(SANITIZED)UNCLASSIFIED AFRO-ASIAN PROPAGANDA PAMPHLETS(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R003300160001-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 379
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 6, 2014
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: April 2, 1959
• Content Type: REPORT

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STAT
FROM ALGERIA
TO THE
KAMERUN
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FROM ALGERIA
To) T E
AMER[
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FOREWORD
This booklet is published for the enlightenment of world
public opinion which knows nothing of the reality of colo-
nialism and military repression as effected by the French
Government in the Kamerun.
We hope that it will help to mobilise the public towards
influencing the French Government to put an end to the
fire and carnage they are maintaining in the Kumerun.
We are appealing to the whole world before it becomes too
late to do anything.
This booklet does not pretend to depict a complete
picture of the grave situation which prevails in the Kame-
run, as it does not but touch on the salient aspects without
exhausting the subject in its entirety.
Besides the alarm this booklet reflects, it tries to pay
hommage to that fraction of world opinion which was so
indignant at the crimes committed in our country, took
resolutions condemning these actions and expressed their
sympathy and support.
The booklet further stresses, in particular, the respon-
sibility of the United Nations which, while having supreme
authority in our country, looks indifferently at the atroci-
ties being committed there in its name, without making the
slightest sign or action of protest. It also proves the extent
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of the danger this attitude represents to the prestige of the
United Nations. As a matter of fact, Mr. Mbida, the French
Government's agent for repression, has declared on Nov-
ember 9th, 2957: "On two occasions, the founder of the
U.P.C. has gone to the United Nations to demand indepen-
dence but, what has he brought?" (The Canzeroons Press,
special issue, November toth, 1957).
Finally, this booklet is an appeal to the whole world to
extend moral and material help to the people of the Kame-
run in the struggle for the unity and independence of their
country as a contribution to the cause of world peace.
"Slavery is one of the most conspicious causes
of the deterioration of nations."
Prof E.A ROSS
-The history of the peoples struggle for their freedom and
independence has not, in the least, a character of spontaneity; it
does not manifest itself except after a long struggle."
If this thought, of the President of Egypt, was valuable for
Egypt, it is equally valuable for all the countries who are struggling
to gain their national sovereignty which is suppressed by colonial-
ism. It is further, the best proof that no people have ever will-
ingly accepted foreign domination. The struggle of the oppressed
peoples for national liberation was born on the same day colonisa-
tion established itself by brutal force.
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The struggle of the people of the Kamerun for the unity and
independence of their country, comes within the frame of this
historic process.
It is well known that the Kamerun was a German Protector-
ate (1884-1914) and was divided in an arbitrary way into two
distinct countries, the day which followed the end of the first
world war. It was put under the mandate of the League of Na-
tions with France and Britain as the mandatory Powers. By the
end of the second world war, which put the seal on the death of
the League of Nations, the Kamerun passed from the mandatory
regime to that of the trusteeship of the United Nations on Dec-
ember 13th, 1946.
Both under the regime of the protectorate or that of the man-
date, the history of the Kamerun is resplendent with glorious
examples of heroic battles waged for the restoration of their na-
tional independence.
Yet, the people of the Kamerun never folded their arms and
bowed to the oppressros; but their conscientious organised poli-
tical struggle does not date back longer than ten years, by the
creation, on April 10th 1948, of the National Movement, known
all over the world by the name of the Union of the Populations
of the Camerouns (U.P.C.). The movement's slogan :
"Unity and Independence of the Kamerun" has rallied to its
banner almost the whole of the population. To testify this fact,
we quote Mr. Claude Krief who wrote in the "Express" of January
2nd, 1958:
"This Party has re-united indisputably all the nationals of the
Camerouns (Editor's note: 'it always unites them'). The intel-
lectuals, for sure, and also the masses who discarded their trib-
alism, as well as the neo-proletarians of Douala and else-
where."
The British weekly paper -The Manchester Guardian"
where support of U.P.C. could never be suspected, carried in
its issue of January 20th 1955 a leading article signed by Mr.
Thomas Hodgkin. This writer said:
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"The U P.C. is undisputedly the best organised political
party in the Camerouns; a good example of the 'new model'
pulitical party in West Africa with its pyramidic structure based
on the village committees in the interior, and on the district
committees, in the towns."
The effect of the action of such a national movement hav-
ing such a big influence over the masses of the people in a me-
thodical organisation, is sure to be felt in colonial quarters. For
the French Minister of Colonies, only a bath of blood could
"draw such a party into the shade." Strong military contin-
gents were brought from the Senegal and from France, under
the usual pretext of "restoring order", and on May 25th 1955
fire opened and all repressive measures were put in to action.
As Claude Krief put it, in an article which appeared in the
"Express" of January 2nd 1958, "a brutal repression did the
rest." Actually, it was a real "brutal repression" with a bal-
ance sheet of 5,000 killed, 200 dwellings set on fire in one single
town, that of Douala, by reactionary elements, with doubtless
intention to make French civilisation more appreciated; and 800
orders of arrest signed on May 28th by Cau, the French ex-
pert of colonial repression who thus opened the season of "chas-
ing the Upecists" who overcrowded the prisons. A large
number of political detainees were deported to Largeau (0u-
banghi-Chari) and the dissolution of the U.P.C. and two other
anti-colonialist organisations on July 13th, completed the picture.
Since then, the country has been under the complete rule
of insecurity. After isolated incidents of the assassination of
some patriots, French troops sacrificed 1,500 Kamerunians as a
1956 Christmas present and to celebrate the day of November
1 1 th 1957, they killed 480 nationalists in Baham (cf. Doc. A/C
4/SR of the United Nations).
While the United Nations General Assembly met in its
12th session, at New York, and the Kamerun was the highlights,
petitioners made representations at Manhattan to the Trustee-
ship Commission in the name of the peoples of the Kamerun, re-
garding the vindictive measures taken against the nationals.
They sollicited the Commission to draw the attention of the
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United Nations to the grave situation of the country and re-
commended the appointment of an inquiry mission to investigate
on the spot
What then, is precisely taking place in the Eastern Ka-
merun ?
On November 9th 1597, Mr. Mbida, Prime Minister of the
puppet government installed in Yaounde by France, addressed a
proper ultimatum to the patriots of the Kamerun in which he
gave them a grace of ten days during which they could choose
between surrender, or, to fight till the end. Mr. Mbida an-
nounced the "severe measures" which his government would
apply. in case his ultimatum obtained no response from the Ka-
menmian people. viz:? Re-delination of the villages, the im-
position of the curfew, the suppression of markets and public
transport." ? These measures. the French newspaper "Le Mon-
de". reported in its issue of November 22nd. 1957. do not ex-
clude taking direct action against the agitators of the Union who
are the instigators of the rebellion."'
On December 2nd, 1957, a communique was issued in Ya-
ounde. by the Council of Ministers, which read:
"The High Commissioner and the Government of the Ca-
merouns have once again declared their determination to sup-
press any actior of a minority which..." We made a special
point in giving the title of the High Commissioner, because a
section of the French press has tried, since the development of '
the situation in the Kamerun. to show the representative of
France, more as a mediator between Mbida on one side
nationalists of the Kamerun on the other. The purpose of this
distorted picture was to show the grave political crisis now exist-
ing in the kamerun as a vulgar tribal quarrel, or a factional
fight. Thus, many French journalists took the matter easily and
slightly, while in reality it was quite the contrary. The High
Commissioner. Pierre Messmer, who conducted the massacres
of December 1956. thus continued his low business, this year.
Jo the December 17th 1957, issue of "L'Aurore . Mr. Henry
Benazet stated under his name: The ultimatum issued by the
head of the government Mr. Mbida... has pitously failed."
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Henceforward, the Kamerun patriots were at the mercy of
the French Union Mbida went to Paris, the High Commissioner
replacing him for some few days. According to the Radio-
Paris news bulletin of December 12th. 1957 after receiving Mr.
Mbida in audience, the President of the French Republic, Mr.
Ren?oty, called for Marshal Juin. For those who know Mar-
shal Juin, this was an ominous sign for the Kamerunian patriots.
However, it was "Le Monde' of December 18th which shed light
on the purpose of Mbida's voyage. "Mr. Mbida". this paper
said. "has come to Paris to demand reinforcements for the siege
of the zone of trouble.- Mbida himself was more precise on
the aim of his mission, as he declared : Public opinion in the
Capital should understand that in working for the restoration of
peace and security in the Kamerun. we work also for the in-
terests of the French Union As our country occupies a geo-
graphical position between the French West Africa and the
French Equatorial Africa. the success of any subversive move-
ment will rapidly overtake the two neighbouring federations."
Because of the efficient and prompt manner in which French
journalists such as Henry Benazet insisted for the colonial re-
gime. Mbida got the reinforcements he asked for.
"L'Express" published a long article under the heading of
"French troops sent urgently to the Camerouns to re-establish
order" in which it confirmed that- "Tv.3 rifle companies will
arrive this week in the Camerouns. They were the reinforce-
ments which Prime Minister. Mr Andr?arie Mbida, demand-
ed from Mr Chaban-Delmas. the French Minister of National
Defence. as the 1.500 men who keep order in a territory of
sixty French provinces are insufficient."
Most of the French newspapers remarked that the despatch
of such reinforcements was an indication of the grave sttuation
actually prevailing in the Kamerun.
Under the headline: 'The French Go?ernment intensifies
repression in the Camerouns. L'Humanite of January 4th
1958 carried a long article, in which it was said:
The situation in the Camerouns is getting more and more
grave and reports coming from that country are likewise getting
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more and more disquieting. Parallel with the military repres-
sion which has been reinforced by the troops who came from
French Equatorial Africa, imprisonment for the patriots and the
syndicalists is taking place on a wide scale." The paper then
gave' a list of the names of responsible syndicalists and others
who?were arrested under notoriously illegal conditions, and de-
ported secretly. Mothers of families were not spared from ar-
rest and imprisonment.
The article went on to say: -Since the murder of Wanko,
member of the Legislative Assembly of the Cameroun, the troops
sent for reinforcement are working as the case may be some
months now. Since the assassination of Dr. Delague in Sanaga-
Maritime, people of the Camerouns live in a state of grave in-
security.
"A real state of siege has been established in the Bamilike,
a region which is the size of three French Departments with a
population of 200.000 inhabitants."
In the same article one reads that all the meetings of the trade
unions were under minute supervision.
The papers which dare to criticise the government of the Ka-
merun are confiscated, freedom of the press is suppressed.
On the other hand the "Figaro" of December 11th which
fixed the date of September 6th, 1957 as marking grave develop-
ment of the tension, which has actually reached its climax, con-
firms that:
"Since that date, no day, or night, passes without blood being
shed, villages set on fire, or property being stolen. It is difficul,t
to give accurate figures."
Yet, these are not the only exploits of the forces said to be
set for keeping order. Other fresh reports flow in to confirm the
opinion of the French press. In one little village, that of Bane,
in the Bamileke, 31 persons were shot dead by rifle fire. On
November 22nd 1957, Sidje Nefeche, a patriot, was killed in his
house; shortly after that, fire was set to his dwelling, making a
most strange grave. It is always in this region that the French
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mercenaries encircle the market of Balingsap where they make
arrests en masse of the patriots who are submitted later to un-
imaginable tortures. Some are shot dead and thrown into the
lake, others are flung alive into the river Noun with big heavy
stones tied to their legs. Prisoners also are taken out of their
cells and killed in the same way.
Finally, to those who still doubt the gravity of the situation
in the Kamerun, we select the following passage from an important
document which was delivered to the French authorities by Mr.
Ruben Um Nyobe, Secretary General of the U.P.C. On page 20
of this document, one reads under the heading: "The True Solu-
tions for a Political and Moral Settlement in the Kamerun":
"In Sanaga-Maritime. for instance, the people are invited to
come out, then those villagers who are found inside their dwellings
are tortured, robbed and arrested and driven to the concentration
camps of Botmakak, Dibang, Maboub, M'bdpe, Eseka, Tuma,
Nkouga, Ndou, Nyanon, Ngambe, etc., where they are forced to
work in most degrading jobs. They could, however, after 2 or
4 months of dett.ntion be liberated, after paying big amounts of
money to the mercenaries, above that ?which had been looted from
them. The detention camps are guarded by the gendarmes, or
the military forces, and hundreds of patriots are kept prisoners in
these unofficial prisons, where they are tortured without legal
trial of any sort, they are simply "denounced" by a dirty spy as
being an "Upecist." These camps are maintained by the Head of
the Region, and other killers of the patriots, who are well known
to the authorities. All kinds of atrocities are committed there
with the encouragement of the French authorities who cover them-
sieves with the pretext of acting under orders of the Government
of the Kamerun."
All indications point out that the fighting, which broke out in
Algeria after Dien Bien Phu, is now extending to the Kamerun
because French colonialism does not wish to die.
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THE POSITION OF THE U.N. AND OF FRANCE
This is how the actual situation reigning over the Kamerun
under French domination is particularly grave; it is of a nature
to menace international peace and security; it is quite in conflict
with the terms and aims of the Charter of the Trusteeship Agree-
ments and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights It is.
above all, inhuman and represents a spirit incompatible with the
French Republic tradition.
Before this drama, which the U N and France are enacting
as parties contracted by the Trusteeship Agreement, what right
had France to take over the administration of the Kamerun ?
1 After the massacres of May 1955, the anti-colonial
member countries of the U.N. expressed their profound
sentiments and condemned this savage and blind repres-
sion launched against the defenceless people by the French
Government. On the other hand, the visiting Mission
of the Trusteeship Council of the U.N. thought it their
duty to give their verdict ? which was in favour of the
administrative authorities ? before having the objective
material information, and without listening to all parties
concerned.
2. During the 11th session of the General Assembly of the
U.N. a resolution was passed 1064 (XI) "expressing the
hope ? after having regretted not a single law of am-
nesty has been promulgated in the territory ? that by
the enforcement of appropriate measures, and rapid pro-
mulgation of the amnesty law, conditions could be estab-
lished in the Kamerun under French administration, which
would favour the restoration of a normal situation in the
near future."
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3. The 19th session of the United Nations Trusteeship Coun-
cil also voted, in June 1957, a similar resolution.
4. After the 4th Commission had found it impossible to
reach a solution for the problem of the Kamerun follow-
ing a debate of 15 days, the pleniary session of the 12th
session of the U.N. General Assembly voted for the re-
solution recommended by Peru, Venezuela and Equador
calling on France to accelerate the promulgation of the
law of amnesty in the Kamerun, as the condition most
favourable for the restoration of the situation there, to
normal.
Although this resolution was the result of compromise, yet
it imposed a principle by making amnesty a condition for the crea-
tion of a normal political atmosphere.
It is interesting to recall here, that France herself had voted
in favour of this resolution, explaining her attitude in these words:
"With a spirit of conciliation, the French Delegation agree to the
draft resolution submitted by Equador, Peru and Venezuela. This
project, to our point of view, constitutes a compromise acceptable
to all and will allow us to break the deadlock in which we find
ourselves." (cf. Doc. A/PV. 729 of December 1957, pp. 43-45 in
English).
Thus the United Nations and France were in accord as to
the recognition of the fact that the only condition for the liquida-
tion of the political vaccuum in the Kamerun was the rapid pro-
mulgation of a law of amnesty.
But to what extent will this laudible intention go ? It will
not go beyond the lobbies of the United Nations, because the
French Government will press their mouthpiece, Mr. Mbida, who
will declare to us: "A general amnesty will be an encouragement
to crime." In the course of his interview to "Le Monde", Mr.
Mbida whom the French paper justly described as "a bit dicta-
torial," disclosed to us a secret, when he said: "There are things
which the French Government cannot say publicly, but which we
can say for him." ("Le Monde" of December 18th, 1957. p. 6).
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40.4.
Evidently, it is not Mr. Mbida and his Legislative Assembly
who are opposing the amnesty, but the French Government through
their spokesmen. According to the provisions of Art 4 t B) of
the Trusteeship Agreement, it is France and not the "autonomous"
Government who is responsible for keeping order in the Kamerun
On the other hand, the statute granted to the Kainerun confers
on Parliament and the French Government wide legislative powers
in what concerns matters of public liberties. Furthermore, Art. 41
of this statute lays down that the High Commissioner "is respon-
sible for public security as well as the security of the French gen-
darmerie, stationed in the territory" and that he can -in cases of
urgency, take all measures needed for keeping order and safe-
guarding public interests.' Art. 2 of the same statute stipulates
that no legislation should be made by the Kamerun Government.
or any measures taken which may be contradictory to interna-
tional laws observed in the territory. But, by force of the right
of veto, Art. 49 of the above-mentioned statute, the French Gov-
ernment can oppose all legislations, or any other actions which
conflict with the Trusteeship Agreement, the U N. Charter, or the
Universal Declaration of the Human Rights
Thus, the responsibility for criminal actions committed in the
Kamerun lies on the shoulders of France But she tries to use
Mr. Mbida as a puppet, exactly as she used Ben Arafa This was
the explicit view of -L'Express- of 2/1/1958
This is the situation as it now stands in the Kamerun a situa-
tion which will lead to a real war as a result of the indifference
and lack of decision on the part of the 83 States who constitute
the United Nations. This is also the result of strange bargaining
and miserable diplomatic combinations.
France is well under way. th use in a territory under United
Nations trusteeship, the same method she is employing in Algeria
under the eyes and ears of a world divided by egoist interests
WOmen, men and children are perishing and the most abominable
crimes are left to be committed for no reason but that some people
give more preference to the crops of coco and oil of the Kamerun
than to human life, leaving the treasured principles of peace. se-
curity, equality, etc., to take care of themselves.
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Why then should these poor people be deceived by Declara-
tions and Charters? Why should they be left to be burned to
ashes to make them belie\ e in such principles 7 it is only history
which will tell us the cause
VERDICT OF INTERNATIONAL OPINION
Nevertheless, if the United Nations close their doors to the
cries of the Kamerunians. there still exists a fraction of interna-
tional public opinion who will contribute to the cause of the Ka-
merun and support their demands
It should be said also that inside the United Nations there
are some representatives w ho support our cause We shall not
name them, Whether coming from the Philippines or from Mexico,
from Ghana. or from Ethiopia: from Syria. or from Guatemala,
from Liberia. or fr( in the Yemen words can never e;.press our
gratitude to those countries who sponsored our cause as if it was
their own cause
In Damascus. the Afro-Asian Jurists Conference, held from
7th to 10th November. 1957, voted for the following resolutions
"After taking knowledge of the actual situation in the
Kamerun vhich situation is a flagrant violation of all inter-
national rights. especially that of self-determination
-And in consideration of the fact that this territory is a
country under the truAceship of the United Nations
"And in consideration of the United Nations Charter.
Art 76 (B) in particular. which laid down that the ultimate
aim of the trusteeship regime is independence.
-And in consideration of the fact that the German-Ka-
merunian Treaty of July 12th 1884. recognised by the United
Kingdom and France. accepted the principle of the sover-
eignity and unity of the Kamerun territories
"And in consideration of the fact that the Versailles
Treaty of June 28, 1919. which divided the Kamerun is contrary
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to the German-Kamerun Treaty mentioned above, and that
such division was unilateral and injust.
"And in consideration of Arts. 1 (2) and 55 of the
Charter, recognising the right of the people to decide their
own destinies in full freedom.
"And in consideration of Art. 76 (B) of the United Na-
tions Charter. providing in the particular case of the terri-
tories under trusteeship, that attention should be paid to the
free aspirations of the populations concerned and of the vote
passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations on
February 26th, 1957 by a big majority calling on France and
the United Kingdom to give independence to the Kamerun
in an early date.
"And in consideration of the provisions of Art. 1 of the
United Nations Charter, recommending the maintenance of
peace and international security by the peaceful settlement of
all probems. yet France continues to carry out her massacres
of the population since May, 1955.
"And in consideration of the provisions of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, the United Kingdom on her
part has suppressed the public liberties and deported Ka-
merun nationals.
"Consequently. this Conference hopes that the actual
session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will
take account of the, rightful and legitimate aspirations of the
Kamerunian people by passing an adequate and firm resolu-
tion for the unity and independence of the Kamerun.
"This Conference express their solid support to the
people of the Kamerun in their struggle."
On the other hand, the Afro-Asian Conference of Cairo. which
brought together 500 delegates representing 3/4 of the population
of the whole world, passed the following resolution over the Ka-
merun:
"The Conference hope that the United Nations would
realise the grave situation in the Kamerun.
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"The Conference call also on all countries of Asia and
Africa to help by all appropriate means the struggle of people
of the Kamerun who are fighting for their unity and inde-
pendence.
"The Conference condemn the measures of violence
taken by the French Authorities in this territory and appeal
to French public opinion to demand their Government to stop
such measures.'
While this resolution was being taken in Cairo, the African
Students Federation in Paris voted the following resolutions in the
course of the meeting of the 8th Congress of their Federation.
THE FEDERATION OF THE STUDENTS
OF BLACK AFRICA IN FRANCE
VIII CONGRESS
Kamerun?Togo
RESOLUTIONS OVER THE POLITICAL SITUATION
IN THE KAMERUN
? Considering the situation prevailing in the Kamerun since
1955. which has become extensively grave since the elec-
tions of December 23rd. 1956, carried out against the will
of the Kamerunian people
Considering the motion of the Lgeislative Assembly tend-
ing to suspend a vote on amnesty and any policy of po-
litical clemency.
