THE FREEDOM ACADEMY AND FOREIGN AID

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000300200003-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 5, 2014
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: November 8, 1963
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
development firm, which he serves as presi-
dent.
But Mr. McCurdy's move to improve down-
town Rochester came only after his depart-
ment store had taken the defensive step of
opening a suburban branch a decade ago.
"We had a number of friends in the branch
business and we thought we would build one
and see what happened," he says. "Onr sub-
urban branch was very profitable. But -we
soon discovered it's impractical to build
branches of sufficient size to represent a store
like ours. So we determined our next move
would be to do our utmost to make down-
town more attractive than any suburban
shopping center could be."
Mr. McCurdy carefully emphasizes the
Midtown Plaza project was designed with all
downtown Rochester in mind. (His firm and
the Forman company are 50-50 partners_ in
the venture.)
Other storekeepers largely agree that what-
ever helps Rochester's central core should
help them, too. But there is no question
that some downtown merchants have been
put at a competitive disadvantage by the
shiny new midtown development, with its
own captive audience arriving effortlessly
by escalator, hour after hour, from the sub-
terranean three-level parking ,garage.
Yet Sibley's and Edwards'?Rochester's
other big department stores?also benefit
from large, above--ground Mimicipal parking
garages, completed before Midtown Plaza
was started. And, unquestionably, some
shoppers park at midtown primarily to visit
other nearby shops and stores in Rochester's
compact downtown. But Vicki Newton, 22,
a junior at the University of Rochester, is
not not one of these.
"I used to go down one side of Main Street
and up the other," she tells you. "Now I
shop in Midtown all the time, constantly.
And in the wintertime it's marvelous. I
never go outside except to Sibley's." (Sib-
ley's, across Main Street from Midtown, is
upstate New York's largest department
store.)
Older shoppers, too, are entranced. "My
grandmother loves it," one youngster said.
"She likes to sit and watch the people, and
says to me: 'You run and do something and
I'll sit here and look at the flowers'." Alfred
(Alfie) Valentine, '76, a retired music teacher,
likes to visit Midtown once a week to meet
up with friends. "This place was a Godsend
to old people," he says. "Now they come
here and see everything. It's an entirely net
world." Gus Karner, 70, retired proprietor _
of Rochester's Nurenberger Hof restaurant,
adjusts his straw hat, stomps his cane, and
says: "I come in every single day?I live just
down the way, across from the Knights of
Columbus."
Far from worrying over the center's non-
shopping attractions for older persons, Angelo
Chiarella, a youthful architect who is Mid-
town's general manager, likes it that way.
"Some do sit on the benches a long time,"
he says. "But we figure if they like what's
going on here we must have struck just the
human note that cities need."
Ont of the town square's attractions is its
clean-lined architecture. Another is the sun-
light flooding in from 12-foot-high clerestory
windows surrounding the 60-foot-high ceil-
ing. A third is the ever-changing throng of
dressed-to-kill Rochesterians so obviously
enjoying themselves. ("Ogling pretty girls
is also a pastime," suggests an official of the
Rochester Planning Commission.) But by
far the most fascinating of the plaza's allure-
ments is the Clock of the Nations?an artful
$35,000 creation in the center of the square.
It stops all traffic every hour and half hour
as it puts on a puppet show to the tempo of
folk dancing tunes of a:dozen foreign nations.
"That clock gave the best value per dollar
spent on anything," says General Manager
Chiarella. The Gruen architects had it spe-
cially made in Beverly Hills after unsuccess-
fully searching through Europe for someone
to do the job.
Midtown Plaza's big lesson for cities seems
to be that downtown business districts need
enlivenment, however it is done. It demon-
strates the importance of separating auto-
mobile traffic from pedestrian traffic (special
underground ramps and surface loading
docks are provided for delivery trucks serv-
icing stores). It points out quick, easy
means of transportation to shopping areas
are needed (a subway station, for example,
could complement onsite parking in a de-
velopment like this) .
In Rochester, an argument still simmers
over how best to meet the changing down-
town needs of cities. Mr. McCurdy, who
spearheaded this notable project during the
tenure of Republican Mayor Peter Barry, says
it would have been impossible under Federal
renewal procedures. The city's new mayor,
Henry E. Gillette, a Democrat, fought the
project in its planning stages, now concedes:
"It does make Rochester more attractive."
But he quickly adds:
"It's very unlikely any other city will attack
the problem in this same manner because of
the insufficiency of city funds. Cities will
have to resort to the Federal urban renewal
concept, using Federal, State, and munici-
pal money."
However, that argument is settled, the
people of Rochester are sure Of one thing:
They like Midtown Plaza. It makes the city
more lively. As Mrs. Rae Ojalvo, a Rochester
housewife, says: "It's something wonderful.
It's beautiful. It's a meeting place for every-
one."
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair recognizes the Senator from South
Dakota.
---
t THE FREED? ACADEMY AND
FOREft3N AID
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, while I
am a member of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations, due to unavoidable
circumstances I was not able to attend
the closing series _of meetings at which
the aid bill was finally marked up, nor
have I participated up to the present time
in the debate on the floor of the Senate.
However, I have availed myself of some
unexpected leisure time to read each
day's issue of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
so as to follow the debate in the Senate
very carefully. First, I congratulate the
Senate for the fact that, for the first
time in my experience, the Senate has
really measured up to its responsibilities
on foreign aid legislation and gone into
the issues item by item and paragraph
by paragraph to try to register its col-
lective judgment in the improvement of
a program which everyone knows has
fast been going to pot during the past
few years.
I especially congratulate my distin-
guished colleague on the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, the Senator
from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], for assuming
leadership in opposition to accepting the
results of the findings of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations with-
out scrutiny, and without amendment.
The Senator from Oregon insisted that
the Senate spend sufficient time on the
subject so that all Senators might be
fully conversant with the facts involved,
so when they cast their votes they would
be voting their independent judgnient
and the wishes of their constituents in-
20407
stead of merely following the recommen-
dations of the committee report. I think
the proposed legislation is important
enough to justify that kind of consider-
ation.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I am happy to yield.
Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator
from South Dakota for his remarks. But
I wish also to thank the Senator from
South Dakota for the assistance he has
been to all of us who share that common
point of view in our work on the Foreign
Relations Committee. The Senator was
of great help during the hearings and
during those sessions of the markup
when-it was possible for him to be pres-
ent.
For example, the Senator will recall
that it was the Senator from South
Dakota who made the final motion by
way of compromise in the committee on
the contingency fund, about which he
and I have been critical for many years,
Including what we consider to be a mis-
use of the contingency fund in some in-
stances.
I-thank the Senator for the great as-
sistance he has been to those of us who
feel that we owe to the American tax-
payers the course of action we are fol-
lowing in the Senate on the bill.
Mr. MUNDT. I am indeed grateful to
the Senator. What he has said brings
to mind a statement he made one day on
the floor of the Senate while I was ab-
sent in the hospital. He commented on
what I felt was one of the most astonish-
ing statements I have read in Washing-
ton newspapers in 25 years. Some col-
ummst, whose name I have forgotten,
chided the entire Senate because it was
even debating the foreign aid bill, and
suggested that such debate was a pure
waste of time. I thought the Senator
from Oregon, in his typical able manner,
put that particular reporter in the spot
in which he definitely deserved to be
placed. I got a "kick" out of reading
the remarks.
_ Up to now most of our discussion has
dealt with the funding of the Foreign
Assistance Act and with the way in
which the program haS,operated in spe-
cific areas.
I wish fa devote the body of my re-
marks today to a discussion of one of
the basic reasons why I think the foreign
aid program has fallen into such bad
repute around the country. I think it
is not primarily the size of the job which
we have undertaken or the cost, but the
fact that the failures at the end of the
line and in the field are now so appar-
ent that Americans generally are right-
fully insisting that Congress dedicate
itself to correcting such conditions.
I recall that a week ago today the
Senator from Missouri [Mr. SYMINGTON]
took occasion in the course of the Senate
debate to point out the need for more
adequate training for the American of-
ficials who are responsible for the ad-
ministration of the American programs
abroad, and for carrying out the Amer-
ican foreign policies. I support com-
pletely the point of view which he ex-
pressed. One reason why so much of
the $100 billion we have spent in this
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20408 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
area has been nonproductive, or per-
haps, to use a favorite State Department
phrase, even counterproductive, is that
we have not had the trained personnel
who clearly understood the scope of their
jobs and the. nature of the Communist
menace which we are attempting to re-
sist by the foreign aid program.
I share the skepticism of the Senator
from Missouri [Mr. SYMINGTON] about
our merely making multimillion-dollar
appropriations for foreign aid while we
in the Congress continue to fail to es-
tablish the training facilities for our
officials which is necessary to enable
them to implement the foreign aid pro-
grams effectively and produce the results
which the country expects from them.
I have voted for far more foreign aid
than I have opposed. I speak as one
who has introduced several bills to pro-
vide for adequate training for those who
represent America overseas. I speak as
the coauthor of the legislation which
the Senate enacted in 1960, moving to-
ward that goal, but which unfortunately
has not even yet been voted upon by the
House of Representatives.
The best Way to express the need for
this type of legislation, and the potential
for strength which is embodied in the
Freedom Academy proposal, of Which I
am a cosponsor, is to repeat the greatly
impressive statement in the report of the
Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Re-
port No. 1689, of the 86th Congress.
I read from page 5 of that report, as
follows:
The Communists have conquered a billion
people during a period when their sphere
was markedly inferior in industry, 'technol-
ogy, science, and military capabilities?in
fact, inferior in almost everything except
power-seeking know-how. The Soviets have
been able to expand their empire during this
period of inferiority, because they have de-
veloped a science of protracted conflict in
which they are able to gradually increase
their relative power position, using a well-
integrated combination of political, econom-
ic, and military methods while avoiding a
sufficient provocation to invite massive re-
taliation. Central tO their science of pro-
tracted conflict is their skill in political and
economic warfare.
