LETTER TO JACK WESTLAND FROM JOHN S. WARNER

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 19
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 5, 2014
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 25, 1962
• Content Type: LETTER

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25 JAN1962
Honorable Jack Westland
House of Representatives
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Westland:
This is in response to your letter of 10 January 1962 concerning
H. R. 1845. "A BILL To create the Freedom Commission for the
development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist
conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total
political war," which you introduced in the House of Representatives
on 4 January 1961.
Reports on your bill and similar bill. have been requested from
this Agency. In keeping with executive practice, our request for
clearance of our reports has been made to the Bureau of the Budget
but has not yet been received. We are advised that the matter is still
being studied.
In accordance with your request, we will be pleased to forward
our report to the Chairman of the House Committee on Un-American
Activities as soon as clearance is received.
Sincerely,
SIGNEII
John S. Warner
Legislative Counsel
House Committee on Un-
American Activities
OGC/LC:JGOJr:cdk (25 Jan 62)
Orig & 1 - Addressee
OGC/LC Subj. H.R. 1845
1 - OGC/LC Signer (JGOJr)
1 - OGC/LC Chrono.
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICIAL ROUTING SLIP
TO
NAME AND ADDRESS
DATE
INITIALS
1
Legis. Counsel
2
3
4
5
6
ACTION
DIRECT REPLY
PREPARE REPLY
APPROVAL
DISPATCH
RECOMMEtIDATION
COMMENT
FILE
RETURN
CONCURRENCE
INFORMATION
SIGNATURE
Remarks:
To coordinate with the Bureau of the
Budget and prepare reply for DCI signature.
r?-... ?...; '? ---t.:-t
FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER
FROM: NAME, ADDRESS AND PHONE NO.
DATE
LBKirkpatr
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I I INCLASSIFIED I I CONFIDENTIAL I
SECRET
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62
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.D DIST., WASHINGTON
ROOM 1419
NEW HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING
4
&num of the Einiteb &tato
ottle of RepresSentatibui
etobingtott, J. C.
January 10, 1962
Hon. John A. McCone
Director
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington 251 D.C.
Dear Mr. McCone:
MEMBER:
COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND
INSULAR AFFAIRS
JOINT COMMITTEE ON
ATOMIC ENERGY
It is my understanding that Congressman Francis Walter, Chairman of
the Committee on Un-American Activities, requested a report from the Central
Intelligence Agency on a bill, H.R. 1845, which I introduced in the House on
January 4, 1961. It would create the Freedom Commission for the development
of the science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy and for
the training and development of leaders in a total political war.
Since I would like to request committee consideration of my bill,
I would appreciate any effort your office might make to expedite the report
to the Chairman.
JW/et
Sincerely yours,
fitteV4
ck Westland
mber of Congress
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ournal Office of Legislative Counsel
edneeday 17 January 1962
O. (Uncles* led - TOO) Advised by 1axzea Hydc. DOB
that with regard to our question concerting B013 approval of Agency
reports on legislative proposals for the creation of * Freedom
Commiasionaor the development of the StielaCe of counteraction
to the vrorld coramuniet conspiracy and for the training and developraad
of 1ea4ere in a total politica war, that final determination has not
been made. For publication, Mr. Hyde stated that the executive
brand% is still sisgiYing the tuner. (See Journal of 16 Ianuary 1962.)
ccsIC
iS
Col. Orogen
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STAT
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L750 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
S.908. A bill to amend title X of the So-
cial Security Act to liberalize the restric-
tions with respect to possession of property
or other resources imposed as a condition
of eligibility for aid to the blind under State
programs established pursuant to such title;
to the Committee on Finance.
(See the remarks of Mr. lisarns when he
Introduced the a.bove bills, which appear
under a separate heading.)
By Mr. ERVIN:
S.J. Res. 47. Joint resolution to amend the
joint resolution of September 7, 1957 (71
Stat. 626), providing for the establishment
of a Civil War Centennial Commission; to
the Committee on the Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. Eavin when he
Introduced the above joint resolution, which
appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. CASE of South Dakota:
S.J. Res. 48. Joint resolution proposing an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States relating to the election of
President and Vice President; to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. CASE of South
Dakota when he introduced the above joint
resolution, which appear under a separate
heading.)
By Mr. KEATTNG (for himself, Mr.
BENNETT, Mr. BRIDGES, Mr. JAVITS,
Mr. PROUTY, Mr. SCOTT, and Mr.
WILEY) :
S.J. Res. 49. Joint resolution providing for
the establishment of an annual Youth Ap-
preciation Week; to the Committee on the
Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. KEATING when he
Introduced the above joint resolution, which
appear under a separate heading.)
RESOLUTIONS
ELIZABETH J. DOUGHTON
Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on
Rules and Administration, reported an
original resolution (S. Res. 83) to pay
a gratuity to Elizabeth J. Doughton,
which was placed on the calendar.
, (See the above resolution printed in
full where it appears under the heading
"Reports of Committees.")
THELMA AUSTON BROWN
Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on
Rules and Administration, reported an
original resolution (S. Res. 84) to pay
a gratuity to Thelma Auston Brown,
which was placed on the calendar.
(See the above resolution printed in
full when reported by Mr. HAYDEN, which
appears under the heading "Reports of
Committees.")
UNIFICATION OF IRELAND
Mr. DIRKSEN submitted a resolution
(S. Res. 85) favoring the unification of
Ireland, which was referred to the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations.
(See the above resolution printed in
full when submitted by Mr. DIRKSEN,
which appears under a separate head-
ing.)
INVESTIGATION OF MATTERS PER-
TAINING TO MIGRATORY LABOR
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey sub-
mitted the following resolution (S. Res.
86) to investigate matters pertaining to
migratory labor, which was referred to
the Committee on Labor and Public Wel-
fare, as follows:
Resolved, That the Committee on Labor
and Public Welfare, or any duly authorized
subcommittee thereof, is authorized under
section 134(a) and 136 of the Legislative
Reorganization Act of 1946, as amended,
and in accordance with its jurisdictions
specified by rules XXV of the Standing
Rules of the Senate to examine, investigate,
and make a complete study of any and all
matters pertaining to migratory labor in-
cluding, but not limited to, such problems
as (a) the wages of migratory workers, their
working conditions, transportation facilities,
housing, health and educational opportuni-
ties for migrants and their children, (b) the
nature of and the relationships between the
programs of the Federal Government and
the programs of State and local governments
and the activities of private organizations
dealing with the problems of migratory
workers, and (c) the degree of additional
Federal action necessary in this area.
SEC. 2. For the purposes of this resolu-
tion the committee, from February 1, 1961,
to January 31, 1962, inclusive, is authorized
(1) to make such expenditures as it deems
advisable; (2) to employ upon a temporary
basis, technical, clerical, and other assist-
ants and consultants: Provided, That the
,minority is authorized to select one person
for appointment, and the person so selected
shall be appointed and his compensation
shall be fixed so that his gross rate shall
not be less by more than $1,200 than the
highest gross rate paid to any other em-
ployee; and (3) with the prior consent of the
heads of the departments or agencies con-
cerned, and the Committee on Rules and
Administration, to utilize the reimbursable
services, information, facilities, and person-
nel of any of the departments or agencies
of the Government.
SEC. 3. The committee shall ,report its
findings, together with its recommendations
for legislation as it deems advisable, to the
Senate at the earliest practicable date, but
not later than January 31, 1962.
SEC. 4. Expenses of the committee, under
this resolution, which shall not exceed
$50,000 shall be paid from the contingent
fund of the Senate upon vouchers approved
by the chairman of the commit
FREEDOM COMMISSION AND
FREEpOM ACADEMY
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I intro-
duce, for reference, to the appropriate
committee a bill to create a Freedom
Commission and Freedom Academy to
research, develop and project an inte-
grated, operational science to win the
nonmilitary part of the global struggle
between freedom and communism and
to train Government personnel, private
citizens, and foreign students in this
science. I am joined today in the spon-
sorship of this bill by Senator DOUGLAS,
Senator CASE of New Jersey, Senator
DODD, and Senator SMATHERS; and I re-
quest unanimous consent that the bill
lie on the table for 1 week to enable
other Senators who may wish to do so
to join us in its sponsorship.
I introduced this bill, which has be-
come popularly known as the Freedom
Academy bill, in the 86th Congress along
with cosponsors Senators DOUGLAS and
CASE of New Jersey and companion legis-
lation was introduced in the House by
Congressman SYD HERLONG and Con-
gressman WALTER JUDD. On August 31,
1960 the Senate approved our bill to
establish a Freedom Academy in this
country; however, the sine die adjourn-
ment of the 86th Congress prevented'
February 9
the House from taking action. I am
advised that Congressmen HERLONG and
JUDD will re-introduce this measure in
the House within the next few days.
Mr. President, this bill has one pri-
mary, aim?the substantial improvement
of the cold war capabilities of the United
States and the free world so that we can
win the cold war struggle with the Com-
munists. To accomplish this aim the bill
proposes two coordinate courses of ac-
tion. First, the creation of an agency
in Government, to which is specifically
delegated the responsibility for develop-
ing a systematic, integrated applied sci-
ence of .nonmilitary action appropriate
for utilization by the United States and
other free world nations in the global
? cold war struggle with the Communist
world; and, second, the establishment of
a training institution to be known as
the Freedom Academy wherein courses
in this applied science of nonmilitary
warfare can be offered to a wide range
of individuals, including government
personnel, teachers, trade unionists,
businessmen, clergymen, association and
organization representatives, as well as
others.
Mr. President, we are already at war
with the Communist world, and let no
man doubt the verity of that fact. The
war, of which I speak, is nonmilitary
in character. Its weapons are planned
riots, propaganda, diplomatic blackmail,
coups d'etat, and all the other tech-
niques of political warfare. The threat
to the security and survival of the free
world posed by this nonmilitary strug-
gle is every bit as great as that posed by
a thermonuclear attack.
This nonmilitary war, like a military
war, demands vast and intensive prep-
aration; it requires trained personnel,
research and development activities, and
highly sophisticated weapons systems.
While the Communists have systemati-
cally prepared for this nonmilitary ag-
gression for over 40 years and have
been directing coordinated and well-
planned political warfare attacks against
us for more than 16 years, we have
continued to avoid preparation in this
area and have remained largely passive
insofar as any counterattack by us in
the certitude that right must win over
might. Our counteraction has on oc-
casion been ingenious and imaginative,
but it has in the main been developed on
an ad hoc basis. Such off-the-cuff plan-
ning will not suffice; its glaring vulner-
ability has already been amply demon-
strated in China, Japan, Iraq, and the
waters of the Caribbean.
Mr. President, we urgently need a
Manhattan project to develop the tools,
the tactics, and the trained personnel to
fight and win the cold war. I humbly
submit that the passage of the Freedom
Academy bill can provide us with that
Manhattan project to bring us to combat
readiness in the cold war.
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator
from Connecticut.
Mr. DODD. I commend the Senator
from South Dakota for what he has
done.
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19 til CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
I tun honored to join my distinguished
?colleague in presenting the Freedom
Academy bill for the consideration of the
Senate.
This bill, as the Senators will recall,
was passed by the Senate in the closing
days of the last session. Unfortunately,
it proved impossible to bring the meas-
ure to a vote in the House, in the brief
time that remained.
In reporting the Freedom Academy
bill favorably to the Senate last August,
the Judiciary Committee described it as
one of the most important ever intro-
duced in the Congress. For my own
part, I consider this an understatement.
I believe that on the enactment of this
measure may depend whether or not we
survive as a free nation?whether our
grandchildren will know the meaning of
freedom, religion, morality, justice,
brotherly love, and all the other values
we hold dear, or whether they will be en-
slaved and molded into godless robots
by a triumphant Communist regime.