Considering the v. ish of the Association of the Magistrates
of the Kamerun to get special powers.
? Considering the measures adopted by the Government
under trusteeship to reinforce repression by military action
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I
? Considering the ever increasing number of the arbitrary
arrest of patriots which shows the total absence of de-
mocratic freedom.
? Considering the fact that all these measures will greatly
aggravate an already deteriorating situation.
The Congress of the Federation of the Students of Black
Africa:
1) Vigorously condemns the policy of repression practised
by the French Government and by the local authorities
who are leading the Kamerun to the brink of catastrophy.
2) Reaffirms the resolutions taken by the preceding ses-
sions, which resolutions conform with those of the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations and suggests the
following as the proper solution of the Kamerun crisis:
a) The prompt promulgation of a law of total amnesty
with effect from May, 1955 up to December 1956.
b) The restoration of normal political life by respecting
democratic liberties and the resumption of freedom
of movement.
c) The recognition of the INDEPENDENCE OF THE
KAMERUN.
3) Launching a vigorous appeal to French and international
public opinion for the suspension of repressive measures
under any form and for the respect and implementation
of the legitimate aspirations of the Kamerun people
THE FEDERATION OF THE STUDENTS
OF BLACK AFRICA IN FRANCE
RESOLUTIONS OVER THE EMPLOYMENT OF AFRICAN
TROOPS IN REPRESSIVE ACTIONS IN THE KAMERUN
The VIII Congress of the Federation :
? Considering the fact that the Federation have always op-
posed the employment of Africans in colonial wars
? 13 ?
? Considering the despatch to the Kamerun on the demand
of the criminal puppet Prime Minister M'bida, of African
troops to besiege the so-called troubled zone.
? Considering that the despatch of African non-Kamerunian
troops to the Kamerun is an irrefutable evidence that the
whole people and the Kamerunian troops in particular are
supporting the national Kamerunian movement.
? The Congress declare their resolute protest against the
employment of African against Africans in a war designed
by foreign French colonialism
-- The Congress addresses a vigorous appeal to the people
of France to awaken their conscience to the gravity of
the Kamerunian problem.
? The Congress call on African parliaments and responsible
people to work jointly to stop the brutalities committed
against Africans.
? Pledging all trade unions, the youth and all African pa-
triots to refuse being used as tools of repression
? Commissions the Executive Committee and the Federa-
tion of the Students of Black Africa in France to approach
the authorities concerned in this respect
(Passed with unanimous vote).
THE FEDERATION OF THE STUDENTS
OF BLACK AFRICA IN FRANCE
COMMITMENT AND ACTION
The Federation of the Students of Black Africa in France
meeting in a Congress held from 27th to 31st December in the
-Salle" of the "Societes Savantes" in Paris:
? After having studied the actual situation in the Kamerun
and assessed the problem of the Kamerun as to its historic
aspect.
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? Considering that the struggle of the Kamerunian people
for their liberation from the bonds of colonialism is a
cardinal historic fact, the consequences of which will go
far beyond the geographic demarcation of the Kamerun
to affect the near future of the whole of Black Africa
under French domination.
? The Congress decide:
1) To take up the struggle of the people of the Kamerun
as their own struggle
2) Solemnly affirm their total solidarity with all Ka-
merunian patriots and commit themselves to act for
their support.
3) Inscribe the problem of the Kamerun as the first point
of action in their platform for 1958 and to organise a
Solidarity Week.
4) Recommend to the Executive Committee to raise as a
matter of urgency the problem of the Kamerun in all
international conferences and students congress.
5) Asking the U.G.T AN. and the Council of Young
Africa and the members of the LI G F,.A 0. to appoint
committees of solidarity everywhere in Africa to main-
tain and mobilise public opinion in favour of the Ka-
merunian patriots.
All this go to prove that the cause of the people of the Ka-
merun has the profound sympathy of an important part of inter-
national public opinion and that France who is practising all this
terror in our country has no such support This should urge the
French people to press their Government to save what remains
of Franco-Kamerunian friendship. This is a more emphatic proof
that colonialism has no longer any support, a fact which was
pronouncedly evident in the speeches of the delegates of the Afro-
Asian Conference in Cairo.
Addressing that Conference, the delegate of Ethiopia said :
"Our people have been through the experiences the people of
Algeria, of the Kamerun and of Kenya are suffering today. The
? 20 ?
memories of the cruelty of Fascist oppression are still deeply en-
graved in our minds and thus it would be inconceivable that
Ethiopia could ever support an injustice which she had been fight-
ing for a long time"
The Indian delegate, Mrs. Ramashwati Nehru, on the other
hand emphasized ? "People who are struggling for their liberties
deserve to be honoured: they should know that they have our
hearty support"
Speaking in Port-Said on the occasion of the Victory An-
niversary, President Gamal Abdel Nasser declared:
"Since Port Said, we have been addressing the whole world
reclaiming the realisation of the independence of all colonised
countries."
All these resolutions and declarations one now should neces-
sarily materialise. The gradually deteriorating situation in the
Kamerun the increasing number of human lives sacrificed for the
sake of liberty and independence, the urgent need of the Ka-
merunian people for moral and material help to achieve the inde-
pendence of their country with as less human sacrifices, all these
factors make it most essential that the above-mentioned resolutions
and declarations be effected.
We demand of the whole world to organise meetings and
demonstrations of protest as well as propaganda campaigns in the
press. We appeal to the people of Africa and Asia to collect
contributions to help us in our struggle. We appeal to them to
approach the International Red Cross to come to the aid of the
victims of repression in the Kamerun, to our students who are
cut off from financial aid to continue their studies to graduate as
lawyers to go to the Kamerun to defend the thousands of patriots
who are waiting for capital punishment. In brief, we are launch-
ing an appeal to all brothers of Africa and Asia for a moral and
material aid, an aid which should be effective and massive.
We rely on the people of France -- our ally, whom we do
not confuse with the gang of coonialists who are murdering us ?
in order to put into effect the resolution of the Afro-Asian Con-
ference in Cairo over the Kamerun.
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To the American people, who are mostly misinformed as to
the reality of colonialism to whom the nationalists are always
pictured as 'demons' and 'panthers', to the American people we
dedicate the words of Abraham Lincoln:
"What I would like to emphasize is that no man is good
enough to govern another without his consent. I declare that this
is the fundamental principle, the saving anchor of American Re-
publicanism...
..."If the White govern themselves this would be autonomy;
but, if the White were not content with governing themselves and
govern some other people, this I call despotism." These are Lin-
coln's words uttered in the 19th Century."
This true ,fact has come to be a more urgent essentiality in
our century in which freedom and independence are actually a
vital factor.
THE ROLE AND TASK OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Yet, could it be said that the United Nations are really in-
capabe of finding a peaceful solution for the problem of the Ka-
merun? The part played by the United Nations during the Suez
Canal aggression, the fact that the Secretary General of the Unit-
ed Nations was commissioned to go to find out the fate of eleven
American airmen detained in People's China, these two facts lead
to the question why should not the same attention be paid by the
United Nations to the fate of five million Kamerunians, tortured
and murdered in a country which is actually under the trusteeship
of the United Nations.
Under the headline: "The International League of the
Human Rights against the Policy of the French Government in
the Camerouns," the French daily newspaper "Libdration" of Jan-
uary 9th, 1958, wrote: "The International League of the Human
Rights have today expressed their deep anxiety over the action
taken by the French Government by sending military reinforce-
ments to the Camerouns in order to suppress an uprising.
? 22 ?
"Mr. Roger Baldwin. President of the League wrote in his
letter that in the course of the debate of the General Assembly,
it was clearly established that the situation in the French Ca-
merouns was in urgent need for prompt and vigorous action on
the part of the United Nations to inquire into the changes con-
cerning the suppression of the Human Rights in these mandated
territories.
"We have conducted a comprehensive inquiry as to the
existence of Communist influence in the French Cameroons and
found out that it constitutes a minor element."
On January 30th, 1958, the Trusteeship Council will meet in
New York to study the political situation in the countries under
trusteeship. The Council will also study the declarations of the
Kamerunians submitted to the 4th Commission of the 12th session
of the General Assembly of the United Nations in which they de-
nounced the criminal policy France has been following with them.
This Council also will have to decide sending a mission to visit
the Kamerun.
Will such mission be an ordinary, or a special mission 1
The Colonial Powers were one voice in their refusal to send this
mission, but, why?
However, the problem most difficult for solution is: How
will the visiting mission accomplish its duty honestly and object-
ively in an atmosphere of terror and war prevailing all over the
territory. This anxiety was expressed by the delegate of the
Union of the Population of Cameroons (U.P.C.) in the United
Nations who declared: "Under such conditions it is impossible
to find the calm and security all of us are hoping for. We should
ask under what circumstances, and with what measures will this
visiting mission perform their functions. They will have to choose
to follow the injunctions of the administrative authorities as was
the case in 1955, or to follow the opposite course in which case
these authorities will refuse them the security and cooperation
they need, in order to discharge their task properly. In either
case. it will not be possible for your mission to see a true picture
of the situation in the Kamerun and to draw up correct conclu-
sions and decisions."
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Now, that the illwill of France having clearly manifested
itself, will the United Nations persist in their confidence in
France? The United Nations have to choose between the prin-
ciples of the Charter and the support of the colonialists. The
United Nations should choose:
"Do not forget, Condorcet affirmed in his letter to the Gentle-
men of the Tiers State, that if you tolerate the violation of na-
tional rights by other men, you are bound to recognise as just
the principles of the policy which tries to justify violence... You
will be legalising in advance the actions which the tyrants might
one day take against you...
"Your security as being the voice of humanity make you duty
bound to abrogate all the laws which violate the rights of the
foreigners, the black and the serf..."
"NO COEXISTENCE IS POSSIBLE WITH COLONIALISM"
This was President Soekarno's new year message to the
whole world.
Actually, peaceful coexistence is only possible among inde-
pendent people, as it is impossible to stand except on the basis of
equality and reciprocal respect.
We have tried in vain to evade the war in our country, be-
sides resorting to all juridic means, but, France has always re-
fused to come to reason.
Thus, our people is standing against oppression and tyranny
and according to the Charter of the United Nations and of the
Universal Declaration of the Human Rights.
Nobody could ever reproach us for taking such a purely de-
fensive attitude.
As President James K. Polk declared in his message to the
American Congress on May I 1 th, 1846, we tell our people: "As
war, in spite of all our efforts to prevent it ? exists on the will
of France herself ? duty and patriotism call on us to defend with
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3
energy and honour the rights and interests of our country." No-
body could be found in 1846 to consider James K. Polk as 'Com-
munist.' Why then, do they persist in America to ignore such
incidents in their history?
Even Gandhi, the protagonist of non-violence wrote on
August 11th, 1920, to say: "Where there is nothing do but
to choose between cowardice and violence, I advise the resort to
violence. I shall risk violence rather than the degeneration of a
whole race.
"I much prefer to see India resorting to arms to defend her
honour, than to stay cowardly watching the defamation of her
own honour..."
If the French murder the Kamerunians as the troops of Santa
Anna did in Alamo, our people are sure to come out victorious
with the aid of the Afro-Asian countries, that of the democratic
people all over the world. If the people of Thermopyles had
their prophet of misfortune, the Kamerunians will have their Sam
Houston to liberate them from Franco-British colonial oppression.
Thus the Kamerunians will play the part devoted to them in
the society of free peoples.
Would the year 1958 be the year of the unification and inde-
pendence of the Kamerun ?
Would the year 1958 be the year of universal peace and bring
to the Algerian people their aspired independence
Cairo, January 10, 1958.
Foreign Delegation of the Leading
Commitee of the Union of the Populations
of the Cameroons.
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741
C
Petbliskild by tie
FOREIGN DELEGATION OF THE UNION OF THE
POPULATIONS OF THE CAMEROONS (U.P.C.)
9. Slavic El GabeWyo. ZamaWig Cairo
-STAT
Real courage consist-.
in sekking the truth, luid
telling it.
Jean Jaures
THE VA. DENOUNCES
THE PLANNED
SYSTEMATIC TORTURES
in the Kamerun
Printed by ? Imprimerie DES ALTTEURS?
11 -13, Sharia Souk-El-Tewtkieh ? Cairo.
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,
f?
The U.P.C. denounces
the planned
systematic tortures
I in the IKamerun
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To those who, by thousands, have died and die every day,
To those who, in the jungles and mountains, fight valiantly,
To those who, in concentration camps and coffin-like jails,
willingly accept the tortures and. prefer death to treason,
To those who, without relatives or shelter, and deprived of all
means of existence, suffer the pains of a slow death,
To those whose live .4 have been sacrified and to those whose
lives are about to end and who still struggle heroically,
f'_Nr immediate unification and independance of the Kamerun
And to those also who, in France, in Great-Britain and
throughout the whole world believe in the equality of men
and in their unconditioned right to self-determination, irres-
pective of race, philosophy, creed or religion,
THE UNION OF THE POPULATIONS OF THE CAMEROONS
MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATES THIS PAMPHLET.
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FOREWORD
On March 28th, 1958, the parisian newspaper ? La Tri-
bune des Nations >> wrote: < The events in North Africa are not
all for the benefit of the Kamerunian nationalists. For the
Algerian war weakens France, but it hides from the world the
the fact that a rebellion is taking place in the Kamerun. If it
were not for the Algerian war, there is no doubt that the
underground struggle of the U.P.C. (Union of the Populations
of the Cameroons) against French occupation would have made
headlines, long ago. As a matter of facts, the subversive
movements in Algeria were given priority in the press at a
time when they were far from being as widespread as the
present uprising in the Cameroons.
? The leaders of the U.P.C. n, the paper added,
It is this very conspiracy of silence which, once again, we
intend to frustrate by releasing this pamphlet, which contains
essentially a collection of testimonies?made by the victimes
themselves?on the arbitrary and the cruelty which the
colonial war of reconquest has created in the Kamerun, mainly
in the eastern zone.
This evocation of the coffin-prisons, the concentration
camps, the summary executions, the deportations and other
arbitrary condemnations, is presented in support of a letter,
herewith enclosed, forwarded by the U.P.C. to the International
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? 6 ?
Red Cross. But first and above all, it constitutes a vigourcus
denunciaton of these cruel and flagrant violations of the ele-
mentary rights inherent to every human bOng. Thus, this
pamphlet also constitutes a call for solidarity, for struggle
against systematic injustice. This call is particularily adressed
to the peoples of France and of the United Kingdom, in whose
names so many barbarian acts are taking place. We hope that
the peoples of these two nations, mothers of modern democracy,
will immediately prove that they have not remained in the cradle
of democracy, while entrusting to others the task of developing
it. These ?others? of course have their share of respnnsability,
especially all those who are committed by the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man,
and more particularly all those who have endured foreign
domination.
That is why our publication constitutes an appeal to the
United Nations, to the Inernational League of the Rights of
Man, to the International Red ,Cross and to the whole world,
?and mostly to the Afro-Asian countries,?urging:
(1) The creation of a team of really objective observers to be
sent to the .Kamerun in the nearest future.
(2) Intervention amidst the Visiting Mission of the U.N.
Trusteeship Council due to leave for the Kamerun. soon,
, in order to check our declarations with the truth and
reaffirm our aspirations for immediate Reunification and
Independance, which is the only weaver to an end to the
atrocities and inhuman acts performed in our Country.
(3) The launching of an international solidarity campain in
favour of the people of Kamerun, martyrs of Freedom
Cairo, July 7th, 1958.
The Bureau of Leading Committee of the U.P.C.
N.B. ? ALCAM means ?Legislative Assembly of Cameroons?.
Introduction
A few Kamerunian nationalists
shot on August 18th, 195'7 by
French colonialists after suffer-
ing unhuman tortures, and.
threwn somewhere to serve as
pasture for wild beasts and birds.
Anoter picture of ? Civilised
France ?.
In order to understand thoroughly the contents of this
pamphlet the situation in the Kamer= should be kept in mind.
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? 8 --
First, the judicial situation: The Kamerun is a territory
under international trusteeship, and thus ruled by two funda-
mental principles contained in the United Nations Charter:
Absolute priority to autochtones' interests (art. 73) and a
necessary conforming of all policy to their freely expressed
aspirations for independance or autonomy (art. 76 b). It is
particularily upon these two principles that are based the
clauses of the Trusteeship Agreements, aiming at guaranteeing
to the Kamerunian people the full exercise of all their public
liberties. Moreover both French and British-administered
zones of the Kamerun enjoy the Universal Declaration of the
Rights of Man, signed by France and Great-Britain, article 2
of which stipulates that ? there will be no distinction based
upon the political, judicial or international statute of a country
or territory, whether independant, under trusteeship, non-auto-
nomous or submitted to any limitations of its sovreignty.p
Now, the U.N. Charter as well as the Trusteeship Agree-
ments and the Rights of Man, all constitue treaties between
the UN and the signatory powers. On the other hand, treaties
are more powerful than internal and even constitutional laws.
That is to say that the administrative powers, France and
Great-Britain, have solemnly accepted to recognise to the
Kamerunian people, even against their own legislations, their
full exercise of all democratic liberties and of all Rights
of Man.
:Ile second element which should always be kept in mind
is the geographical position of the Kamerun: surrounded by
countries closely controlled by imperialists.
As for the third element, it is the political situation:
Faced -with the firm determination of the people in favour
'of immediate Reunification and Independance, colonialists have
? 9 ?
started a ? dirty war >> in which the Information Service, the
Postal Administration and the judicial services all closely
cooperate with the armed forces (Army, Gendarmerie and
Police).
The only regular sources of information are: The Radio
and two agencies: Associated Press. and the French Press
Agency (Agence France-Presse), plus a few ? trustworthy )
newsmen admitted once in a while into the country. This
explains :
? The silence over the .Kamerunian tragedy.
? The lies concerning freedom fighters.
? The impossibility to fight efficiently against this
conspiracy of silence, owing to the tremendous dif-
ficulties encountered in communicating with the
patriots (geographical isolation, strict control of
borders, severe mail censorhip, a.s.o.).
The parisian newspaper ? Le Monde ? admitted in its
issue of January 2, 1957, that informations were being censor-
ed. These difficulties in contacting guerillas grow more as
the armed struggle amplifies, and more again as the solidarity
between imperialists ? particularly French and British ? is
consolidated. This explains why informations take some time
before reaching us, and why we mostly report events which
occurred last year.
TILE JUDICIAL SERVICES
We encounter, or rather we SHOULD encounter justice
at every step. However, its insolvencies and interventions are
marked with the stamp of its colonial character:
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1. ? It is a racial justice. A European deputy, M. Aujou-
lat, well-known for his hostile attitude towards the
Kanaerunian national movement, has stigmatized the
discriminatory and arbitrary system in the Kame-
run, in the following words: ? In the Kamerun,
? there is a white law and a black law, in other
? words, there is one black justice and one white
? justice.
? Look out! he says to the French justice and
? administration, let your severities and demands
? be the same for everybody! Do not abuse of
? preventive detention (a recent circular has just
0.. drawn attention on this point), or let it at least
? be applied by absolute rules, without any dis-
? tinction of rank or colour. Do not let the police
? brutalities which so often accompany the
? questioning of suspects go beyond the limits gene-
> inaugurated
by Mr. Cau, judge of Douala, who on the 28th of May
1955, had delivered 800 of them to be filled by their'
users.
? Then, the decree of February 19th, 1955, allowing
administrative authorities to arrest and accuse and
then defer the indicted to a magistrate if however
there should be one. But French Law magistrates of
whom we are concerned are very rare. So, the admi-
nistrative agents have judicial functions as well: The
system of the judge-administrator, in theory supressed
in 1946, seems now restored in the Kamerun !
Finally, in the regions where underground struggle is
most active, we find yet another factor: the ? state of emer-
gency ? which the French Government has instituted while
hiding behind the protective screen of the Yaounde puppet
Government. In fact, it is reported in ? Le Monde >> of Novem-
ber 22nd1 1957 that ? the head of the Kamerunian Govern-
ment ? has taken the following measures: ? regrouping of
villages, night curfews, suppression of markets and common
transports. These measures do not exclude a direct action
against the agitators of the Union who are the promoters of
the rebellion.?
This regime does not differ in its nature from the once
instituted in Algeria and dubbed ? State of Emergency ?. But
what is particularly serious here is that public liberties are
being suppressed in a territory under trusteeship, in contra-
diction with international obligations, and. even without the
Chamber's intervention, though this be ra.quired for internal:
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laws. Practical consequences are also catastrophic : In this
country of widespread populations, the application of such an.
incomplete policy (it could not be and has never been com-
pleted) by the previous construction of large numbers of
houses and by the installing of an equally satisfactory system
of food-distribution around the smaller head-districts, it is
clear that such a policy provokes numerous displacements at
unseemly times, even if the whole population accepts to submit
itself to it. Yet these measures resulted in a big failure, the
echos of which one can still hear in reactionary newspapers
such as the ? Figaro 1. or ? Aurore ? in whose edition of
17/12/1957 is written : ? The ultimatum sent by the head of
the Government, Mr. Mbida... has failed pitifully... pitifully...