Soviet capabilities in political and econom-
ic warfare are not inborn. Tey are the
result of a massive development and train-
ing program extending over several decades.
This formidable program has given them a
huge fund of political warfare knowledge, an
effective operational science, and large num-
bers of highly trained cold-war profes-
sionals.
I continue to read, from page 6 of the
report of the Committee on the Judici-
ary:
There are grave deficiencies in this coun-
try's preparation to defend itself and the free
world in this unitary, total, unending war
to the finish. At the top of the list, and
underlying our other failures, is our failure
to institute an adequate cold-war develop-
ment and training program.
Mr. President, since the Senate is con-
sidering the present multibillion-dollar
foreign aid proposal, it is a good time for
Senators again to ask themselves the
question, "Why is it that for 15 years,
during which there has been an expendi-
ture of over $100 billion, we have so mis-
erably failed to provide the essential
training devices so that our cold war
operatives abroad can function as pro-
fessionals and experts instead of as
the giddy-eyed amateurs they are so
demonstrably today?"
Mr. President, I continue to read from
page 6 of the committee report, made in
1960:
1. No concentrated, systematic effort is be-
ing made to develop an integrated opera-
tional science from our side which will meet
the entire Soviet attack and work toward our
long-range national objectives in a coordi-
nated manner utilizing every area of poten-
tial strength in the public and the private
sectors. We have not thought through all
of the short- and the long-range methods and
means which freemen can properly use when
faced with a Soviet-type challenge, and we
have not integrated these methods and means
into a broad strategic plan. This is espe-
cially true in political and economic warfare.
Bits and pieces of the problem are being
worked on within the Government and at
some universities, and a part of this develop-
ment work is of a high order, but the total
effort falls far short of seeking an integrated,
operational science and it does not begin to
develop our true potential.,
2. Nowhere today can Government per-
sonnel or private citizens receive broad spec-
trum training in cold war, especially in the
large and highly complex field of political and
economic warfare. Not only do we lack top-
level schools, we do not even have inter-
mediate or lower level schools. There is no
place where the bits and pieces are pulled to-
gether and taught in concentrated form.
I understand that the Senator from
Connecticut [Mr. Dorm], a great and
courageous Senator, was the author of
the subcommittee report on which the
Judiciary Committee report was based.
The Senator from Connecticut is a co-
author of the current Freedom Academy
S. 414, which a number of us have
been energetically trying to have ap-
proved by the Committee on Foreign
Relations, approved by the Senate, and
sent to the House of Representatives in
time so that the House may approve it
this year.
I wonder how far the Appropriations
Committee of the Senate, of which I am
a member, would get if it came to the
Senate to recommend an appropriation
of $500 million, or $1 billion, for some
aspect of nuclear science?perhaps de-
velopment of an improved Polaris, or de-
velopment of an improved delivery sys-
tem for utilizing nuclear warheads
abroad?in similar circumstances. How
successful would we be if it came to the
Senate, as the Committee on Foreign
Relations has come to the Senate, to ask
for $3 billion, if, in connection with the
appropriation we asked the Senate to
provide, we told Senators candidly and
honestly, as the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee virtually tells the Senate today,
"If you give us the money, we will spend
it, but you should be forewarned as to the
fact that we do not have any experts in
the field to utilize the money. Give us
the money for nuclear warheads. Give
us the $500 million for an experiment in
connection with nuclear warfare, and we
will pick up some fine, idealistic, patriotic,
unskilled amateurs who do not know a
warhead from a mountain, and who do
not understand anything about the basic
science of nuclear physics. We will pro-
ceed, with those amateurs, to spend the
people's money in our national defense."
November 8'
I believe the Senate would unanimous-
ly reject such a request, if made by our
Committee on Appropriations. If the
Senate 'did not reject it unanimously, I
suspect that the people at home would
reject the Senators who voted for that
kind of unconsiconable squandering of
the people's resources.
-Yet that is precisely the situation in
which we find ourselves as Senators to-
day. The Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions is asking the Congress to approve
more than $3 billion of additional money
to fight a cold war, and says, "Give us the
money. We will see that it is spent. We
will get some fine, patriotic, idealistic un-
skilled people to go overseas, and they
will spend the money, even though they
are complete amateurs in the entire cold
war concept, even though they have
never spent a single month in a training
facility learning what the Communist
apparatus is all about, how it operates,
how it functions, and the devious tactics
it employs. We will send these amateurs
out with "star dust" in their -eyes, with
billions of dollars of American taxpayers'
money in their pockets, to do battle
against expert Communist professional
operatives functioning in the same field,
who have been trained for years in one
or more of the six Soviet institutions set
up specifically to train the cold war oper-
atives functioning for communism."
Do Senators wish to know why there
has been so much trouble with this for-
eign assistance bill? As I sat in the
hospital and inlny office reading the de-
bate of days that I was absent it did not
conjure up any mysteries in my mind.
It did not cause me to seek out obtuse
reasons why the debate continues day
after day and week after week, as indeed
it should. The reason is obvious.
The people of America have finally
caught up with Congress, and have
pointed the finger of responsibility at
each of us. They say, "What gives?
After spending $100 billion, you want $3
billion more for the same kind of en-
thusiastic inadequately prepared ama-
teurs to squander overseas, trying to re-
sist, to defeat, to turn back trained,
skilled, professional Communist opera-
tives who defeat us in the areas in which
we come in contact with them."
I should like to talk about that fact.
Now is the time to resolve to do some-
thing about it. Nothing has occurred
since 1960, when the Senate passed the
Freedom Academy bill overwhelmingly,
to change the minds of the supporters
of the bill or to change the minds of
members of the committee. Our need for
specifically trained personnel to win the
cold war overeas is precisely today what
the committee said it was in 1960.
S. 414, which was introduced on Jan-
uary 22 of this year, and which is basi-
cally the same as our Freedom Academy
bill of 1960 has, as its cosponsors, in addi-
tion to the Senator from South Dakota
who is now addressing the Senate, the
Senator from Illinois [Mr. DOUGLAS], the
Senator from New Jersey [Mr. CAW,
the Senator from Connecticut [Mr.
Dopo], the Senator from Florida [Mr.
SMATHERS], the Senator from Arizona
[Mr. GOLDWATER], the Senator from Wis-
consin [Mr. PROXMIRE], the Senator from
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Hawaii [Mr. FoNo], the Senators from
Iowa [Mr. HICKENLOOPER and Mr. MIL-
LER], the Senator from New York [Mr.
KEATING], the Senator from Ohio [Mr.
LAUSCHE], and the Senator from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. SCOTT].
Nobody can type that group of Sena-
tors, Mr. President. I defy anybody to
label them as "a conservative bloc," "a
liberal bloc," "a nationalistic bloc," or
"an internationalistic bloc."
They are Senators who represent the
whole spectrum of ideological, economic,
political, and philosophic differences in
the Senate.
But they agree on one thing, namely,
that we cannot win a war against profes-
sionals if we are relying on amateurs.
This does not mean that the amateurs are
evil This does not mean that the ama-
teurs are bad. It merely means that
golf tournaments are not won, either,
when amateurs are playing against pro-
fessionals. It means that football games'
are not won when amateurs are playing
against professionals. It means that
baseball world championships are not
won by amateurs playing against pro-
fessionals. And wars are not won that
way. They are riot won by arraying
amateurs against professionals when the
wars are hot. They are not won that
way either when the wars are cold.
This continued squandering of the
people's resources, now representing an
expenditure of well over $100 billion, has
miserably failed to achieve its optimum
results, because contests are not won
with that kind of matching of unskilled
and inadequately trained amateurs
against highly trained professionals.
So, of course, the debate on foreign aid
drags on. Of course, amendment after
amendment is added to what the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations brought be-
fore the Senate. And, of course, when it
comes up for the second round, when
appropriations must be made?remem-
ber, we are talking about an authoriza-
tion bill only now?it is a foregone con-
clusion that additional sharp reductions
can, and should, be made in those pro-
posed expenditures. Such reductions
- will be sizable and substantial.
Certainly, these reductions will take
place unless by that time the Senate has
before it some type of Freedom Academy
bill, assuring the American people, at
long last, that we are going to train
specialized people who will be able to do
the job, just as we do in military matters,
just as we do in the atomic energy field,
just as anyone does in any area of ac-
tivity whenever one is out to win. And,
unless we have the desire to win the cold
war, we are stupid indeed to sacrifice so
much of our national resources on a
formula of failure. -
The original position of the adminis-
tration and of the State Department
with respect to our Freedom Academy
proposal was indeed a rather curious
one. It was said that the kind of train-
ing proposed by the Freedom Academy
was unnecessary, and that this kind of
legislation was not needed. In their en-
thusiasm, members of the administra-
tion even said that that kind of train-
ing was already being provided by a few
lectures and very short-time, cursory
courses, by which newcomers to Govern-
ment oversea service were indoctri-
nated and briefed.
However, after the country rejected
that sanctimonious position, the State
Department was compelled to change its
tactics. After a commission had been
appointed by the President to obtain the
facts and verify the position of the State
Department that it was doing the job,
and that no changes and additional
training facilities were needed, and after
the Commission brought back evidence
that the State Department was failing
to do the job, that something new was
needed, and that the proponents of the
Freedom Academy were-correct in label-
ing them as inadequately equipped ama-
teurs who were being sent out to fight
against professionals?after that adverse
report came back and surprised the ad-
ministration, the State Department
changed its tactics. It countered the
great and growing support for the Free-
dom Academy by proposing a very
modest expansion of the present mis-
sion of the Foreign Service Institute. It
proposed to change its name to some-
thing more grandiloquent. It proposed
to construct a fine new physical estab-
lishment to carry on the Foreign Service
Institute program.
