation in
Parliament. However, the worker-electors in Holland resolved the matter
in their own way, they gave their vote to the Communist candidates and
rejected the candidates from the revisionist clique.
Despite the support of the bourgeoisie and the state apparatus,
the revisionists did not succeed in attracting any significant sector
of the 'workers to their side() In our further activity in exposing the
traitorous essence of revisionism, we must assist the Communist and
workers' parties to overcome finally its influence on the working class.
Marxist-Leninist classic authors and their outstanding followers
have traced in their works the historical natural development of Vim
- 22 -
4'?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
IMMEMMEMEMMEMEmmommlii
com..miet movement, its power,? and Its peculiar
CO-ritrie5 e 50X1-HUM
the workers' aid
traitsl in individual
Using the works of the
air.imnti#1;1-=
successors works as a basis, and drawing
and factual material
the internatil
V3 AM
IPI yaw
mast create
yorkwer-a'
aa.a?r,
e
MilVeMerit mnA
movement in itdilridual countries.
&wear
VE-11-777.1
g
Nur WNW
.Lia,z+.40.,:xy of the
?????
id their
dneumentary
history of
W Alr.V Cr
a ighatte5vir.7 bicv viii be dealt
^4P
tO WUddgCULO CAVA kti-411n1li COLCePtiOnZ 4-1=4.4
az.ot#13.6..1,
4
proletar-' it=
iCAW
Our most important
international workers' move-a-lent
r4trulvelai,
s?-?
.imPAINErw
4-1-1 a-ea
121.10.11k VG/
th
?p of
m= hiatory of the
.
:at re,a^lvAd an a vhole, as the study of
a single process in the develop4ent 1:::f the VOrkir4 clas=; ith all its
organizations - political, trade union, cooperative, etc. We must describe
the struggle of the Communist and workers' parties for the unity of
working class action. We must point out the reasons for dissension in
the workers' movement and the people who are responsible for it, i.e.
reformists and Opportunists of all shades and colors. We must completely
expose the pernicious role of the leaders of the opportunists whose
separatist actions have wrought incalculable calamities upon the working
class in all countries.
Communist historians have begun to work on the history of the
workers' movement within their own countries. We hope that they will
describe in detail the proletariat's heroic past and its present struggle,
-23-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
I
I
I
I
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
remembering Lenin's words that all countries shall attain socialism, and
that this is inevitable.
50X1 -HUM
Special notice should be given to the necessity for studying the
history of the workers' movement during World War IT and the postwar
peTiod. Then it will become all the more clear how groundless and
scientifically unfounded are the revisionist fictions on the passivity
of the Communists and of the working class in general during the war
years.
Tn
studying the most important problems in the world-wide workers'
and Communist movement, we must not forget the task of writing boas on
tut most outatanding fighters for the working class cause and for the
Communist cause; those stoic and dedicated revolutionaries who gave up
their lives in the struggle against the enemies of the proletariat. Books
must also be written about those who currently head the working class
movement for the triumph of socialism and Communism.
We need collective international publications of historical works
on the current problems in the history of the international workers'
and Communist movement. In particular, it would be useful during 1959-1964
to prepare and publish a manual on the history of the international
workers' and Communist movement during the 19th and 20th centuries, as
we had agreed at the Berlin Conference last year, a di-414ft of which wa
are submitting to the Conference for consideration.
-24-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
It would be well to publish, through joint efforts, a collecticEoxilium
articles titled The First International and the CoqEporary Workers' Move-
ment, in observance of the First International's centennial.
In our study of the history of the contemporary workers' movement,
we must wage a battle against all who distort this history amd who pursue
a line which is detrimental to Marxist-Leninist teachings, to working class
unity and to the socialist camp.
III. Paths For the Transition From Capitalism to Socialism
One of the basic issues over which Marxists-Leninists are waging a
fierce struggle against revisionism is the question of the paths for the
transition from capitalism to socialism; which [issue] relates to the spe-
cific features of modern government-monopoly capitaliam.