I do not exaggerate. Time is running
out for the free world. Since the end
of World War II, 700 million people, a
third of the world's population, has fal-
len under Communist rule. The Com-
munists are on the offensive in Latin
America, in Asia, in Africa. Another 15
years like the past 15 years, Mr. Presi-
dent, and I am afraid there will be no
free world left to defend.
We have lost and lost and lost in the
cold war for one primary reason: we
have been amateurs fighting against
professionals. So long as we remain
amateurs in the critical field of political
warfare, the billions of dollars we annu-
ally spend on defense and foreign aid
will provide us with a diminishing meas-
ure of protection.
Shortly after their takeover in Russia,
the Bolsheviks set up a system of politi-
cal warfare development and training
centers. Today they have special cen-
ters for Soviet students, special centers
for Latin American students, for African
students, and for Asian students.
At lower level, these schools have pro-
duced graduates who have been taught
how to argue their position, make prop-
aganda, and win converts; how to infil-
trate trade unions and mass organiza-
tions; how to organize strikes; how to
set up Communist fronts; how to win
popular support on limited issues; how
to incite spontaneous riots; and how to
go about seizing power. At top level,
the graduates of these training acad-
emies have made a careful study of ill
the vulnerabilities of Western society,
and have been taught how to exploit
these vulnerabilities, how to plan a
coordinated attack employing the full
spectrum of political, economic, psycho-
logical, and social weapons. These
trained conflict managers have- also
been taught the ultimate art of con-
founding their enemies through the
orchestration of crises on a global scale.
It was estimated, at the hearings held
last year by the Senate Subcommittee
on Internal Security, that these train-
ing establishments have graduated more
than 100,000 professional revolutionaries.
This is a frightening figure when one
No. 24-2
considers that it takes only a handful
to incite a riot or to take over in a
country like Cuba.
The possession by both sides of large
stocks of nuclear weapons makes all-out
war increasingly improbable. This may
be some consolation, but it does not pro-
tect us from Communist subversion. On
the contrary, ever since the nuclear
stalemate first developed, the Commu-
nists have been placing increasing em-
phasis on the political warfare sector.
Here they have scored brilliant successes,
because in this sector we have no serious
defenses, no cadres of trained personnel,
little understanding.
Let us face up to the fact that the
mightiest defense establishment in the
world was helpless, in fact worthless,
when it came to preventing a Commu-
nist takeover in Cuba. It was also of no
utility in preventing or countering the
Communist-led riots in Bogota, Caracas,
and Tokyo. In each of these instances,
the Kremlin, with an outlay of some
thousands of dollars, was able to inflict
massive political defeats on the United
States.
There is a serious gap in our defenses,
Mr. President. The measure we propose
today is intended to close this gap. The
establishment of a Freedom Academy
will, for the first time, give us an agency
encharged with the single task of devel-
oping a science of counteraction against
Communist subversion, and of training
Americans, yes, and nationals of other
free countries, in this science.
I urge my colleagues of the Senate to
give this measure their most earnest
consideration. Although we have given
the matter much thought, I do not pre-
tend?and I am sure this attitude is
shared by the distinguished Senator
from South Dakota?that the measure
as we have presented it is perfect in
every detail. Perhaps there are certain
ways in which it can be improved. The
essential matter is the establishment of
a Freedom Academy and of a research
and personnel training program. It is to
this matter that I ask the Senators to
direct their attention.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have inserted in the RECORD at
this point a brilliant article by Mr.
James Burnham, which appears in the
ourrent issue of Ordnance magazine.
Mr. Burnham is the author of several
books on the cold war, and is generally
recognized as one of our outstanding
authorities on the subject.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
STICKS, STONES, AND ATOMS
(While the United States has been stock-
piling nuclear armament the Communists
have been taking over country after country
by the use of well-directed mobs equipped
with only the most primitive weapons.)
(By James Burnham)
Not long after the United Nations patch-
work expeditionary force was rushed?or,
perhaps better, sucked?into the Congolese
maelstrom, a striking news photograph was
widely printed in the American press. It
showed a truckload of soldiers about to start
off for the Leopoldville suburbs. The men
were part of a crack, British-trained unit of
the Ghana Army.
1751
As displayed in the picture, they were
standing at attention in the truck, in two
close, smartly drawn ranks. Suspended
from the left arm of each soldier was a
round shield, looking as if it had been
snatched from a museum's medieval armor
collection or from the prop room of a grand-
opera company.
A friend of mine, an able and hardwork-
ing officer now at the Pentagon, noticed this
picture and smiled. "The Sir Galahad weap-
on system. How's that for defensive arm-
ament in the nuclear age?" he asked sar-
castically. He was much surprised when I
commented: "It's not too bad, as a matter
of fact. Better than most."
In these Ghanian shields, a light, strong
aluminum alloy has replaced the wood,
leather, brass, and iron of ancient bucklers.
Their purpose is protection against the
sticks, rocks, and stones thrown by rioting
mobs. In the nuclear age, stones function
as weapons a good deal oftener than nuclear
bombs and have won many more battles.
On both sides of the Iron Curtain many
strategists believe that a curious law applies
to the quantum jumps in firepower that
have marked the weapons development of
the past two decades. Beyond a certain
limit?already passed by H-bombs?the more
powerful the weapons become the less chance
there is that they will be used. The reason
for this is that fewer and fewer occasions
would be taken to justify their use.
This is true even if one side had a mo-
nopoly. You are not going to start throwing
H-bombs around to halt a border skirmish
in the Cameroons or to block a change of
government in Paraguay. When both sides
possess the superpowerful weapons, the ap-
propriate occasions are reduced to the brink
of zero.
Indeed, many analysts are convinced that
the only event that would be taken by either
side as a sufficient motive for launching the
most powerful weapons would be an attack
with such weapons by the other side. If
this puzzling conclusion is true, then an all-
out unlimited war can take place only
through faulty intelligence or an accidental
launching.
In practice there seems to be a still more
paradoxical corollary to this law of the in-
verse relation between the power and use of
modern weapons. The more powerful the
new weapons that exist, the more primitive
the weapons that are actually used. Castro
conquered Cuba with small arms, mimeo-
graph machine and portable radio trans-
mitters.
The rioting mobs of Tokyo, Seoul, and
Ankara that overturned governments and
forced the cancellation of the visit of the
head of the most powerful nation in the
world were armed with nothing more than
their fists, the staves used to raise their
placards, and paving bricks, plus a few
knives and revolvers. In the Congo, we
have gone back to clubs, rocks, blowguns,
and magical spells.
It is terribly hard for Americans to un-
derstand something so simple. In uniform
and out, we have been dutifully trying to
learn about grandiose weapons systems
made up of infinitely complex aircraft,
bases, carriers, nuclear devices, ballistic mis-
siles, nuclear submarines, electronic com-
puters, inertial navigators, and what not.
On a single system of this sort?for exam-
ple, Polaris, Titan, Minuteman, or the B-52
complex?we are ready to spend 5, 8, or 10
billions of dollars as well as immense quan-
tities of manpower, effort, technical ingenu-
ity, and scientific intelligence.
It is well and good and necessary that
this should be. But at the same time we
seem to have difficulty in focusing our atten-
tion, not to speak of our brains and dollars,
on the weapons systems by which the strug-
gle for the world is, in fact, being fought.
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1752 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
We should more frequently remind our-
selves that only two nuclear devices?crude,
relatively low power types at that?have ever
been used for combat purposes. In the
15 years since that parenthetic employ-
ment there have been many victories and
defeats vast in scope and lasting in conse-
quences. Power over many nations, whole
regions of the earth, hundreds of millions
of human beings, has changed hands?all
without benefit of direct nuclear leverage.
Those rioting mobs of Tokyo, Seoul, and
Ankara needed no A- or H-bombs, or planes
or tanks or even guns to topple governments.
Gandhi and Nehru had no strategic air
force to help them drive the British Raj out
of the Indian subcontinent.
Indonesia, Iraq, Cuba, Bolivia, Egypt,
Guatemala, Vietnam, Cambodia, the Congo,
the Rhodesias. * * ? It is mostly sticks and
stones, rifles and submachine guns?and the
mobs of course: the mobs are a primary
element of the weapons systems that have
been deciding most battles and campaigns of
the struggle for the world.
Words also, of course?the words of agita-
tion and propaganda, zeroed in on minds?
for in these battles of our age, unlike the
old nursery rhyriae, words as well as sticks
and stones can break our bones.
From 1945 until some time after 1950 we
possessed a monopoly in operative nuclear
arms and thus overwhelming superiority in
overall firepower. But it is in those same
years that our enemy made his greatest con-
quests since 1917, seizing eastern Europe,
with 100 million inhabitants and mainland
China, with 600 million.
The weapons systems that he employed for
these achievements were based,not on physi-
cal firepower, but on psychological and po-
litical warfare methods, both defensive and
offensive.
Defensively, it was necessary for him to
counteract, negate, and sterilize our nuclear
capability. Communist reasoning never for-
gets that a weapon?any weapon?is only a
powerless bundle of matter apart from
human minds and wills.
The biggest bomb ever built or building
is less than David's slingshot without a
mind and will and arm able and ready to
use it.
With atomic capability added to our force
already in being in 1945, we were in a posi-
tion, materially speaking, to enforce our
views, to reduce the Soviet threat to man-
ageable proportions, and thus to guarantee
for a reasonable future both national se-
curity and world peace. This possibility con-
flicted with the Communist objective of
world domination, so the Communists struck
back, hard, brilliantly, and successfully. The
main impetus of their strike was directed
against the minds and wills of men.
Their agents, dupes, and ideas were already
present in many strata of American life, in-
cluding scientific circles, the institutions
that affect public opinion, and certain of
the agencies of Government. They were
thus in a position from the very beginning
to counteract our nuclear projects and
capability?from the inside as well as
through external pressures and diplomacy.
The main thrust of the first Communist
reply to our nuclear weapons monopoly was
thus psychopolitical, against the minds of
the men who were making the weapons
(technicians and scientists) and the men
who controlled it (the leaders of government
and public opinion).
The Communist objective was to deprive
the United States of the political benefit of
its nuclear capability, to denature the
bombs, not by the physical process described
in the textbooks, but by political, psycho-
logical, and moral means. In this case, as
more generally, the Communists acted to
confuse and disorient their enemy, to en-
tangle him in contradictory policies, and to
destroy his will to resist.
Under this defensive psychic screen, which
successfully counterweighed their enemy's
material superiority, the Communists went
ahead systematically with the phased sub-
jugation of the east European nations. At
the same time, in a theater still more vast,
they carried through the conquest of main-
land China and its absorption into an ex-
panded Soviet Empire.
Although there was, of course, fighting,
some of it rather large-scale, the China cam-
paign was essentially a political-warfare op-
eration. (I am using the term "political
warfare" in its most general sense, as cover-
ing all types of agitation, propaganda, sub-
version, economic manipulation, rioting, ter-
ror, diversionary diplomacy, guerrilla and
paramilitary actions, etc.: everything, in
sum, short of the employment of the main
formal armed forces.)
The Communists' polwar campaign for the
conquest of China opened in 1920. It was
completed in 1949 without the mass inter-
vention of the main armed forces and with a
total expenditure of probably less than half
a billion dollars.
Although most professional military men,
unlike their civilian counterparts, know that
we are in a fight, I get the impression that
very few of them can take a weapon system
seriously unless it comprises a lot of fire-
power. They can analyze learnedly the mer-
its of strategic manned bombers versus sub-
marine-carried Polaris versus railroad-borne
Minutemen.
They will thoughtfully debate the role of
conventional limited-warfare forces. They
can envisage, without qualms, spending $10
or $20 billion to develop weapon systems
based on one or another or all of these con-
cepts, together with the assignment of per-
sonnel and time and resources that go with
money of that order.