The State Department proposal com-
pletely fails, however, to grapple with
the basic problem which would be met
in the Freedom Academy bill. One need
look only at the budgetary proposals for
the two institutions to see this. The -
present Foreign Service Institute budget
totals around $6 to $7 million, including
payments from other, agencies, to the
extent that it is able to train people in
foreign language proficiency, to teach
them the routine method by which cables
are sent back and forth between State
Department functionaries and those who
are overseas, to teach them to maintain
what I hope are adequate security ar-
rangements?although what we read in
the newspapers recently leads me to some
skepticism as to whether they are doing
that job very well?to train people how
to act at cocktail parties overseas, and
how to greet foreign visitors at embassies
with a broad smile and a good hand-
clasp; in these highly limited areas of
training, the Foreign Service Institute
renders a useful service.
The new Academy proposed by the
State Department would- have a budget
of something like $8 or $9 million an-
nually. Let us contrast that with what
we propose in the Freedom Academy
bill, wherein we seek to do the job of
fully meeting the problems we face, and
of training personnel in the hard-nosed
techniques required in order to beat off
the seductions and subversions and pro-
grams of the Communists, with a mini-
mum budget of from $35 to $50 million
annually to train the people to do the
job.
That is a pretty modest proposal
when we stop to think that these are
the people who, along with their prede-
cessors, have spent $100 billion. These
are the people who are now calling upon
us to give them another $31/2 billion so
they can spend it during the remaining
of this fiscal year.
20409
Certainly, a training program of $35
to $50 million a year to equip and to train
properly the people who are going to
spend these astronomical amounts is a
very modest- safeguard in making sure
that the money is well spent.
The State Department's shifting from
one type of position to another in order
to fit into the climate of public opinion
deserves to be remarked upon a little
further.
First it was Said that no training was
needed. Then the Department, under
pressure, under the severe criticismcof
its own commission, which it had hoped
would pat it on the back, but which, in-
stead, kicked it in the pants, when it got
the evidence, reluctantly admitted that
the training program was not adequate.
Then the Department moved to con-
fuse and befuddle the issue by advancing
a proposal to substitute for the Freedom
Academy bill a substitute which, in
reality, proposes only to expand, to a
very modest degree, what the Depart-
ment is already doing , at its Foreign-
Service Institute.
For the information of the Senate and
the country at this time, I ask unanimous
consent to have printed in the RECORD
the full text of S. 414, the Freedom
Academy proposal.
There being no objection, the bill was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
S.414
(In the Senate of the United States, Janu-
ary 22 (legislative day, January 15) , 1963, Mr.
MUNDT (for himself, Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr. CASE,
Mr. DODD, Mr. SMATHERS, Mr. GOLDWATER, Mr.
PROXMIRE, Mr. FONG, Mr. HICKENLOOPER, Mr.
MILLER, Mr. KEATING, Mr. LAUSCHE, and Mr. .
Scorr) introduced the following bill; which
was read twice and referred to the Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations : )
A bill to create the Freedom Commission and
the Freedom Academy, to conduct research
to develop an integrated body of opera-
tional knowledge in the political, psycho-
logical, economic, technological, and or-
ganizational areas to increase the nonmili-
tary capabilities of the United States in the
global struggle between freedom and com-
munism, to educate and train Government
personnel and private citizens to under-
stand and implement this body of knowl-
edge, and also to provide education and
training for foreign students in these areas
of knowledge under appropriate conditions
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
Americai in Congress assembled,
SHORT TITLE
SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the
"Freedom Commission Act".
CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF
POLICY
SEC. 2. (a) The Congress of the United
States makes the following findings and
statement of policy:
(1) The United States in preparing to de-
fend its national interests in coming years
faces grave and complex problems in the
nonmilitary as well as military areas.
(2) First and foremost are the problems
raised by the unremitting drives by the So-
viet Union and Communist China seeking
world domination and the destruction of all
non-Communist societies. The Communist
bloc and the various Communist parties
have systematically prepared themselves to
wage a thousand-pronged aggression in the
nonmilitary area. Drawing on their elabo-
rate studies and extensive pragmatic tests,
Communist leaders have developed their
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20410
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE? November 8--
conspiratorial version of nonmilitary con-
nect into an advanced, operational art in
which they employ and orchestrate an ex-
traordinary variety of conflict instruments
in the political, psychological, ideological,
economic, technological, organizational and
paramilitary areas enabling them to ap-
proach their immediate and long-range ob-
jectives along many paths. This creates
unique and unprecedented problems for the
United States in, a conflict that is being
waged in student organizations, peasant vil-
lages, labor unions, mass communication
systems, in city and jungle, and institutions
and organizations of every description, as
well as in the world's chancelleries. Recog-
nizing that nonmilitary conflict makes ex-
traordinary demands upon its practitioners,
the Communists, for several decades, have in-
tensively trained their leadership groups and
cadres in an extensive network of basic, in-
termediate, and advanced schools. The Sino-
Soviet conflict capacity has been immeasur-
ably increased by the mobilization of re-
search, science, industry, technology, and
education to serve the power-seeking ambi-
tions of Communist leaders rather than the
needs of their people.
(3) Second, the problems of the United
States are complicated by the emergence of
many new nations, the unstable or deter-
iorating political, social and economic con-
ditions in many parts of the world, the rev-
olutionary forces released by the rising ex-
pectations of the world's people, and other
factors, all of which increase the difficulties
of achieving our national objectives of pre-
venting Communist penetration while seek-
ing to build viable, free, and independent
nations.
- (A) The nature of the Sino-Soviet power
drive, the revolutionary raid fluid world sit-
uation, the emergence of the United States
as the major leader of the free world and
the need to deal with the people of nations
as well as governments, has compelled the
United States to employ many new instru-
ments under the headings of traditional
diplothacy, intelligence, technical assistance,
aid programs, trade development, educational
exchange, cultural exchange, and counter-
insurgency (as well as in the area of related
military programs) . To interrelate and pro-
gram these present instruments over long
periods already requires a high degree of
professional competence in many specialties,
as well as great managerial skill.
(5) However, the United States has fallen
short in developing and utilizing its full
capacity .to achieve its objectives in the
world struggle. Not only do we need to im-
prove the existing instruments, but a wide
range of additional methods and means in
both the Government and private sectors
must be worked out and integrated with the
existing instruments of our policy. Other-
wise, the United States will lack the means
to defeat many forms of Communist aggres-
sion and to extend the area of freedom, na-
tional independence, and self-government, as
well as to attain other national objectives.
However, this will require an intensive and
comprehensive research and training effort
first to think through these additional meth-
ods and means, and, second, to educate and
train not only specialists, but also leaders
at several levels who can visualize and or-
ganize these many instruments in an inte-
grated strategy, enabling the United States to
approach its national objectives along every
path in accord with our ethic.
(6) There has been a tendency to look
upon strategy as a series of discrete prob-
lems with planning often restricted by juris-
dictional walls and parochial attitudes and
too much piecemeal planning to handle emer-
gencies at the expense of systematic, long-
range development and programing of the
many instruments potentially available to
us. While there has been marked improve-
ment in such things as language training
at agency_ schools, and while university cen-
ters have made significant progress in area
studies, nowhere has the United States es-
fiablished a training program to develop
rounded strategists in the nonmilitary area
or even-certain vital categories of professional
specialists, particularly in the area of politi-
cal, ideological, psychological, and organiza-
tional operations and in certain areas of
development work. Nor has the United
States organized a research program which
can be expected to think through the impor-
tant additional range of methods and means
that could be available to us in the Govern-
ment and private sectors.
(7) In implementing this legislation the
following requirements for developing our
national capacity for global operations in the
nonmilitary area should receive special
attention:
I. At the upper levels of Government, the
United States must have rounded strategists
with intensive interdepartmental training
and experience who understand the range of
instruments potentially available to us and
who can organize and program these instru-
ments over long periods in an integrated,
forward strategy that systematically devel-
ops and utilizes our full national capacity
for the global struggle.
II. Below them, Government personnel
must be trained to understand and imple-
ment this integrated strategy in all of its
dimensions. Through intensive training, as
well as experience, we must seek the highest
professional competence in those areas of
specialized knowledge required by our global
operations. Government personnel should
have an underlying level of understanding
as to the nature of the global conflict, the
goals of the United States, and the various
possible instruments in achieving these goals
to facilitate team operations. We should
seek to instill a high degree of elan and
dedication.
III. Foreign affairs personnel at all levels
must understand communism with special
emphasis on Communist nonmilitary con-
flict technique. It is not enough to have
experts available for consultation. This is
basic knowledge which must be widely dis-
seminated, if planning and implementation
are to be geared to the conflict we are in.
(The present two weeks seminar offered at
the Foreign Service Institute is entirely too
brief for even lower ranking personnel.)
IV. The private sector must understand
how it can participate in the global struggle
in a sustained and systematic manner.
There exists in the private sector a huge
reservoir of talent, ingenuity, and strength
which can be developed and brought to bear
in helping to solve many of our global prob-
lems. We have hardly begun to explore the
range of possibilities.
V. The public must have a deeper under-
standing of communism, especially commu-
nist nonmilitary conflict technique, and the
nature of the global struggle, including the
goals of the United States.
(8) The hereinafter created Freedom Acad-
emy must be a prestige institution and every
effort should be made to demonstrate this
Is a major effort by the United States in a
vital area.
(b) It is the intent and purpose of the
Congress that the authority and powers
granted in this Act be fully utilized by the
Commission established by section 4 of this
Act to achieve the objectives set forth in
subsection (a) (7) of this section. It is the
further intent and purpose of the Congress
that the authority, powers, and functions of
the Commission and the Academy as set
forth in this Act are to be broadly construed.
DEFINITIONS
SEC. 3. As used in this Act?