MarxiPts do not refute certain changes in the development of cap-
italism over the pest decades. At the same time, however, they do decisively
11 reject the revisionists' anti-scientific assertions on (1) a basic change
in the economic nature of capitalism; (2) on the modern bourgeois supraclass
state; (3) on the possibility of expanding all-state planning under capi-
talism; and (4) on the socialist nature of bourgeois nationalization etc.
It is indisputable that the past few years have witnessed a great in-
11 crease in government monopoly trends in such economically developed coun-
11 tries as England, France, West Germany, Canada, Italy, and others.
11
11 - 25 -
p ,
t
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
The government's share in the total amount of capital investmentoii-Hum
a number of countries fluctuates from 14 to 36 percent. This share is
especially high in Austria. In the United States, the government operates
atomic industry and military enterprises, a part of the railroads, large
hydroelectric power stations, credit establishments etc. One fifth of the
workers and employees in France are engaged in enterprises which belong
to the government. All this is true. But what conclusions should be drawn
from these facts? Does this increase in state monopoly trends seem unex-
pected to the Marxists? Not at all. Back in 1917, Lenin wrote that the
epoch of imperialism is "an epoch of gigantic civil:Lail:VI; agmopolies, an
epoch when monopolistic capitalism will develop into a government-monopoly
capitalism." (V. I. Lenin, Works, Volume 25 page 382). Consequently, the
revisionists' argument on any kind of basic new phenomena in the develop-
ment of capitalism are absolutely without bases.
The revisionists consider the changes which have occurred in the
capitalist economy as being basic, identical with the growth of socialism
within the framework of capitalism. They attempt to distort the essence
of state capitalism, by construing it as a form of development of the forces
of socialism. Thus, for example, R. Ratkovich, one of the Yugoslav publi-
cists, recently wrote that "the state ia wit:did:cawing the ownership of the
means of production from the capitalist class;" "at the same time as state
ownership expands, the capitalist class will disappear;" "from the time
-26
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R00430onAnnrn_1
Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
that state property ceases to have individual owners its interests 4--0)(1_num
ciety will be defended by representatives of the general owneFii.e. those
who administer the property in the ownerts name -- officials and bureaucrats.
This is how the revisionists depict government-monopoly capitalism, How-
ever, it is actually not so.
Engels, at the end of the last century, in exposing the frauds of
bourgeois socialists, who attempted to pass off any forms of nationaliza-
tion of production as socialism, wrote "But neither the transfer into the
hands of joint-stock companies and trusts nor the conversion into govern-
ment property takes away the features of capitalism from the productive
forces. This is obvious in the case of joint-stock companies and trusts.
As regards the modern state, it is nothing other than an organization which
bourgeois society sets up for itself to protect the general, outward condi-
tions of the capitalist method of production from encroachment by workers
as well as by individual capitalists. The modern state, whatever its form,
is purely a capitalist machine, a government of capitalists, an ideal ag-
gregate capitalist. The more productive forces it seizes as its property,
the more it becomes a genuine aggregate capitalist, and the more citizens
does it exploit. The workers remain hired workers, proletarians. Capital-
ist relations are not eliminated. On the contrary, they reach an extreme,
the highest point." CK. Marx and F. Engels, Works, Volume 15, page
Engels proved that state property under conditions of capitalism only pre-
pares for a revolutionary upheaval, and does not by itself represent such
a revolutionary upheaval.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Under the conditions of modern capitalist society, governmentmononolv
50X1 -HUM
capitalism is the outcome of the further development of the process of con-
centrating and centralizing capital and the formation of monopolies which
gradually concentrate into their hands the key positions in the country's
economy. Then, by relying on their economic power, they seize the govern-
ment and gain control over its apparatus for the purpose of direct inter-
ference in the country's economy, for obtaining the highest profits, and
for acquiring the most advantageous positions, etc. V. I. Lenin pointed
all this out in a scientific manner, with irrefutable facts, in a whole
number of his works, especially in his outstanding work, Imperialism, the
Highest Stage of Capitalism. Capitalism's modern development offers new
corroboration to the correctness of the Leninist theory on imperialism.