Also, starting in the month of December 1957, one can read
in the colonialist press itself (e.g. ? La Presse du Cameroun ?,
ed. of 19/12/57, or ? Aurore T, ed. of 17/12/57), one can read,
then, the official balance of ? the Terrorism T. in regions other
than San aga-Maritime and the Barnileke Country. More proof
that the fascist regime institute by the law of 19/2/55 and by
the meaSures taken by Mbida, spreads then to the whole of the
Oriental Kamerun, contrarily to all the international spoken
treaties of above.
IL ? ARBITRARY DETENTIONS
All those patriots who are arrested without warrants and
have not been guilty of any branch of law, languish away
under house arrest, which in fact resembles prison-life. To
give the arrests a legal appearance, and. to quell the protests
of the people, the colonialists then take blank warrants and
fill them up.
Such was the case of Mr. Mathip, national President of
the J.D.C., among thousands of others. He writes: ? I was
abducted very early in the morning by armed forces of repres-
? 15 ?
sion who broke into my home and raided it, stealing many of
my things. I was submitted to the most savage and cruel
torture. These hordes intentionally bruised my feet, like unto
a captured bird, his wings. So paralysed I was half-naked and
half-dead, my face being deformed and bloody. I was trans-
ported and thrown into a cell in the premises of the judiciary
police, which had previously been wetted with urine. I was
laid down on the floor. I was in a desperate state. But until
then, one must note, I was arrested without any warrant
whatsoever ; I was guilty of no crime and indicted with none,
and, I was not even the object of any judiciary information
to my knowledge.
The news of my kidnapping by the repressionist forces
and of the cruelties graciously extended to me started to
spread, not only in Douala, but throughout the country.
I was not killed or thrown alive in the common grave,
thanks, no doubt, to the popular indignation at the treatment
which I have just related briefly, but mostly because of the
hope which the colonialists nourished in their breasts of making
me, by means of torture, torments, pressure and humiliations
of all kinds, a traitor to the National Movement, and to my
Country.
It is certain beyond doubt that, of these two factors which
enabled me to survive, the first one obliged the colonialists
to resort to falsehood and forgery in order to justify my
arrest. So they made a false arrest warrant bearing the date
of May 25, 1955, under the signature but without the seal of
the Judge of Douala, Mr. Georges Alexandre Cau, whose name
will be connected in the history of the national struggle of our
people with the most shameful and most ridiculous judiciary
legalities which make up the gist of the French judiciary
system in our country. This warrant bearing the number
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1695/652/PJ, was delivered to the polke. on the 20th of May,
that is after my arrest which was made, to be precise, at
6 o'clock, before the police station was open. This warrant
was presented to me. at 16 h. on the 26th of May. The second
factor in my survival decided the colonialists deport me to the
prisons of the North. They hoped that there the torments and
humaiations, pressures and most inhumane treatments would
get the best of my will to fight. Thus, on Sunday 29th of May,
and by order of Judge Cau, I was deported together with many
other like our good friend Marthe Bahida, then pregnant, Iloga
Ngom Aron, Tchoupaniou Thomas, Urn Libam Oscar, Nganko
Michei, Job Samuel and Togue Christophe, to name only those,
who were, like me, in a desperate state.
For a period lasting nearly four months, indicted as I was
by virtue of the mandate of Judge Cau in Douala, I was yet
maintained over 1,200 kms from the place of indictment. During
these four months I endured tortures and torments in the
Mokoli fortress as well as in the hell-like prison of Maroua,
where I had to go on a six-day hunger-strike before being sent
to Douala, by way of Kaele, Garoua, N'Gaoundere and
Yaounde.
In Douala, while still under the same treatment and stuck
in a, small, dark cell, I was the target of the judiciary appa-
ratus: mandate of deposit for organisation of armed bands,
for rebellion, for violence to agents of the public forces, for
voluntary blows and wounds, for carrying arms (prohibited),
for stealing correspondence, for murder, attempt to murder,
armed robbery, for organisatio-i of seditious reunions, all of
these being issued by Mr. Cau for the same pretentious facts
committed in the same period by the same detainee. But
ridicule reached its highest point when I was extracted from
my cell in the month if June 1956 by the Judge who notified
? 17 ?
me of a new :ndictment : tins was the organising of the UPC
and ji.),C wrule in prison, and for that the Douala tribunal
hoz ouneu me with eight months of Jan last March.
Must I specify that the indictments for winch Judge Cau
handed me deposit mandates were founded on mere informa-
tions fabricated and concerted by police informers, turned
professional witnesss a,.minst whom I was not allowed to call
for cross-examination? All these files dragged me in front
of the Douala tribunal who often ieserved for me two-year
jail sentences, which is not in the least negligible. On the
day of my release, :he 2nd of July, 1957, I had totalled five
years and two months of emprisonment.
So then without the fact that accumulation of sentences
is illegal I would not have obtained my release before the 26th
' of July 1960.
The popular solidarity which was extended to me during
my detention and the enthusiasm with which the popular
masses greeted me on my release, and ever since, constitutes
another proof of the strength of our people who observe and
judge. I am very touched and very grateful.
The arbitrariness of these (. detentions p has been suffi-
ciently underlined by Mr. Mathip. Yet, because the gravity
and frequency of such facts one must cite yet one more
example; that of Mr. Kameny- Anatole and of Dr. Eyidi Bebey,
delegate of the Notables' Associations at the 10th session of
the General Assembly of the United Nations, in February 1957.
:In the course of their intervention they had protested against
the anti-democratic and brutal policy of the. administrating
powers. They concluded by affirming that their act of cou-
rage was going to cost thsm a very dear price on their return
to the territory. The French representative hastily reassured
them and the United Nations. saving that absolute freedom
reigned in Kamerun But no sooner had Mr. Karneny returned
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to Douala than his domicile was searched and an arrest warrant
issued for him. On his return he was arrested then released
three times . As for Dr. Bebey, they waited six months to
indict him for ? having published in Douala during 1957 in the
Newspaper ?L'Opinion du Cameroun?, of which he is publish-
ing manager, many articles upholding directly or indirectly
the reconstitution or maintainance of the UPC, organisation
dissolved by the decree of the 13th of July 1955: a fact foreseen
and checked by art. 2 of the law of January 10, 1936.>>
But after inquest and interrogation the judiciary author-
ities themselves recognised that the motive of indictment did
not justify detention under any shape. Yet Dr. Bebey was kept
under arrest for three months, in spite of his plea to be
paroled in order that he tend to his family and mostly to his
sick, growing ever numerous by reason of the political-military
situation of the country. This, although he is himself a former
Combattant des Forces Frangaises Libres, (Fighter of the
Free French Forces), decorated with the Legion d'Honneur,
Croix de Guerre and many other military distinctions...
111. ? THE; ? COFITN ? PRISONS
The arrest's and mass-detentions have brought about the
necessity of making more police premises: police stations,
stations for preventive or temporary arrests, and jails proper.
We learn from a letter written by a high. official, Mr. Hu-
bert, dated from March 12, 1955, that this evolution started
at the time of the letter and was even prepared and planned,
in particular by the transfer to the ? Police and Justice:
Construction >> section of sums initially destined to other
sections. Also jails, waiting rooms, police stations and other
police premises were enlarged and more were made at this
period, to the loss of schools and hospitals, mostly in urban
districts. As for rural centers, the chiefs, mostly those in
? 19 ?
Sanaga-Mantime and Bamileke country, were granted author-
isation, personnel and necessary equipment for the jailing of
those for whom there is no place in premises directly controlled
by the administrators and Judiciary Police.
In spite of the construction of more premises for empnson-
-
inent, one must note the promiscuity which exists there: po-
litical detainees mix with common prisoners; they are all
treated in the same way; they are deprived of newspapers
as well as all other publications; their visiting time is reduced
to nil, even when they must communicate with their defence
lawyer, if they are allowed any. They wear prison clothes: a
small ? boubou ? and 50 cms-long pants or 2 yards of blue
cloth, heads and feet bare. Only French citizens benefit from
the political regime in the prisons of Douala and Yaounde.
Housing conditions are of the least sanitary for non-citi-
zens. From the Yaounde prison, we get a letter : ? Suffice
it for you to know that for seven months now, we have been
living in unsupportable conditions (narrow cells where live 60
people, piled upon one another; dark cells, both by day and
by night, with only a few minutes' outing for natural needs,
condthen, not every day) and you may get an idea as to the
life we lead here. But from the very hour we first took sides
and positioned ourselves, we know that the way to independence
was strewn with prison and exile. So be sure that the moral
is very high... ? In Yaounde, they are ? lucky ? to be let out
for natural needs. Elswhere, in Dschang for example, po-
litical detainees are only allowed to breathe fresh air one hour
out of 24. That is, 30 minutes in the morning, and 30 in the
evening. They urinate all together in a 100-litre trough. Their
beds measure 16 bamboos in width and they get a woven rug
30 ems by 50 ems. Many die for lack of medical care ; one
must even get permission to be let into hospital. For food
they get one big boiled carrot. It is impossible for them to
wash. Dysentery and other illnesses abound...
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This is a terrifying picture to which we need only add a
few words about the surroundings and the work of political
detainees. The watch over political detainees is maintained
by military elements of the French gendarmerie. It is wider
the orders of the gendarmerie that the prison guards work
and also the ? Kameronian guards D, preferably recruted
among elements of origin other than Kameronian. The ? Ka-
meronian guards z. and, in some cases, the prison guards, are
always armed. In any case they are subject to the strictest
military discipline. The French gendarmes who care for po-
litical prisons relieve their usual raktary chiefs from thei.,.
military authority and the region chieftain or subdivislonary
chieftain, who as we know is a political official, from their
political authority. The wardens and their aids use their arms
to silence any who dare make any requests.
To all this are added the painful and hum:liating tasks
of constructing roads and jails, more jails... But more often,
they prefer to transfert detainees from prisons directly
controlled by administrators and Judicial Police to the East
and the North, for harder work. And so, last June 3, they
deported 27 prisoners and chained them in the East. They.
were not allowed to drink on the way. In Abong-Mbang, they
were tied up and. put in a long-abandoned hut. In the night
two were bitten by snakes. From the morrow onwards they
were given double their usual work: old or young ; man or
woman, they each had to weed a piece 100 ms log by 3 ms
large, and cut down. at least 10 trees. From Abong-Bbnag they
were transported to Ijourne, where they were forced to Iwo: It
without rest from 7 h. to 15 h. By order of the administrator's
wife, Mrs Lecolley, they had to lift, two by two, a 100-litn-
`,-ough then cut the grass down with their fingers and the...1.
teeth All they had to eat was five pieces of banana. Bu'.
this is the regime in official prisons. Worse is the political
sequestrat.on in torture camps of administrative chiefs or in
:41-ndartneries. Patriots are sometimes maintained the/ e for
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more than 3 months They arc given all sorts of tasks and
.snly liberated after payment of sums of money to the pirate
chiefs. These pe..ople sequestrated for political reaso,is
camps which are uncontrolled but which work in fact through
the power of the French authorities, are watched by ?dikoltons?
(a Bassa word meaning mercenary) who are invested with
illegal and provocating power by the Administration. As a
matter of fact it is these last who murder, arrest, search, rape
women, burn huts and plunder the goods of patriots..
The greatest reward the French administration, grants
the ? dikokons >> is promotion of some of them to so-called
superior posts and to colonialist immunity, which immunises
them from any judiciary pursuit on the part of the regime.
We know how precarious all this is.
We could not admit that the administrative and judiciary
authorities ignore deeds perpetrated by themselves or at least
with their permission. In any case, numerous letters of protest
have already been submitted to them, one of which we repro-
duce here.
0 The political detainees of the Douala prison, whose
names can be seen herebelow, feeling the weight of a peniten-
tiary regime, which weight cannot possibly correspond with
that of the political regime.
? Conscious of their rights to life, as recognised in the
Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man, and hoping that
a government, appointing itself champion of human dignity,
shall want to take its responsibilities towards such a situa-
tion.
? Have the honour of submitting the present memorandum
to all useful ends to the judiciary and administrative author-
ities of the Kamerun, namely Messrs. the Procuror-General of
the Republic at the Tribunal of Douala, and the Chief of the
Wouri Region.
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How can men living in such conditions, and who are not
even cared for medically for the detection of dangerous
Illnesses, enjoy a healthy life?
And yet the Douala Prison is big enough to incorporate
an. extra cell for our use.
? The undersigned have the honour of submitting to the
knowledge of the above-mentioned authorities a series of
questions, which necessitate an urgent solution.
1) NEWSPAPERS AND BOONS. We are enclosed
m the Douala prison like in a bell-jar. Not a newspaper, not
a book worthy of that name ever reaches us. We rot away in
a little enclosure, in which we are closed all day long. And
these are human beings who are being jailed for having in-
dulged in political activities, be they judged as subsersive.
? 2) HEALTH. Even in the case where conditions
of life and existence in the Douala prison should not be of a
nature to undermine our health, which as shall be seen, is not
the case, it is natural that medical care should be assured to
all individual even if he be a prisoner. But the dispensary in
the Douala prison is constantly in need of medicine, so that
the man-nurse in charge writes little pieces of paper all day
long, which he calls ? dispensary tickets"). One only gets
tickets, rarely medical care. If at least the serious cases were
directed to the _hospital one would. have at least a little peace
of mind. But the need of our, dispensary is equalled by the
carelessness of the sanitary service and that of the Prison
Administration.
? 3) FOOD: QUANTITY. It is known that a law in
1933 prescribed nothing but ? mambo ), potatoes, innards,
rice, fish oil and meat for Samerunian prisoners. But the ma-
cabo is thrown with its skin directly into the pot, and not even
ivashed so that it may at least boil with its skin; the rice is
? 23 ?
boiled dirty and conies directly from its sack; the meat or fish
are cooked rotten, and in. such dishonest conditions there can.
only be more aches of the stomach. One can also add to this
chapter the condition in which our victuals coming from town
are searched by the Prison Administration. The most re-
pugnant objects are thrown in with them.
? QUANTITY. After lack of hygiene, we are submitted
to lack of enough food. Even the prescriptions of the famous
1933 law are not respected. Instead of 100 grammes of meat
or fish, 0 litre 03 of oil, 20 grammes of salt, 2 kgs 500 of ma-
cabo and 600 grammes of rice, we are given 60 grammes of
rotten meat or rotten fish, less than 0 litre 02 of oil, less than.
10 grammes of saltand less than 0 kgs of rice per day.
? One can imagine the ensuing indignation especially
when we know that the 1933 law prescribes a different treat-
ment for Europeans, this providing an anachronical effect in
the institutions of a Kamerun under so-called ? trusteeship x..
? 4) We are, at the time of writing, 81 persons living
in cell measuring only 15 metres in length, 6 m in width, and
3m50 in height. This is aerated by 4 openings the total area
of which measures only 8m squared. We are piled upon one
another, all 81 of us, over an area of square meters. We manage
to live on a sleepless area of 79 cms squared. And since the
boards are 2 ms long it is not difficult to guess what the
reduced width is that is left for each individual to call his
own; this gives us the impossible digits of 39 cms squared.
If the 8 ms squared aid not supply us with some air, we would
have been surely asphyxiated by our 5,888 in cubed; in a very
few days.
> which is delivered to our families is incon-
venient in two manners. One, it is most hurtful to our families,
and two, it leaves us famished on Saturday, which is the day
of renewal by the Court. It would be most appropriate to
render this permit permanent, taking care, if need be, to have
it checked every week by the Prison Administration.
?. The undersigned, convinced that prison is not made to
kill people but to reform them when they are supposed to have
committed a moral crime.., keep up their hopes that Messrs. the
Procuror and Chief of Region shall grant rights to their claims
for the sake of public order.
? Made in Douala, June 16, 1957.
? High Commissioner
< Delegate of the High-Commissioner
? Lawyers. ?
1. Jean-Marie MANGA;
2. Paho Djaman Marcelin;
3. Kom David Dagobert;
4. Lazare Lipem;
5. Fozo'o Ekabe;
6. Ndje Mathurin;
7. Tajite Victor;
8. Njimafo David;
9. Naoussi Zacharie;
10. Efomi Moise;
11. Nkadzu Lsaac;
12. Kamga Joseph;
- 25 -
is: Ma:kon Martin; 41.
14. Ekwalla Robert; 42.
15. Konglog Benjamin; 43.
16. Dzukam Chretien; 44.
17. Adji Bakary; 45.
18. Makanda Jean; 46.
19. Tcheffa Vincent; 47.
20. Maouen PLerre; 48.
21. _Yapp Emmanuel; 49.
22. Pouga Maurice; 50.
23. Massongo Bernal* 51.
24. BASSEG Elias; 52.
25. Tchuenkam Michel; 53.
26. Mbiga Jonas; 54.
27. Bell Jean; 55.
28. Njiki Gilbert; 56.
29. Nokiyt Mathias; 57.
30. Njel Etienne; 58.
331. Ngoy Samuel; 59.
32. Billong MoLse; 60.
33. Nyatchombe Ambroise; 61.
31. Log Zachee; 62:
35. Ioga Samuel; 63.
36. Emock Thomas; 64.
37. Poungu6 Ndong Mathias; 65.
38. Baheten Jean; 66.
39. Nkwag,a Wanda Michel; 67.
40 Paglan Bitjoka Ambroise; 68.
Bseyaga Simon;
Ndoya .Etienne;
Wangue Albert;
Ndoch Isaac;
Tonye Martin;
Kendek Joseph;
Ndeffa Etienne;
Ntoge Jean;
Potso Maurice;
Ndefo Sebastien;
Mandjen Samuel;
Essombo Elie; ?
Tedje Lue;
Ngongo Yafet;
Massong Georges;
Tadje Christophe;
Lowe Jean;
Mbilla Marcus;
Than Jean;
Nangue Paul;
Nijomo Etienne;
Bayha Luc;
Njomo Etienne;
"Ilchachoua Abel;
Baomog Adolphe;
Tonye Michel;
Mandeng Joseph;
Ngoue Raphael.
IV. - NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN POLICE AND
OFFICE OF PUBLIC PROSECUTOR
Everybody knows that, according to French legislation, the
Police have no right to question people. Yet, not only do they
question them, make unwarranted enquiries, but; also do they
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brutalise people in an awful manner, as we have already seen
in the Mathip case (CF. LE supra). Here is another typical
case, that of Owona Simon-Pierre, detained in the jail-house
of Sangmeliraa. In a letter to the Justice of the Peace, he
declares: ? I had always thought that accused were and still
are at the exclusive disposal fo the Judge, who must hear
them out in. ordinary or judicial bearings. But such is not
my case: At the moment I thought I would be called and
be confronted with those who accuse me, I was called by the
gendarmerie to undergo a different kind of questioning. The
Guard NDJANA came to fetch me without the usual extrac-
tion warrant. This worried me, for I knew what had. pa.ppened
to Owoundi and. Abondo before me. I refused this illegal call.
Then the brigade commander, together with two of his men,
erupted into the jail and took me away, kicking and
beating me. At the gendarmerie I was again hard beaten,
and NDJANA dealt me a terrible blow in the stomach, which
stopped my breathing for a while and nearly broke my ribs. ?
Worse still, the magistrates act exactly like the police.
Let us hear a detainee from Douala, DZUKAM Chretien. Last
November 6, he wrote to the Procurator General, chief of the
judiciary service of Kamerun : When they are taken to the
Public Prosecutor's office, patriots think themselves protected
by the law, but they soon find out the contrary. The instruc-
tor-magistrates of the Kamerun teach by menaces and various
other forms of intimidation. They even go as far as hitting
accused whi try and. salve their consciences. That is how
Mr. Roquefort, judge of instruction of the 3rd cabinet of the
Douala Office of the Public Prosecutor, on the 16th of October
1957 gave four slaps to the detainee NKOUAM Denis in the
presence of Mr. I\TDEFO Sebastien, because NKOL'AM refused
to profer charges against the latter in the course of a con-
frontation.
Therefore the expulsion under discussion is abso?
?
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lutely unjust, since it is a menace to all Kamerunians, whereas
non-Kamerunians. particulary Nigerians, are allowed to live
in the Kamerun, on the condition that they assure Mr. Endeley
of their total support especially at the time of the elections.
We have never been, are not, and never shall be against
our brothers of Nigeria We fight only those of their
children ? and they, are not numerous ? who let themselves
be blinded to the extent playing the game of the imperialists.
our common enemies. We ask these brothers to be conscious
of their responsabilities as Africans and to pool their efforts
immediately to squash the common enemy. This attitude is
the only one conforming both to the common interest and to
the regime of international trusteeship from whirh the Kame-
run benefits. In fact, articles 73 and 76b of the U.N. Charter
stipulate that the autorities of the Kamerun must promote
priorily the interests of the autochtones according to their
freely-expressed aspirations . This requires first that the
Kamerunians be granted the right to live in their own
country, even to the loss of the non-Kamerunians ; secondly
and consequently. that they may settle anywhree in the Ha-
merun according to their free aspirations
Contrary to the engagements of the British and the legi-
timate aspirations of the Kamerunians. the law invoked opens
the way to the arbitrary and constitutes an intolerable pro-
vocation. That is so, because the vagueness of these terms
makes law applicable even against the autochtones of the same
zone, on condition that they be living away from their birth-
place. Then, applied in the framework of the fight against
the patriots, it conceals flagrant violations of other British
laws. Let us take the well-known case of our compatriot
EBODE Engelbert actually living in Kumba and affected by
this law. He is not reproached anything. Better still, having
lived for more than three years in Kumba and paying his taxes
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in that distritt, he automatically becomes, in the ziyes of British
law, a member of the autochtonous community. To pursue
him would then. be violating principles which we have already
recalled, principles which demand equality before the law,
respect of' the right of free opinion and expression, of meetings
and associations, in short, it would be violating the niter-
national agreements and the spirit of corpus whicii has made
the reputation of British democracy. That is the result of
wanting to act against the will of a whole people. The most
solemn engagements become as vile as the paper on which
they are written.
b) Despite its flagrant irregularity, this menace has
already been endorsed, alas ! On the day on June 9, 1958, the
Franco-British autorities arrested masses of patriots in.