(1) The term "Commission" means the
Freedom Commission established by section
4 of this Act; and
(2) The term i!Academy" means the Free-
dom Academy established by section 6 of
this Act.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM COMMISSION
'Szc. 4. There is established in the execu-
tive branch of the Government an inde-
pendent agency to be known as the Free-
dom Commission which shall be composed
of six members and a chairman, each of
whom shall be a citizen of the United States.
The Chairman may from time to time des-
ignate any other member of the Commis-
sion as Acting Chairman to act in the place
and stead of the Chairman during his ab-
senee. The Chairman (or the Acting Chair-
man in the absence of the Chairman) shall
preside at all meetings of the Commission,
and a quorum for the transaction of busi-
ness shall consist of at least four members
present. Each member of the Commission,
including the Chairman, shall have equal re-
sponsibility and authority in all decisions
and actions of the Commission, shall have
full access to all information relating to the
performance of his duties or responsibilities,
and shall have one vote. Action of the Com-
mission shall be determined by a majority
vote of the members present. The Chair-
man (or Acting Chairman in the absence of
the Chairman) shall be the official spokes-
man of the Commission in its relations with
the Congress, Government agencies, persons,
or the public, and, on behalf of the Commis-
sion, shall see. to the 'faithful execution of
the policies and decisions of the Commis-
sion, and shall report thereon to the Com-
mission from time to time or as the Com-
mission may direct. The Commission shall
have an official seal which shall be judicially
noticed.
MEMBERSHIP Or THE COMMISSION
SEC. 5. (a) Members of the Commission
and the Chairman shall be appointed by the
President, by and with the advice and con-
sent of the Senate. Not more than four
Members, including the Chairman, may be
members of any one political party. In
submitting any nomination to the Senate,
the President shall set forth the experience
and qualifications of the nominee. The term
of each member of the Commission, other
than the Chairman, shall be six years, ex-
cept that (1) the terms of office of the mem-,
hers first taking office shall expire as des-
ignated by the President at the time of the
appointment, two at the end of two years,
two at the end of four years, and two at the
end of six years; and (2) any member ap-
pointed to fill a vacancy occurring prior to
the expiration of the term for which his
predecessor was appointed shall be appointed
for the remainder of such term. The Chair-
man shall serve as such during the pleasure
of the President, and shall receive compen-
sation at the rate of $20,500 per annum.
Each other member of the Commission shall
receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 ?
per annum. Any member of the Commis-
sion may be removed by the President for in-
efficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in
office.
(b) No member of the Commission shall
engage in any business, vocation, or employ-
ment other than that of serving as a member
of the Commission.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM ACADEMY;
PRINCIPAL FUNCTIONS OF THE COMMISSION
AND ACADEMY
SEC. 6. The Commission shall establish un-
der its supervision and control an advanced
research, development, and training center
to be known as the Freedom Academy. The
Academy shall be located at such place or
places within the United States as the Com-
mission shall determine. The principal func-
tions of the Commission and Academy shall
be:
(1) To conduct research designed to im-
prove the methods and means by which the
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-1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
United States seeks its national objectives
in the nonmilitary part of the global strug-
gle. This should include improvement of the
present methods and means and exploration
of the full range of additional methods and
means that may be available to us in both
the Government and private sectors. Spe-
cial attention shall be given to problems of
an interdepartmental nature and to problems
involved in organizing and programing the
full spectrum of methods and means poten-
tially available in the Government and pri-
vate sectors in an integrated, forward strat-
egy that will systematically develop and
utilize the full capacity of the United States
to seek its national objectives in the global
struggle, including the defeat of all forms of
Communist aggression and the building of
free, independent, and viable nations.
(2) .To educate and train Government per-
sonnel and private citizens so as to meet the
requirements set forth in section 2(a) (7) of
this Act. The Academy shall be the principal
Government interdepartmental, educational,
and training center in the nonmilitary area
of the United States global operations. Au-
thority is also granted to educate and train
foreign students, when this is in the national
interest and is approved by the Secretary of
State.
(3) To provide leadership in encouraging
and assisting universities and other institu-
tions to increase and improve research, edu-
cational, and training programs attuned to
the global operational needs of the United
States.
(4) To provide leadership, guidance, and
assistance to the training staffs of Govern-
ment agencies handling United States global
operations, including training programs con-
ducted at oversea posts.
(5) To provide a center where officers and
employees of Government agencies, as well
as private citizens, can meet to discuss and
explore common and special elements of their
problems in improving United States capa-
bilities in the global struggle.
STUDENT SELECTION; GRANTS; ADMISSION OF
FOREIGN STUDENTS
SEC. 7. (a) Academy students, other than
Government personnel, shall be selected, in-
sofar as is practicable and in the public in-
terest, from those areas, organizations, and
institutions where trained leadership and in-
formed public opinion are most needed to
achieve the objectives set forth in section
2(e) (7) IV and V. Persons in Government
service coming within the provisions of the
Government Employees Training Act may be
trained at the Academy pursuant to the pro-
visions of said Act. All agencies and de-
partments of Government are authorized to
assign officer and employees to the Academy
for designated training.
(b) The Commission is authorized to make
grants to students and to pay expenses in-
cident to training and study under this Act.
This authorization shall include authority to
pay actual and necessary travel expenses to
and from the Academy or other authorized
place of training under this Act. The Com-
mission is authorized to grant financial as-
sistance to the dependents of students who
hold no office or employment under the Fed-
eral Government during the time they are
undergoing training authorized under this
Act. Grants and other financial assistance
under this Act shall be in such amounts
and subject to such regulations- as the Com-
mission may deem appropriate to carry out
the provisions of this Act.
(c) Foreign students selected for training
under this Act shall be admitted as nonim-
migrants under section 101 (a) (.15) (F) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1101(a) (15) (F) ) for such time and under
such conditions as may be prescribed by
regulations promulgated by the Commission,
the Secretary of State, and the Attorney Gen-
No. 181-7
eral. A person admitted under this section
who fails to maintain the status under which
he was admitted, or who fails to depart
from the United States at the expiration of
the time for which he was admitted, or who
engages in activities of a political nature
detrimental to the interest of the United
States, or in activities in conflict with the
security of the United States, shall, upon
the warrant of the Attorney General, be
taken into custory and promptly deported
pursuant to section 241, 242, and 243 of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1251, 1252, and 1253) . Deportation proceed-
ings under this section shall be summary
and findings of the Attorney General as to
matters of fact shall be conclusive. Such
persons shall not be eligible for suspension
of deportation under section 344 of such Act
(8 U.S.C. 1254).
INFORMATION CENTER
SEC. 8. The Commission is authorized to
establish an information centet" at such
place or places within the United States as
the Commission may determine. The princi-
pal function of the information center shall
be to disseminate, with or without charge, in-
formation and materials which will assist
people and organizations to increase their
understanding of the true nature of the in-
ternational Communist conspiracy and of the
dimensions and nature of the global strug-
gle between freedom and communism, and of
ways they can participate effectively toward
winning that struggle and building free, in-
dependent, and viable nations. In carrying
out this function, the Commission is author-
ized to prepare, make, and publish textbooks
and other materials, including training films,
suitable for high school, college, and com-
munity level instruction, and also to publish
such research materials as may be in the
public interest. The Commission is author-
ized to disseminate such information and
materials to such persons and organizations
as may be in the public interest on such
terms and conditions as the Corn-mission
shall determine.
DISCLOSURE OF INFORMATION
SEC. 9. Nothing in this Act shall authorize
the disclosure of any information or knowl-
edge in any case in which such disclosure
(1) is prohibited by any other law of the
United States, or (2) is inconsistent with the
security of the United States.
SECURITY CHECK OF PERSONNEL
SEC. 10. (a) Except as authorized by the
Commission upon a determination by the
Commission that such action is clearly con-
sistent with the national interest, no indi-
vidual shall be employed by the Commission,
nor shall the Commission permit any indi-
vidual to have access to information which
is, for reasons of national security, specifi-
cally designated by a United States Govern-
ment agency for limited or restricted dis-
semination or distribution until the Civil
Service Commission shall have made an in-
vestigation and report to the Commission on
the character, associations, and loyalty of
such individual, and the Commission shall
have determined that employing such indi-
vidual or permitting him to have access to
such information will not endanger the
common defense and security.
(b) In the event an investigation made
pursuant to subsection (a) of this section
develops any data reflecting that the indi-
vidual who is the subject of the investiga-
tion is of questionable loyalty or is a ques-
tionable security risk, the Civil Service
Commission shall refer the matter to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation for the con-
duct of a full field investigation, the results
of which shall be furnished to the Civil
Service Commission for its information and
appropriate action.
(c) If the Commission deems it to be in
20411
the national interest, the Commission may
request the Civil Service Commission to
make an investigation and report to the
Commission on the character, associations,
and loyalty of any individual under consid-
eration for training at the Academy, and if
the Commission shall then determine that
the training of such individual will not be
in the best interest'of the United States, he
shall receive no training under this Act.
(d) In the event an investigation made
pursuant to subsection (c) of this section
develops any data reflecting that the indi-
vidual who is the subject of the investigation
-is of questionable loyalty or is a questionable
security risk, the Civil Service Commission
shall refer the matter to the Federal Bureau
of Investigation for the conduct of a full field
investigation, the results of which shall be
furnished to the Civil Service Commission
for its information and appropriate action.
(e) If the President or the Commission
shall deem it to be in the national interest,
he or the Commission may from time to time
cause investigation of any individual which
is required or authorized by subsections (a)
and (c) of this section to be made by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation instead of by
the Civil Service Commission.
GENERAL AUTHORITY OF THE COMMISSION
SEC. 11. (a) In addition to the , authority
already granted, the Commission is author-
ized and empowered?