By revising the Leninist theory on tmperialism and by ignoring indis-
putable facts, the revisionists -- especially the American ones -- char-
acterize modern government as "the government of general welfare." This
is how Browder attempts to describe American government in his recently
published book Marx and America (Browder, E., Marx and America, New York,
1958, page 146). With this in view, he again brings out into the open the
theory
of
America
'S
unique
character
(a
theory
long
since
defeated
and
refuted by life, and vainly attempts to refute Marxist teachings on the
absolute and relative impoverishment of the working class. Browder, in
particular, attempts to prove that allegedly "in. America the general law
of capitalist aocumulation is expressed rather in the high level of workers'
- 28 -
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
wages than in impoverishment. (p 24) It is indisputable that, by viailki-i-um
of historical conditions, the level of wages in the US is higher than in
the majority of other countries. But Browder attempts to prove something
quite different. He is trying to discover a "new economic law, by which
the limitless increase in workers' wages and, consequently, the creation
of a generally prosperous society are inherent in the American capitalist
system."
The unemployment currently raging in the United States is one of the
most mradhic manifestations of the process of working class impoverishment,
and at the same time refutes Browder's revisionist fabrications.
The revisionists did not advance any new creative idcas in their
views regarding the question of changes in imperialism's modern economy.
They are merely engaged in rephrasing modern bourgeois apologetic theories
on the second industrial revolution, on a "regulated economy" etc.
la eulogizing modern capitalism, the revisionists naturally distort
the Marxist theory on classes and on the class struggle; the correctness
of this theory is constantly being re-affirmed. The over 40-year old course
of development of the Soviet government and the international Communist
movement has offered a great deal of material in corroboration of the
Marxist-Leninist theory on classes.
In defending the basic position of Marxist teaching on classes and
the class struggle, the Communist parties take into account that a special,
specific correlation of class forces, which cannot be stipulated in advance,
-29--
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-0104:1Rnn4mnnA
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
41..4 4?ut
may develop at different stages in different countries. This means50x1-Hum
in setting out from the basic positions of the teaching on classes, the
Marxists must in each concrete instance reveal the specific traits and laws
characteristic of a given situation in the correlation of class forces.
The Declaration at the Moscow Conference, materials from the 21st Party
Congress CPSU and from the congresses of the fraternal Communist parties
offer examples of such a creative approach from the Marxist-Leninist posi-
tion to the question of a new correlation of class forces in the capitalist
countries at the present stage. The Declaration expounds on such a very
important law of modern development as the acute aggravation of contradic-
tions in the capitalist countries between large monopolistic groups of
capital on the one hand, and all the remaining strata of capitalist society
on the other. This [development law] creates "objective premises for the
unification of the broadest population strata under the leadership of the
working class and of its revolutionary parties in the struggle for peace;
in defense of national independence and democratic freedoms; for the im-
provement of workers' living conditions; and the implementation for
agrarian reforms for the overthrow of the autocracy of monopolies which
betray the national interests."
In creatively developing the scientific theory of classes and the
class struggle, Marxist-Leninists are currently greatly emphasizing the
struggle against right-socialist and revisionist attacks on the Marxist-
Leninist class doctrine. Under the pretext that the class structure of
- 301=
e"" r- E ?11.
g
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1 -HUM
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
50X1-HUM
society has become extremely complicated under modern capitalism, reformists
and revisionists are trying in every way possible to prove that the
concept of "class" does not reflect reality now. They oppose various modern
popular bourgeois theories to the Marxist class doctrine, as for instance,
the theory of "social stratification." Adherents of this theory assert
that it is the description of [class] strata rather than class analysis
which presents a more accurate picture of modern bourgeois society's social
structure. In place of the two classes, i.e. proletariat and bourgeoisie,
which Marx and Lenin wrote about, it is emphasized that at present only a
middle stratum develops which, supposedly, absorbs the other two. The most
open defenders of this theory, after the bourgeois sociologists, are (1)
rightist socialists like K. Crossland, the British Laborite, and (2) Aus-
trian socialists, who stated this point of view in their recently adopted
program written by Benedict Kautsky. Certain revisionists like Viatr in
Poland, Lukics in Yugoslavia, and others, expound these same views, but
in a more veiled form.