But if you suggest?as I have often done in
lectures at the various war colleges?spend-
ing any such sum, or a tenth such a sum, for
systems based on Blanquist cadres, crowd
manipulation, guerrillas, psychological war-
fare, paramilitary operations, subversion,
bribery, infiltration, with specialized, mo-
bile, ranger-type units in active supporting
reserve?in short, if you suggest all-out po-
litical warfare (polwar) ?the best response
you can ordinarily hope for is a skeptical
smile.
Yet it is the polwar weapons systems that
have been winning all the battles. What
good are Atlas and Polaris in Laos, Cuba,
Algeria, the Congo, or in the swarming
streets of Tokyo, Ankara, Jakarta, and Buda-
pest?
It has been demonstrated over and over
again in the past 15 years?indeed, since
1917?that modern polwar systems can smash
governments and armies, and take over ter-
ritory, peoples, and nations. Isn't a weapon
system that can defeat the British, Dutch,
and French armies, that can seize Czecho-
slovakia, China, and Cuba, worth spending, a
few billions on? The real worth of any
weapon system, in the last analysis, should
be measured by what it can accomplish, not
by its size, complexity, cost, or physical fire-
power.
Naturally I am not suggesting that a pol-
war system should operate in a military vacu-
um. B-52's, Atlas and Polaris missiles are not
being used, but the fact that they might be
Is a solid foundation for every kind of con-
flict operation. An effective limited-warfare
arra, present always as a threat and ready for
appropriate use, naturally strengthens any
sort of political-warfare campaign.
A conflict apparatus adapted to the mid-
20th-century struggle for the world consists
of three primary forces, elements, or arms: -
? February 9
1. The massive retaliatory (deterrent)
force, which remains as the ultimate reserve.
2. The mobile, limited-warfare (brush-
fire) force. This, too, remains normally in
reserve but in more active posture than the
retaliatory force, ready for quick intervention
In any area where security or interest re-
quires the direct presence or use of military
power.
3. The political-warfare force. This
force?which by its nature includes a multi-
tude of activities and agencies, both govern-
mental and civilian?is the active vanguard.
Under the shield of the retaliatory force, and
backed up by the limited-warfare force, with
which it collaborates, the polwar force con-
tinuously engages in the day-by-day opera-
tions of the protracted conflict.
True political warfare, as understood and
practiced by our enemy, is not mere rivalry
or competition or conflict of some vague
kind. Political warfare is a form of war.
It is strategic in nature. Its objective, like
that of every other form of war, is to impose
one's own will on the opponent, to destroy
the opponent's will to resist. In simplest
terms, it aims to conquer the opponent.
Within the frame of that general objective,
the specific objective of each specific polwar
campaign is always defined in terms of pow-
er. The purpose in conducting polwar op-
erations is always to increase one's power in
some definite way or to decrease the power
of the opponent. In either case, positive
or negative, the aim is to alter the power
equilibrium in one's favor.
The power objective may be grandiose?
conquest of a nation, disintegration of an
empire: or the minor takeover of a trade
union, scaring a parliament into defeating
a bill, or the sabotage of a factory. But
whether big or small, the objective is always
power.
These are the principles in terms of which
our enemy has planned and mounted his
polwar operations since the summer of 1903
when, through the founding of the Bolshevik
faction, he launched his enterprise for the
conquest of the world. Moreover, although
he realizes that polwar in some instances
may not be able by itself to reach a decision
and may have to be supplemented by full-
scale military measures, he is convinced that
In at least some cases political warfare alone
can bring the decision.
By now he has ample evidence to support
this belief. Czechoslovakia has been con-
quered twice in this century?once by Hit-
ler and once by Stalin?by a purely polwar
campaign, without the commitment of major
armed forces. China also, as we have noted,
was won essentially by polwar methods. By
these same methods American nuclear test-
ing has been stopped dead for more than 2
critical years.
Not a year passes but that these methods
do not smash several governments. And
right now they are swinging an island at our
strategic doorstep into our enemy's power
system.
Although we are in fact spending several
Milton dollars yearly on nonmilitary phases
of the cold war, very few of these go for
what can properly be called political warfare
in the true sense?the sense accepted by our
enemy. Our professional military leaders
have traditionally regarded political warfare
(or psychological warfare, as it is more usu-
ally and inadequately termed) as being
merely an auxiliary and relatively minor
supplement to military operation.
The cold-war activities of nonmilitary
agencies?foreign aid, truth (or information)
campaigns, student (or cultural) exchange,
even much of the clandestine activity of
CIA?are for the most part not true polwar
operations. They are not political warfare
because we do not really think of them as
literally war.
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1V 51 i3ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
We are trying to get the better of a com-
petitor and opponent, certainly; to block
certain of his moves, divert others, influence
him to make certain changes in his behavior
and policies. But we are not trying to im-
pose our will on him in any general way,
and certainly we are not trying to defeat
him.
In other words, we do not conceive our
cold-war operations strategically. Often they
have no clearly defined objective at all.
When they do have an objective, this is sel-
dom understood in terms of power.
In a genuine polwar system, foreign aid is
only a key to open a national door for the
conduct of field operations; information and
propaganda are not a school lesson to teach
pale truths about how nice one is, but a psy-
chological weapon to undermine, divert, and
injure one's enemy; student scholarships
are not a charity handout to the needy, but
a cover for training activist cadres.
Because we decline to fight genuine, stra-
tegically conceived warfare, a considerable
part of our billions in foreign-aid dollars has
been wasted, squandered on useless projects,
filtered into the pockets of corrupt local
residents, or used to build up industry for the
enemy or his friends to inherit.
Let me point the contrast by returning in
conclusion to the specific matter of riots
and mob action, bearing in mind that this
is only one of a hundred polwar fields. How
many men and women (women are exceed-
ingly important in crowd management) do
we have in training today for the mission
of exploiting crowds, mobs, and street riots
to our political advantage? Do we have any?
How many persons in the agencies of our
Government have ever made a thorough
study of the historical, psychological, and
technical problems of handling mobs and
mass riots? Is there even a single one?
The Bolshevik approach to mobs, riots,
and command of the streets is very serious
indeed. In his design for the revolutionary
party?the conflict apparatus?Lenin, like
Bakunin and Nechaev before him, incor-
porated the ideas of Louis Blanqui, a French
revolutionist who lived from 1805 to 1881.
Blanqui first became prominent in the 1830
revolution and devoted the rest of his life,
in and out of prison, to revolutionary
conspiracy.
He believed that the key to successful re-
volt was the development of a small, secret
cadre organization. Normally the cadres
would remain underground, abstaining from
political affairs. They were to be trained in
the manipulation of crowds and the use of
small arms and improvised weapons (sticks
and stones) accessible to crowds.
In the 1848 and 1870 revolutions in France,
the practical cogency of Blanqui's ideas was
proved. In 1870 it was his cadres who were
primarily responsible for the overthrow of
the Third Empire and the establishment of
the Paris Commune?the first revolutionary,
proletarian-led dictatorship.
During the past 2 years there have been
mass riots in the streets of many major
cities of the non-Communist world: Caracas,
Montevideo, Lima, Baghdad, Havana, Cape-
town, Leopoldville, Algiers, Seoul, Ankara,
Tokyo, Vientiane, San Salvador, and Saigon,
among others. Nearly all have been directed
against political friends of the United States
or against policies favorable to the United
States.
Besides promoting fiercely anti-American
attitudes, these riots played an essential part
in the overthrow of no less than eight gov-
ernments that were firm allies of the United
States: in Venezuela, Iraq, Cuba, South
Korea, Turkey, Tokyo, El Salvador, Laos.
The governments were overthrown just as
thoroughly as by outright military defeat.
Unguided mobs may shake but they do not
overthrow regimes. They do not spontane-
ously produce consistent slogans and select
strategic targets.
The coordinated operations of these re-
cent riots, and their high measure of success,
are the product of trained Bolshevik neo-
Blanquists.
In the next year or so the communized
Government of Cuba will either be over-
thrown, or the enemy will move on to the
staged takeover of Central and South Amer-
ica. In the next year or so, non-Commu-
nist regimes must retain power in the Indo-
chinese successor states, or the enemy will
move on to the staged takeover of the entire
Southeast Asian peninsula.
For both operations, H-bombs are useless.
Is it not obvious that we are not likely to
meet either of these challenges unless we
decide to lift our Cinderella political-warfare
system from the scullery floor where we have
so far left her in rags and tatters?
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator
from Illinois, one of the cosponsors of
the bill.
Mr. DOUGLAS. I am very happy to
join in sponsoring a bill to establish a
Freedom Academy. I should like to em-
phasize that, in addition to providing for
exposing the tactics of the various Com-
munist Parties, which is a necessary
task, the measure also cans for stressing
the positive and constructive features of
democracy. I regard it as an essential
part of any anti-Communist work that,
while we should properly emphasize the
great hypocrisies and cruelties within
the Communist system, we nevertheless,
should stress the healing and benevolent
qualities of democracy, which permit us
to make changes, without violence, inside
our Nation. It is because this measure
provides for constructive and positive
features that I take special pleasure in
serving as a cosponsor.
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator
from Florida.
Mr. SMATHERS. I should like to
associate myself with the remarks made
by the able senior Senator from Illinois
[Mr. DOUGLAS]. I am proud to be a co-
sponsor of this particular proposal. I
cannot help believing that the necessity
for our being on the affirmative in the
battle against communism is long past
due. I understand the proposed Acad-
emy will train talented young people,
and enable them to get the information
and background not only with respect
to the weaknesses of the Communist sys-
tem, but how best to battle the dogmas
and doctrines of the Communists and at
the same time present to the uncom-
mitted areas and peoples of the world
the great virtues of our democratic sys-
tem, and to make them wish they had
such a system in their countries. I com-
mend the Senator from South Dakota
for his leadership in this field.
Mr. MUNDT. I thank the Senator
from Florida.
Mr. President, before closing I should
like to commend to the attention of my
colleagues an article entitled "What We
Must Do To Win the Cold War," which
appears in the February 1961 issue of the
Reader's Digest. This article states a
most persuasive case for the Freedom
1753
Academy and urges its establishment. I
sincerely extend my appreciation and
applause to Charles Stevenson for
writing this timely article and to the
editors of the Reader's Digest for pub-
lishing it.
I ask unanimous consent that the full
text of this article be printed at this
point in the RECORD immediately follow-
ing my remarks.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, the bill will be received;
and, without objection, it will lie on the
desk as requested, and the article re-
ferred to will be printed in the RECORD.
The bill (S. 822) to create the Free-
dom Commission and the Freedom Acad-
emy to research and develop an inte-
grated, operational science to win the
nonmilitary part of the global struggle
between freedom and communism and
to train Government personnel, private
citizens, and foreign students in this sci-
ence, introduced by Mr. MUNDT (for him-
self and other Senators) , was received,
and read twice by its title.
The. article presented by Mr. MUNDT
is as follows:
WHAT WE MUST Do To WIN THE COLD WAR
(By Charles Stevenson)
President Kennedy vowed before the elec-
tion that under his leadership the United
States would at last seize the initiative in the
cold war. Nothing is more imperative. But
before he can even make a start, our new
Commander in Chief must face up to a
shocking and bitter reality. He must cap-
ture control of the defiant, faceless bureauc-
racy firmly entrenched in Washington. Its
weak-kneed efforts to merely hold off com-
munism instead of fighting back are leading
us to defeat even as it tries to keep the
White House from interfering.