(1) to establish such temporary or per-
manent boards and committees as the Com-
mission may from time to time deem neces-
sary for the purposes of this Act;
(2) subject to the provisions of subsection
(b) of this section, to appoint and fix the
compensation of such personnel at may be
necessary to carry out the functions of the
Commission;
(3) to conduct such research, studies, and
surveys as the Commission may deem neces-
sary to carry out the purposes of this Act;
(4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind,
and amend such rules and regulations as
may be necessary to carry out the purposes
of this Act;
(5) to make such expenditures as may be
necessary for administering and carrying out
the provisions of this Act;
(6) to utilize, with the approval of the
President, the services, facilities, and per-
sonnel of other Government agencies and pay
for such services, facilities, and personnel
out of funds available to the Commission
under this Act, either in advance, by reim-
bursement, or by direct transfer;
('7) to utilize or employ on a full-time or
part-time basis, with the consent of the or-
ganization or governmental body concerned,
the services of personnel of any State or
local government or private organization to
perform such functions on its behalf as may
appear desirable to carry out the purposes of
this Act, without requiring such personnel
to sever their connection with the furnish-
ing organization or governmental body; and
to utilize personnel of a foreign goirernment
In the same manner and under the same cir-
cumstances with the approval of the Secre-
tary of State;
(8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or
gift, and to hold and dispose of by sale,
lease, or loan, real and personal property of
all kinds necessary for, or resulting from, the
exercise of authority granted by this Act;
(9) to receive and use funds donated by
others, if such funds are donated without
restrictions other than that they be used
in furtherance of one or more of the pur-
poses of this Act;
? (10) to accept and utilize the services of
voluntary and uncompensated personnel and
to provide transportation and subsistence
as authorized by section 5 of the Adminis-
trative Expenses Act of 1946 (5 U.S.C. 73b-2)
for persons serving without compensation;
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20412 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
(11) to utilize the services of persons on
a temporary basis and to pay their actual
and necessary travel expenses and subsist-
ence and, in addition, compensation at a
rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day
spent in the work of the Commission.
(b) The personnel referred to in subsec-
tion (a) (2) of this section shall be appointed
in accordance with the civil service laws
and their compensation fixed in accordance
with the Classification Act of 1949, as
amended, except that, to the extent the
Commission deems such action necessary
to the discharge of its responsibilities, per-
sonnel may be employed and their compen-
sation fixed without regard to such laws.
No such personnel (except such personnel
whose compensation is fixed by law, and
specially qualified professional personnel up
to a limit of 619,000) whose position would
be subject to the Classification Act of 1949,
as amended, if such Act were applicable
to such position, shall be paid a salary at
a rate in- excess of the rate payable under
such Act for positions of equivalent difficulty
or responsibility. The Commission shall
Make adequate provision for administrative
review of any determination to dismiss any
employee.
GENERAL MANAGER OF THE COMMISSION
SEC. 12. The Commission is authorized to
establish within the Commission a general
manager, who shall discharge such of the
administrative and executive functions of
the Commission as the Commission may
direct. The general manager shall be ap-
pointed by the Commission, shall serve at
the pleasure of the Commission, shall be
removable by the Commission, and shall
receive compensation at a rate determined
by the Commission, but not in excess of
$18,000 per annum.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE
SEC. 13. (a) To assure effective coopera-
tion between the Freedom Academy and
various Government agencies concerned with
its objectives, there is established an ad-
visory committee to the Freedom Academy
(referred to hereinafter as the "Committee") .
The Committee shall be composed of one
representative of each of the following agen-
cies designated by the head of each such
agency from 'officers and employees thereof:
The Department of State; the Department
'of Defense; the Department of Health, Edu-
cation, and Welfare; the Central Intelligence
Agency; the Federal Bureau of Investigation;
the Agency for International Development;
and the United States Information Agency.
(b) Members of the Committee shall elect
a member to serve as Chairman of the Com-
mittee. The Chairman shall serve for such
_a term of one year. The chairmanship shall
rotate among the representatives of the
agencies who comprise the membership of
the Committee.
(c) No member of the Committee shall
receive compensation for his services as such
other than that received by him as an officer
or employee of the agency represented by
him. Each member of the Committee shall be
reimbursed for expenses actually and neces-
sarily incurred by him in the performance
? of duties of the Committee. Such reim-
bursements shall be made from funds ap-
propriated to the Freedom Commission upon
vouchers approved by the Chairman of the
Committee.
(d) The Committee shall?
(1) serve as a medium for liaison between
the Freedom Commission and the Govern-
ment agencies represented in the Committee;
(2) review from time to time the plans,
programs, and activities of the Freedom Com-
mission and the Freedom Academy, and
transmit to the Commission such recom-
mendations as it may determine to be neces-
sary or desirable for the improvement of
those plans, programs, and activities;
(3) meet with the Freedom Commission
periodically, but not less often than semi-
annually, to consult with it with regard to
the plans, programs, and activities of the
Freedom Commission and the Federal Aca-
demy; and
(4) transmit to the President and to the
Congress in January of each year a report
containing (A) a comprehensive description
of the plans, programs, and activities of the
Commission and the Academy during the
preceding calendar year, and (B) its recom-
mendations for the improvement of those
plans, programs, and activities.
(e) The Committee shall promulgate such
rules and regulations as it shall determine
to be necessary for the performance of its
duties.
(f) The Commission shall furnish to the
Committee without reimbursement such of-
fice space, personal services, supplies and
equipment, information, and facilities as the
Committee may require for the performance
of its functions.
APPROPRIATIONS
SEC. 14. There is authorized to be appro-
priated, out of any money in the Treasury
not otherwise appropriated, such sums as
may be necessary to carry out the provisions
of this Act.
Mr. M'UNDT. Mr. President, these
tactics of the State Department, dilatory
in nature, doubtful in wisdom, can wear
down some of the proponents of reform
who operate independently of tax sup-
port.
The State Department is a permanent
fixture. Its array of individuals can con-
tinue to do nothing and get paid for it,
whereas those who advocate doing some-
thing in the field of thoroughly training
our oversea personnel must do it at their
own expense. The State Department re-
ceives its appropriation annually. Op-
erating income is no problem. A delay
of several years works against the con-
tinuing ability of persons working for
reforms from the outside. Their assets
are limited, and they can last only so
long. The utter frustration of trying to
move the immovable must surely seem
completely futile.
Symbolic of this frustration is the re-
cent announcement of the dissolution of
the Orlando committee, at Orlando, Pia.
After working hard for 13 years, the
committee has been dissolved. I believe
that all Americans should read the state-
ment issued by the committee on its dis-
solution. I ask unanimous consent to
insert at this point in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, in its entirety, that statement.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
The Orlando Committee for the Freedom
Academy is disbanding today and will no
longer actively seek passage of the Freedom
Academy bill, S. 414, H.R. 5638.
Several reasons lay behind the decision
unanimously approved by the committee
Thursday night (October 11, 1963).
First, the administration, and in particu-
lar the Department of State, is now actively
opposing the bill. This means there is little
chance of passing the legislation in a form
acceptable to the committee.
Second, we have reluctantly concluded that
even if the bill is passed, it is unlikely this
administration, as presently oriented, will
establish the type of Academy envisioned by
the Orlando committee and described in its
"Green Book" and the supplement thereto.
The State Department has developed a nar-
November icr
row, inhibited, and essentially defensive
strategy in the global conflict. It has shown
little interest in exploring the whole new
range of methods and means by which we
could seek our global objectives and has been
satisfied to leave the Communists uncon-
tested on much of the political, ideological,
and organizational battlegrounds. State has
proven especially inhibited, defensive, and
even uninterested in the extraordinary op-
portunities for providing Academy training
to foreign nationals, toward exploring the un-
limited and exciting possibilities for private
sector participation in the global conflict, or
even toward providing true professional
training for its own people in the new forms
of struggle. State does not even seem to
understand why the training it is providing
at the Foreign Service Institute' is grossly
inadequate. Unfortunately, the State De-
partment's attitude has permeated the ad-
ministration, and as long as this attitude
and lack of interest prevails, it would likely
be reflected in appointments to the Freedom
Commission and Freedom Academy. The
Freedom Academy cannot succeed unless
there is appreciation of the nature of the re-
search and training gap and a driving desire
to close it.
Third, the State Department has put out
grossly inaccurate interpretations of the
Freedom Academy bill well calculated to mis-
lead the Congress and public. Certain offi-
cers at State have even suggested the Free-
dom Academy is the product of the far right-
wing. This is most discouraging to the Or-
lando committee which has been carefully
bipartisan and has enlisted the support of
outstanding liberals, moderates, and con-
servatives. It has made it difficult to debate
the bill on its merits.
Fourth, although the Orlando committee
has made available extensive briefing ma-
terial spelling out the cold war research and
training gap and explaining the bill, few
have studied this. Until more people do their
homework, there can be no adequate debate
on the merits, and the Congress and the
country cannot be alerted to the research
and training gap which is undermining our
entire effort in the global struggle.
Finally, the 13-year effort to establish the
Freedom Academy has exhausted the per-
sonal finances of key members of the Or-
lando committee, and it is now mandatory
they return full time to their professions and
businesses.
The committee believes the need for the
Freedom Academy is more urgent than ever.
We do not believe the United Stats can either
contain or defeat the Communist drive for
world dominion, much less achieve other ob-
jectives, unless we systematically develop our
full national capacity to compete in the new
forms of struggle along the lines suggested
in the "Green Book."
Our committee believes it has done about
all it can. The bill is now pending before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and
the House Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities. It is now up to these committees
and the House Foreign Affairs Committee to
determine what type of bill, if any, is re-
pOtted out.
What is really needed, however, is a ma-
jor policy change by this administration.
As long as our leadership is satisfied to
leave the Communists uncontested on much
of the political, ideological, and organiza-
tional battlegrounds, as long as they are con-
tent to pursue our global objectives, using
only a small percentage of the instruments
potentially available to us, as long as they
persist in responding to the Soviet challenge
on a piecemeal, ad hoc basis, as long as they
are satisfied to oppose professional conflict
managers with untrained and often unmoti-
vated amateurs, as long as they persist in uni-
lateral disengagement In the nonmilitary
conflict to mollify our enemies, then there
can be no Freedom Academy.