Tombel. Present were English policemen and French militaries
dome from the Bamileke and Mungo regions; commanding
them were subdivision chiefs and the Kumba District Officer.
The French colonialists carried with them a list of names and
photos of our comrades chased after v*.nce 1955. After this
operation, two patriots were handcuffed and taken to Nkong-
samba.
Alas! So then the British colonialists could not oppose
their will to that of their sanguinary French accomplices. In
the name of what principle was all this done ? Apart from
wartime when allies would deliver common enemies to each
others, extradiction does not apply either to freeing slaves or
political refugees. Yet, most surely, the Kamerunians are not
slaves but detainees or political refugees fighting for political
objectives. ,
Does the United Kingdom then want to declare a regular
war upon the Kamerunian people? If so, in the meantime let
the French imperialists have the honesty and decency to
11111?MINIMEN?116_
? 57 ?
recogn:se jut:hem:1y this state of war which, alone, can 5ustify,
their extradictions.
As things go, we continue to repeat that extradictions and
even war are unjust, contrary to international engagements
undertaken hetween France and Great-Britain towards the
Kamerunian people.
5) The result of all these factors is the lamentable
situation in which the refugees live, either in prisons, forests,
in shacks, where they are the prey of weather conditions, lack
of food, and at least one of the afore mentioned disease. (1)
Unfortunately it is not astonishing that the refugees
number many dead among their ranks. Let us cite as examples
the names of Kamga Elias, Tate Abraham, Notake Michel
Ngassa Calice, Nana Martin
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
After this parade of millions of patriots arrested, detained,
arbitrarily deported, inhumanly tortured, tracked down to
their very shacks by the authorities as well as by misery,
disease and death, one understands easily if we share the...
emotion of so many patriots in the Reverend Pastor AKOA
Abomo exclaimed in his Easter sermon of 1957 :?
? Who can ennumerate the victims of Sanaga-Maritime and
? of the whole of the Kamerun : the dead, the prisoners, the
fC escapees in foreign lands, the freedom fighters? How many
? huts burned, hamlets partly or totally set afire? Plundered
? goods, plundered and stolen and destroyed, cattle stolen and
? killed? Who can ennumerate the bereaved, the widows and
? the orphans? How many innocent people have found death,
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have been. falsely accused by enemies or brothers wanting to
get rich quickly, these sons of JudAs? Who can evaluate
the hatred the lies and the false testimonies against the
neighbours? Who can write about the tortures practised
are the detainees, during this odious and savage killing of
people, even of great sons of the nation? Who can tell now
and who will tell in the future this story without crying out
and gritting his teeth?
? How and with what can one soothe the woman of Sa-
? naga-Maritime or the one elsewhere, the woman whose
husband is somewhere dead, or in prison, or fighting in the
underground, or one knows not where, who can soothe the
woman who drinks and eats uneasily? If thousands of francs
? are not enough to pay for the thousands of damages, then
? hundreds of thousands or even millions are by far insuf-
? ficient to soothe these miseries, even for one hour's time. 2.
(At these words, relates ? L'Opinion du Cameroun >> in its
edition af May 6, 1957, the emotion was so high that one could
notice people wiping their tears.)
Naturally, we would be very glad to see all the world
admit the legitimacy of all liberating struggles, especially those
which, like ours, are performed within the framework of
particularly clear and precise international agreements; we
would be very glad to see that everybody understand that the
movement of independence of a people is irreversible, that
a people such as ours is invincible, fighting united for an un-
recognised right, ,its liberty ravished and its future menaced
in a country 33 % of which is forest, and which it knows better
? than anybody else.
Even if, unfortunately, we do not succeed in attaining
all this, we hope at least to provoque the minimum reaction in
.a normal man. We hope that there will not be imperialists
? 59 ?
too patemel or greedy to refuse to examine objectively these
facts ,to provoque or organise serious enquiries and the active
solidarity propaganda which is needed with these facts. But
let us hope that everyone may realize more and more concretelY
this phrase by Juvenal: ? I am a man and nothing that is
human. is unknown to me. x, In fact, at a time of artificial
satellites, the earth has shrunk so much that the prolongation
of so barbarious a drama may easily endanger the whole
world... This is why we launch a world-wide appeal in favour
of the principle so magnificently formulated at the very start
of the UNIVERSAL Declaration of the Rights of Man: ? The
recognition and dignity inherent to all members of the human
family and their equal and unalienable rights constitute the
foundation of liberty, of justice and of peace in the world. >>
Cairo, July 10, 1958.
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308/58
Request for the
sending of an
enquiry mission
to the Hamerun.
E.O/I.P.
Mr. Secretary General of the
International Red Cross
GENEVA
s/c from his representative in Cairo,
8, Abdel Khalek Santrat Street,
CAIRO.
Mr. Secretary General,
Cairo, July 4, 1958.
Since its creation your organisation has not ceased to
care for the many victims which have accumulated through
the tragic events which have for more than quarter of a
century upset the human conscience. At the time of the last
World War, as at the time of the war waged for eight years
by France against the valiant Indochinese people, at the time
of the Korean war, as at the time of the war which led to
the independence of the Tunisian and Moroccan people, the
International Red .Cross was able to succour tens of thousands
of wOunded. The Red Cross was mobilised also at the time
of the unfortunate situation created by the Hungarian counter-
revolution. Barely yesterday she was on the job again at
Sakiet Sidi Youssef. She continues to do all she can to help
in Algeria.
? 61 ?
Taken up as she is by the multitude of these bloody
dramas, this international organisation has certainly not had
the time to consider the painful tragedy which, since May 25,
1955, has made millions of victims in the Kamerun, particularly
in the part under French adminstration. Yes, since May 25,
1955 the French Government has been piling up the horrors
in the Kamerun, the horrors which she administers to all the
people who, tired of bending under the yoke of her colonial
regime, demand that they be treated as free men, rather than
eternally vanquished.
Till lately, the great French press has accorded only
relative importance to this situation. ? Police operations ?,
? enforcing of public order 2., etc., such are the terms used
by the papers of the regime to designate the poignant drama
which the Kamerunian people have been living for the past
three years.
But how and why did one arrive to the present drama?
This is easy to understand. In fact, the American writer,
C.L. Sulzberger, wrote recently:
? The abandon of an empire is a process nearly as cruel
and bloody as its forniation. This ancient truism of history
has been learnt successively by Rome, Madrid, Vienna and
Constantinople. It is now the turn of London and Paris to
get acquainted with its sad and sour truth. 2.
On the morrow of the second World War, a war which
was waged and won by all the freedom-loving men of the world,
the Kamerunians did not remain indifferent to the manifest-
ations of anti-colonialism which were carried out in Asia and
Africa, by the people who were still oppressed by a foreign
despotism. They then organised themselves, on April 10,
1048, In a powerful movement of national liberation: The
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? 62 ?
UNION OF POPULATIONS OF THE CAMEROUN, with a
very precise programme of action.
Naturally such a programme with interests diametrically
opposed to those prohibited by the masters of the hour in
colonised countries, would soon become the ? nightmare ? of
these latter. And yet the new international statute under
which the Kameru.n had just been placed left no doubt as to
thel political future in store for the populations of territories
under trusteeship. The Kamerunian people, more and more
awake to the national consciousness, proved by its firm de-
termination that it put a price ? not too high, of course ? on
the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the
Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man.
Here, we should cite again the writer Sulzberger, to allow
you to understand ea-sly the origins of the drama which for
three years has been tearing the people of the Kamerun. In
the article from which a passage has been cited before, the
American author wrote, in fact:
>
So then, despite good right and reason being on their side
in the emancipating struggle already frankly engaged, the
Warnerunian patriots had to face bloodshed; France, feeling
the ground giving way from under her, had to make them pay
the heavy ransom which the struggle for Independence carries
with it. That is the origin of the massacres which in May 1955
made at the very least 5,000 dead. At the same time as
? 63 ?
unconsoled widows and orphans, misery installed itself as
master in the country. This serious social plague toorned
lager with the impressive development of the tragedy ; the
prisons were filling up at a disquieting pace. For a year
although reduced to clandestinity, the National Movement
continued to organise itself a.vhle making cffers of negotiations
to the administrative authonties.
But the more it launched appeals, the less it was taken
notice of ; the summary executions continued to grow in
number as if to invite the nationalists to be less naive. In
December 1956, date of the semblance of elections organised
in application of a law conceived by the Paris Government for
the integration of Kamerun in the French colonial empire, the
war came into the open. Intervening before the Nth Com-
mission of the 12th session of the U.N. General Assembly,
where he was testifying in the name of the populations of his
country, a Kamerunian petitionary reported 480 dead-alone in
the very small village of Baham. (Cf. Doc. A/C 4/SR 715 of
the United Nations.) A no less authorised testimony, because
made by a sworn enemy of the Kamerunian people ... we are
talking now of Mr. Louis-Paul Aujoulat ? assures in an inter-
view with ? Temoignage Chretien ? (Feb. 2, 1957) that on
January 10, nearly a thousand persons had died by French
bullets. Other newspapers ? L'Effort Camerounais ? (No. 68,
13-19 January 1957) and ? La Presse du Cameroun, (March
14, 1957) who bore no suspicion of sympathy for Kamerunian
nationalism did not forget to stigmatise the killings of Decem-
ber 1956. The last-cited newspaper affirmed, on the basis of
authoritative information, that: ? more than 10,000 human
beings are without shelter and live in the worst of penuries ?.
And since then the situation has only worsened. On Dec. 11,
1957, the special correspondent of > was able to
write: ? From this date (i.e. September 6, 1957) there has not
been a day or night without bloodshed, without the burning of
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? 64 ?
villages, without the plundering of huts. A balance would be
difficult to- establish. >>
From the first days of 1958 important troops reinforce-
ments left for the Kamerun. On January 7, 1958, the ? New
York Times >> reporter 29 persons killed and 17 kidnapped
within a period of seven weeks.
One, then, cannot continue indefinitelk to conceal and
minimise an operation which has ceased to be a commonplace
call to order. It is a question now of real war waged by France
against a people to which she was supposed, through the
engagements subscribed in the U.N., to grant autonomy or
independence according to the freely expressed aspirations of
the said people. It is this flagrant violation which has brought
many member-states of the U.N. to condemn the policy of
France towards its ward, in the debates of the Nth Commission
(1957) as well as during the 21st session of the Trusteeship
Council. The intervention of the Indian delegate is particularly
significant. He did not just condemn France's attitude. Inter-
vening in the debate on the grave sttuation created in the
Kamerun by t.ne policy of strength of the French Government,
the honorable delegate, Mr. Ajoy. Kumar Mitra exclaimed:
? For the first time in history arms have been used in a ter-
ritory under U.N. trusteeship in order to master the popular
will. >> He then requested the sending of an on-the-spot mission
of judicial enquiry to examine the situation in order to bring
back the peace... His suggestion, conforming with the wishes
of the Kamerunian populations, was unfortunately rejected
because in the U.N., instead of principles, it is the policy dear
to certain powers which prevails.
Mr. Secretary-General,
We think that where the U.N. has failed because of its
political preoccupations your specifically humanitarian organ-
? 65 ?
isation will succeed. Therefore it is in. all cor-9enre that we
have the honour of adres. ourselves to you The 7rail win i?
bangs over the French crime in. the W-arrTprun must be tfteri,
The International Red Cross must benefit the oruh--= the
wounded and the widows.
How can you efeleri-Ty come IDD their help? That 1E a
cause in which you have been well versed for years. We can
only here mpke certain suggestions for carta.M.,-redse
No judicial text can by the 2/4m irt---,raz.--Te
authorities to stop you in. your work. for the .Ri-rtFraim is
trustees_hiu. and therefore does not er.TTTF. Trriz*P.r th2r-d.
article of the Charter The terms
helpful to certain countries. in. than they aiiow these
which sd.11 exercise arbitrary zitration over en7...er-
ritories to do so Without berms. by th U.N..17.
is r t by relvinz cu :arteuiar Sca.7.-17.,z- of he
MternaLonal the -C.N.
,
the Mutual Security Aggree-
ment etc... with the sub-
vervient monarchy. The U.S.
imperialism also signed the
a Military Aids v. the a Point
Fourth Plan :0, the ? Special
Agreement v, etc. According
to these treaties and agreements,
the imperialists were able to
station their troops in Iraq and
make use of the Iraqi military
bases ; the Iraqi army was under
the rule of British and American
officials: moreover, the British
and American secret agent
could supervise and control the
affairs of various departments of
Iraqi government. At the same
time, a flock of Iraqi ruler&
whose sole aim was to seek
their own profits by betraying
their country and people. having
been long fed on by their
foreign masters, were alv.-alfs
ready at their master's beck
and call. Meanwhile they
used to suppress their people
savagely, and played the role as
degenerate clowns against people.
as also Arab solidarity and na-
tional independence. As a matter
of fact, wherever the imperialist
domination is more ferocious and
barbarous, the concentrated con-
tradiction turns out to be more
conspicous and acute. When
people are unable to live
under the suppression of im-
perialist and feudal forces,
they can not but arise to
struggle for survival and
freedom. As imperialists forced
upon the Iraqi people a policy to
spilt the unity of the Arab people,
the later could not but rise to
defend and win this unity. As
imperialists turned Iraq into a
military base and drove Iraqi
people to serve as cannon
fodder, people could not but
stand up to fight against
Baghdad Pact and Eisenhower
Doctrine, to oppose war and
safeguard peace. The heavier
the pressure of imperialism, the
stronger the resistant force of
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U
3.2t.
AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
&ILIA Ilfritazsb.LS must go :
ellectibas Distribution of
Iland1 to) the peasants. Inspired by
these sroGarts. the fighting spirit
at the revolutionary Iraqi people
reached unprecedented heights.
in October 1936, through a revo-
itn.onary coup cidtat of nation-
alists and military men, a nation-
alist .government was estabished,
which continued up to August
1937. Though abolished after
that, this nationalist government
was,-a -severe blow to the British
colonialists.
:'..After. the outbreak of World
War II. Biitish imperialism, in
order_to further strengthen its
domination over Iraq, signed the
C'Prirtsmouth Ally. Treaty :b
with the feudal monarchy.
InStigated? by British imperialism,
the ?feudal monarchy put a large
number of patriots into prisons,
_abolished all the people's organ-
izations and prohibited all the
patriotic movements. In order to
fight against traitorous criminal
actions of the feudal monarchy, in
1948,. the Iraqi people launched
a large-scale uprising and over-
threw the then Nuri El-Said
government. The influence of this
uprising was such that it ex-
tended- to all the Middle East
countries where an anti-British
stormy' movement was waged by
the :people.
?
During the "-years after the
World- War II, the colonial do-
mination -o.f:American imperialism
penetrated rapidly into Iraq.
Therefore, it added new and more
formidable elements to the fight-
ing task with which the Iraqi
people were confronted. During
the years 1951-1954, the heroic
struggles of Iraqi people were car-
ried out successively one after
another throughout the country.
But none succeeded. The re-
volutionary force suffered a big
loss. For instance, during the
armed uprising in 1952, almost
two thousand patriotic elements
were arrested and executed.
The revolutionary force gra-
dually drew lessons from the
numerous blood-shed defeats.
At the end of 1956, the
various revolutionary parties and
groups of Iraq and non-party
patriotic and democratic elements
found a National United
Front. Thus a fighting program-
me was proclaimed : Withdraw
from Baghdad Pact; oppose
Eisenhower Doctrine; unite
closely with Arab Nationalism;
adopt an independent foreign
policy which is apart from
imperialist influence and based
on the principles of safeguarding
world peace and establishing
friendly relations with all
countries. In domestic affairs,
the programme promulgated :
Bring about democracy and
freedom; release all political
prisoners, defend national re-
sources and develop national
economy. After the formation
of this National United Front,
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34
AFRO-ASIAN. QUARTERLY
the people. Once the balance
of forces have changed, the
imperialist and feudal forces will
be ruined as if they are sitting
'on an erupting volcano. The
Iraqi revolution testified this very
truth. It will also be applied to
the colonial and semi-colonial
countries, which are now still
under the yoke of imperialism
without exception. As to the
imperialist countries, the places
where they themselves consider
that their colonial domination is
most solid and most reliable can
likewise be turned into volcano in
a second.
Th 2 victory of Iraqi revolution
is a great victory for the Arab
people's struggle for independ-
ence. In the past few years.
the people's struggles for na-
tional independence in the Middle
East have been forging
ahead like waves one after
another and each of them is
higher than the previous one.
After the victory of the
Egyptian people's resistance to
Anglo-French aggression, the
Syrian people achieved victory
in fighting against armed pro-
vocation of Anglo-American
imperialism in collusion with
Turkey. And the revolution-
ary - struggles of the peoples
of Lebanon, Yemen, Oman and
Jordan have never ceased. All
these struggles for national
independence and their victories
have been mutually supported,
mutually responded and mutually
linked together closely. The great
victory of Iraqi people's revolution
has been achieved on the basis
of the anti-imperialist struggles
of the Arab people. In the future,
it will in turn influence the
national movements in other
countries leading to a new up-
surge. Wherever the national
revolutionary forces launch at-
tacks, the imperialists aro compel-
led to come on defensive. In
the Middle East today, the
powerful force is not that of
imperialism but that of the
national revolution. At present,
it is the epoch of national
liberation and no more that
of colonialism.
The Iraqi revolution has
triumphed, but how difficult and
protracted the struggle was.
Facing this brilliant victory,
the Anglo-American imperialists
will not submit to it. Here-
after, they will again try to use
every possible device such as
intimidation, bribery, disinte-
gration and subversion either
in open or covert to menace
the new-born Iraqi Republic.
Nevertheless, the Iraqi revolution-
ary government and people
know it very well and they
are determined to defend the
fruits they won: An example is
enough to explain the whole
situation. During my stay
in Baghdad, once I visited a vil-
lage in the suburb, and met many
plain and industrious peasants.
While talking about the re-
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
35
volution, all the peasants were
so anxious to take the lead
to speak: ? Land will be
distributed to us. We will speed
up production and support this
new government forever ?.
Another one stared at the
sky, with his hand on his
bosom, and said: ? Despot has
passed away. I will devote
all my life to revolution ?.
Right at that time an old man
called Hadid, with a stick in his
hand, squeeezed in the crowd out
of breath as if he had just
walked for a long distance.
The old man shouted with
tears flashing in his eyes : ? I
intend to send my son into the
army in order to defend re-
volution. Since there are too
many people in Baghdad, I
got no chance for enlistment.
Tomorrow, I will send my
son to other places ?. Again
he said : If I would be
accepted inspite of my old
age, I would also join the
volunteers. In case I should
die, I would rather go to the
hell! ? Look, how heroic and
courageous the people are !
It is crystal clear to the
Iraqi people that in order to
consolidate their revolutionary
tasks, construction work must be
carried out in good order. A
lawyer told me: ? Rome was not
built in one day, but it must have
a start ?. Now the Iraqi people
have already begun their start.
While you are standing on the
roof of the high mansion of
Baghdad Hotel you can see rows
of chimneys of cement plants and
other factories in the distance
belching thick smoke. Of course,
the most important industry is
that of the petroleum. I had
visited a state-operated oil
ra finery called Doula which is
built on a very large scale. The
worl,ers exert all their efforts in
production, because they under-
stand that this is the heart
of their country which cannot
stop its beating even for a
second. Once it stops, the whole
country will be paralyzed. There-
fore they are accelerating the
vibration of this heart. At the
end of my visit, an engineer
led us to the top of a water
tower where I could see the
whole view as far as possible.
It is really a piece of fertile
land with River Tigris rolling
beside it. The engineer said:
? People know that we have
River Tigris and River Euphrates,
but they do not know we
have another river bigger than
these two ? that is the petrol-
eum river flowing underground.
From now on, we will make
every effort to exploit this
subterranean river to build our
new life ?. While speaking, he
turned his eyes to and stared at
the River Tigris. From the
meaningful expression of his
eyes, I could see the far-seeing
ideal of Iraqi people.
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
CM: i POPULATION STUDY
H.D. MALAVIYA
INDIAN REPRESENTATIVE ON AFRO-ASIAN
PERMANENT SECRETARIAT
? Ninety per cent of China's population are of the
Han race. Apart from these are other minorities,
namely, the Mohamtnedans, Mongols, Tibetans, Manchu,
Shans and Li peoples. Though the standard of living
of these people vary, they all have a long period of
history. China is a country composed of a conglomera-
tion of peoples and it has enormous population. ?.