The revisionists are also trying to falsify the essence of the Lenin-
ist definition of classes. For Lenin, one of the most essential signs of
class formation is the relationship of people to the means of production.
The Yugoslav revisionist Gorichar tries to pecive that the main 4-rs''icat.inn
of a class is its placement in social production. He defends this thesis
only in order to interject another revisionist position: that the main
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
role in production under modern state capitalism is played not by thoxi-Hum
bourgeois but by the state and its bureaucratic apparatus. This means
that bureaucracy, rather than the bourgeoisie, is the exploiter in present
day conditions. Thus, in place of antagonism between the proletariat and
the bourgeoisie, he poses a contradiction between the working class and
the "economic-political" bureaucracy. The class war between the proleta-
riat and the bourgeoisie which is intensifying each day in the capitalist
countries, is the best refutation of all these revisionist fabrications.
Revisionist assertions that (1) capitalism is going through a second
industrial revolution; (2) that the increase in government-monopoly trends
and the nationalization of a number of industrial branches are equivalent
to the establishment of socialism; (3) that the law of relative and absolute
impoverishment, discovered by Marx, has ceased to exist; (4) that bourgeois
states are converting, under the influence of all these changes, into a
state of "general prosperity" -- all these are a recapitulation of the
theories (refuted by experience) expounded by Strachey (cf his book Modern
Capitalism) and by Benedict Kautsky (cf. Program of the Socialist Party
in Austria).
At the first and especially the second stage of the general crisis
of capitalism, significant changes took place in the inter-relationship
between classes and within individual classes in countries throughout the
world. The revisionists tried to present the case as though these changes
32
- r
4 ,
:; ; ; p
kipj;
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
-HUM
do not corroborate but completely reverse the Marxist-Leninist theor50X1u
iv
classes and the class struggle. The Italian revisionist Giolitti and his
followers declared that technological progress would be the moving force
in history, and not class struggle, as Marxism-Leninism teaches and life
itself corroborates. In this ccnnection, another revisionist (Imre Nagy)
asserted that in the atomic age the deciding role in society belongs
to the intelligentsia, and not to the working class. Individual repre-
sentatives of revisionism go so far as to say that they divide the bour-
geoisie into two independent classes: the class of the liberal bourgeoisie
and the class of the reactionary bourgeoisie. Even in this case, the re-
visionist pronouncements are merely a repetition of the old bourgeois
theory on technocracy, which at one time was supported by such a counter-
revolutionary organization as the "industrial party" in the USSR.
We are obliged to completely expose the revisionist distortions of
the Marxist-Leninist theory on classes and the class struggle and to apply
this theory consistently in our historical research.
In close connection with the socio-economic features of postwar
capitalism and with the question of the struggle and competition of the
two world svs+cwms; the
likvirmr4s4-,Teiviftiniel+gdur 4.11=
,
nava
thoroughly studied and are studying the question of the roads taken by
individual countries in their transition from capitalism to socialism.
In further developing the Marxist theory on socialist revolution,
V. I. Lenin came to the conclusion on the possibility of breaking the
-33-
5 .73 r
e
If t
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
imperialist chain originally in several countries, or in one country5t)ftril
separately. Simultaneously, the triumph of socialism in a majority of
countries becomes impossible, in view of the acute aggravation in the un-
even economic and political development of capitalism. The victory of the
Great October Socialist Revolution in Russiaand the triumph of the socialist
revolution in countries of the peoples' democracies in Europe and Asia con-
stituted a real triumph of the Marxist-Leninist theory on the socialist
revolution.