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:1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Someday this Nation will recognize that
global nonmilitary conflict must be pursued
with the same intensity and preparation as
global military conflict. With that realiza-
tion, the Freedom Academy may come into
being. We can only hope it is not too late.
The committee wishes to emphasize that
the administration's bill to establish a Na-
tional Academy of Foreign Affairs is most
inadequate and in no way should be con-
sidered a substitute for the Freedom Acad-
emy. The committee has outlined its ob-
jections to this bill at the Senate hearings
arid in supplement-No. 1 to the green book.
- The committee wishes to thank the House
and Senate sponsors and in particular Sena-
tors MUNDT, DODD, and DOUGLAS who carried
the load in the 86th, 87th, and 88th Con-
gresses, and SYD HERLONG and Walter Judd,
who introduced the original bill in the House
in February 1959. We also wish to thank
the many newspapers and ,organizations who
endorsed the bill and the editors of Life,
the Reader's Digest, and Saturday Evening
Post, who gave editorial support, and Roscoe
Drummond, for a series of fine columns
Our thanks also to the Senate Judiciary
Committee for its report of June 1960, call-
ing the Freedom Academy bill "one of the
most important bills ever introduced in the
Congress."
Locally, we wish to thank the many in-
dividuals and organizations who contributed
time, money, and moral support.
THE ORLANDO COMMITTEE FOR THE
FREEDOM ACADEMY.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, at this
discussion of the future of the foreign
aid program, the administration and the
State Department are forced to meet the
moment of truth. Fhially they have
found out that while they have been able
to dissuade those of us who through the
years have been trying to establish an
efficient and sufficient training academy,
while they have been able to resist efforts
of fine, independent groups, like the Or-
lando committee, various posts of the
American Legion, and many other or-
ganizations and groups who have been
urging Congress to do something toward
the establishment of the Freedom Acad-
emy, and while they have been able to
stop anything from developing, they now
confront the ugly fact that Americans
are losing confidence in the whole foreign
aid concept. ?
Their bill has hit a roadblock for the
first time in the Senate. Senators who
unthinkingly went along year after year,
Senators who complainingly went along,
feeling that they owed it to the State
Department, and that they should do it
as a matter of party loyalty, are now
in open rebellion against the kind of pro-
gram that they have been asked to sup-
port and espouse in recent years.
Finally, the country as a whole, and
Members of Congress realize the futility
of adding additional billions to what we
have already spent. Everyone knows
that we cannot win a war with amateurs
against professionals. Still, the State
Department lamely continues its opposi-
tion and refuses to do anything substan-
tial in the direction of equipping and
adequately training Americans who serve
the Government overseas, at least with
a modicum of the kind of training that
is given extensively to the Communist
opponents whom they must confront and
whom it is their job to try effectively to
resist.
First it was the country that rose up
in arms against trying to win a decision
with dollars alone, when we did not have
the trained personnel to spend the money
wisely. Then it was the House of Rep-
resentatives, where, surprisingly, and
gratifyingly, some substantial cuts were
made' in the foreign aid authorization
bill. Now the bill is before the Senate.
The pushover Senate is not to be
pushed over any more. We, too, are ac-
countable to the public. We, too, have
seen the evidence. We, too, know that
we will not win unless we try, and that
the first step in trying is to have our per-
sonnel carefully, completely, and specif-
ically trained to bring about victory.
It seems to me that it is increasingly
observed that there are, very possibly,
evil consequences to be suffered by this
country and its interests by reason of
our continuing to add more money to be
spent for some undesirable things to be
done in the same ineffective way, and by
the same people with the same lack of
background training, from which they
have already suffered for too long.
It is highly desirable in the Senate ac-
tion on the pending bill that the foreign
aid authorization be sharply curtailed,
to show the State Department that the
Senate recognizes the fact that the un-
planned programs of economic aid and
the cold war contest being conducted by
untrained personnel have already been
demonstrated to be futile.
Even the report from the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, which
rather unenthusiastically urges the Sen-
ate to approve its recommendations,
points out that the committee also be-
lieves that the program should be cur-
tailed and changed, and perhaps elim-
inated by the end of the next fiscal year,
and that something should be evolved in
its place. Therefore Congress should re-
duce the appropriations.
I join those who say that we need to
write into the bill a terminal date for
foreign aid in order to open the entire
question, so that next year there will be
before Congress the product of studies
which should begin now, to determine
how best to exercise our leadership and
meet our responsibilities in world affairs.
We all recognize that we cannot pull
out of the world. The neutrals and our
friends need our support and assistance
overseas. Many need our guidance.
We must continue our efforts to curtail
the aggressive acts of international com-
munism and restore freedom to the areas
which it has already enslaved.
The world and the American taxpayer
-both deserve a program which is effec-
tive, which is implemented by personnel
who are trained and competent. They
need a program which is planned and
implemented by professionals, and not
merely proposed and promoted by en-
thusiastic, well-intentioned but inade-
quately trained amateurs.
The only course to follow in com-
municating with this see-no-evil, hear-
no-evil, feel-no-evil State Department
group charged with the implementation
of our foreign policy, whose only solution
is always, "Give us money, give us bil-
lions, and our amateurs will do the job,"
20413
is to bring the present program to a halt,
to stop it; and, having stopped it, to write
a new type of program, which will en-
courage countries to help themselves by
utilizing the techniques and talents made
available to them, to learn to do for
themselves by doing, instead of contin-
uing a program under which we try to do
things for them, the doing of which in
many cases is not prudent or proper, and
frequently not even necessary.
Above all, we need the type of trained
American personnel operating abroad
that the operation of an American Free-
dom Academy can provide.
As we evolve a new program which can
work, we shall be training the workers
who can make it succeed, we shall be
substituting manpower for money, we
shall be substituting professionals for
amateurs, and we shall be looking to the
development of victory, instead of the
perpetuation of defeat.
We should reduce appropriations
sharply, so that the voice of Congress
can finally be heard at the other end of
the avenue. We should write in a ter-
minal date, which will make the admin-
istration come forth with something
better?not a terminal date to try to
shoulder off our responsibility of world
leadership, but one which will put us
into the cold war contest with trained
personnel and with a program which
makes sense, which concentrates on the
target, which ceases to waste the public
funds, and which will begin to win vic-
tories around the world.
One reason why I voted for the re-
committal of the bill a week ago today,
and why I shall continue both in the au-
thorization bill and in the appropriation
bill, where, as a member of the Commit-
tee on Appropriations, I anticipate even
more gratifying' results, to press for
reductions in the excessive expenditures
provided by the foreign aid bill, is to
help to improve our program, which is
deteriorating before our eyes, for rea-
sons that are so apparent that we could
discover them at midnight, in the base-
ment of a house, with the lights turned
out. We know the evidence; we know
the reasons; and so does the country
generally.
We are only continuing, as we have
done in the past, a program which con-
stitutes a complete violation of our re-
sponsibility in the Senate and a confes-
sion of our failure to meet the needs of
our time. Our constituents have a right
to expect from us something more con-
sistent, something more constructive,
than the perpetuation of a failure and
the provision of additional funds for
those who ? have demonstrated their in-
ability to spend the previous hundred
billion dollars wisely?not with bad
intentions, but because they have
not been sufficiently and specifically
trained for the job because our Gov-
ernment has completely failed to pro-
vide something like a Freedom Academy
to train them. The report of the Com-
mittee ? on Foreign Relations itself rec-
ognizes the failure of the foreign aid
program.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in
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20414 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the RECORD excerpts from pages 4 and 5
of the committee report.
There being no objection, the excerpts
from the report (Rept. No. 588) were
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
In the past the committee has been dis-
appointed by certain aspects of a foreign
aid program. There have been instances of
failure and inefficiency in the field, admin-
istrative and organizational shortcomings,
imbalance in ,the kinds and amounts of aid-
expended to certain countries, overgenerosity
to some recipients and the neglect of other,
more deserving recipients, the proliferation
of aid programs?especially military aid pro-
grams?to an ever-growing number of coun-
tries, and inexplicable delays in terminating
assistance to countries which no longer need
It or which have failed to make productive
use of it.
The committee is less impressed with the
case made by the executive branch for the
maintenance of U.S. aid programs, even on a
small scale, in virtually every underdeveloped
country in the free world and in a few de-
veloped or relatively developed countries.
The committee sees little merit in aid pro-
grams whose sole or major justification is
the maintenance of a U.S. "presence" or the
demonstration of U.S. "interest." It is
equally unenthusiastic about aid programs,
both military and economic, whose major
purpose is to provide an alternative to So-
viet bloc aid.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, the com-
mittee report concludes that our best
step from here is to continue to proceed
to finance existing failures while trying
to continue to .improve the program. I
disagree with the language of the report
and the opinion of members of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations who approve
it. I believe we serve America poorly
and jeopardize our leadership around
the world by following the counsel of
those who say, "Although the program
is failing, let us give it additional bil-
lions of dollars so that the failures can
be more widely heralded and the pro-
gram can fail more emphatically."
The State Department ought to be
working with Congress to evolve a train-
ing system and to develop training fa-
cilities so that there will be at least the
possibility of success.
No other measure is awaiting immedi-
ate consideration on the Senate floor. I
serve on the Committee on Appropria-
tions. The Senate has thus far passed
five appropriation bills. All the appro-
priation bills should have been approved
by July 1, which is the beginning of the
fiscal year. Eight appropriation bills re-
main to be passed. No one has put pres-
sure upon me as a member of the Com-
mittee on Appropriations to hurry and
mark up bills or to attend conferences
between members of the two Houses.
Time rolls along.