The situation is not new. In 1955, Nelson
Rockefeller was secretly assigned by Presi-
dent Eisenhower to try to make our ar-
thritic cold-war machinery work. He recalls
his mission "was bitterly resented by the
State Department," which regarded this
White House interest as an invasion of their
authority and responsibility. After 8 months
he quit in frustration. "You could just go
against a wall of opposition so far, and then
It was useless," he says.
Since the days when we were told that the
Chinese Communists were mere agrarian re-
formers, too many men in the State Depart-
ment have persisted in the dangerously wist-
ful belief that if we don't annoy the Reds
they are bound to see how well-meaning we
are and will stop harassing us. Incredibly,
this philosophy has infected the highest
quarters of our Government. And all the
while the Kremlin, teasing our naive desire
to reach an understanding, through the out-
worn tradition of polite negotiation, toys with
us by hot and cold maneuvering as it inches
forward toward total victory.
Compare our cold war operations with the
deadly, single-minded efficiency of Soviet
maneuvering. Typical was the way the
Communists brought about the Japanese
riots that forced cancellation of President
Eisenhower's trip to Japan last summer and
caused the United States to lose face all over
the world.
Under Khrushchev's direction Japan had
already been infiltrated. Trained native
Japanese cadres were sent to gain control
of the Japanese Teachers' Union with its
500,000 members. Soon Japanese children
were being taught that the U.S.S.R. is their
real motherland, the United States their
bloodthirsty imperialistic foe. Other trained
agitators were sent into the Japanese col-
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I Grit %,ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
leges to take over the Zengakuren, a stu-
dents' organization with shock troops that
beat up uncooperative students and profes-
sors. Communists also eased their way into
Sohyo, the country's labor federation of
3,500,000 members, and into Japan's power-
ful Socialist Party. Six months before the
riots, 88 key Japanese Communists were
smuggled into the country from Russia and
China, where they had spent 8 years in
Communist academies learning to manipu-
late men's minds.
As the time for Eisenhower's visit neared,
millions of dollars were smuggled into Japan
from Russia and China, and poured into
more than a hundred front groups to build
war fears to the point of hysteria. The value
of the yen was unsettled by Communist
currency manipulations in Hong Kong.
Red radio stations blanketed Japan with
hate-America propaganda. The Russian
foreign office sent out thinly veiled threats
of atomic annihilation.
The first demonstrations by students,
along with workers paid a half-day's wages
by agitators, started peacefully enough. By
nightfall, however, the leaders had them
lined up 20 abreast in a phalanx of locked
arms. Whistles blowing a rhythmic beat
brought chants of "down with the treaty"
and the earth literally shook under their
dogtrot. Day after day the performance was
repeated. None of it was spontaneous. It
was a massive action planned and carried
out by professionals, and amateurs were no
match for them.
This is cold war, Russian style. They have
a name for it?agitprop?planned conflict in
which agitation, propaganda, trade, diplo-
macy, threats of war and promises of peace
are coordinated in an ever changing, world-
wide offensive. It is all masterminded in
the Kremlin from a cold war operations
center?a vast chamber with floor-to-ceiling
maps on which are displayed, country by
country, the latest summations of mounting
tensions. Here, just down the hall from his
own office, Premier Khrushchev confers daily
with Deputy Premier Anastas I. Mikoyan,
with Party Secretary Mikhail Suslov who runs
Moscow's international network of profes-
sional agitators, and with his other cold-war
commanders. One word sends a vast array
of flexible cold war weapons into an inte-
grated action to brainwash entire nations.
How do our own cold war planners re-
spond? In the case of the Japanese riots,
the Communist machinations were well
known in Washington, via intelligence re-
ports. But the information never received
proper consideration at the White House.
As far back as 1948, before he became Sec-
retary of State, John Foster Dulles called for
establishment of a new executive-department
dedicated to the task of nonmilitary defense,
just as the Secretary of Defense heads mili-
tary defense. Its goal: to contest the Com-
munist Party at the level where it is winning
its victories. It was to be a flexible organ-
ization that would conceive winning strategy
and make the swift day-to-day, hour-to-
hour decisions, for in this era of sudden
crises, the difference between victory and de-
feat depends as much on split-second ma-
neuvering as in a shooting war.
Instead, we are doing the same old things
in the same old way. We have today at
least eight different foreign-aid funds, sepa-
rately administered by six different agencies,
through which we have handed out 50 bil-
lion dollars just since the Korean War. (Our
every setback abroad is habitually blamed
on the insufficiency of these funds, totally
ignoring the fact that the Reds for their
success have similarly paid out only a bil-
lion and a half.) There is a U.S. Informa-
tion Agency, whose officials have been so
eager not to cause offense that a radio com-
mentary critical of Communist philosophy
was canceled even as it got started. There
are four separate intelligence services:
Army, Navy, Air Force and Central Intel-
ligence Agency. And there is our sprawling
State Department with 14,000 employees,
which insists on being the top layer in this
bureaucratic cake.
In theory this complex is guided by the
National Security Council. Cold-war prob-
lems are tackled by ?the NSC's Planning
Board. But the board's members are the
assistant secretaries of the several depart-
ments of government, each committed to its
own vested interests. Faced with the de-
sirability that their recommendations be
unanimously agreed upon, basic decisions
are anonymously watered down and anony-
mously rewritten time and again to avoid
conflict. Only after endless haggling are
these documents, passing as America's new
proposed grand strategy, offered to the NSC.
"Thus a passive resistance develops to di-
lute recommendations up to the President
and downward to the agencies charged with
carrying out policy,," says Col. William R.
Kintner, the Army's psychological-warfare
expert, who has worked with the NSC struc-
ture and studied our cold-war machinery.
"There is a natural tendency to sidestep and
hedge, to evade problems and react to situ-
ations with half measures haltingly applied.
And progress reports to the President (on
which he must rely for information about
the world situation) often tend to conceal
lack of progress."
Gordon Gray, former Secretary of the
Army, has testified that policy papers, after
weeks of writing and rewriting, had to be
discussed by the Council for 5 more weeks
before receiving final approval. The result
of this cumbersome procedure, explains W.
W. Rostow, professor of economic history
at Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
is that "American policymaking consists of
a series of reactions to major crises. Hav-
ing failed to define, to anticipate, and to
deal with forces loose in the world, we sud-
denly find ourselves face to face with the
problems never recognized or swept under
the rug." .
What happens when our policy is finally
determined? Once a week the Vice Presi-
dent, Secretaries of State, Defense, and
Treasury, the Budget Director and the Di-
rector of Civil Defense and Mobilization
constitute themselves as the NSC ,itself, and
for a couple of hours advise their chairman,
the President, about the cold war. Once he
makes a final judgment they leave it up
to another subordinate bureaucratic group,
the Operations Coordinating Board?which
has no enforcement authority?to try to
persuade departments to carry out the de-
cision. Even the personal assistant to the
President, appointed to coordinate the en-
tire setup in his name, had to cajole de-
partment heads even to attend a confer-
ence. Nobody has concise directive author-
ity.
It is bad enough that the National Secu-
rity Council system is inoperable. But the
shocking fact is that it is sometimes used by
the State Department bureaucracy as in in-
strument for actually defying the White
House. In 1956, for example, State so
balked at producing the facts required to
bring a desperately needed reappraisal of
our Middle East policies before the Presi-
dent that another of Ike's top cold war lieu-
tenants quit in disgust. Shortly afterward
we were caught in stunned surprise when
our British, French and Israeli allies at-
tacked Nasser's Egypt.
More recently, when Cuban dictator Fidel
Castro visited the United States in 1959, the
FBI rushed to the State Department a de-
vastating report on the growing seriousness
of Communist influences around him. Other
similar FBI reports followed. But State de-
liberately suppressed this information. At
one point State even refused to allow Cuba
to be brought up for discussion before the
President in NSC meeting. The subject
February,. 9
finally got to NSC attention only because a
Presidential assistant personally prevailed
upon CIA Director Allen Dulles to provide
a special NSC briefing as to what was hap-
pening in Cuba. State then had to reply.
In one country a few hundred thousand
dollars would have helped a genuine but im-
poverished democratic party to provide
transportation so the people could get to the
polls to vote down Communist influences
taking them over. We were too shy to
supply the money for this purpose. Yet
today that country's Communist-infiltrated
government is given millions in a single year
as foreign aid.
Even stranger has been the refusal of the
bureaucracy to permit the distribution
abroad of pamphlets designed to show how
government based on personal liberties is su-
perior to communism. The pamphlets were
developed at the order of Adm. Arthur Rad-
ford as a study course called Militant Liberty
for American servicemen. However, when it
was proposed that these ideas be made avail-
able to other countries opposing commu-
nism, NSC's anonymous bureaucratic
planners even refused to let the subject
come up for NSC discussion. Then in 1957
Ecuador appealed directly for Spanish trans-
lations of Militant Liberty to be used in a
citizenship program for the Ecuadoran po-
lice and armed forces and possibly in the
schools.
"Along with technological aid we also
need ideologic aid," begged El Commercio,
one of the country's leading newspapers.
Ecuador's President was enthusiastic. Our
Ambassador in Ecuador traveled to Wash-
ington to push the plan. Secretary of De-
fense Charles E. Wilson and Undersecretary
of State Robert Murphy had already given
approval. But the necessary final State
Department clearances never came.
A year and a half later Ecuador's Minis-
ter of National Defense sought action
through a formal note. "Efforts are being
made with systematic persistence by a con-
siderable number of Communist agents to
distort the thinking of members of the
armed forces in Ecuador," he warned. He
pleaded that the study course was needed
to oppose vigorously the dialectics and
sophistries of Communist propaganda which
were creating uneasiness and confusion.
Still nothing happened.
"The program was just killed by in-
action," says. Admiral Radford. "Some
bureaucrats just have a horror of initiating
things." And thus by timidity and bureau-
cratic buckpassing, our State Department
killed an opportunity to come to the aid
of a friendly country that wanted our help
in combating communism. Partly for lack
of this help, Ecuador today has a tough
problem of communism on its hands.
There is one obvious solution to the mess
the bureaucracy has made. As early as
1953 studies of the National Security Coun-
cil complex called for a person to sit at the
President's right hand along with a staff of
specialists in diplomatic warfare, propa-
ganda, intelligence, trade warfare, foreign
aid support, and military liaison to counter
Communist intrusions.
These classified studies are still locked up,
but their substance was openly voiced by
courageous citizens. On April 5, 1955, Brig.
Gen. David Sarnoff appealed for a Cold
War Strategy Board with a Chief of Cabinet
rank. "In gearing to fight a hot war," he
said, "we call in military strategists and
tacticians. Likewise, we must have special-
ists to fight a cold war ? ? * a mobilization
of hard, knowledgable anti-Communists
who understand the issues and for whom it
Is not merely a job but a dedication."
At one time President Eisenhower, realiz-
ing the desperate need for a sort of super
Cabinet chief to ride herd on foot-dragging
departments, wanted to put whip-cracking
Gen. W. Bedell Smith to the job, even with-
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/9-51 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
out portfolio. But Smith was then in poor
r health, and Ike hesitated to impose on him.
Another time Vice President Nixon was sug-
gested for the task, but the State Depart-
ment prevented any appointment.
Throughout 1955, Nelson Rockefeller
served at the White House with his main as-
signment to trY to develop a more imagina-
tive, creative approach to carrying out Na-
tional Securty Council policy. Rockefeller
--las shocked by the slow, even sluggish op-
eration of the whole setup. He was dis-
tressed by the vast number of State Depart-
ment personnel who, by dominating the
NSC machinery, were able to avoid un-
biased evaluation of their actions. When
he sought to obtain independent reports for
the President as to the true state of the De-
partment's progress, its officials complained
to the President that he was "causing trou-
ble" and "raising havoc with an orderly and
effective procedure."