- MAO TSE-TUNG 1
? Although the minority peoples constitute only 6
per cent of the country's total population, the areas in-
habited by them roughly amount to 60 per cent of the
country's total area. Many of these areas are rich in
various kinds of industrial resources. It is clearly wrong
to think that our country can be built into a great social-
ist country through the efforts of the Han people alone,
without the concerted efforts and active participation
of the national minorities ?.
- LIU SHAO-CHI 2
Barring areas in far away
Sinkiang, parts of Kansu and
some other regions, wherever one
travels in China, there are people.
One .cannot journey through the
interior without getting vivid
impressions of the teeming mil-
Ions who inhabit this vast ancient
land.
An ancient estimate
Just how may, no one could
say in pre-liberation China with
any exactitude though it is
known that records of the popu-
lation were kept as far back as
2200 B.C. when Emperor Yu of
the Hsia Dynasty is supposed to
have made the first calculation of
I Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China.
2 The Political Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of China to thz VIIIth National Congress of The Party.
?
A
OCT, ? DEC. 1958
37
the country's population. The
Emperor's officials are said to
have reported 13 million peoples. 1
In the Chow Dynasty also there
were special officials in charge of
population figures. From the Han
period onwards, succeeding dy-
nasties made various estimates but
the exactness of the figures
available cannot by vouchsafed.
Hon Han Shu (Later Han Book)
by Fan Nieh of Sung Dynasty
gives figures of ? doors ? (famil-
ies) and ? mouths n (persons)
under emperors of the Second or
Eastern Han. See the following
table. 2
TABLE I
YEARS
EMPEROR
DOORS
( Families)
MOUTHS
(Persons)
25 - 27 A.D.
I-IWEN-TI
4.271,634
21.007,820
58- 75 A.D.
WHON-TI
5,860,572
34,125.021
76 - 88 A.D.
CHANG-TI
7.456,785
. 43,356,367
89 - 105 A.D.
HO-TI
9,237,H2
53,256,229
_
107 - 125 A.D.
AN-TI
9,647,838
48 690,789
126 - 144 A.D.
SHUN-TI
9.698,630
.
49,150.220
- 145 A.D.
CHUNG-TI
9,93Z 680
49,524.183
146 D.A.
TSUI-TI
9,348,227
47,566,722
147 - 167 A.D.
MON-TI or hWEN-11
10.070,006
50,066,856
1. Just how this calculation was done is anybody's guess. A possible method
based on the capacity of a fixed area to support an estimated population is
indicated in Shang Tze (350 B C.). supposed to be a booklet or monooraph by
Shang Yang, the famous Chin Minister. In the chapter on tel Ming (Encoura-
gement of Immigration), it is said ? Within an area of 100 Ii square, 10 per cent
is mountain and hills, and 10 per cent is marshes and pcnds ; 10 per cent is
brooks and water channels; 10 per cent is in ci?ies and residences. roads, and
pathways; and only 40 per cent of them are fertile fields for cultivation (Pas-
sage discontinues here probably due to loss of records). The produce from
this area (100 li square) was sufficient to provide for 50,000 foo (man, probably
with wife). Moreover, the mountains, brooks, marshes, etc., wi.hin this area
were sufficient to provide the materials (fuel, fish, animals, etc.) to be used
by these people (50,000); and the cities, residences, roads, paths, etc., were
sufficient for the people to live in and to use. This completed the system of
administration by the a ancient Kings. (Economic History of China, by Mabel
Ping-hua Lee pp. 145-146). 100 Ii square contains 9,000 000 mow ancient (i.e.
Chow measures).
2 Ibid. p. 176
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
The Pao Chia system
The objective of the Han po-
pulation count, as of the succeed-
ing dynasties, was the collection
of taxes and to obtain men for
military service and forced labour.
By 754 A.D., the most prosperous
period of the Tang Dynasty, a
detailed enumeration records the
figure of 52,919,309. In the Sting
Dynasty (960 - 1260 A.D.) the
Pao Chia system was introduced,
whereby every locality was divid-
ed into groups of households with
one man responsible for each
group, collecting taxes, impressing
men for military service and
forced labour and making an an-
nual return of the number of
people under his control. This
Pao Chia system continued
through the 16th century, was
taken over by the Manchu
Dynasty and lasted right up to
the Taiping Revolution about 100
years ago, when the Pao Chia
network was largely destroyed.
Thanks to this Pao Chia system.
some estimates of population and
amount of cultivated land in dif-
ferent periods of Chinese history
are available. Mabel Ping-hua
Lee, in the her admirable (though
unfortunately, apparently, little
known) study has compiled an
elaborate table 1? from the Chinese System of taxation and population
records available. Besides the enumeration
population estimate, she has given An important factor contributing
the total amount Of cultivated land, to wide inaccurancy of the popu-
and average amount of land per
mouth. Too much meaning
must not be attached to these fi-
gures. Mabel Ping-hua Lee her-
self remarks that the figures are
probably quite erroneous :o. But
she adds : ? Despite the inac-
curacy of the figures they are still
significant in that they reflect the
general conditions of Chinese
history as well as the conditions
of the special Nriods when pro-
perly interpreted ?. The table in-
dicates that in the beginning of
later Han the population is re-
duced to two-thirds; in the three
Kingdoms by about six-sevenths
in the beginning of Tang by about
two-thirds ; in the beginning of
Sung by over a fourth ; and the
beginning of Tsing, by over three-
fifths. While the figures cannot
be sacrosanct, they nevertheless
confirm the conclusion that wars,
which inevitably preceded the
overthrow of an old and enthrone-
ment of a new dynasty, caused
much destruction and misery to
Chinese people and had the effect
of interrupting the increase of
Chinese population. Furthermore,
the deaths by the million of
Chinese toilers caused by inces-
sant floods and droughts affect-
ed the population.
1 Ibid, pp. 436-437
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
39
lotion returns was the system of
taxation. Apart from free
service (corvi), the peasants were
required to pay the poll tax, that
is, a tax based on number of
members in the family. The people
concealed the number of mouths
in the family in order to escape
the taxation based on them. This
is indicated by the fact that when
Kao Kung. a statesman of the Sui
Dynasty. to a certain extent light-
ened the burden of taxation,
the population figures show an
increase of from three to eight
million doors within the 19 years
from 587 - 606 A.D. A more
convincing proof of the same is
provided during the rule of the
Tsing Dynasty. In the wake of
long drawn out peasant uprisings
extending for about a century,
the Manchus. in order to conso-
lidate their rule could not but
make some concession to the
peasants against the landlords.
The reforms sought the abolition
of poll-tax and the corvi system
(forced free labour). The peasants
were now required to pay taxes
according to the quantity of land
they possessed and not according
to the number of members in the
family. The Corvi system forced
the peasants to do free labour ac-
cording to the number of family
members. With the abolition of
this system, government hired men
instead. Landlord resistance pre-
% cnted the materialisation of the
reforms for about a hundred years,
but when the reforms were finally
decreed in 1712 1, the number of
mouths jumped by 1749 from 24
million to 124 million, whereas
never before in history had the
population been returned as over
one hundred million.
Western ? China experts x. misre-
present China
The accurancy or otherwise of
the available population figures
apart, there can hardly be any
doubt about the increasing pres-
sure cn land created by China's
growing population through the
centuries. This growing popu-
lation without a corresponding
growth of resources, and methods
and avenues of employment
worsened the pressure on land and
came to be an important factor
the miseries, privation and star-
vation through which the Chine. e
peasantry had to pass. specially
when the hind system continued to
be so designzd as to extort the
1 The decree of 1712 read c The empire has been peacetul kr a IQ.tv
time so that the population increases enormously. If 1 increase the iv:tvtitit
taxes according to the present number of population it is not right
the population becomes larger the acreage of lancl does not heeome sr:Jet.-
day the public treasury is very rich. Al'hongli I have
excmp!ions, which amounted to ten millions, for several veins thr. %mtkx!A%ats
expenditure has never been hampered by lack of funds Therefore I shooki,
the number of people from the present tax-roll as a fixed number to be taxe.1,
and the increased population of the future shall be exempted from any additional
tax. What I want is merely a report of the trite numbers*.
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
OCT, ? DEC. 1958
41
maximum from the tillers. Incid-
entally, many Western writers on
China, ignoring this peasant
exploitation, have with amazing
facility offered this factor of
growing population as the root
cause of all China's evils and
poverty. To this aspect we shall
revert later. It may suffice to say
here that harping on the tune of
overpopulation as the cause of
China's evils reveals a level of
consciousness which obtained in
China 24 centuries ago when the
tremendous prospects opened up
-by the growth of science and
technique were not known. For
example, compare the wail of the
Western writers with the fol-
lowing comment of Han Fei-tzu of
the Chou Dynasty on the effect of
increasing numbers on prosperity.
In the ancient times people were
few but wealthy and without
strife; the government gave neither
rewards nor punishments because
people were self-controlled. People
at present think five sons are not
too much, and each son has five
sons also; and when the grand-
father is not dead, there are
twtwentyfive descendents. There-
fore, people are more and wealth
is less; they work hard and receive
little. Even if the government uses
twice as much reward and twice
as much punishment strife cannot
be prevented. The wealth of a
ii
nation depends upon people
having enough food, not upon the
number of people. :t 1.
Dr. Sun yat-senon the problem of
China's growing population.
As against the Western ? China
experts who stuck to this theory
of population increase as an
absolute evil against which
nothing could be done, their
object being to hide the savagery
of shameless Western imperialist
penetration of China, the leaders
of Chinese renaissance, while
deeply aware of the dangers of an
indiscriminate increase in popula-
tion, were at the same time awake
to the need for the adoption of
timely means to remedy its effects.
Thus, as early as 1894, Dr. Sun
Yat-sen wrote to Li Hung-chang
as follows : ? At present China is
already greatly suffering from
overpopulation, 'which will bring
impending danger in its wake. She
is confronted with a great many
hidden uprisings and frequent fa-
mines. It is extremely difficult
for the populous masses to make a
living even during good years, and
in time of great drought and
famine many people will starve to
death. Our food problem is
already very acute. The situation
will be much worse as time goes
on. If we take no timely means of
remedy, it will surely worry us. :o2
10.
The widespread notion that per-
sisted during the later part of
the 19th century that there are
400 million Chinese is based on
the. estimate of 413,020,000 made
by the Manch government in 1842.
In 1900, the Manchu government
reported 440 million. A census in
its modern sense was started in
1908 by the Manchus as a prepar-
atory step towards the intro-
duction of a constitutional mo-
narchy. It was completed in 1911
but the revolution swept away the
Manchu dynasty in the same year.
Results made public a few years
later revealed that China then
had 374,223,008 people, which is
generally regarded as an under-
statement.
The 1912 Population Census
Immediately after its establish-
ment, the Republican government
conducted a census in 1912. A
high Kuomintang official later cal-
led it ? the most complete census
of China (not meaning by
that the best or most trustworthy
census) 3.1 It gives for each hsien
(county) of each province such
statistical data as number of males
and famales, households, number
of births and deaths, number of
married and unmarried males, etc.
The occupational classification
gives figures about members
of Parliament, government of-
ficials and employees, teachers
and students, priests and nuns,
lawyers, journalists, medical doc-
tors, farmers, miners, merchants
manufacturers, fishermen, etc. D.
K. Lieu points out that the five
occupations above, from farmers
to fishermen, are not clearly defin-
ed. He says that the Chinese
wording may refer to farmers,
miners, factory labourers and
fishermen, or it may include also
landlords, mine-owners, industrial-
ists and owners of fishing fleets.
? The occupational classification is
unsatisfactory, and any detailed
analysis on that basis may not be
worthwhile
This 1912 census failed to
cover three provinces, namely,
Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Anhwei
but included the three eastern
provinces of Manchuria, the spe-
cial administrative district of
Kingchao, Suiyan and also Sin-
kiang. In addition to population
data, the census also gives the
area of each hsien, the acreage
cultivated and uncultivated, the
heights of mountains and hills,
and the length of rivers in the
hsien, and a host of other inform-
ations not relating to population
1 George ?Babcock Cressey : China's Geographic FouAdations, p. 24.
2 Ibid. p. 23.
1 See The 1912 Census of China by D2K. Lieu, F R.S.A., Shanghai, 1931.
The publication is a paper prepared for the XXth session of the International
Institute of Statistics. Madrid, 1931. D.K. Lieu's designation is given as follows:
Director of Sta,istics, Directorate-General of Budget. Accounts and Statistics,
National Government of China Chairman Chinese Statistical Society , Vice-
chairman, Chinese Economic Society.
ii
_
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statistics. The following table' average size of households in
gives the number of hsien and China as shown by 1912 census :
TABLE II
PROVINCE
No. of
hsien
Mean
Mode
Standard
Deviation
CHEKIANG .
75
I.
4 .77
1.10
FUKIEN
61
5.75
5.25
EILUNGKIANG
96
7.50
7 30
HOPEI (Chili)
123
5.12
5 27
1.12
HONAN
68
7.41
6.10
HUNAN
75
5.61
5.15
HUPEH
69
5.33
5 27
1.11
KANSU .
76
5.78
5 .36
KIANGSI
81
5 48
4.9!
KIANGSU
59
5.82
5.3!
KIRIN
37
6.91
7.15
XWEICHOW
67
5.15
1 7g
LIAONING (Fengtien)
53
6.69
6.20
1.29
SHANSI 105
5.34
5.19
SHANTUNG 107
5.58
5.71
SHENSI 91
5.91
5.29
1.77
SINKIANG . . 36
4.97
4.21
SUIYAN . 8
5.19
5.25
SZECHUAN 146
5 01
1.73
0.0
? _..7-YUNNAN . 96
5.34
5. ?.4
2.09
ALL CHINA 1,489
5.63
5 23
1.96
Another 1912 estimate
D.K. Lieu has also given an
estimated for election purposes.
The Election Law of the Lower
House, promulgated on August
10, 1912, provided, among other
qualifications, that an elector must
be of the male sex, and of twenty
one years of age and above It
was also provided that one mem-
ber should be returned to the
Lower House by every 800,000
population, but where the total
population of a province was
below 8 000,000, th3t province
should at least return 10 members.
It is pointed out that before the
census enumeration was complet-
ed, the number of members for
each province was fixed by the
law. Multiplying the number by
800,000, Lieu arrives at figures
which ? represent the population
of the province as estimated by
the law-makers of 1912 except
where the minimum of ten was
assigned as in the case of Kirin,
Heilungkiang, Sinkiang and
Tibet ?. The following table gives
1 Ibid. p. 5 ; sixteen hsiens were left out.
OCT. - DEC. 1958
43 -
the population of China as estimat- and as returned by the 1912
?ed on the basis of the above Census :
TABLE III
Assigned No. of
Estimatzd
Population 19-3.7
PROVINCE
Representatives
Population
1912 Census
HOPE! (Chihli)
46
36,800,000
25,932,153
FENGTIEN (Liaoning)
16
12,800,000
12,133,303
KIRIN
10
8,000,000
5,580,030
HEILUNGKIANG ...
10
8.000,000
2,028,776
KIANGSU
40
32,000,000
32,282,781
ANHWEI
27
21,Goa 000
XIANGSI
35
28,000,000
23.987 713
CHEKIANG
38
30,400,000
21,440,151
'FUKIEN
24
19 200,000
15.849,296
HUPEH
26
20,800.000
29,590,308
HUNAN
27
21,600,000
27,390,230
SHANTUNG
33
26,400,000
30,987,853
HONAN
32
25,600 000
35,900.083
SHANSI
28
22 800.000
10,271 896
SHENSI
21
16,800,000
12 289,386
-XANSU
14
11,200,000
4.989,907
SINK.IANG
10
8,000,000
2,097,763
SZECHUAN
35
28 000,000
48,129,596
KWANGTUNG
30
24,000,000
ICWANGSI
19
15 200.000
YUNNAN
22
17,600.000
9,466.695
KWEICHOW
13
.10,400,000
9,665,227
'MONGOLIA
27
21,6010,000
TIBET
10
8,000,000
CHINGHAI
3
2,400,000
TOTAL
596
476,800 000
Kuomintang Census of 1928
The next major effort 1. for
enumerating China's population
was undertaken by the Kuomin-
1 We have come across some other estimates of China's population in the
intervening years. One Walter F. Willcox estimated the population at 323,000,000
in 1926. The same year a Post Office estimate placed the figure at 485,508 838.
Another 1929 estimate 'placed the figure at 419,957,000. A Maritime Customs
estimate in 1931 gives the figure of 438,933,373. There is also mentioned a 1936
-estimate placing the figure at 461,363,646. These figures are open to serious
criticism and have to be viewed with the utmost caution. c Some of them are
-based on such ridiculous generalisations as the average consumption of salt or
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tang Government in 1928, but
with the inepitude that marked
everything done by the Chiang
Kai-Shek regime, counts were
made in only a few provinces. In
a paper submitted to the XIXth
session of the International Instit-
ute of Statistics at Tokyo in
1930, Warren H. Chen has
given the following table about
population estimates in some
provinces of China based upon
this 1928 census' :
TABLE IV
NAME OF
PROVINCE
No. of
Households
Males
Ezmales
Total
U
0
?,s?-? g
CHEKIANG ...
4,646,833
11,695,328
9,028,739
20,623,067
4.43
128.4
HUPEH
5,545,105
14,723,534
11,972,719
26,696,253
4.81
122.9
SINIUANG
534,193
1,423,569
1,144,071
2,567,640
4.81
124.9
-HUNAN ......
6,455,224
17,550,061
13,950,280
31,500,341
4.87
125.8
KIANGSU
6,876,944
18,163,676
15,966,008
34,129,684
4.76
113.7
CHAHAR
396,476
1,176.485
820.749
1,997,234
5.04
143.3
SHANSI
"
2,292,376
6,926,102
5,161,849
12,087,951
5.27
134.1
SUIYAN .
387,585
1,293,855
830,059
2,123,915
5.47
155.8
SHENSI
2,103,066
6,593,264
5,208,960
11,802,124
5.61
126.5
ANHWEI
3,830,315
12,211,581
9,503,815
12,715,396
5.66
123.4
HOPE! (Chihli)
5,444,713
17,285,446
13,832,756
31,118,202
5.71
124.9
LIAONING
2,248,551
8.312,636
6,686,694
14,999,330
6.67
124.3
TOTAL . 40,761,381
117,254,537
94,109,699
211,361,236
5.18
124.5
Density of population
The final figure, announced in
1931, placed China's population at
474, 787,346, which can at best
be considercd only a rough
estimate, since only 12 provinces
made returns to the Central
Government, apart from special
other commodities, upon the circulation of mail matter, or upon estimates as to
the number and size of households others are simply based on the arbitrary
judgement or guess of local magistrates. 3. (See Contemporary China I, 1955,
edited by E. S'uart Kirby, Professor of Economics at the University of Hong
Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1956 ; pp. 32-38)?
1 'Warren H. Chen : An Estimate of the Population of China in 1929,..
Shangai, 1930.
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
45
municipaltiies. Warren H. Chen
has also given the following table
about density of population in
some of the provinces of China :
TABLE V
PROVINCE
Population
Arca in Sq.
Kilometres
Area in Sq.
Miles
Persons ,1
per Sq. Km.;
2 i
t!cti,
K.
KINGSU
34,129,684
108,790
41,993
314
813
HOPEI
31,118,202
137,894
53,229
226
583
CHEKIANG
26,023,067
96,400
37,210
214
554
ANHWEI .....
21,715,396
144,680
55,847
150
389
HUNAN
31,500,341
216,979
83,754
145
376
HUPEH
26,696,153
192,557
74,327
139
359
SHANSI
12,087,951
171,332
66,133
71
183
SHENSI
11,802,124
186,611
72,028
63
164
LIAONING
14,999,330
N . A
N. A
57
147
CHAHAR
1,997,234
251,625
97,118
8
21
SUIYAN ....
2,123,915
310,969
120,046
7
18
SINKIANG .... .. .
2,567,640
1,822,720
703,562
1
3
Thus, according to Chen's table,
Kiangsu topped the list with 813
persons to a square mile, which is
more than the average density of
Belgium. Hopei and Chekiang
come next, while in Chahar,
Suiyan and Sinkiang the popul-
ation is sparse.
Divergent estimates about the
density of population in pre-
liberation China are available. A
British estimate placed it at only
43 to the square kilometre 1,
whereas Cressey places it at 120
to the square mile ? in terms of
Greater China, that is, including
all Mongolia and Tibet. ?z
Figures of China's average dens-
ity, however, can be most
misleading unless they are related
to the characteristics of the area
to which they apply. Estimating
that 80 per cent of the total
population depends on agriculture
and only 10 per cent of the area
is arable, the British publication
places the average density of
farm population on arable land at
400 to the square kilometre.
Excluding the Mongolian and
Tibetan areas, Cressey estimates
1 China and Japan, Chatham House Information Papers, No. 219, IIIrd
Edition, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1941, pp. 127.
2 China's Geographic Foundations, op. cit., pp. 19.
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46
AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY -
that the density of population will
rise to 156 per square mile in the
twenty-eight provinces of China
He adds : Much of provincial
China is semiarid and mountan-
ous and the greater mass of
population is restricted to the
Eastern half which may be termed
agricultural China. Here the
density is 326 per, square mile. ?