Th oriA4+-Tem, -hhim TyroarvEinc%
^-P the
internatioilal Communiet and workers'
movement, the more than 40-year experience in the development of the so-
cialist revolution, and the existence of a dictatorship of the proletariat
pointed out the necessity for a further development of the Marxist-Leninist
theory on the socialist revolution.
Shining examples of such a creative approach to the Marxist theory
were the 20th and 21st CPSU Congresses, which offered a new contribution
to the Marxist-Leninist theory of socialist revolution. The congresses
took into consideration the world-wide historical changes on the interne-
tonal scene -- the spread of socialism beyond the boundaries of one country
and its transformation into a world system. The congresses stressed, at
the same time,the general nature of the main laws of development in social-
ist construction. Ir addition, the congresses noted that there is op-
portunity in various countries for an even greater variety of forms for the
transition to socialism, including the parliamentary path.
Declassified in in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
This new approach to modern laws of development in the socialistom_Hum
revolution enriched Marxist theoretical thought. Each Communist party,
in accordance with the concrete conditions of its country, began to de-
velop the problems relating to the forms of transition to socialism, in
conformity with the historical conditions in the life of their people.
Communists in all countries are constantly stressing their loyalty to the
basic principles of the Marxist-Leninist theory of socialist revolution.
They proceed from the fact that the concrete historical features within
individual countries do not revoke the gahrlavnl laws of the socialist rev-
olution but merely determine the original character and special form of
their manifestiation.
Revisionists in the Communist parties of various countries adopted
a diametrically opposite position on this issue. In expounding on the basic
changes in capitalist economy, and in exaggerating and magnifying national
and historical features in the development of various countries, the revi-
sionists are actually rejecting the general laws on the socialist revolution.
They "absolutize" [make a dogma of] the peaceful transition to socialism,
identifying it with the evolutionary process. For example, the American
revisionist Gates asserts that the working class' struggle in the United
States will have a purely evolutionary character and will lead to a certain
"transformation" of capitalism into socialism. Similar positions were taken
by the French revisionist Herve. In his brochure Revolution and Fetishes,
he proclaimed the necessity for adapting socialism "to the demands and
Declassified in Part - Sanitized
-35-
- ?
,
Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12 : CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
1111111=11111?1111111IMMIMI
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
_
changes of the times," i.e., the gradual conversron of capitalism 5o
Xi
socialism. The Italian revisionist Giolitti also took the same position
in his booklet Reform and Revolution.
Proceeding from the erroneous thesis on the basic change in the nature
of modern capitalism, the revisionists examine the peaceful parliamentary
path for (achieving power -- which they interpret in the spirit of the
old reformism -- as the sole possible path for the transition to socialism.
Taking the position of the long-refuted theories of the Austro44arxists,
0. Bauer and K. Renner, they repeat after them that the forcible acqui4ion
of power and dictatorship of the proletariat is, allegedly, applicable only
to economically-backward countries with a poorly developed democracy.
Revisionist speeches against the Marxist-Leninist theory on the so-
cialist revolution suffered a definite rebuff in the Communist parties in
all countries. P. Togliatti, secretary-general of the Italian Communist
Party, wrote, "We, Communists, are not adherents of violence for violence's
sake. We always seek the least painful path for socialist development.
We know that today, when socialism has gained so meny victories in the
world, the possibilities for a less painful development are much greater
than they were yesterday. Bowever, all this by no means signifies that
we can exclude the possibility of violent class conflicts. Before us
stands a persistent and crafty foe, who is prepared for everything and,
who cannot be deceived or lulled to sleep." (P. Togliatti, The Reality
of Facts and Our Actual Conditions Disprove Irresponsible Defeatism "Kan-
munist" No 12, 1956, p 103)
-36-
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1 mw.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/05/12: CIA-RDP81-01043R004300060003-1
Revisionist attacks on the Marxist-Leninist
4-1,14-tar. "WM'S'
46.41-4,??? '