Moreover, Rockefeller was dismayed by
the lack of centralized, up-to-the-minute
information as to what was going on in the
cold war around the world. When he sought
to remedy this by having a room set aside
where maps, visual aids and copies of the
latest cables and analyses would be quickly
available to the President and his aides,
State blocked him. At wit's end he offered
to finance the entire operation himself. At
that, he was informed that it would be il-
legal to spend private money in a public
building. After thus failing to get through
the bureaucracy's quagmire of negativism,
Rockefeller could only resign.
The bitter opposition to Rockefeller is easy
to understand, because his approach does
not harbor incompetence. He says: "We
have to get fast honest appraisals and have
the courage to admit something is not work-
ing, the policy is not right, the program is
not right, and revise it."
Yet the stupidity that results when indi-
viduals become cogs in a vast bureaucratic
machine bent on self-protection and main-
taining the status quo is compounded by an
even more fundamental weakness: the ap-
palling lack of understanding of commu-
nism's complex tactics by key people han-
dling our foreign policy, propaganda, eco-
nomic aid and oversea relations. "If there's
a single denominator," testified C. D. Jack-
son, one of those who put in time as a Presi-
dential assistant trying to straighten out the
cold war mess, "it is the difficulty of finding
Americans who have the elementary knowl-
edge of the conflict and how to go about
our end of this very real and continuing
The obvious remedy proposed by such stu-
dents of communism both in and out of
government is a Freedom Academy that will
be democracy's answer to the Communist
training schools for the tactics of world
revolution, a West Point to teach our own
cold war managers, diplomats, ICA, and
USIA people the full scope of the Commu-
nist strategy and to equip them with the
ways to carry the war back to the Commu-
nists and win. It would also offer post-
graduate courses to high school and univer-
sity teachers, and would be open to any of
the 50,000 foreign students in American
colleges.
The idea was brushed off by the Washing-
ton bureaucracy, but important Congress-
men, both Republicans and Democrats, came
to its aid and introduced Freedom Academy
bills in House and Senate. The Senate
Judiciary Committee, unanimously reporting
out the measure, described it as one of the
most important ever introduced in Congress,
a practical, fundamental approach to our
national survival.
r "We have failed to recognize sufficiently
that it takes more than dollars to win the
cold war," added Senator KARL E. MUNDT, of
South Dakota. "It takes individuals who
have been trained."
"The amateurs will always lose against the
professionals," said Representative WALTER H.
JUDD, of Minnesota. "I want some profes-
sionals on our side."
Nevertheless, because of departmental op-
position, it was not possible to slip the meas-
ure through the Senate until the closing
hours of the last session; then it died because
the House failed to act. "The horrible thing
is that there is a complete failure to compre-
hend the menace of communism even among
many Members of Congress," Senator THozass
J. DODD, of Connecticut, Democratic vice
chairman of the Senate's Internal Security
Subcommittee, told me. And his record
shows that he is no Red witch hunter.
So for failure to fight back, the net is
pulled in on us. The Communists set up
more revolutionary training schools not only
in Latin America and in Asia but in the
United States itself. Riots and revolutions
sweep Latin America. Our southeast Asian
allies slip toward neutralism, and with
Communists in their governments teeter
toward complete Red takeover despite vast
amounts of foreign aid. Even our attempts
to bring peace to the Congo through the
United Nations are impeded by Communist
influences in that organization, and this
despite the fact that we are producing the
millions of extra dollars needed to keep the
show going and finance the U.N. effort.
Meantime, we bobble every chance to score
against our opponents. Last fall our Gov-
ernment knew that Cuba's Castro had paid
in advance for Harlem lodgings. Yet when
he stalked out of a midtown New York hotel
crying he wasn't wanted, our information
services remained politely aloof instead of
exposing his lie to the world while Havana,
Moscow and Peiping had a propaganda field
day all over Latin America.
The way to stop this sort of defeat by
default is already on the record. We must
set up a cold war commander, as proposed
back in 1953 and 1955, working in close con-
sultation with the President and heading a
small professional staff of men skilled in
total political warfare. They must have
whatever authority is needed over the cur-
rent operating departments to see that their
orders are carried out instantaneously. Ex-
ecutive efficiency is necessary if we are to
win the very real war in which we are
engaged.
We must also have a Freedom Academy.
Its first task will be to acquaint our diplo-
mats and department officials with the facts
of life about Communist aims, strategy and
tactics for as the congressional report on
the Academy stated: "The various agencies
and bureaus can be shuffled and reshuffled
? * ? but until they are staffed by highly
motivated personnel who have been syste-
matically and intensively trained in the vast
and complex field of total political warfare,
we can expect little improvement in our situ-
ation." The Academy will graduate highly
motivated elite cadres for freedom. Then
with such personnel, we Can develop a sci-
ence of counteraction against Communist
subversion. We can, for example, begin to
counter such Communist-front techniques
as anti-colonial and anti-imperialist cam-
paigns with more valid anti-violence, anti-
censorship, anti-suppression-of-speech cam-
paigns.
Thus organized, with bold imaginative
leadership and with more freedom fighters
ever strengthening our framework, we can
at last begin to win some battles of our own
and not just in the free world, but among
the captive peoples behind the Iron Curtain.
Mr. FULBRIGHT subsequently said:
Mr. President, I call the attention of
the distinguished minority leader to a
bill which has been introduced today by
1755
the distinguished Senator from South
Dakota [Mr. Muivrerl entitled "A bill to
create a Freedom Commission and the
Freedom Academy."
I have not read any of the bill. It has
just been introduced. However, I believe
it is the same bill, or certainly is very
similar to the bill, introduced in the last
session, S. 1689, which was referred to
the Committee on the Judiciary.
When the bill was introduced last
summer, I said then that I wished to
serve notice that if a similar bill were
introduced in the next Congress I ex-
pected to raise the question of jurisdic-
tion and to insist that a bill of a similar
nature be referred for consideration to
the Committee on Foreign Relations.
The object of the bill is clearly within
the jurisdiction of the Committee on
Foreign Relations. It is concerned with
developing ways and means to combat
the spread of communism. That is the
principal object of many such bills,
including the foreign-aid bill.
I ask unanimous consent, if the minor-
ity leader agrees with my statement, that
the bill be referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, reserv-
ing the right to object, first let me ad-
dress a parliamentary inquiry to the
Chair.
So far as the Chair or the Parliamen-
tarian may know, was there a specific
request made today that the bill be
referred to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary, rather than to the Committee on
Foreign Relations?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not know.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
which was introduced last year was
referred to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. It was referred to
that committee last year. It went to
the Committee on the Judiciary without
my having had notice to that effect. I
had never heard of the bill until it
appeared on the floor.
Mr. DIRKSEN. The introducer of the
bill is the senior Senator from South
Dakota [Mr. MUNDT].
Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is correct.
Mr. DIRKSEN. And certain cospon-
sors.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is correct.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Speaking only for
myself, as a member of the Committee
on the Judiciary, I would have no objec-
tion to a rereference of the bill. How-
ever, I think I am duty bound to ascer-
tain from the Senator from South Da-
kota [Mr. MUNDT] whether he has any
objection to having the bill referred to
the Committee on Foreign Relations, of
which the distinguished Senator from
Arkansas is the chairman.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I gave notice last
summer, in the course of the debate on
the floor, that I would expect to take
this action if the bill were reintroduced
this year.
I give notice now that I think the bill
should be referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations. It has not been re-
ferred to committee yet. I ask that it
be referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations because I am confident that
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the subject matter of the bill clearly
brings it within the jurisdiction of that
committee.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I shall try to get an
expression on this question without de-
lay, probably before the afternoon is
over, or within the next 30 minutes.
Perhaps we can get an answer to the
question. Then the bill may be referred
to the Senator's committee, if that is the
wish.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does
the Senator from Arkansas withhold his
request?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. In case the matter
cannot be concluded, what will be the
action of the Chair in referring the bill?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair understands that the bill would
be referred to the Committee on the Ju-
diciary, unless it was, by unanimous con-
sent, referred elsewhere.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I had reserved the
right to object. Without being offensive
to the Senator, I think I should object
until I can check further into the mat-
ter.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I will withdraw
my request. I want to know what the
status is without my request. I will re-
serve my request until the Senator from
Illinois has had an opportunity to con-
fer with the Senator from South Da-
kota.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I think the distin-
guished Senator from Missouri [Mr.
SYMINGTON] may be a cosponsor of the
bill.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, the
bill in question was passed by the Senate
last year. I happened to be walking
through the Chamber at the time. Only
two or three Senators were on the floor.
It was passed by the Senate at that time.
I could not agree more with the distin-
guished Senator from Arkansas, the
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations. The bill very properly should
be referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations.
I myself have in a bill which, in certain
aspects, reads on the details of the bill in
question.
I hope the bill will be referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations. That
is where it belongs.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
have since conferred with the minority
leader. He informs me that the Senator
from-South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT] has no
objection. Therefore, I renew my re-
quest that the bill be referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations.
The PRESIDING OrvICER. With-
out objection, the bill will be referred to
the Committee on Foreign Relations.
UTILIZATION RESEARCH PROGRAM
FOR THE DEPRESSED LEAD-ZINC
INDUSTRY
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, I in-
troduce, for appropriate reference, a bill
which calls for a major acceleration in
research by the Bureau of Mines to de-
velop new uses for lead and zinc. It is
my hope and expectation that this new
research program will result in increas-
ing the market for lead and zinc prod-
ucts, which would do much to assist the
depressed lead-zinc industry.
Last year, I sponsored a bill prepared
by the Emergency Lead-Zinc Committee,
which would have imposed flexible tariffs
on imports of lead and zinc at a sufficient
level so that miners could have jobs
and so mining operations could make a
modest profit. Unfortunately, Congress
refused to take favorable action on this
meritorious bill. However, another bill
of a similar nature .is being developed,
which I intend to join in sponsoring
when it is introduced in the Senate, and
I hope Congress and the President will
give it their approval.
The bill which I have introduced today
Is designed to supplement the tariff ap-
proach. In our preoccupation with the
problem of imports, we tend to overlook
the fact that lead and zinc have been
losing some of their markets to competi-
tive materials.
The lead-zinc industries in 1958
sharply accelerated their research pro-
grams, recognizing somewhat belatedly
that producers of competitive materials
were doing extensive research designed
to develop new uses of their materials.
Lead and zinc producers in the United
States, Canada, Mexico, Great Britain,
South America, and Australia are all
cooperating in these programs.
Lead projects begun include research
on the use of lead in ceramics, lead cable
sheathing, heat emissive properties of
the metal, lead alloys, the semiconductor
properties of lead compounds, and also
lead as a shielding material for nuclear
reactors. Research projects on zinc
Include new finishes for zinc die castings,
development of improved zinc die cast-
ing alloys, corrosion of galvanized hot
water tanks, wet storage stain of galva-
nized sheet, cathode protection of ma-
rine tankers, improvements in zinc
lithographic plates, zinc battery cans,
and exposure tests of exterior house
paints containing zinc oxide.
The Department of the Interior, un-
der the Eisenhower administration, has
engaged in research directed toward re-
ducing costs of mining and milling.
These studies have covered basic and
applied aspects of rock drilling and
ground support, improvements in recov-
ery procedures, and studies in extractive
metallurgy. Projects planned but not
yet initiated include fundamental re-
search in the field of zinc base die cast-
ing alloys, and expansion of the use of
electrolysis. My bill is designed, among
other things, to?increase research along
these lines, which might very well open
up new markets for lead and zinc.
In addition to acceleration of the re-
search program by the Bureau of Mines,
my bill would give authority to the De-
partment of the Interior to contract for
research?authority which the Depart-
ment does not now have. In the case of
coal, the coal industry felt that such a
program was needed and supported legis-
lation for the establishment of an Office
of Coal Research. It may be that when
hearings are held on my bill, the lead
and zinc industries may wish to support
an amendment to create an Office of Lead
and Zinc Research. I am certainly open
to such a suggestion.