A true picture of China's dens-
ity of population can be had only
in reference to smaller units, such
as political provinces or geograph-
ic regions. In another public-
ation Cressey estimates that the
average density in North China
(Yellow River) Plain is 647 and
Szechuan Basin 580 per square
mile. In terms of the number of
persons per square mile of cult-
ivated land, the population
density. figure for China is given
as 1485.1
Steady Increase in Population
Warren H. Chen regards the
1912 Census as a ? most
complete ? one since the format-
ion of the Republic and says
that ? the figures for 1912 are
no less trustworthy than those of
1910. ? We are indebted to Chen
for the following comparative
table of population returns of
1910, 1912, 1928, indicating a
steady increase :
TABLE VI
PROVINCE
1910
1912
1928
.KIANGSU
3,148 134
6,076,869
6,876,944
2
CHEKIANG
3,883,312
4,474,699
4,646 833
HOPEI
4,995,355
5.013,420
5.994,713
HUNAN
4,288,164
5,767,467
6,455,229
HUPEH
4,532,531
4,843392
5,545,105
SHANSI
1,9901335
2,099,618
2,292 376
SHENSI
1,601,444
1,635,988
2,103 066
LIAONING
799,836
1.804,550
2,248,551
SINKIANG
453,477
461,961
634,193
Thus, the average rate of an-
nual increase is found to be 7.8
-per thousand. On the assumption
that this rate is true of all other
provinces and outlying territories,
128.
Chen has estimated that by the
end of 1929 the probable popul-
ation of all China was in the
neighbourhood of 445,000,000.
1 Cressey : Asia's Lands and Peoples, New York, Mcgraw Hill, 1951, pp. 44.
?
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47
Birth-rate and Death-rate in pre-
liberation China
Owing to the diversity of social,
economic and natural conditions,
and also owing to natural cala-
mities and disasters, the birth-
rate and death-rate in China dif-
fered in the different parts of the
country. No reliable vital statist-
ics of pre-liberation China being
available, the birth and death
rates of China have been guessed
on the basis of data collected on
a fragmented basis and cannot be
considered accurate. The Depart-
ment of Agricultural Economics
.of the Nanking University on the
basis of limited data collected in
101 rural communities of 16
provinces reported a birth-rate of
83.9 per thousand and death-
rate of 27.6 per thousand. Ac-
cording to a study conducted
under the Milbauk Memorial
Fund in 1934, China's birth-rate
.was estimated at 36.6 per
thousand, the death-rate 25.7 per
thousand, and infant mortality at
153 per thousand. T.R. Tregear
of the Hongkong University, on
the basis that world population is
increasing at 75,000 per day and
the Indian Republic at 14,000 per
day, puts China's increase at
14,000 per day or 9 million per
annum 1. A survey of a rural
community conducted under the
auspices of the Institute of
Pacific Relations by Sidney D.
Gamble between 1933 and 1936,
gave a birth-rate of 4G
and a death-rate of 27 per
thousand, thus indicating a natur-
al increase of 13 per thousand
per annum. 2. Whatever may be
the actual figures, there can be
no doubt that the birth-rate and.
the death-rate, as also the rate
of infant mortality were high in
China.
The only area of China where
data on population changes have
been available in an unbroken
series is Taiwan, which was
acquired by the Japanese in 1895.
and for which comprehensive
census and registration reports are
available. The rate of growth of
population in Taiwan between
1895 and 1945 has been 1.76 per
cent per year. The population
more than doubled and the rate
of increase steadily accelerated
until it reached 2.5 per cent by
1940. 3. A variety of factors make
the Taiwan example only of
limited value for the understand-
ing of China's population pro-
blems, but the fact of a steady
tendency for its increase clearly
stands out.
1 Contemporary China, I, 1955; op. cit., p. 32.
2 5:dricy D. Gamble: Tirg Hseien A North China Rural Community,
Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954.
3 George W. Barclay : A Report on Taiwan Population To the Joint
Commission on Rural Reconstruction, Office of Population Research, Princeton
University, Princeton, 1954.
. - 8
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Land utilisation and Population
According to one estimate 75
per cent of the population was
engaged in agriculture in China
in 1939 1. Estimates for an earlier
period is given by Cressey. He
says that probably the best indic-
ation of the percentage of
people who live on farms is found
in the figures of the Directorate
of Statistics for 1932 which lists
the number of farm households as
58,579,181, or 74.5 per cent of the
total. Cressey also tells of how
the extent of the rural population
was estimated by Torgasheff.
Torgasheff stated that there were
112 cities with over 100,000 in-
habitants, 467 known cities bet-
ween 100,000 and 25,000, and
1,443 other cities of unknown size,
.-so that the total urban population
is hardly less than 100,000,000,
that, is not less than 20 per cent
of the total population ?. Thus
the rural population works out to
80 per cent of the total popul-
ation 2.
There are not enough statistics
available about land utilisation by
China's overwhelming peasant
population and allied matters.
Chang-Heng Chen, a member of
China's Legislative Yuan and also
of the Board of Directors, Chinese
Economic Society, in a paper sub-
mitted to the Tokyo session of
the International Statistical Instit-
ute in 1930, has given an
interesting table 3 showing the
total area of cultivated land in
China from 1661 to 1916, and the
per capita average :
TABLE VII
YEAR
Cultivated Land in
Chinese Mow
Population
Per Capita
Average
(mow)
1661
549,357.640
104,707,086
5.24
2685
607,834,001
111,879,559
5.43
1724
683,791,427
141,541. 697
4.83
1753
708,114,238
159,984,053
4.43
1766
740.449,550
182.076,774
4.07
1812
772121,278
271,145,671
2.85
1872
819,453,194
329,563,216
2.49
1887
911,976,606
337,590,400
2.70
1900
919,504,897
344,4801300
2.67
1916
1,384.937,701
409,500,000
3.38
1. Ou Pao-san : National Income of China, Nanking Institute of Social
Sciences- (Pre-libefation)
2 China's Geographic Foundations, op. cit., p. 19,
3 Chang-Heng Chen : China's Population Problem, Shanghai, 1930.
&T. ? bic. 058
49'
It thus follows that with the
increase in population, the per
capita average of cultivated land
decreased. In a paper]. submitted
to the Vth Biennial Conference
of the Institute of Pacific Relations
in Canada in 1933, W.H. Wong,
Director of the National Geo-
graphical Survey of China,
estimated that in China Cressey says that
cultivated land in China was only
0.43 acre per person.
Occupational Distribution of
Population
China's population counts are
poor in so far as collection of
statistics relating to the occupat-
ional distribution of population
is concerned. A post-liberation
publication of the Economic Re-
search Institute of Academia Si-
nica has published in 1955 a most
valuable and painstaking study in
the Chinese language which is a
? Selection of Statiscal Material
on China : Recent Period of
2 W.H. Wong : The Distribution of Population and Land Utilisation in
41laina, China Institute of Pacific Relation, 1933.
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Economic History.? ) We are
indebted to this public-
ation for the following table2
which gives the percentage
of tenant households in the totat
agricultural households in 1936.
TABLE VIII
AREA
No. of
counties
reporting
Tenant
Semi
tenant
Cultivat-
ing
owner
GENERAL AVERAGE46
1120
30
24
INNER MONGOLIA and
NORTH WEST CHINA
AVERAGE
CHAHAR
10
36
31
27
26
22
43
51'
SUIYAN
13
31
17
52
NINGHSIA
5
20
14
66
CHINGHAI
8
22
26
50
NORTH CHINA :
AVERAGE
483
14
9
6T
KANSU
29
18
18
SHENSI
49
18
20
62
SHANSI
90
16
23
61
HOPEI
126
1
18
72
SHANTUNG
100
10
15
75
HONAN
89
20
21
59
CENTRAL and SOUTH CHINA ?
AVERAGE
KIANGSU
56
601
30
43
25
27
45
31>
ANHWEI
41
42
23
35
CHF,KIANG .
62
47
33
20
FUKIEN .....
42
44
31
25
KWANGTUNG
55
46
33
21
KIANGSI
57
40
33
27
HUPEH .....
48
41
26
33
.....
41
50
28
22'
KWANGSI
50
38
23
39
SZECHUAN
87
51
20
29
YUNNAN
39
36
25
39
KWEICHOW
23
45
28
27
I The Editors of the Selection' are
Hsien-Kao. It was printed at the Science
1955. The publication comprises a series
period of Chinese economic history and i
2 .Ibid ; Table No. 2 on p. ? 262.
Yen Chung-ping, Hsu I-Sung and Yao
Pres; Peking and published in August
of reference materials on the recent
s divided into various sections.
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
51
The Editors tell us that the
source for these figures is Agri-
cultural Information Report, Vol.
V. a work of Kuomintang Go-
vernment officials. The limitations
of these figures have to be borne
in mind. The Editors say that
the a Tenant 7> and 4: Semi-
Tenant ) may include poor pea-
sants or middle peasants and.
also include rich peasants. The
Self-cultivating owner >> may be
including not only poor peasants,
middle peasants and rich peasants
but also may include managing
landlords. In the absence of
figures expressing the situation
regarding wage employment in
rural areas and the number of
hired agricultural labourers, this
table can at best be regarded as
giving a rather blurred picture of
the livelihood pattern of rural
China of the time. Even then it
would be noted that the tenants
and semi-tenants were in far
excess of the self-cultivating
owners.
The livelihood pattern before
liberation : A clearer picture
A clearer picture of the liveli-
hood pattern in different areas of
China is provided by Table IX
(p. 261 of the above publication.
Table No. 1). The Editors have
given in the footnote to the table
the sources from where the
figures are taken. They include
the studies of Dr. Chen Han-
seng and such other reputed
agrarian experts of pre-liberation
China and also Kuomintang
Government surveys. The Editors
also mention some qualifying
factors, but by and large the
picture of rural classes in old
China is indicated in Table IX.
(in the following page).
Overwhelming percentage of
landless in preliberation days
The table thus reveals the land
situation as it existed in China-
before the War of Resistance to
Japanese aggression. The general
picture that emerges is as follows:
landlords constituted 1-5 per cent
of rural households, the rick
peasants 5-10 per cent, the middle-
peasants 15-30 per cent, while-
the poor peasants and farmhands
constituted 50-70 per cent of the
total number of rural households.
In other words 10 per cent of the
landlords and rich peasants con-
trolled and dominated over 80-9Cin
per cent of the middle and poor
peasants and the farmhands, the
labouring masses of rural China.
The percentage of diffrent types-
of tenants in the total tenant
households in some important
agricultural areas of China is in-
dicated in Table X (on page-
52).
1 Ibid. p. 263. table 3. The sources are indicated. ?
1) Rural Investigation of Kiangsu Province by Rural Reconstruclon Committee
of 'Kuomingtang Govt.; ii) Rural Economic Investigation Report in--
Kwangsi Province by a Provincial College; iii) Chen Han-seng ? Rural Productivm-
Relation and Productive Force of Kwangtung Province.
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52
AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
TABLE IX
AREA
,
...
> 4
Landlord
Rich
Peasant
-V
73
44:
? 1 E
?44: .
44
* b
0
52 countries of Chi-Ling and Heilung-
kiang Province.
1925
14.3
42.8
42.9
-
45 villages of Pe Yo district of Shansi-
-Chabar-Jehol Liberated Area.
1937
2.4
8.5
35.4
47.5
6.2
4 villages of Sui Ta county of Shensi.
1933
1.5
3.3
11.4
79.8
4.0
4 villages of Fl county of Honan.
1933
4.4
8.1
24.7
53.0
4.8
10 villages of Pao Ding county of
Hopei.
1930
3.7
8.0
23.1
65.2
-
.8 villages of Chi Tung county of
Kiangsu.
1933
0.5
7.2
31.4
57.8
3.1
7 villages of Chang Su county of
Kiangsu.
19.33
1.3
1.9
25.3
65.6
5.9-
20 villLges of Wu Shi county of
Kiangsu.
1929
5.7
5.6
19.8
68.9
-
8 villages of Long Yu county of
Chekiang.
033
7.2
6.0
17.9
56.9
12.0
9 villages of Chong Ta county of
Chekiang.
1933
2.3
0.8
24.6
67.9
4.5
6 villages of Yong Chia county of
Chekiang. .
1933
1.4
1.0
6.1
76.4
15.1
Ching Kuo county of Kiangsl.
1930
1.0
5.0
20.0
61.0
12.0
Changsha. Hunan.
1927
10.0
20.0
70.0
-
10 villages from Pan Yiu county of
Kwangtung. ,.
1933
2.9
8.8
16.0
51.6
20.7
14 Villages of Kweilin and other 5
counties of Xwangsi.
1934
4.9
7.9
29.6
57.6
-
6 Villages of Kunning. Yunnan
1933
1.7
11.4
18.7
63.2
t ?
Chang San, Szechuan.
1935
15.7
27.4
56.9
TABLE X
ARE A
Year
Total
Rich
Pzasant
Middle
Peasant
Poor
Peasant
69.5
-Tenant of 28 villages of 4
counties in Kiangsu.
1933
100
2.4
23.1
'Tenant of 48 villages of 22
counties in Kwangsi.
1 934
100
0.1
4.8
95.1
Tenant of 10 villages of
Pan Yui County in Kwang-
rung.
1933
100
8.4
28.8
71.6
OCT. - DEC. 1958
53
An idea of the percentage of
farmhands in the total rural
population as found by a study
in 1033 would be found in the
following table 1:
TABLE XI
AREA
Number of
Area
investigated
Percentage offarm-
hand populaion
in the Rural
Population
PROVINCES IN THE YANGTZE
RIVER BASIN
112
(Av.) 9.27
CHEKIANG
22
9.27
KIANGSU
20
8.78
ANHWEI
21
8.24
KIANGSI
13
10.87
HUNAN
12
11.09
SZECHUAN
10
10.61
HUPEH
14
6.04
PROVINCES IN THE PEARL
50
(Av.) 8.13
RIVER BASIN:
FUKIEN
5
5.83
KWANGSI .......... ......
12
12.08
KWANGTUNG
14
11.36
KWEICHOW
YUNNAN
7
12
6.02
8.05
PROVINCES IN THE YELLOW
192
(Av.) 11.41
RIVER BASIN:
SHENSI .
14
19.75
SHANSI
43
10.39
HOP El
62
11.62
SHANTUNG
28
10.24
HO NAN
31
9.41
NINGHSIA - KANSU - CHINGHAI
6
12.46
SUYAN
8
15.07
354
(Av.) 10.29
Thus. in 1933 agricultural la-
bourers constituted 9.27 per cent
-of the rural population of China.
The situation in the following
years till?liberation in 1949 would
have definitely worsened for the
rural farmhands in view of tiie
hectic period of Chinese histdky
which followed.
1 Ibid. p. 263, table 4. Source : Chen Chung-mu : The Habits between the
_Employers and the Employees in Different Provinces.
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54
AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
Peoples' China conducts first
authoritative Census in Chinese
History
After liberation the first author-
itative statement about China's
population was made by Premier
Chou En-lai on June 16, 1950,
while speking to the People's Po-
litical Consultative Conference,
when he estimated the population
of liberated China as 487,690,000.
The Communist Shih-Chieh nien-
Chien, published in January 1952,
placed the total at 483,879,687, In
August of the same year the
Revised Third Edition of Jen-min
shou-ts'u (The People's Hand-
book) gave the figure of
486,571,237. In Hsin Chung-kuo
ti-li (The Geography of New
China) published in 1953, the
figure for China's population :s
given as 478,800,0001,
In April 1953, in order to re-
gister voters for the general
election and at the same time
secure vital data .for China's
national economic reconstruction,
the Government Administrative
Council directed that a national
survey of population be made. The
survey was completed in May
1954, and in November of the
same year a communique on the
national population survey and
census was published by the
State Statistical Bureau. This
1953 census is noted for its-
distinction of being the first ever
census in China whose results can...
be regarded as accurate. The past
efforts were unsatisfactory not
only because the methods adopted
were unscientific and faulty but
more so because of the resistance
of -the people who knew that
registration meant only one thing :
that the ruling class will be bet-
ter able to tax, conscript and
otherwise exproit the people. The
Chinese people resorted to every
kind of concealment to cover up
the existence of military-age men,
able-bodied breadwinners, or
numbers of heads on which they
might be taxed.
The 1953 census differs from all
others also because it was carried
out by a government which has.
theconfidence of the people. The
purpose was made clear to the
nation by a nation-wide campaign.
of information and propaganda.
The method of taking the census.
was worked out on the basis of
Chinese conditions and the
experience of the Soviet Union. It
was made free from all unneces-
sary technical complications. The
only questions asked were name,
sex, age and nationality. To secure-
accuracy the standard-time for
census taking was fixed at mid-
night on June 30, 1953. The work
1 Contemporary China I, 1955, edited by E. Stuart Kirby, Hong 'Kong,.
1956; op. cit.; p. 38.
-4)
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,oar. ? DEC. 1958 ?
55
was directed by the State Statist-
ical Bureau, which set up
-branches at county and provincial
levels all over the country.
Census-taking became a job of the
-ve.ople themselves. Besides the
-government officials, popular or-
.-ganisations, school teachers,
Itudents and others participated.
According to a Western estimate,
2.5 million people worked to col-
lect the census figures 1. After the
preliminary national survey was
completed a sample check was
made in 343 countries in 23 pro-
vinces, 5 municipalities and one
autonomous region, covering al-
together 9 per cent of the total
,population - 52,953,400 people. It
was found that duplication
amounted to 1.39 per thousand
and omissions to 2.55 per
thousand. The tabulation of
figures at the national level com-
menced in May 1954 and the
total was finally announced on
November 1 the same year 2.
Results of the 1953 Census
The communique issued by the
State Statistical Bureau says :
a The vast majority of areas in
the country conducted a direct
census but the census was
conducted in other ways in a few
areas where direct census was not
possible, such as remote places
where basic-level elections did not
take place and where communic-
ation facilities were poor, and
Taiwan which remains to be
liberated ; and in respect of Over-
seas Chinese and students
studying abroad. 3 The results
of the census are given below:
There were 601,938,035 Chinese-
people in the world at midnight
of June 30, 1953. Of this total,
574,205,940 were counted direct-
ly by census-takers. The balance.
27,732,095, is an estimate based on
indirect methods. It includes
7,591,298 people on Taiwan
(from Kuomintang figures of
1951), 11,743,320 Chinese resid-
ing or studying abroad, and
8,397,477 persons in remote border
regions.
1 O.M. Green of British ? Observer Service, Hindustan Times, Delhi.
?clated 24-11-1954.
2 For an informative, though not completely unbiassed. article on how
the census was taken the reader is referred to the Far Eastern Survey (Monthly
Journal of the American Institute of Pacific Relations), Vol. XXV,. No. 4 of
April 1956, which i carries a contribution by Theodore Shabad entitled c Counting
--500 miaion Chinese Shabad bases himself on an article in a Russian journal
Vestrilc Statistilci by Sergei [K. Krotevich. Soviet statistical expert who assisted
the Chinese Census authorities in planning and execution of the census.
3 Contemporary China I, 1955, op. cit., p. 151.
f
56
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
Of the population direct-
ly surveyed and registreted,
29,7,533,518 were men con-
stituting 51.82 per cent, and
276,652,422 were women constit-
uting 48.81 per cent. Thus
there were about 20 million more
males than .females, which
certainly is not a very high pro-
portion in nearly 602 millions. As
many as 338,339,892 persons
were aged 18 years and over,
constituting 58.92 per cent.
Among the latter 1,851,312 per-
sons were aged 80 to 90 years,
3,384 persons aged 100 years and
over, the highest age being 155
years. Of those below 18 years
of age, 15.6 per cent were under
four years, 11 per cent between
5 and 9 years, and 14.48 per cent
between 10 to 18 years.
Minority Nationals
Excluding Taiwan and Overseas
Chinese, the total population ac-
cording to national composition
was as follows : 547,283,057 or
93.94 per cent were Han Chinese
and 35,320,360 persons or 6.06
per cent were minority nationals.
Among the minority nationals.
each with more than 1,000,00O
population. Mongols numbered
1,462,956. Hui people 3,559,330.
Tibetans 2,775,662, Uighurs
3,640,125, Miaous 2,511,339, Yis
3,254,269, .Chuangs 6,611,455,
Puyis 1, 2 4 7,8 8 3, Koreans.
1,120,405, Manchus 2,418,931,
and other minority nationals
6,718,025.
Regional Distribution
The regional distribution of
the population was as under:
Central South 176,334.987;
East 156,4-80,845 ; Southwest
98.195,110; North 50,299,199;
Northeast 46,893,351; Northwest
35,359,25; Inner Mongolia
6,100,104; Tibet and Chamdo
Region 1,273,969.
The distribution of the mainland
population in China's Provinces,
Autonomous Regions a,nd In-
dependent cities will be found in
Table No. XII on the following..
page.
?
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
57
TABLE XII
MAINLAND AREA
Population
ANHWEI ...
30,343,637
CHEKIANG ...
22,865,747
FUKIEN ...
13,142,721
HEILUNGKIANG
11,897,309
HONAN
44,214,594
HOPEI1
35,984,644
HUNAN
33,226,954
HUPEH
27,789,693
JEHOL1
5,160,822
KANSU .