As a Member of the Senate who feels
that already too much money is being
spent, and spent too rapidly, I am per-
fectly content to let the appropriation
bills wait until next March.
I am the author of language in our
Appropriations Committee report which
provides that some economy is being in-
voluntarily effectuated every day we
wait, because the increases cannot be
spent except on the basis of the time re-
maining in the fiscal year. So if no one
in the administration is in a hurry to
have appropriation bills passed?and no
one appears to be?it is not necessary to
worry about spending a little extra time
debating what to do about ,foreign aid.
Surely, our legislative calendar is far
from crowded.
Peace is our most cherished goal. The
hazards of failure in the cold war- are
our most significant problem. I am glad
we are working at this task on the Sen-
ate floor and are taking sufficient time
to do it.
It seems to me that we should take
steps on the Senate floor, even at this
late date, to make certain that the pro-
gram is turned in the right direction and
that it is hereafter designed to reach the
targets expected of it.
I ask unanimous consent to have print-
ed at this point in the RECORD an article
entitled "The Real Red Threat," written
by Drew Middleton, and published in the
New York Times of November 8, 1963.
The article emphasizes the fact that if
we are to win the cold war?which we
must win if we are not to' fight a hot
one?we will win it because of the politi-
cal successes which we have overseas,
the economic successes, and our victories
in the cold war, rather than by merely
providing a constantly increasing num-
ber of armaments to rival countries so
that they can shoot it out with one an-
other in little, localized wars, which ulti-
mately we will be called upon to settle
either with our manpower and military
might or by our counsel and our guid-
ance.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE REAL RED THREAT?SOME IN EUROPE SEE
IT AS POLITICAL AND SAY THE UNITED STATES
OVEREMPHASIZES ARMS
(By Drew Middleton)
PARIS, November 7.?Which. face of com-
munism is the bigger threat to the West?
The Soviet general with his finger near the
"go" button or the party agitator with a
pocketful of plans for economic revolution?
A dispute over whether the military or the
political danger is the graver has arisen at
the meeting of members of parliaments of
countries in the North Atlantic Alliance.
The difference of opinion seems to be more
than a squabble over East-West trade, or
whether there should be an Atlantic As-
sembly. The latter, an American proposal,
would organize the present group of parlia-
ment members into a representative body
for the North American Alliance.
Much of the criticism of U.S. willingness
to discuss outstanding military issues with
the Soviet Union, and even of the nuclear
test ban treaty arises from this difference
over which aspect of communism is the true
and immediate danger to Europe.
Washington is criticized for being too 'in-
terested in the military side of the Commu-
nist problem. Such criticism includes the
administration's readiness to discuss with
Moscow such issues as the prevention of sur-
prise attack and a nonaggression agreement
between the Atlantic Alliance and the War-
saw Pact Powers of the Soviet bloc.
One legislator said the United States was
obsessed with the question of troop strength
in Europe.
ITALIAN AND FRENCH PROBLEMS
The critics come mainly from countries
such as Italy, which has a Communist politi-
cal problem, or France, where there is danger
of a re-creation of a popular front represent-
ing the Communist and Socialist movements.
November 8 **
Acute apprehension is shown by Mediter-
ranean members -of the alliance over the
trend in Greece. The feeling is that commu-
nism naay have spent its political force in
the United States, Britain, Canada, West
Germany, Norway and Denmark, but that
it is alive and kicking?and dangerous?in
the Mediterranean.
The United States, it is said, takes the
political health of Europe for granted.
Washington tends to think, the critics
say, that in prosperous Europe the Commu-
nists represent parties of protest rather than
of revolution. In their view this is exactly
what the Communists want the United
States to believe.
"But let a Communist Party gain power,
or even share power in a coalition," said one
member of a parliament, "and you Ameri-
cans will be quickly reminded of the true
aims of communism. All the divisions or
Polaris submarines in Europe won't prevent
the Communists from taking that country
out of NATO."
CONTRIBUTIONS CITED
Some may suggest that putting forward
this emphasis on communism's political
potential is a way of avoiding fulfillment of
military commitments to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.
But Italy is participating in talks on
formation of a mixed-manned force.
Greece, which is sitting in on these talks,
makes a contribution to the treaty organiza-
tion's.. conventional forces is straining her
resources.
Those who criticize American policy are
not seeking relaxation of the defense effort
in Europe. What they want is recognition
by Washington that discussions with Moscow
on easing military tension are likely to
strengthen the Communist parties where
those parties are a conceivable alternative to
present governments.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, will
the Senator from South Dakota yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from Colorado.
Mr. DOMINICK. I join the Senator
from South Dakota in the views he has
expressed concerning the Freedom Acad-
emy, particularly.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I am
glad to yield to the Senator from Colo-
rado. I have the floor. -
Mr. DOMINICK. I beg the Senator's
pardon; I appreciate his courtesy.
This phase of our foreign policy has
been neglected for so long that it seems
to me to be imperative that we give it
serious. consideration if we are' to get
back on the right track in our overall
war on communism and do something
toward establishing a Freedom Acad-
emy.
In the 3 years that I have been a Mem-
ber of Congress, I have been a supporter
of a foreign service academy designed
to enable the State Department and all
other branches of the Government which
have oversea operations to obtain qual-
ified personnel, capable of handling the
work to which they are assigned, wheth-
er it happens to be in the Federal Avia-
tion Agency, the Department of Com-
merce, or any'other? branch of the Gov-
ernment. The theory is that people so
trained, particularly when they are on a
borderline, close to the Communist con-
spiracy, are just as much subject to Com-
munist problems as they would be in the
State Department, in the foreign aid
program, or any other field.
I testified before the subcommittee on
behalf of the bill which was considered
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T963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
and revised, the so-called Kennedy ex-
pansion of the Foreign Service Institute.
At that time, the chairman of the com-
mittee, the distinguished Senator from
Missouri, indicated that he also felt that
the Freedom Academy and the Foreign
Service Academy were institutions which
ought to be,considered by the Senate, but
that because of opposition from the De-
partment of State and the administra-
tion, he was required by party loyalty
to use only the recommendations that
were made through the State Depart-
ment. It seems to me that that is ar-
rant nonsense, so far as the State De-
partment is concerned. We are trying
to improve the quality of the personnel
who will be called upon to handle these
programs, rather, than to diminish it.
We are trying to enhance the prestige
of the State Department, throughout the
country, which prestige, frankly, in my
opinion, could not be any lower than it
is now. We must take some steps to
establish a Freedom Academy; and if
there is anything I can do to support the
distinguished Senator from South Dako-
ta, I shall be glad to do it.
Mr. MUNDT. I appreciate the Sena-
tor's statement, and I appreciate even
more his asurances of support, because
I know that his support on any project
or program is something of real sub-
stance and significance.
I recall the Senator's brilliant testi-
mony before the committee. We were
dealing with the general subject of im-
proving personnel and providing ex-
panded training facilities for those who
serve this country overseas.
I share with the Senator from Colo-
rado the regret that nothing along that
line has occurred. It is much more im-
portant that we convince the State De-
partment that it cannot win the cold
war without such trained personnel,
whether we appropriate $3 billion or $30
billion, more or less, in the foreign aid
program for the future.
As I said earlier, I speak as one who
has voted for far more foreign aid than
I have opposed, starting with the point
IV program. But I shall vote against
the current authorization bill, when the
final rollcall vote is taken. I shall vote
against it because I know of no other
way in which I can express an effective
and clearcut opposition to continuing a
program of spending billions of dollars
overseas for programs which have not
been synthesized or targeted together
or coordinated, and for the administra-
tion of which we have entirely failed to
meet the challenge of providing an up-
dated, coordinated, completly adequate
training facility so those who serve us
overseas can be equiped with the proper
tools and skills.
I may vote in favor of the foreign aid
appropriation bill, when it comes before
the Senate, for I am not opposed to the
foreign aid concept, if by that time we
can get from the State Department in-
stead of having it sulk in its marble te-
pee?an understandable and acceptable
king-sized training program. In that
case, I may vote, and may try to influence
other Senators on our Appropriations
Committee to vote, in favor of appropri-
ate foreign aid funds.
But I shall vote against, the pending
authorization bill, because I know of no
other way by which to demonstrate my
determination not to have the United
States continue to throw away such
large sums of the money of the Ameri-
can people, particularly when that pro-
gram frequently renders us a disserv-
ice, rather than a service.
Mr. President, let me make my posi-
tion crystal clear. What this country
badly needs is a Freedom -Academy in
which our oversea Government person-
nel, private citizens, and, on occasion,
freedom-supporting people from other
lands can be trained in depth and in
detail about the whole concept of cold
war strategy and how to defeat commu-
nism by means short of war.
Communist Russia operates six well-
established training institutes to train
its own nationals and many visitors from
other lands in the techniques the Com-
munists employ in undermining and in
weakening freedom wherever it pre-
vails. Here in the United States we have
totally failed to develop and utilize a
single institute or training facility to
provide those on our side of this cold
war with equal competence and know-
how and with compensatory training in
the best techniques for defeating the
Communist thrusts against freedom and
in making some positive moves of our
own.
We have our splendid service acade-
mies for the Army, the Navy and the
Air Force. Surely nobody advocates clos-
ing up the training facilities provided
at West Point, Annapolis, and Colorado
Springs. We have our War College to
train and equip our military leaders and
to keep them current on the needed
know-how. But in our effort to win the
cold war, I repeat Mr. President, we have
failed completely to tool up our training
facilities to meet the modern, peace-
time challenges of communism.
We need such a training facility as
the Freedom Academy. We have needed
it for years. We desperately need it now.
We cannot win our cold war against
communism with dollars alone. This
Senate and this Congress should insist
that the State Department and the
White House recognize the realities of
the world in which we live and help de-
velop the training facilities which we so
badly need.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Alaska yield?
Mr. GRUENING. I am glad to yield
to the Senator from Colorado.