February 9
The bill provides for the creation of an
advisory committee from the lead and
zinc industries, so that there will be no
duplication of research effort. I am in-
debted to Robert Bernick, the astute
Salt Lake Tribune business editor and
mining expert, for alerting me to the
great possibilities of an expanded lead-
zinc research program, contained in an
article which he wrote late last year.
Similarly, Royce A. Hardy, a former As-
sistant Secretary of the Interior, gave
me his full cooperation and assistance in
development of the bill and the approach
which it embodies.
I ask unanimous consent to include at
the close of my remarks a list of research
projects now being conducted by the
Lead Industries Association and the
American Zinc Institute, together with
a list of seven projects which have been
considered by the Bureau of Mines but
deferred because other work was given
higher priority, and the text of my bill.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
bill will be received and appropriately
referred; and, without objection, the bill
and lists will be printed in the RECORD.
The bill (S. 828) to encourage and
stimulate the production and conserva-
tion of lead and zinc in the United States
through research and development by
authorizing the Secretary of the Interior
to contract for lead and zinc research,
and for other purposes, introduced by
Mr. BENNETT, was received, read, twice by
its title, referred to the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs, and or-
dered to be printed in the RECORD, as fol-
lows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and the House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
Secretary of the Interior may?
(1) develop through research, new and
more efficient methods of preparing and
utilizing lead and zinc;
(2) contract for, sponsor, cosponsor, and
promote the coordination of, research with
recognized interested groups;
(3) establish technical advisory commit-
tees composed of recognized experts in vari-
ous fields of lead and zinc research to assist
in the examination and evaluation of re-
search progress and of all research proposals
and contracts and to insure the avoidance
of duplication of research; and
(4) cooperate to the fullest extent possible
with other departments, agencies, and inde-
pendent establishments of the Federal Gov-
ernment and with State governments, and
with all other interested agencies, govern-
mental and nongovernmental.
SEC. 2. (a) Any advisory committee ap-
pointed under the provisions of this Act
shall keep minutes of each meeting, which
shall contain as a minimum (1) the name
of each person attending such meeting, (2)
a copy of the agenda, and (3) a record of
all votes or polls taken during the meeting.
(b) A copy of any such minutes or of any
report made by any such committee after
final action has been taken thereon by the
Secretary shall be available to the public
upon request and payment of the cost of
furnishing such copy.
(c) Members of any advisory committee
appointed from private life under authority
of this section shall each receive $50 per diem
when engaged in the actual performance of
their duties as a member of such advisory
committee. Such members shall also be en-
titled to travel expehses and per diem in lieu
of subsistence at the rates authorized by sec-
tion 5 of the Administrative Expenses Act of
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wiNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
ahem*, and do such other things as may
. be necessary to .carry out the provisions of
this joint resolution; and
(d) avail itself of the assistance and ad-
vice of the Commission of Fine Arts, the
National Capital Planning Commission, and
the National Capital Regional Planning
Council, and such Commissions and Council
shall, upon request, render such assistance
and advice.
SEC. 3. There is authorized to be appropri-
ated not more than $10,000 to carry out the
provisions of this joint resolution,
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, this joint resolution is iden-
tical with Senate Joint Resolution 152,
introduced last year, passed by the Sen-
ate, and considered by House Committee
on Administration. The interest shown
by the cosponsors today is heartening;
I believe that we should work as early
as possible in 1961 to make this project
come into being.
The purpose of the resolution can be
expressed in a very few words: it would
establish a commission, including former-
Presidents of the United States if they
wish to participate, to consider the
many suggestions for a memorial to
Woodrow Wilson in Washington, D.C.
Two general alternatives would be con-
sidered: the so-called nonfunctional
monument and the functional, "Wood-
row Wilson House" type of memorial
building or structure.
One strong declaration for a non-
functional monument was expressed
forcefully by the Woodrow Wilson Cen-
tennial Commission in its final report of
1957. After noting that a Woodrow
Wilson Memorial Bridge across the
Potomac was to be constructed, the re-
port added:
But the Commission, feeling that one
important thing still remains to be done
to make the tribute to Wilson complete,
recommends that Congress take such action
as may be necessary to assure the erection
in Washington of a permanent memorial
structure to Woodrow Wilson comparable in
beauty, sweep, and grandeur to those already
dedicated to Washington, Jefferson, and
Lincoln. This recommendation is a prod-
uct of careful consideration on the part of
the Commission. It stems from an abiding
conviction that Wilson's eminence as a
scholar, educator, statesman, and world
leader, and especially his contribution to the
Presidency itself as an institution, place
him high on the list of great American
Presidents.
I have also received many other sug-
gestions for a completely different kind
of monument, one which would serve a
special purpose the year round. Mr.
President, at the time of introduction
last year, I introduced lengthy quota-
tions from letters and statements giving
ideas for such a functional memorial
and for other types as well. I ask unan-
imous consent to have a resume of those
remarks printed at the end of my re-
marks here today.
One of the most interesting sugges-
tions calls for a Wilson International
Center in Washington, one which might
well be coordinated with the activities
of the Washington International Center
of the American Council on Education.
Visitors from abroad are introduced to
American life at the Center; they par-
ticipate in lectures, group discussion,
and other activities. Dr. Francis Sayre,
son-in-law of President Wilson, is par-
ticularly interested in this approach.
Mr. President, the Commission will
have the difficult but very challenging
task of deciding the form that the me-
morial could take, and Congress will
then act on its recommendations. The
point of today's discussion is not the
form of the memorial, but the need for
it.
In our Capital City today, the visitor
may see the Star-Spangled Banner
in a huge glass case at the Smith-
sonian Institution or the Declaration of
Independence at the Archives Building.
Within a 10-minute automobile ride he
can see the memorials to Washington,
Jefferson, and Lincoln. Soon, other
memorials will honor more recent Pres-
idents.
But, with the exception of his quiet
resting place at the Washington Na-
tional Cathedral, we have no similarly
accessible monument to the greatness
of Woodrow Wilson. He is remembered
in our hearts and minds, and in the
hearts and minds of millions through-
out the world. But we need more than
memory; we need a symbol, too.
To satisfy this need, we should have
a memorial to Wilson, and we should
have it in the very near future, because
Wilson's words and wisdom are particu-
larly important to us and to the world
during this troubled decade.
Woodrow Wilson was more than an
inspiring college president, a reform
governor of New Jersey, and a coura-
geous President. He was an authentic
20th century voice for this Nation; we
have yet to match our deeds to his
vision.
Today, we wish to let the world know
that we seek peace; that we understand
the "revolution of rising expectations"
in underdeveloped nations; and that we
have, in Wilson's words, "a great com-
mitment of America to the service of
humanity."
Unless we can persuade great numbers
of persons throughout the world that
such goals are our goals, we shall fail
in one of our most important duties; we ,
will fail to inspire; we will fail to express
our faith in the basic strength of the
democratic idea.
It seems obvious that a memorial to
Wilson would help dramatize our dedica-
tion to Wilson's principles. It seems
equally obvious that the time for that
project is now. In fact, it seems little
short of incredible that we do not al-
ready have a memorial to the great man
who served as our 28th President.
Difficult as it is to describe the full
range of Wilson's contribution to our
thinking and our ultimate goals I would
like to close this brief discussion with
two quotations which give several clues
to his greatness.
The first statement is from his message
to Congress asking for a declaration of
war in 1917. Even in such a declaration,
Wilson saw that lasting peace could fol-
low conflict. We know the famous first
sentence of the following excerpt, but
perhaps in 1961 we should give renewed
2057
thought to the other concepts expressed
in the following passage:
The world must be made safe for democ-
racy, Its peace must be planted upon the
tested foundations of political liberty. We
have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no
conquest, no dominion. We seek no indem-
nities for ourselves, no material compensa-
tion for the sacrifices we shall freely make.
We are but one of the champions of the
rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied
when those rights have been made as secure
as the faith and the freedom of nations can
make them. * * *
It is a diStressing and oppressive duty,
gentlemen of the Congress, which r have
performed and in thus addressing you.
There are, it may be, many months of
fiery trial and sacrific ahead of us. It is a
fearful thing to lead this great peaceful
people into war, into the most terrible and
disastrous of all wars, civilization itself
seeming to be in the balance. But the right
is more precious than peace, and we shall
fight for the things which we have always
carried nearest our hearts?for democracy,
for the right of those who submit to au-
thority to have a voice in their own gov-
ernments, for the rights and liberties of
small nations, for a universal dominion of
right by such a concert of free peoples as
shall bring peace and safety to all nations
and make the world itself at last free.
Mr. President, the second quotation
comes from "Woodrow Wilson, World
Prophet," a book by Mr. Arthur Wal-
worth. Mr. Walworth, in his closing
lines, gives a summary which, though
brief, manages to sum up much of Wil-
son's contribution to the world:
Great universities are acting on Woodrow
Wilson's concept of preceptorial teaching
and democratic living in residential colleges;
citizens intent on good government pursue
his ideals, timbers of law with which he
bulwarked American society against eroding
currents are still sound after dire stresses,
and the nations of the world have come
closer to his envisioned parliament of man.
Jan Christian Smuts thought that at
Paris the people had failed their prophets.
But Woodrow Wilson took a more com-
passionate view. "The people were not
ready," he said, "and perhaps they were right
in thinking that the hour had not come."
? Yet, he never doubted that it would come.
On a fragment of paper, unsigned and un-
dated, the biographer finds written in the
firm, familiar hand this favorite verse from
the Habakkuk:
"The vision is yet for an appointed time,
but at the end it shall speak, and not lie:
though it tarry, wait for it; because it will
surely come, it will not tarry."
It is upon the validity of this faith that
the measure of Woodrow Wilson's greatness
depends.
DESIGNATION OF EASTERN ORTHO-
DOX CHURCH AS A MAJOR FAITH
IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Presi-
dent, on behalf of myself, and Senators
KEATING of New York and PELL of
Rhode Island, I submit, for appropriate
reference, a resolution to designate the
Eastern Orthodox churches as a major
faith in the United States.
Modern communications brought the
inauguration of President Kennedy to
the homes of millions of Americans, but
comparatively few among our people ap-
preciated the fact that even as Arch-
bishop Iakovos prayed for the President,
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2058 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the church which His Eminence repre-
sents had no official standing before the
Government of the United States.
The designation of Archbishop Iako-
vos, the Eastern Orthodox primate of
North and South America, as a partici-
pant in the inauguration proceedings
was a partial recognition of his church
as a major American faith. Our bill
would make this recognition complete.
The Eastern Orthodox churches, by
universal agreement, constitute one of
the major divisions of worldwide Chris-
tianity. The Eastern Orthodox family
is surpassed in membership by only four
great non-Christian religions of the
world?Moslem, Hindu, Confucian, and
Buddhist. Among the world's Christian
faiths, it is third in membership.
In the United States, Eastern Ortho-
doxy ranks fourth in membership among
religious groups, surpassed only by the
Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Jewish
faiths. ?
Last year, membership in the various
Eastern Orthodox churches in this coun-
try was conservatively estimated by the
National Council of Churches at 2,545,-
318.
The latest figures available to me indi-
cate that membership has now increased
to at least 2,807,000. ?
To those who may fear that the prece-
dent here set may open the door to simi-
lar claims by numerous other faiths, it
may be pointed out that none of the
faiths not now designated by our Gov-
ernment has a comparable membership
in the United States.
There are other reasons why the
Eastern Orthodox Church ought to be
designated a major faith in the United
States.