12.928,102'
KIANGSI
16,772,865
KIANGSU
41,252,192
KIRIN ..
11,290,073
KWANGSI 2 .
19,560,822
KWANGTUNG 2
34,770,059
KWEICHOW
15,037,310
LIAONING 1
18,545,147"
SHANSI .
14,314,485
SHANTUNG
48,876,548
SHENSI .
15,881,281
SIKANG3
3,381,064
SZECHUAN 3
62,303,999
CHINGHAI
1,676,534
YUNNAN . . .
17,472.737
INNER MONGOLIA AUTONOMOUS REGION 1
6,100,104
SINKIANG AUTONOMOUS REGION ...
4,873,608
TIBET (including Chamdo Arca) REGION
1,273,969
PEKING (Independent City) ...
2,768,149
SHANGHAI . . .
6,204,417
2,693,831
TOTAL ...
582,603,417
1 In January 1956 Jehol province was abolished, parts going to Hopei.
Liaoning and Inner Mongolia thus increasing their estimated population to
approximately 39 million, 20 million and 7 million, respectively.
2 In June 1955 the Pakhoi area was transferred from Kwangsi to Kwangtung,
thus reducing the population of Kwangsi to approximately 19 million and in-
creasing that of Kwangtung to approximately 35 million.
3 In November 1955 Sikang was incorporated in Szechuan, thus increasing_
the latter's population to approximately 65,7 million.
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
.-Pattern of Population Distribution
The following comments on the
-pattern of population distribution
-in China as revealed by the above
table would be found interesting :
? The unequal distribution of po-
pulation is striking. Szechuan, on
the borders of Tibet, which is
?considerably bigger than France,
-contain 62 million people. Chin-
-ghai, to the north of Szechuan
-and twice its size, has only
1,670,000. Kiangsu, in which
_Shanghai is situated, at mouth of
the Yangtze, though 10,000
_square miles smaller than.
England, has 41,252,192 people
-and density of population of 804
to the square mile, against only 7
.to the square mile in Mongolia 1. ?
The State Statistical Bureau
-.gave the following breakup of
-.China's population between urban
and rural areas : Urban
77,257,282 persons constituting
13.26 per cent, and rural
505,346,135 persons constituting
86.74 per cent. This vast agri-
-cultural population continues to
concentrate today, as they have
been since centuries, in the val-
leys of the Yellow River, Yangtze
-and the Pearl River and also the
-Chengtu (Szechuan) Plains.
-Theodore Shabad says that about
75 per cent of China's population
lives in 15 per cent of the nation's
territory and that the greatest
density is found in the lower and
middle reaches of the Yangtze,
where a density of 2,000 to 2,500
persons to the square mile is not
uncommon, although the overall
average in the lowlands is more
nearly 1,000 to 1,200. Similar
densities occur in the Canton
delta and in the coastal plains of
1> for
such zones in wartime; at other
times an approximation of six
miles (then the range of naval
guns) was considered adequate.
This question again came before
the Hague Codification Confer-
ence in 1930 and in April 1958
it was debated at the Geneva
Conference on the Law of the Sea.
These deliberations produced no
agreement and subsequently no
uniform internationally recognised
limit has been evolved for ter-
ritorial waters. Meanwhile differ-
ent states have asserted differing
standards which they have en-
forced according to their power.
The proceedings at Paris in
1894 above referred to as well as
those at the Hague in 1930 and
at Geneva in 1958 vitiate the
assertion, stridently emanating
from leading naval and colonial
powers, that the 18th century
3-mile limit of territorial waters is
?
OCr. ? DEC. 1958
73'
still the accepted rule of interna-
tional law and that no nation
has the right to fix a larger limit
round its shores. In any event,
the three mile limit has never been
generally accepted by Asian
states.
The width of the territorial
waters zone has recently assumed
particular importance in three
parts of the world:
First, off the coast of Iceland
where British fishing claims are
being resisted by the Icelandic
authorities; secondly, off the
China Coast where a military
conflict is raging; and thirdly, in
the Indian maritime region of
North Gujarat, where oil-fields
have been found.
1. Dispute between Iceland and Britain.
The fisheries dispute between
Iceland and Britain has followed
Iceland's proclamation of a twelve
mile zone of territorial waters.
Following this proclamation Ice-
land has prohibited foreign fishing
boats from her waters. Britain has
claimed that Iceland had no right
to do this, and, taking- the law
into her own hands, has sent war-
ships to escort British trawlers
fishing within twelve miles of the
Iceland Coast. Great indignation
has been aroused by this in Ice-
land, particularly because the
British trawlers menace the
livelihood of the Icelandic fisher-
men. Such indignation reached
boiling point when British naval
units forcibly captured eleven
of Iceland's coast-guard service-
men who, in execution of Icelandic
law, had boarded and arrested a
British trawler illegally fishing in
Iceland's territorial waters. A
naval guerilla war is at present in
progress off the Iceland coast.
As a British journal writes:
a Britain cannot afford inde-
finitely to fish in convoy under
naval protection,... and the Ice-
landers can afford to go on polic-
ing the 12 mile limit for as long
as it suits them Of course
the 3-mile limit is desirable for
Britain.... When the British
navy ruled the high seas, ma-
ritime law tended to establish it-
self in the interests of the chief.
maritime power.... That situat-
ion no longer exists.... The
Soviet Union has already long
ago declared a 12 mile limit ?
which obviously we are powerless
to challenge. The root of the
trouble is. ... the over fishing
by British trawler companies of
waters on which the Icelanders
depend for their basis of live-
hood ?. (New Statesman and
Nation. London, 6th September
1958)
2. Military action off the China coast.
The People's Republic of China
has also declared a maritime belt
or zone of territorial waters
extending twelve miles from her
shores. For China this is a matter
of national self-preservation. The
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74
AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
:islands of Quemoy and Matsu oc-
-cupied by Chiang Kai-shek troops
lie within five miles of the Chinese
.mainland. As Prime Minister
-Nehru said in this connection at
. a Press Conference on 7th
September 1957, > in order to
justify American penetration of
the Middle East. Thirdly, with
the loss of strategic and military
bases in South and South-East
Asia, Britain now feels that she
should maintain a permanent-
foothold in the Middle East itself-
to ensure continued exploitation
of the oil resources of the region.
DOOM OF IMPERIALISM
The end of World War II
marked the beginning of the -
eclipse of imperialist and colonial
Powers. The post-war emergence
of independent Afro - Asian
nations makes the return of -
colonialism to territories vacated
by them, now or in the future, an
impossibility. The tremendous
accession of strength to the
democratic and Socialist mo-
vements in the world further
guarantees the impending doom of
imperialism a n d colonialism.
What is happening in the Middle
East today is the manifestation of
the death struggle of imperial-
ism, yet unwilling to die a natural
death. The isolation of imperial-
ist forces is becoming more
and more clear. And hence
the new experiment in Anglo-
American partnership in the-
current imperialist adventure in
the Middle East.
IMPERIALIST TACTICS
When imperialists are forced
to withdraw from a country, *they
see to it that some combustible
material is left behind to keep
the fire smouldering and to ensure
an explosion at a suitable time.
They left the Indian Sub-
continent in 1947. But the seeds
of discord in the form of the-
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97
;Kashmir and the canal water
',problems which they had deliber-
zately created and left behind
..:still continue to plague the
:relations between Pakistan and
:India. Then, alternately sup-
porting one country against
-another at international forums
the Western Powers help to
maintain the disunity and hostility
between them. The resultant
-arms race between the two
countries is ruining their
economies and distorting their
- domestic and international po-
licies. In the same way in
the Arab Middle East the
imperialists created the Zionist
State of Israel in order to serve
as a constant threat to the
security of Arab countries and to
maintain political tension and
mutual suspicion. By alternately
supporting one against the other
and tipping the balance of power
between the Arabs and the
Zionists by giving or withholding
arms, and all the time using
Israel as a stool pigeon they try
to keep the Arab countries in
- subservience. The Dutch colon-
ialists withdrew from Indonesia
but retained Western New
Guinea to maintain their foothold
in the area.
When forced out of one
country, colonialists do not pack
- up and go home straight. They
make a retreat and then perch
- somewhere biding their time.
British troops were forced to
--withdraw from Egypt; they.moved
into Cyprus and Kenya. When
turned out of Jordan they went
to Aden. When Ceylon closed
the British air and naval bases in
the island, British immediately
announced their decision to build
a new one in Maldive Islands.
MILITARY PACTS
Not content with all this, the
Western imperialists in order to
entangle the Asian nations in
their cold war and to enable them
to maintain and strengthen their
political and economic strangle-
hold in West and South-East
Asia, created two military al-
liances, the Baghdad Pact
and the SEATO. They re-
presented the purpose of these
pacts as defence against the
threat of Soviet aggression, which
as everybody knows has never
existed in this region. Under the
pretext of providing defence
against a non-existent Soviet
threat, the imperialists succeeded
in re-establishing their military
hold on these countries and in
extending the evil effects of cold
war.
The truth about the Baghdad
Pact is that it was intended to be
a shield for imperialist oil
interests of the Middle East
against the rising tide of Arab
Nationalism which was bound to
assert sooner or later the national
rights of the Arab peoples who
are the real owners of the natural
wealth of the countries. It was
also intended to create dissensions
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
among the Arab countries and
to prevent Arab nationalism
from achieving unity and solid-
arity. In short its fundamental
aim was to fight Arab
Nationalism which found its
greatest champion in the Republic
of Egypt. The fact that this
organization was set up shortly
after the successful carrying out
of the Egyptian Revolution goes
to show that its target was Arab
Nationalism.
This fact was conclusively
proved at the time of the Anglo-
French invasion of Egypt when
the Muslim members of the
Pact refused to condemn the
aggression although all the other
Afro-Asian countries and an
overwhelming section of world
opinion were unanimous in doing
so. It has now been further
confirmed ? if confirmation was
at all necessary ? by the view
publicly aired by the three
surviving Muslim members of the
pact about the latest Anglo-
American intervention in Lebanon
and Jordan and the imperialist
threat to the new Republic of
Iraq which dared to defy them.
They not only did not condemn
the aggressive military action by
the Western Powers, but on the
other hand they disgracefully ap-
proved and applauded it. The
Baghdad Pact, after two suc-
cessive attempts at military ag-
-gression by its imperialist patrons,
today stands completely stripped
-of all its pretensions.
REAL AIM OF MILITARY PACTS
The present shift of emphasis
from the so-called defence
against Communist aggression to
what is now called ? counter-
subversion ? and defence against
? indirect aggression ? further
unmasks the aim, of this
organization. Any popular de-
mocratic opposition to anti-
national and reactionary policies
of autocratic Governments kept
in power by imperialist protection
would .be dubbed as ? sub-
version x, and the provisions
of the Pact could be invoked to
suppress all legitimate democratic
movements in the country. This
new orientation given to the
Baghdad Pact is to enable it to
deal with all constitutional and
democratic opposition in a
country and thus make it safe for
imperialist exploitation.
It is very doubtful that those
Governments who have twice in
the short period of two years
embarked on acts of militaiy
aggression in the Middle East are
supported by their people in
their aggressive ventures. It is
a well-known fact that an over-
whelming majority of the British
people led by the British Labour
Movement had strongly opposed
the Anglo-French aggression in
Egypt in 1956 and their massive
opposition not only strengthened
international action to halt ag-
gression, but it also brought
down the Government headed by
Sir Anthony Eden. Similarly even
1?
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
99
today there is powerful popular
opposition in Britain to the
military intervention in the
Middle East by the present
Government. The fact that they
have not dared to carry out the
intended aggressive plan against
Iraq is partly due to the strength
of public opinion in Britain and
the whole world.
Again, I do not for one moment
think that the Government of the
countries - particularly of Muslim
countries which have joined the
military pacts are supported
in such action by their own
common people. As far as I
know, the common people in these
countries have never had a say in
the matter. In most cases, ? and
in the case of -Muslim countries
in particular ? the Governments
have acted in disregard or in
defiance of popular opinion. This
fact which was never in doubt
in Iraq has now been proved
beyond a shadow of doubt by the
recent revolutionary developments
in that country.
PEOPLE DO NOT WANT WAR
The common people all the
world over do not want war. I
have had the opportunity to mix
with the ordinary people in many
countries. I have not met even
a single person anywhere who
wanted another world war.
People of my generation _ I am
73 now ? who have lived
through two wOrld wars know
what war means in terms of death,
destruction and misery. In
our part of the world we have
even in peace time more than our
share of misery, in the form
of poverty, famine, starvation,
disease and epidemics, which
take their annual toll. We do
not want a war which will
multiply our misery and sufferings
a thousand fold. Nobody wants
war. Those people who have
built up a higher standard of
living do not want war because
it would be the end of their higher
standard of living. Others like
the people of Asia who are still
struggling to emerge from their
backward economy, impoverished
by long periods of colonial
domination, and who are trying
to raise their living standards by
hard work and industrial develop-
ment, oppose war because it
would be the end of their dream
about a better future. They
realize that it is the common
people, the toiling millions, who
suffer most in any war and who
ultimately pay for the reconstruct-
ion and restoration by their
sweated labour and sacrifices.
War is, therefore, the greatest
enemy of the working class
people. Military pacts lead to cold
war, and cold war is only one
step short of actual war and may
at any moment lead to it. That
is why the common people every-
where are opposed to cold war
manilditary
its powerful instrument, the
Nothing suits the aspirations of
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AFRO-ASIAN QUARTERLY
the Asian peoples better than
that all scientific knowledge and
achievements should have as their
end and aim the enlargement of
human happiness and the peace-
ful progress of all mankind. But
unfortunately this is not true
today. Gripped by demoralising
fear or actuated by imperialist
ambition for world domination,
the leading countries of the world
are today devoting their national
resources and scientific ingenuity
to the invention and manufacture
of more and ever more dreadful
engines of mass destruction.
Imagination shudders at the
infinite capacity achieved by
world Powers for mutual destruct-
ion and human annihilation.
The spectacle of leaders of
nations clutching with their bands
the frightful Hydrogen bombs
capable of wiping out a million
human beings in a split second,
speaking of God and spiritual
values, is a disgusting pheno-
menon: It is sanctimonious
hypocricy for religious leaders to
pronounce benedictions on the
H-bomb, saying that it is morally
no less justifiable than the
primitve man's bow and arrow.
The first and foremost duty of
every man who regards peace as
essential for human progress, and
who believe that the destiny of
mankind is greater than the
destiny of any nation is to fight
the current nuclear madness.
I have, in my limited sphere
and in my own humble way,
been working for peace and
understanding between peoples.
Addressing the recent Stockholm
conference of the ? Congress for
Disarmament and International
Co-operation ; as tffe leader of
the Pakistan Delegation, I said:
? In spite of the repeated
and grim warnings of the
leading scientists of the world,
in spite of the cry of anguished
humanity, nuclear weapons of a
more and more frightful kind
continue to be piled up.
c Any hasty or rash decision may
cause great disaster to humanity.
It is sad commentary on the
collective political wisdom of our
day that in the name of combiting
certain ideologies, policies are
being pursued which may lead to
the very annihilation of mankind,
with nobody left to oppose or
foster any ideology. The pri-
mitive man was in a sense
the prisoner of his ignorance,
while today the modern man has
become the captive of his great
technological achievements.
? The threat of war arises from
the determination of certain
Powers to interfere in the internal
affairs of other nations and to
dominate the world. We
have seen how, even after the
horrifying experiences of World
War H, imperialist Powers have
engineered wars in Korea, Viet-
nam, Suez, Algeria, Lebanon and
Iraq. We have also seen how
the war-like policy of the
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?
OCT. ? DEC. 1958
101
imperialist Powers has actually
created the arms race and the
consequent world tension. These
Powers are interested in the
increase in armaments : for firstly,
militarism helps them to extend
their rule over the colonial peoples
and counters movements of
national liberation; and secondly,
the production of armaments is a
profitable business. They sustain
their economy through more and
more expenditure on armaments.
In order to mint money they are
playing with human lives. Their
morality is no higher than that of
the buccaneers of days gone by.
? But the arms race is against
the interests of the peoples of the
world. It is also against the
interest of the peoples of the
imperialist Powers. All the world
over people want peace. Even
the peoples of the imperialist
Powers want peace. That is why
in this conference there are
people present from the four
corners of the world ?.
We Afro-Asian nations have
many things in common. We
have common interests and corn-
mon aims. Some of the Afro-
Asian countries have yet to
secure their political independence
from colonial Powers. Most of
us have yet to achieve our
economic freedom. And certainly
all of us have much economic
leeway to make up and have to
raise the living standards of our
peoples. A Herculean task
awaits all our countries in the
field of agricultural and industrial
development. For all this we
need continued peace. We also
need complete freedom from
interference from outside in our
internal affairs. We want to
develop friendly relations with one
another and with all other
countries with all nations on the
basis of equality and mutual
benefit. In short, we want peace-
ful co-existence in a world of dif-
fering ideologies and ways of
life. The people of Pakistan, like
the peoples of other Afro-Asian
countries, stand by the five
principles enunciated at the
Bandung Conference as the basis
of this peaceful co-existence.
These principles alone can provide
a stable foundation for world
peace. They alone can maintain
Afro-Asian solidarity. It is es-
sential to preserve this Afro-
Asian solidarity if peace is fo
survive in a world torn
by ideological conflicts and
threatened by nuclear madness.
SOCIAL REVOLUTION
We in our country are con-
vinced that our social, political
and economic problems cannot be
solved without sweeping aside the
evil legacies of colonial rule and
the relics of a medieval feudal
society. Economic progress is
impossible without liquidating
the last vestiges of feudalism, and
social ju-stice cannot be achieved
without ending all forms of
exploitation and ensuiing equality
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re-
I
102
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AFRO-ASrAN QUARTERLY
of opportunity to all. The
influence of the corrupt ruling
class must be eliminated if the
will of the people is to prevail.
The first condition for the ordered
progress of the society is
therefore real democracy in which
the rule of law shall prevail and
civil liberties shall be guaranteed,
and tyranny and exploitation
shall never lift their heads. It is
characteristic of colonialism that
wherever its influence exists,
democracy gets no chance. The
greater the colonialist domination
over a country, the greater is the
tyranny and denial of civil
liberty there. In the name of
fighting Communism, the ruling
classes of these imperialist-
dominated countries suppress all
democratic and progressive mo-
vements. Western imperialists
have so much identified them-
selves with anti-democratic and
anti-national policies in the
countries they dominate that the
people of these countries are
convinced that their fight is first
and foremost against colonialism
and imperialism. No wonder
when popular democratic move-
ments try to overthrow the
tyrants and the corrupt stooges
of imperialism, the imperialists try
to intervene on their side. It is
our own affair how we treat our
corrupt ruling classes: whether
we forgive them, or whether we
punish them. It is none of the
business of the imperialists to
intervene between us, or to tell us
.how we should deal with them.
We are living in a world which
is today full of conflicts and
turmoils. If we have to achieve
our aim of peace and progress
we have to tread our path with
steadfast faith in our ideals And
complete unity in our ranks. Our
faith should include faith in the
democratic ideals and legitimate
national aspirations of all peoples.
.Our unity should cover the unity
of all peoples who have the same
ideals and aspirations:
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tI
I'
READ
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
(Monthly Journal of the Permanent Secretariat
of Afro-Asian Solidarity)
December Issue is Accra Conference
Special Number
Featuring
? Resolutions of the All-AfricAn Peoples' Conference at Accra
(Dec. 5-13-1958)
es, Report of some speeches at the Conference
? Committee Reports
Contributions from such well-known African
FELLIX ROLAND MOUMIE, President,
Populations of Kameruns, JOHN KALE,
Foreign Affairs, Uganda National Conference,
leaders as
Union of
Secretary
and
? Reports on QUIT AFRICA DAY celebrations
by the Afro-Asian Peoples
For further details .write to:
EDITOR
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN,
89, ABDEL AZIZ AL SAOUD,
MANIAL,
CAIRO
(U.A.R.)
hiADKOUR PRESS. 30, Abdel Khalek Sarw,t Street, Phone 51571, Cairo, Egypt
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Dr.
the
for
?
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-11%-Ufro
Bring out Processions and Demonstrations
Popularise the heroic resistance of the Kamerunians
against French Imperialism
The cause of KAMERUN FREED,OM is the common
cause of .the entire Afro-Asian Peoples
PERMANENT SECRETARIAT OF AFRO-ASIAN
SOLIDARITY
the1/2Afrp,itlitettples
- ? '
,e Gaulle s kit All Africa
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LONG LIVE AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
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2
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sept.-Oct. 1958
Editorial Board
YOUSSEF EL-SEBAI
OSENDE AFANA
YANG SHUO
G. ABDURASHIDOV
H. D. MALAVIYA
(Chief Editor)
CONTENTS
1. The Paper Tigers 3
2. Imperialists ! Quit Africa 4
3. Preparations for the Greatest Rally
of Afro-Asian Youth 5
4. Afro-Asian Peoples March Forward 6
5. Second Session of the Afro-Asian
Legal Consultative Committee 11
6. Rally Behind the Freedom Fighters
of Algeria'. 13
7. Israel ? An imperialist conspiracy
Against Arab Nationalism 13
(Kamal Bahaa El-Din)
S. Repocts from National Committees 17
9. De GaUlle's Duplicity in Africa
99
TO ALL AFRO-ASIAN NATIONAL
SOLIDARITY COMMITTEES
The Editorial Board requests all the Na-
tional Committees to popularise AFRO-
ASIAN BULLETIN.