Mr. DOMINICK. I point out that a
recent item on the news ticker states
that the Secretary of State has severely
criticized the Senate for its action in
connection with the foreign aid authori-
zation bill, particularly for the restric-
tions it has placed on aid to Indonesia
and Yugoslavia.
The question is, What will the Senate
do to determine the kind of foreign policy
the United States should have? It seems
to me there could not be a better forum
than. this in which to express the irri-
tation of the Senate and of the American
people in general about giving U.S. aid
to countries which in many cases are not
in favor of the United States and are in
favor of our enemy. I believe this is
the best place in which to express our
opinion on that score.
20415
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I -am
much interested in that news ticker item,
because it is clear evidence that the State
Department is now forewarned of our
intent.
I recall sitting as a member of the
Foreign. Relations Committee?whether
in open session or in executive session
makes no difference, in this respect?at
a time when I said to Secretary Rusk,
"You had better get busy training some
Personnel and leadership and establish-
ing an overall training organization in
depth or you will have trouble when the
bill comes up on the floor of the Senate."
I remember that the Senator from Ore-
gon and the Senator from Missouri said
the same thing. However, the State De-
partment officials decided to "bull it
through"; their attitude was, "Wiry
change? We have spent $100 billion of
the money of the American people, up
to now; and surely we can get another
$3 or $4 billion at this time." But, Mr.
President, they cannot do it that easily
any more. Congress is beginning to live
up to its responsibility.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, will
the Senator from South Dakota yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. GRUENING. In connection with
the comment about criticism by Secre-
tary Rusk, he does not realize that before ,
the Marshall plan was established, it was
understood that the function of the Sent
ate in connection with foreign affairs was
merely to give its advice and consent to
treaties and to the nominations of For-
eign Service personnel, and nothing else;
but today Congress also has a definite
responsibility to decide how the foreign
aid funds are to be spent. It is both our
legislative duty and our constitutional
obligation to debate these matters, and
the Secretary of State should realize
that.
Therefore, I think the action taken
yesterday by the Senate, although it was
overdue and was taken belatedly, was
very necessary; and I hope we continue
to watch where such large amounts of
the taxpayers' money go, in connection
with our foreign aid program.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I
thoroughly agree with the Senator from
Alaska.
Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. GRUENING. I yield.
Mr. HUM'PHREY. I do not believe
the personnel in our Foreign Service are
untrained. The Foreign Service person-
nel I have met are exceedingly well
trained, better trained than some of
their critics. I do not believe we shall
provide for a better Foreign Service by
establishing a Foreign Service Academy.
I have long protested, in connection
with the Foreign Service, what we call
the Ivy League clique. It seems to me
it would be a good idea to have in the
Foreign Service people from all parts of
the country who have a genuine appre-
ciation of American life and its many
facets and different cultures.
For example, I believe that the Amer-
ican University, in the Nation's Capital,
with its school of international rela-
tions, prepares people very well for the
Foreign Service. Likewise, I do not be-
lieve that all the good generals grad-
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26416
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
uated from"West Point. 'Many of them
came from VMI or Texas A. &M. or from
colleges with ROTC units. I believe that
the Georgetown University Foreign
Service School is one of the great for-
eign service schools in the world; and I
believe that Leland Stanford University
graduates some fine people who are
trained for the field of foreign service.
So I do not believe we do our country
any service by alleging that those who
work in the State Department are in-
competent and incapable of doing their
jobs. They are extremely competent.
Some of them may not be as competent
as we would like them to be, but cer-
tainly the same may be said of any of-
fice which any one of us manages or of
any business in which any of us may be
engaged.
I would support a program for the
establishment of an academy for train-
ing in Foreign Service. I have said so
many times. But I do not _believe it
would answer all our problems?not by
a long shot.
Furthermore, I do not believe that in
connection with requesting the estab-
lishment of an academy for training in
Foreign Service, Senators needs to
"downgrade" those who are now in the
Foreign Service. There are many good
people in our Foreign Service, and I do
not believe it is a-good idea to spread
across the world statements to the ef-
fect that the State Department wastes
billions of dollars because of incompe-
tent personnel.
In the Foreign Service there are men
who have given their lives and also the
lives of their families to their country.
In fact, when the Government hires a
Foreign Service officer, it generally gets
two for one?both the Foreign Service
officer and his wife; and the wives cif
our Foreign Service officers leaa volun-
tary organizations and do excellent jobs
in carrying the philosophy of this coun-
try to many parts of the world.
I know what is happening to the for-
eign aid authorization bill. We can cut
it or we can defeat it; and apparently
there is among the Members of this body
a passion to do something to the foreign
aid authorization bill to change it dras-
tically. Some think the foreign aid pro-
gram should not even be permitted to
continue.
. Be that as it may, Mr. President, I do
not believe that in the process of amend-
ing the bill we are required to "run
down" the Foreign Service public serv-
ants: If I were a Foreign Service officer,
I would deeply resent such an attack.
Some of the Foreign Service officers go
to parts of the world where a Senator
would not be willing to go, even if he
were paid 10 times his present salary.
The Foreign Service officers go to their
\ posts like soldiers; and I am not going
to remain silent when attempts are made
to rip the Foreign Service to pieces?to
downgrade and attack and criticize it
unfairly.
I want Senators who criticize it to
name the Foreign Service officer who is
charged with wasting money. I ask the
Senator from South Dakota to give me
a bill of particulars. What Foreign
Service officer is wasting money? Is the
Senator from South Dakota talking
about Secretary of State Acheson or
Secretary of State Dulles or Secretary of
State Herter or Secretary of State Rusk?
About whom is the Senator from South
Dakota _talking? What Foreign Service
officer does he mean?
If a Senator is going to criticize, in-
stead of criticizing a whole class of Gov-
ernment employees, he should name the
ones to whom he refers. However, I do
not think Senators can name very many
responsible Foreign Service officers who
have "sold out" this country or have
been guilty of mismanagement or mis-
conduct or are incompetent.
In the last few years we have done a
great deal to elevate the Foreign Service
and to improve and raise the standards.
I have a son who hopes to enter the
Foreign Service. At this time he is
studying for the Foreign Service; and I
resent having the Foreign Service criti-
cized in such fashion. I do not believe
that is the way to recruit good people for
the Foreign Service. I do not want my
son to read, in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, charges that the Foreign Service
is incompetent and wastes millions of
dollars.
I demand a bill of particulars. When
the Senator can show me the names of,
the individuals, and show me the people
who have been guilty of the colossal
waste charged because they were incom-
petent or stupid or untrained, I shall be
willing to buy the argument. Until then .
I resent it. I think it is an unfair argu-j
ment.
AMENDMENT OF FOREIGN ASSIST-
ANCE ACT OF 1961
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (H.R. 7885) to amend further
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and for other purposes.
Mr. GRUENING., Mr. President, I
call up My amendment No. 232.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. NEL-
SON in the chair). The amendment of
the Senator from Alaska has been offered
and stated, and is now pending before the
Senate.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I think
I still have the floor.
The PRESIDING 0.FivICER. Does the
Senator from Alaska yield further to the
Senator from South Dakota?
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I am
glad to yield to the Senator from South
Dakota. I hope his remarks will be brief.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING 010.FiCER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Who has the floor?
The PRESIDI,NG OFFICER. The
Senator from Alaska has the floor:
Mr. FULBRIGHT. By what right does
the Senator yield?
Mr. GRUENING. By unanimous con-
sent I yielded to the Senator from South
Dakota.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the Senator from Alaska
yielding further to the Senator from
South Dakota?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I object.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, the ob-
jection comes about an hour too late.
By unanimous consent the Senate has
already agreed that the Senator from
November 8
Alaska would yield to me so that I could
present my position, and after I had con-
cluded, the floor was to revert to the
Senator from Alaska. I have not con-
cluded because I wish to respond to the
Senator from Minnesota. The objection
of the Senator from Arkansas would have
been highly appropriate an hour ago,
but not now.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Parliamentarian has advised the Chair
that the Senator from Alaska has the
floor. Unanimous consent is required to
enable him to yield to the Senator from
South Dakota. The Senator from Ar-
kansas has objected to the request by
the Senator from Alaska.
Mr. MUNDT. I should like to know
by what parliamentary device the Sen-
ator from South Dakota's original un-
derstanding with the Senator from Alas-
ka has been vitiated.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Parliamentarian has advised the Chair
that the Senator from Alaska reasserted
his right to the floor when the Senator
from South Dakota had concluded his
remarks. He now has the floor. 'Unani-
mous consent is required for the Sena-
tor from Alaska to yield to any other
Senator the privilege of the floor.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the
pending business before the Senate is my
amendment No. 232.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield? ? -
Mr. GRUENING. I am happy to yield.
Mr. MORSE. I assure the Senator
from South Dakota that later he will
have any time he desires.
Mr. MUNDT. I appreciate that very
much. I merely wished to say to my
friend, the Senator from Minnesota, that
I welcome him in the ranks of those who
support the Freedom Academy approach,
even though he damned it with faint
praise, and even though understandably
he opposes some of the arguments which
I have presented.
I regret that the Senator from Min-
nestota was not present during the en-'
tire discourse I made on the subject.
Quite obviously he has based some of
his observations on a misapprehension.
First, I have never said that the Setate
Department people are not trained.
They are not trained in the appropriate
tactics and techniques of the cold War.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Who has the floor?
Mr. MUNDT. I think the Senator
from South Dakota has the floor.
Mr. GRUENING. The Senator from
Alaska haot yielded the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair recognizes the Senator from
Alaska.
Mr. MUNDT. I will be back.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. GRUENING. Is there a rule that
prohibits a Senator from yielding the
floor to another Senator without his giv-
ing up his right to the floor?
The PRESIDING 0.F.VICER. If a
Senator calls for the regular order, the
Senator may-yield only for a question.
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