Several Federal agencies have omitted
Eastern Orthodoxy in projects in which
Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths
have been invited to participate. The
legislatures of more than half the
States in the Union have passed resolu-
tions recognizing Eastern Orthodoxy as
a major religious faith.
The proposed resolution does not en-
visage any expenditure of money, or any
action in support or preference of the
Eastern Orthodox faith. It is intended
as public recognition of the fact that the
American citizens of Eastern Orthodox
faith constitute a substantial segment
of our community, separate from the
three major faiths already designated,
and justly entitled to consideration in
any Federal action or statement re-
lated to religious matters.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
resolution will be received and appro-
priately referred.
The resolution (S. Res. 88) was re-
ferred to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary, as follows:
Whereas the Eastern (Greek) Orthodox
Church is a major faith in the United States
and throughout the world; and
Whereas Senate bill 106, Eighty-fourth
Congress, led to the designation of the
Eastern Orthodox faith as a separate reli-
gious faith in the Armed Forces of the
United States; and
Whereas several Federal agencies have
omitted FAAtern Orthodoxy in projects which
Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths have
been invited to participate; and
Whereas more than half of the States in
the United States through their legislators
have passed resolutions recognizing Eastern
Orthodoxy as a major religious faith; and
Whereas the Eastern Orthodox faith has
millions of communicants throughout the
world including several million in the United
States; and
Whereas where anything is said concern-
ing the major faiths, usually the Protestant,
Catholic, and Jewish faiths are referred to;
and
Whereas it therefore follows that a reli-
gious distinction is being made in omitting
the Eastern Orthodox Church, which is con-
trary to the prevailing principle of democ-
racy and freedom of religion in this country:
Now, therefore,"be it
Resolved, That the Eastern Orthodox
Church is a major faith in this country;
and that all references by Federal agencies
to major faiths now limited to Protestants,
Catholics, and Jews include the Eastern
Orthodox Church.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I am
delighted today to join with Senator CASE
in sponsoring the resolution which he
has championed for several years to
give official recognition to the Eastern
Orthodox Churches as a major religion.
I have talked with a number of leading
clerics of the Eastern Orthodoxy and I
am quite familiar with the deep inter
est they have in this measure and also
with the major reasons which they give
In support of this legislation. I am
fully satisfied that the position of mem-
bers of the Eastern Orthodox Church
in the United States and the situations
which have given rise to this proposal
justify its passage.
It is, in my mind, entirely fitting that
the Government should accord, under
the law, the same treatment' to this
important group of Americans that it
does to the major recognized religions
in the United States today.
I commend my colleague and thank
him for giving me the opportunity to
join with him in this important endeavor.
Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Presi-
dent, I thank my colleague from New
York.
EXTENSION OF NATIONAL WOOL
ACT?ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS
OF BILL
Mr. HICKEY. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent at the next print-
ing of the bill (S. 454) to extend the
National Wool Act, that the names of
the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr.
BRIDGES], the Senator from Massachu-
setts [Mr. SALTONSTALL], and the Sena-
tor from South Carolina [Mr. JOHN-
STON], be added as cosponsors.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
AMENDMENT OF CODE RELATING
TO DETERMINATIONS AND DECI-
SIONS?.ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR
OF BILL
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, on
February 2, 1961, on behalf of myself
and other Senators, I introduced the
bill (S. 769) to amend section 2310 of
title 10 of the United States Code, re-
lating to determinations and decisions.
February 16.
The Senator from FlOrida [Mr, HOL-
LAND] desires that his name also be
added as a cosponsor. Therefore, I ask
unanimous consent that at the next
printing of Senate bill 769, the name of
the Senator from Florida [Mr. HOLLAND]
be added as a cosponsor.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
ASSISTANCE TO STATES IN HEALTH
. CARE FOR THE AGED?ADDI-
TIONAL COSPONSOR OF BILL
Mr. DIR,KSEN. Mr. President, at the
request of the distinguished Senator
from California [Mr. KITCHEL], I ask
unanimous consent that his name be in-
cluded as one of the cosponsors of Sen-
ate bill 937, to provide for a program of
Federal matching grants to the States
to enable the States to provide health
insurance for individuals aged 65 or over
at subscription charges such individuals
can pay, introduced by the Senator from
New York [Mr. JAvirs] (for himself and
other Senators) on February 13, 1961.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
1FRE DOM COMMISSION AND FREE-
DOM ACADEMY?ADDITIONAL CO-
SPONSORS OF BILL
Under authority of the order of the
Senate of February 9, 1961, the names of
Senators FONG, BUTLER, HICKENLOOPER,
MILLER, and KEATING were added as ad-
ditional cosponsors of the bill (S. 822) to
create the Freedom Commission and the
Freedom Academy to research and de-
velop an integrated, operational science
to win the nonmilitary part of the global
struggle between freedom and commu-
nism and to train Government person-
nel, private citizens, and foreign stu-
dents in this science, introduced by Mr.
MUNDT (for himself and other Senators)
on February 9, 1961.
AMENDMENT OF WATER POLLU-
TION CONTROL ACT?ADDITIONAL
COSPONSORS OF BILL
Under authority of the order of the
Senate of February 9, 1961, the names
of Senators Moss, NEUBERGER, CLARK,
LONG of Missouri, and MORSE were added
as additional cosponsors of the bill (S.
861) to amend the Federal Water Pollu-
tion Control Act to provide for a more
effective program of water pollution con-
trol, introduced by Mr. HUMPHREY (for
himself and Mr. MCCARTHY) on Febru-
ary 9, 1961.
ADMENDMEN1' OF SMALL BUSINESS
ACT?ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR
OF BILLS
Under authority of the order of the
Senate of February 9, 1961, the name of
Mr. SMATHERS was added as an addi-
tional cosponsor of the following bills,
Introduced by Mr. SPARKMAN (for himself
and other Senators) on February 9, 1961:
S.902. A bill to amend the Small Business
Investment Act of 1958, and for other pur-
poses; and
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Lr-4..7
-------
FREEDOM ACADEMY) ------- %
- /
WAS NGTON? -THE "FREEDOM ACADEMY" BILL DESIGNED TO TEACH AMERICANS
HOW TO IGHT THE COLD WAR, WAS SCHEDULED TO, BE., INTRODUCED TODAY BY SEN.
KARL E
TH EASURE WOULD SET UP AN AGENCY TO DEVELOP NON*MILITARY ?
TACTI TO BE USED BY THE FREE WORLD IN THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE WITH
c:;MU ST POWERS.
TP ACADEMY THEN WOULD OFFER COURSES TO GOVERNMENT WORKERS,
?
TEACH Si TRADE UNIONISTS, BUSINESSMEN, CLERGYMEN, AND PRIVATE.
CITI S TRAVELING ABROAD,
M iT TOLD :THE SENATE IN A PREPARED SPEECH THAT THE COMMUNISTS
SYST TICALLY HAVE PREPARED FOR POLITICAL AGGRESSION FOR 'tonTHAN
iQ YRS,
M DT SAID THE U.S. HAD RELIED ON SHORT-eTERM PLANNING TO MEET
THES MOVES. HE SAID THIS WAS NOT ENOUGH.
2 -.GE101/A
1
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,
FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL1
Fight or Communism Again;
Proposed to Congress
WASHINGTON Jan 16(AP),
-A prop)cal to.?reat, a-Free-i
don. A 'ariorr,y ? t? t,?;iri,
silentltie W.0-,
oninumism .-olvaived
day lw Representative Robert-
Griffin.
'rhe i?1 '11J;tri Ror,11-,iomn.
I bill, similar to one hi-
make law last year. ahouht
form .a "Freedom Cornui ,n'
charged \ ith devel opt m"'?
ence of anti-communife.
He said the Freedom Acad-
emy would be "the pla.!e where
that science would be taught."
Mr. Griffin said the Sovietl
Linton and Communist China
were far ahead of the 12nited
States in teaching "ccuri war
techniques and activities.
"The SOviets have plaoed
gt:et eylphasis.upon 'cold . war' ;
tritritnrand-haVe done much in
that direction. They have
extensive system of t tauin '
sehonis at Moscow, I...Mogi-id. '
Tashkent, Prague and elsen. hot e?
on both sides of the iron Cur-
tam," he said. / '
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44 CONG/LtbblUNAL .KMAIK1.1 --ArrtruRA. ei Oki( 41,4.44 -
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? ISLIU &bp MI Mau ?viwaixa? %ea. 'mamma wtaaj ow- ? -
wake gallant hated witti lackadaisical Wittering.-
Though he is .ralective and gentler in.
speech and manner, this is deceptive. la
:mown' lesso.i.o?w- many ways he is a animater. and use Most
he Deter. accepted 'the ,snaverir.ka. he Sights IV" jensardeblvirest-
Upoii them byCcelnumist . ed the Ehtemeatie nomination
COntinued ,to fight -for iron the Siete Democratic machine and con-
LWthe gad that in founded the pundits by winning Use election.
was overrun by the Com-
ireeps of bloom ? ?
I this moment, when thifOammunist -
headed by Commuisist aliablla. is
rshallnir forces agallist the free
world. as announced In the Communist
manifesto in Moscow on December 6,
1980, we here In the United States. en-,
30911Ift the blessings of liberty and free-
dom, express our ,sympathy to and un-
derstanding of the Ukrainian people eri-
alaved,bebind the DUI Curtain
-
It is' earnestly to be hoped Quit there
may be restored to the Ukrainian people
and to all enslaved nations, the blessings
of treedonf and liberty. ? ?
?
WO MD in Paying Id
111kritinian 'people
In defense et
. petitItnee
? yoke
Runde.
their
1920
?
, 4
Senator' Dodd Looks Ahead
^
EXTENSION OP REMARKS
' Or
HON. JOHN S. hiONACAN .
or conortortoirr -
.,
A:04 :rim irsousa OF REPRESENTATIVEd
Wednesday. jollie 18, 011 . - tactics?ter example. Ool. William Wainer,
...Z. ,4 _ . _. - . -- .. ? ,r" - ? whose "The Front Is Everywhere." rinks
t .my, moNAGAN. her, Speaker. In can- among the most perceptive and' insides
nection with the current discussion of technical hcialie "er 'written on ontnu
ittaftEtiefibri lectorale011elle.reppend munigiceloAnlanculaud'uPemnuUL MI"
iErU
- bertiOttle tin - ele enUtled . "Senator men will maks up the faculty' 113. Itudeni.
..Don Loots, cad...which 6peared in sue will boo young Patotai trOM Ma United States
? Ai Tuledanali COIUMD in.Waah- firnow`tha 'enemy' and to whO will bk tight.
to Z'LL-
r ? - . ? 4) D JanvAry.s, leaL , . , strategy hr the political and psphologral
? . 4.73/11 is a mod, senetrating analysis of mei of the (=Ow war. . . ? . . , ..
,taga disco's and , arming Irrankan and Negotiation with the COmmunists? will
4.a. canaotiativ4 mow tar remedying neva bring pence to' the worn. lienstor
Maw sees. Only tow victory everloon-
Ibb dereet In our 'eleet?11/2 Preteen "di' isitulistointhveneon In? Latin Anstriett. Asia.
am happy to aPPfrid this article ee that and Africa can save the West. The point is
the TIMM 01 the Connecticut Saluda% lieu taken. Re 10US de0MS04 UM a0,100.
DISX haveflridespreadaant=oiki .? have been astable :bright young men Dons 1.
' * tii 'Iv . ..these tinderbox areas in the agitation= Of,
.; (liy Ralik- ih..Toledano) . catastrophe, , Medusas of the
in Moscow crap up wherever therelctroulele.
SIMATO1 5000 ZioolitS /MUD' In Chaska they are .0hanisort. In Subs they
When the Senate begin. That will be, a A are Cubani-and it. is child's play for them
Ilona( P ind tilre4 debate 'On tartan of the to pose's nationalliter and to dominate the
eta-tidal ooliege, one ,ot ,those most active untrained and disorganised, demooretic
will be Senator ?rotas:. Doce,,of Connectl- ienclea. A? relatively man =abet of Free-
) ? ? cat., ' Thar .1Doces has already intridtiad an dam Academy alumni could-with afital =-
amendment to the ConsUtutiontrobich Would eels apply the concept of the easiegie mid
require Menne electoral with of each State .noeity in opposition to the Communists. .
be divided aciaording to the perosidaga of the 'banning the Misdate, with me yesterday.
popular vote each *candidate raetvetez . Ile Senator Dom. made it Clear that this Was
'believes that! the. _Moult system As unfair only! a 'first step. He beitaves education is
and abnormal had Out ?Itie amendment ? a vital factor. but education that is purpose-
, would elidallide 'aII:the edit arising from ful and gaited tp the realities of the situa-
'the artUtclid UntalittAtied the ,tuirt rulegikes tion. What he would like to see ls a new
. . to a far trge States, Re Andes Minetbtug . univereity rising in Washingtqn. supported
.esioIyongin an eilietoieT Pfeideee?thsX t if necessary by public funds, ertt like to
niakes decisive not the vote7-ed 40ati1likin, . bring thousands of young peophl to this
but 'the wile or ieverat thousand la a' few country." begaid."olsore they could see why
? keyarees. ,
At the 1000 Dtisocreths. Coirrenthin. be Was
the only delegate to snake hit opposition to
Senator Kennedy's nomination WNW but
he swallowed his defeat and campaigned ac-
%hely for the ticket.
Tom Dom is deeply concerned over Amer-
ica's role ar a bastion in the woild% fight
for freedom. Re has just returned /TOM a
tour of Europe where. be spoke to the lead-
ers, Glacial and otherwise. In this fight. Re .
has observed at first hand the fumbling .ef-
forts of many D.& officials to meet the chal-
lenge posed by the protracted conflict of MIT
times, as wall as their widespread Auk of
understanding of the forces working against
us He doss not =Ube sinister motives to
those who make fooUsh policy. Rut yeas are.
just as dead if the man who held Ins gun
didn't know it was loaded. .
High on Senator Dam's agenda ler this
session of Congress is the enactment of Zs
Preedmn,A0UWaty bill 0hUb paned the.
Senate last year but was crowded out of
the. Rouse Calendar. The ides of creating
? Freedom Academy has had widespread
atpport on both sides of the ocagresskotal
awes. It has been endorsed by liberals
and conservatives, by cold war experts, and
by scholars. When It is set up. the Academy
will bring together the most knowledgeable
men in the field of Communist strategy and
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se thattthei can hove ameetting to offer
their atruillEUng countries? beyond an ideo-
logical understanding ar a lien scilety?to
that they can elm aliveltheoci. The mein-
played intellectual. usually ends up as the
embittered ally of. the, woridt predatory
inevanente. ? .? ?
This is a big order?and on lbs teat of it
an expensive doe. thst its oast would hardly
make &dent In the?contined defense tendert
iusd pay ter pester dividend/I than most of
our foreign aid. Funds wallet be *Peet in
this country, moreover. reducing the drain
on the golly. Tor /Senator Dom.. tins truly
American university would be both desirable
and highly practice).
. ? end how our fans td gournmene Irate
With Senator Don wotitthit for this 'But Man.*/ the inculcation cgt detacienatic
ehletehheet, Iwo no expiry on the nee. ideals u-ama not erutateli. Senator Dote is
aid's natio( room 000r Toss Dow one , +antis Wei this can battlitire--es it did for
of the relatively few In !Inane. Ure who cam- ihe *UM see the Plena wini created a
bine a sense of deithettan, thd tnieljeetdaJ eisia Cf ilitelisetnais in nate and MOM then
capector to impleinent this Sense, Mad tfie let them return home unprepared for &V-
drive to push toward his gall no tattler log a gignmcelit role In OW: countries,
what
the obstalea. As acting Chaisson of His dawn Is to Or* the Punt people who
the Senate internal Security Stthcainmittee, attended this university practral soboiallnr
be bat binight Wane& end diratt1.60..th the In enilitieetink and the sciences. In medicine
?
a
USDA Researeliblade Important
,
Advances During 1960
EXTENSION OP- ItEMAPICS
Or ,...
? ?
r HON. :CU FFORD MegffiRE,
TUE Boma OP REPREtENTATIVES .
Wednesday. Januar)/ 1,14'001.
Mr. MaNTIRE. Mr. Speaker.' re'-
search undeniably plays a vital-pert In
the remarkable advances that are being
made brAmerican agrictilture.4
So that my colleaguss,cart*abl'an
fib-
med4ate perspective on the
went: of altrICUIttirel research: I inbuilt
to the Ilscoite an article from the Janu-
ary 14 Issue of the Paiikerrn
trade publication,, presenting, k Week-
down of research? applied:ION, ypiious
agricultural arena during 1960r?
1381:14,Rsusacat Win Irstaissrii lkitosacns
/Juana 1900 ,
WsilmegrOlf, D.C.. Jantairyuler-Surn-
-rearlictreg roman =mar *tab* 1000,, the
11.8.4 Deportment et Agricuitteratpotrits tq
new findings made desing the peortlet may
kat to inciii,Mettilint .1"prorttilb1e aW8147''
'Latinism:to* production. ..Coucentrating on
biiiiceresearch. =DA edentate revered nips-.
testes of hezure?tri.corne up with littudiples
ihdthat may' provide tOrproved
tooter= tenant= of rietare. ?
Of" maim importance' among 106011, taint
tesearch andIngs by written in USDA% pio-
neering isbcratartes it reformatted on how
nutrients move"Oven the-soil to the lqierior
or plants. andOkow plaits gain resistanoe or
ateoeptibility to disease. ? ? ' ,
Apioultund Itereatbh Servite lintonsolo-
bist Inject pests - 41urtint the" ?
esti made an Important seiftlthicl when teht
age
they synthesized an. insect atireetalit that
oectire naturally in the fermate, syper Moth_
'This discovery made' possible ter the drat
time the SynTheSIS or tiaMeited-clusirities of
^ related attractant thal can hit Maistitac-
Cured at lovr, coat. The synthetic MID lid
lit detecting Infeitatiotth and ? itio nossibie
use in gypsy raoth etovia program is being
exPlared.
artalUee YU= ?
Self-ennthilsUon of hansom*s and tam-
ales as s result of chemical elerilinstion was
tritatS ilynhytUrDtrat..A enittomotogReee expedments We soya:. mark
the Arai lithorethry trials of a chemical that
sternum both male and female ties. ztr
mixing small quantities of this material. in
the Alm' food, ? plueisnent sterility ? is
achieved and the Wee cannot reproduce.
A nelay disoovervi special of fungus COM-
nwa to Loultanx rugoreane soil and bettered
?
?
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'PlIENWrim tienn.i
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_
147,762
\15
from Et Other
iPeg, Pert Page
i Date: ATI; 2
Pro-posed .'Freedom
By MILT6N. BRITTEN a.
The Prosa-ikimitor Dismal
WASHINGTON.?A federal academy to train
U. S. officials and prepare the nation's citizens
to understand and Counter Corattnntlam's Cold
War strategies seems ilk* to becOMe a reality
during the new Congress. ? ?
Backers of this so-called "Free-
dom Commingle:eV Bill see the acad-
emy as democracy's answer to
various centers ht Moscow, Prague,
Red China, and elsewhere, which
draw Communists from thruout.the
Red world for intensive total war-
fare training.
The Communists, these legisla-
tors argue, use their centers to
teach all forms or social conflict?
political, ideological, psychological,
economic, parliamentary, etc., th their massive
effort to win end remake the world Into a
Marxist society. ?
In contrast, the bill's supporters say, U. S.
efforts are diffuse, piecemeal, and inadequate.
Says one of the bIll'a champions, Sen. Thomas
Dodd (Dem., Conn.), vice 'Chairman of the Sen-
ate Internal Security Subcommitteth--
"The free world does not have to ape Com-
munist methods. This is neither desirable nor
necessary. It is a question of thinking thru all
of the methtais and means free men can prop-
erly use when faced with a Soviet type chal-
lenge, then integrating these intei a total counter-
strategy of our own, which -will meet the entire
Soviet attack, not just parts of it, and work to-
wards our national objectives in a systematic
manner.
Further, our own strategy must not be mere-
ly defensive. Thane who plan only a holding
Britten
4
Academy,' and Arguments1
...Jr- 'Pt.--
operation are inviting eventual defeat.
must be a strategy with the worldwide viet0IF Pro an
To do this the "Froedorn Commission" Billt %A. ?
would create an independent commission of seven' ?
members, appointed by the president 'and serving:
staggered six-year terms. 'They would lesta
an advanced training and, developfnenecen
the FreedOin Academy. .
of freedom as its ultimate objective." ?
The commission would bring together within
the academy a full-tinte . faculty of experts to
develop and teach ways and means of thwarting
the Soviet total warfare approach and effecting
our. .own "strategy 'for vic,tory."
As envisaged, the academy would not only
provide intensive training. for professionals in the
upper levels of government, but also leas exten-
sive troining for lower eshelon officials' and pet-
vete citizens. such as newspaper editor', civic
and labor leaders and foreign students.
Alexi the House has never held hearings on
this measure, it passed the Senate quietly, on
voice vote, in the closing days of the ligth Con-
gress. As-evidence of the broad support it en-
joyed, the till's Senate champipna pointed to Its
unlikely combination of ma.jor sponsors, Illinois
liberal ?Dertiocrat Paul Douglas and South
Dakota's right-wing Reptiblican Karl Mundt.
Actually the bill was first introduced in the
House some two years ago by Rep. Waiter Judd
(Rep., Mlnn.),' former medical missionary and
longtime student of Communism's total warfare
technique, and Rep. Sydney Herlong (Dent., Fia.l.
In the House, it was referred to the House ?
Un-American Activities Committee, headed by
Rep. Francis E. Walter (Dem., Pa.), who is said
to lean toward objections offered by the State
and Justice Departmenti daring Senate hearings
on the bill.
These two executive departments said they
thought the development and training functions
of the Freedom Academy?an estimated $35,000.-
000-a-year operation?could be handled'with less
overlapping 'and conkision by-existing agencies.
The Foreign Service Institute, the National
War College, the Army and Naval War College?,
the Air University, the Central Intelligence
Agency, the Federal Bureau of bwestigatlea.
private foundations, the This-shin Research Cen-
ter at Harvard and similar centers elsewhere
all deal With various aspects of the problem
In varying degrees.
Sen. Dodd argues, however, 'it would take a
major overhaul, a drastic reorientation, a great-
ly expanded staff and facilities before any one
of the government agencies) or all of them
together, could approach the work of the Free-
dom Academy.. ? as a practical matter, nothing
will be done until one agency is divorced from
other responsibilities and given clear direction
and authority to do the job."
? The Senate sponsors plan to re-introduce their
bill. Rep. Judd says he will seek an early con-
ference with House Speaker Sam Rayburn to
expedite the bill's passage by the House. They
' are opthniatia of success.
? .
? '
?
lifairthermiire, 'under the Kennedy administ,
titthey hope that objections of State and J
Departments will be withdrawn. Both C.
and' Douglas, who helped wheel their sta.
.behind the Democratic national ticket, will pp,
an influence within tiv. Executive Departm
that they haven't enjoyed under the ?Eisenht,,,
administration.
Another factor In the bill's favor?-unmention
; by ha backers? is clever wording. What p.-:.
clan would really enjoy going on record in opr
I :kin to a "Freedom" Commission:.
t ?
1
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9