They are also requested to send us regular
reports of their activities.
The November-December issue of the
BULLETIN is in the press and will be out
soon.
All communications should be
addressed as follows :
Editor,
Afro-Asian Bulletin,
89, Abdel Aziz Al Saoud,
Martial El Rhoda,
CAIRO
(U.A.R.)
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
MONTHLY JOURNAL OF THE PERMANENT
SECRETARIAT OF AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
Vol. 1 Cairo, September-October 1958
Nos. 5-6
The Paper Tigers
In their annual gathering sometime ago
the Conservative hags of Britain decreed :
Whatever may happen, they will never permit
Hongkong, Singapore, Aden, Kenya, Malta
and Gibraltar to be free.
Years ago they talked the same way about
Suez, but they were literally kicked out. And
yet more years ago they talked. identically
about India, but they had to quit India.
Then there is more recent history. When
the U.S aggressors, hand-in-glove with
Britain, landed troops in Lebanon and Jordan,
their aggressive plans were not confined to
just these countries but had wider objectives
against the new-born Iraqi Republic, the
United Arab Republic, in fact against the
entire Arab peoples of the Middle East.
Three and a half months later, however,
the imperialists had to eat the humble pie, and
the U.S and British troops had to withdraw.
This clearing out of the imperialist troops was
major victory of the Arab peoples and of
the world in their fight against colonialism.
Nevertheless, the imperialists do not seem
to have learnt any lessons. Modern editions
as they are of the French Bourbons, they
obviously learn nothing and forget nothing.
Canute-like, they order the resurgent huma-
nity of Africa and Asia to stop their march
forward, but, like the waves of the sea, the
Afro-Asian peoples surge forward and the
Canutes- are bewildered.
In their bewilderment they take resort to
yet more desperate and despicable methods,
the most dangerous of which is the sowing of
seeds of discord among the Afro-Asian
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peoples Sometimes a Bourgiba is popped up
to play the role of the late unlamented Nuri
Said with regard to Arab nationalism. And
then a refrain is taken up about discord
between African and Arab nationalisms.
More than all this, however, is the in-
creasing recourse to unrestrained violence
against unarmed peoples. This violence never-
theless proves that, while these dark forces of
imperialism have still some strength left, this
momentary rampancy is in reality the last
kicks of their deathbed struggle.
As for the Afro-Asian peoples, they have
learnt their lessons the hard way, and as such
the lessons are well-learnt. And these great
lessons are : first, struggle, fail, struggle
again, fail again, struggle again till victory
is achieved , second, march arm in arm,
march unitedly, and guard this unity of the
fighting forces as the apple of the eye.
From their hard experience the Afro-
Asian peoples know that the ferocious-looking
imperialists are like paper tigers who can
subdue and suppress the masses only till such
time as they remain awed by it ; that once
the people take their destiny in their hands,
these paper tigers are revealed in their utter
hollowness and instability.
Indeed, the days when the imperialists
could ride roughshod are gone for ever, and
the paper tigers are on their last legs. All
attempts to stamp out the freedom battles
through mass murders results in further
strengthening of the forces of freedom. Im-
perialism is like the setting sun in the western
-sky. The resurgent Afro-Asian peoples are
like the rising sun in the eastern sky.
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
IMPERIALISTS: QUIT AFRICA
Manifesto Of
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity
for observance of December 1, 1958, as
QUIT AFRICA DAY.
With every day which passes the world
beholds the spectacle of terrified and panicky
imperialists resorting to the most shameless
and naked practices to maintain their tottering
empires. If on one day it is the brutal act of
filing upon and killing unarmed men in Aden,
on another, thousands of African women are
imprisoned'in South Africa, and on yet another
occasion it is a mean attempt to break mono-
lithic Arab solidarity.
Nevertheless, despite all imperialist terror
and trickery, the freedom movement of the
awakened Afro-Asian peoples irresistibly mar-
ches forward. Frightened at this spectacle.
imperialists shoot and the blood of the
.A fricans and the Asians flows together in the
course ?of their joint struggles against the
common foe. Unaware of what they do, the
imperialists thus create unbreakable bonds of
solidarity between the Afro-Asian peoples
against the Western looters and oppressors
The millions of Arabs on the African and
Asian mainlands, rising as one man, have dealt
deadly blows on the tottering fort of imper-
ialism,- and have aroused a great struggle for
freedom over the entire African continent
The fact that Asian blood flows in Aden by
British bullets, and African blood flows in
Algeria and the Kameruns through French
guns at the same time has convinced the entire
Afro-Asian humanity that solidarity against
the common enemy is their most cherished
possession.
The great resurgence over Africa, inspired
by freedom battles of Asian and the Arab
peoples, symbolises the emergence into
consciousness of vast masses of humanity,
whom the imperialists have thus far crushed
in a most systematic manner. For, as history
unfolds, and as the world comes to know how
the European imperialists ? the British, the
French, the Portugese, the Belgians ? have
dominated, suppressed and exploited the
African peoples, it is revealed that their
methods here have been more savage,
thorough and heartless than perhaps else-
where
The Africans have been treated by the
imperialists as sheep and cattle, as flora and
fauna, as things to be cut and eaten, or
crushed underfoot and trod upon. The great
African masses, anthropologically among the
oldest of the human race, possessed of an old
and vivid culture and art forms, and a very
virile and intelligent people, were denied by
the imperialists ex en the status of fellow
humans, and slandered all over the world
And now that these Africans have begun
to get up, the imperialists are resorting to
such deceit and trickery as the so-called De
Gaulle "Referendum", or the British mani-
pulated elections in Uganda to ward off then
inevitable doom. At the same time they resort
to the worst possible repression and terror.
The imperialists brazenly say that they
are in Africa on a "civilising mission", that
the Africans are unfit to rule themselves, that
they are leading them to "self-rule", for if
they leave Africa, it will go into chaos and
anarchy and the African peoples will destroy
each other.
Thus it is that the dying imperialists
mock at the African peoples. The African
peoples, however, know to their cost that
this "civilising mission" is disgraceful, is a
myth and hypocricy. The reality is its
barbaric nature.
Indeed, the African peoples are convinced
that chaos and anarchy would be preferable
to imperialist slavery. Through the daily
intensification of their freeaom battles they
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
demand that the imperialists should forth-
with Quit Africa.
The widespread and deeprooted Quit
Africa Movement, given a great fillip by the
Bandung, Cairo and Accra Conferences, has
now become the most outstanding feature of
the vast African continent.
The African peoples march forward to
regain their rightful place in the world com-
munity of free and peaceful peoples and their
unanimous demand to the imperialists is :
Quit Africa.
With a view to further consolidate and
strengthen this gigantic Quit Africa move-
ment, the Permanent Secretariat calls upon
Afro-Asian humanity to observe December 1,
1958. as Quit Africa Day.
On this day let African peoples every-
where gather in their millions to demand of
the imperialists : Quit Africa.
On this day, let the vast Asian humanity
rally in their millions to express their soli-
darity with the Quit Africa struggle of their
African brethern.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-.Asian
Peoples' Solidarity calls upon all National
Committees to prepare from now to make the
Quit Africa Day an expression of the united
will of all freedom-loving peoples. Marches,
public rallies and demonstrations should be
ganised on an elaborate scale.
The Permanent Secretariat is confident
that Quit Africa Day on December One will
serve the final notice to the imperialists to get
Out at once.
LONG LIVE FREEDOM OF AFRICA
LONG LIVE AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM.
IMPERIALISTS: QUIT AFRICA.
Cairo, 15.11.1958.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE GREATEST RALLY
OF AFRO-ASIAN YOUTH
It w as decided at the Afro-Asian Peoples'
Solidarity Conference at Cairo that the Per-
manent Secretariat, in conjunction with -the
Supreme Council of Youth's Welfare in the
U.A.R., should hold at Cairo a Special Con-
ference for the Youth of Afro-Asian countries.
A combined committee of the two bodies
was then established and sent its first bulletin
to all Afro-Asian countries. The main aim
of this Conference is to strengthen Afro-
Asian Solidarity, develop mutual understand-
ing and friendship among Youth, to study their
problems, to take adequate steps for the exe-
cution of the resolutions of the Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity Conference, and establish
the Afro-Asian Youth Congress.
Later the U A.R. Preparatory Committee
for the Afro-Asian Youth Conference was
formed and it is now energetically preparing
for the great rally of Afro-Asian Youth.
The U.A.R.P.C. has issued a second
bulletin and an application form for the Afro-
Asian Youth Conference Membership and has
sent it to Youth Organizations and Afro-Asian
National Solidarity Committees in all Afro-
Asian countries. They were requested to form
a Preparatory Committee for the Youth Con-
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ferencc in their country. They were also
requested to convey their opinion regarding
our suggestions and our mutual aim and to
explain the idea of the Conference to the Youth
of their countries and to fill the application
form.
The U.A.R.P.C. has received many warm
and encouraging answers. from various Afro-
Asian Organizations to the first and second
bulletins. These answers are unanimous about
the necessity of uniting. all efforts to achieN
the aims set down, since it constitutes a vital
corneri-stone in the fnission of Afro-Asian
countries for the attainment of liberation. so-
vereignty and prosperity.
The U.A.R.P.C. has now sent out its third
bulletin and invitations for the meeting of the
International Preparatory Committee which
will be held at Cairo on November 24-26, 1958
(one member from every country), along with
a provisional agenda.
Publicity to popularize the Youth Confe-
rence has begun on a large scale in the U.A.R.
All students' activities is being directed to
serve the aims of and bring success to the
great rally of Afro-Asian Youth.
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AFRO-ASIAT BULLETIN
DESPITE IMPERIALIST BLACKMAIL AND CONSPIRACIES
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN PEOPLES MARCH FORWARD
( As the peoples of Africa and Asia march irresistibly forward to
wrest their freedom from the unwilling hands of the colonialists, the
panic-striken imperialists take resort to the most naked use of force,
blackmail, intrigues and conspiracies in a vain attempt to stop the
course of history. As the coordinator of these freedom struggles, and
having been created by them, the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples Solidarity receives reports from the far-flung territories of the
vast Afro-Asian world. The Permanent Secretariat is called upon to
express itself on the issues which come up from day to day, with, a
view to create a correct public perspective on the questions and also
to advise the various National Solidarity Committees about the line of
action to be adopted so that the entire Afro-Asian world may be mobi-
lised to support the rightful cause of freedom. Below we compile together
statements issued by the Permanent Secretariat from August of this
year up-to-date. - Editor)
ON FURTHER LANDINGS OF
U:S. TROOPS IN LEBANON
The Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Secre-
tariat notes with sorrow and consternation
that Americari imperialists are continuing to
land troops and tanks in Lebanon. Even
though each such aggressive act earns for
the American Imperialists the lasting hatred
of the Arab Peoples, they nevertheless blindly
1,ersist iri their foolish acts. Blindness, indeed,
could not have gone farther.
Viewed in the background of British
landings 'in Jordan, this further pouring in of
American arms and men in Lebanon can only
be regarded as preparing the ground for fur-
ther aggressions against the Arab Peoples. All
Anglo-American professions of peace stand
cxposed as sheer hypocricy.
Event S in Arab world should prove to
the Western imperialists that the liberation
struggle of the Arab Peoples is an irresistible
trend. The old days of colonialism and exploi-
tation are gone for ever and any attempt to
bring back the old state of affairs in contra-
vention to the trend of history will endanger
peace and is doomed to failure.
The Afro-Asian Solidarity Secretariat,
representing the will of the Afro-Asian peoples,
arns the Anglo-American imperialists to
desist from such blind acts. The Secretariat
at the same time reminds the vast masses of
Asia and Africa that peace can be preserved
and freedom guaranteed only when the people
take up the cause in their hands.
The landing of the Anglo-American forces
in Jordan and Lebanon is calculated to suppress
the freedom of the peoples of these countries,
and aims at supporting a tottering and reac-
tionary coterie. It threatens peace in the area
and is gross violation of the U.N. Charter.
In view of the continuing_ threat of Anglo-
American aggression against the Arab peoples.
and in the light of the forthcoming session of
the U.N. General Assembly, the Afro-Asian
Solidarity Secretariat calls upon all its Natio-
nal Committees to'organise mass rallies on the
clay of the Assembly Session to demand the
withdrawal of American troops from Lebanon
and British. troops from Jordan. Such rallies
should be organized in all important cities in
which a resolution to the above effect shotrld
be passed. After this, cables must be sent to
President Eisenhower, Premier MacMillan and
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
7
Mr. Khruschev telling them of the resolution
adopted at the rallies. Reports should imme-
diately be sent to this office.
6-8-58
ON INTENDED NUCLEAR BOMB TESTS
IN AFRICAN DESERT
Atomic and nuclear experimentations
constitute a great menace to humanity. Each
day millions upon millions of human beings
raise their voice \ chcmcnt ly to world con-
science to put an end to these destructive lethal
experiments. Some of the governments have
spontaneously responded to our humanitarian
orld appeal, while others insist upon carrying
out their preconceived plans. France is actually
attempting to take an active part in the staging
of these atomic and nuclear experiments in the
great African desert; and to use the peoples of
Africa as guinea-pigs,
The Permanent Secretariat opposes the
staging of such experiments anywhere and at
any time.
We appeal to world public opinion, to the
United Nations and to the Committee of
Human Rights to pre x ent these experiments
taking place, especially those scheduled to be
carried out in Africa in the near future.
We further declare that, for our part, we
shall prevent the staging of these experiments
by every possible means in our power.
We call upon all governments and people,
regardless of colour and nationality w ho have
the interests of mankind at heart to support
our appeal by signing this document.
13-8-58
ON BRITISH REPRESSIVE POLICY
IN UGANDA
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-
Asian Peoples' Solidarity has learnt with cons-
ternation about the tirrest of Mr. Otema Alli-
madi, tlic Permanent Secretary of the Uganda
National Congress and one of the Uganda dele-
gritcs to the Afro-Asian Solidarity Conference
that was held in Cairo in December 1957. Mr.
Allimadi was charged with importing- prohibit-
ed publications in Uganda. These publications,
however, were nothing more than some scho-
larship forms arid pamphlets of thq
Interna-
tonal Union of Students. After gruelling ques-
tioning Mr. Allimadi \'as released on a bond
pending sentence.
The Secretariat regards this action by the
British authorities as an mfrigment of freedom
01 the individual, and a continuation of their
? policy to tyrannize all Uganda nationalists.
Political persecution in Uganda is today a daily
routine which takes different forms.
These authorities arc also doing their best
to stop nationalist leaders from leaving the
country. We still remember how the Uganda
delegates to the Afro-Asian Solidarity Confe-
rence were stopped on their way. "lhose w ho
managed_ to come ? like Mr. Allimadi ?? ere
persecuted
The Secretariat condemns such action.
not only as a violation of human rights, but
Ls a systematic action to isolate Uganda from
peace-loving peoples. In the light of this, the
Permanent Secretariat ?
1-- Strongly condemns any action by the
British Authorities to prolong their
outdated colonial rule.
2? Calls upon the United Nations to
send a visiting mission to Uganda to
investigate the situation.
3? Calls upon all Afro-Asian Peoples to
demonstrate their solidarity w ith the
people of Uganda, and to send
protest to the United Nations against
the unlawful persecution of nationa-
lists.
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27-8-58
ON THE SITUATION
IN TAIWAN STRAITS
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity notes with deep concern the
obstinate insistence of the U.S. imperialism to
continue with its ubridled provocation in
China's Taiwan area. It also strongly
condemns the landing of large numbers of U.S.
aggressor troops in Taiwan and regards this
action as an open threat by the U.S.A. to
expand 'its aggression against the Peoples'
Republic of China. In fact, the U.S.A. has
already started to do this. According to the
latest news, America warships have intruded
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
into Chinese territorial waters. This step will
lead to the aggravation of the tension in the
Taiwan Straits area which will jeopardize
peace in the Far East and the world.
The Secretariat firmly believes that
Taiwan and the Penghu islands are Chinese
territory and that the Peoples' Republic of .
China has every right to liberate them. It also
believes that the United States support of
Chiang Kai-Shck clique entrenched on Taiwan
and the Penghu Islands and its direct occupa-
tion of these areas by armed forces constitute
unlawful interference in China's internal
affairs and a clear infringmcnt of China's ter-
ritorial sovereignty. They arc also in open
conflict with the United Nations' Charter.
The Secretariat has watched for sonic time
how the Chiang Kai-Shek clique supported by
the U.S. imperialists has been using the coastal
islands such as Quemoy as advance bases to
carry out all kinds of disruptive activities
against the Chinese mainland. Consequently,
the Peoples' Republic of China has every right
to react to this aggression and to take neces-
sary military action aimed at the liberation of
their territory against Chiang Kai-Shek troops.
The Secretariat believes that the United States
is. at the same time, trying to divert the world
attention from the continued presence of their
troops in the Lebanon. By so doing the United
States has hastened to create a new danger
of wai in the Taiwan Straits area, thus making
all peace loving peoples realize the apparent
United States imperialist policy to sabotage
peace and suppress national independence in
Asia and Africa.
The Secretariat has read with indignation
statements made by United States military and
political leaders in which is expressed the
opinion that the United States will use atomic
weapOns in the Far East as a proof that limited
wars, as they call them, can be waged by this
inhuman weapon. The statements published in
the Western press about this matter and the
aggressive tone of these Western press and
statements are a clear evidence of the United
States vain and savage policy.
- On behalf of the Afro-Asian Peoples we
welcome the move by the Peoples' Republic
Sept.-Oct. 1958
of China to enter into negotiations with the
U.S.A. over this question. At the same time
we hope that these negotiations will not be
used by U.S. as a smokccreen to hide its
further aggressive actions.
We strongly demand that all U.S. troops
be withdrawn immediately from Taiwan area,
as a guarantee for peace in the Far East,
indeed in the whole world.
29-8-58
ON IMPERIALIST CONSPIRACIES
AGAINST THE ARAB AND
THE AFRICAN WOLD
Basing itself on reports which pour in the
Office of Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity, the
Permanent Secretariat is forced to arrive at
the inescapable conclusion that as the great
freedom movement of the Afro-Asian peoples
marches forward ceaselessly from success to
to success, the imperialist colonisers are getting
more and more panicky and are resorting to
the most despicable weapons in their armoury
in a vain attempt to crush and defeat the irre-
sistible floodtide of the resurgent peoples of
the two continents.
These despicable weapons of the hated
Western imperialists range from such mean
acts as bribery and large-scale spying to most
shameless attempts to divide the ranks of the
freedom fighters, sow dissensions and thus ?
seek to break the solidarity of the Afro-Asian
peoples.
It is not at all surprising that in the
present treacherous strategy of the imperia-
lists, the main target of attack is Arab Natio-
nalism. The great upsurge of . the Arab
peoples is driving the last nails in the coffin
of imperialism and is acling as a most powerful
factor in rousing the enslaved peoples of
Africa. 13y and by the African countries arc
becoming free, the latest to join the family
being Guinea Till now almost 39% of the
peoples of the African continent are liberated ;
it is natural, therefore, that the imperialist
colonialists are straining their every nerve and
resorting to the most hateful and shameless
methods to retain their hold over the remain-
ing 61% of the African peoples, who never-
theless are determined to attain their freedom.
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
And so it is not only for the Middle East
oil, but also to save their tottering African
empire that the colonialists have made Arab
nationalism the main target of their disruptive
conspiracies.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity is firmly of the opinion that
the uncalled for, ungrateful and shocking
attack of the Tunisian delegate on the United
Arab Republic in the meeting of the Arab
League Council is part of this same dirty game
of the imperialists and represents an unholy
alliance between certain sections in the Arab
world and the hated imperialists of the \Vest.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity cannot but be concerned by
these imperialist tactics, since Arab nationalism
and solidarity are part and parcel, and a most
powerful wing of Afro-Asian Solidarity. The
Permanent Secretariat cannot also remain un-
concerned by overt or covert attacks on Pre-
sident Nasser, who, along with other great
leaders of the Afro-Asian world of today, sym-
bolises the aspirations of millions upon millions
of the Afro-Asian peoples.
The ominous pronouncements in the impe-
rialist press and radio before the Arab League
meeting, and the way in which the Tunisian
epresentatives' out-burst has been boosted by
the Voice of America and the British Broad-
casting Corporation leaves no doubt about
Western complicity in this contemptible move
to divide Arab Solidarity. To the Permanent
Secretariat it is obvious that there is a clear
relationship between all the conspiracies being
hatched by imperilism against Arab Nationa-
lism and the freedom struggles of the African
peoples.
The Permanent Secretariat therefore
condemns the attack of the Tunisian repre-
sentative on the U.A.R as uncalled for.
It makes bold to appeal to the Tunisian
leadership of the day to realise the utter
futility and dangers of their erroneous way
Afro-Asiand froreeAtsuirairll tpoeotlpi el egs.rea Arab
Days
aysofimperialism fraternityo thef are re
numbered and only the unwise would prefer
the company of this dying, moribund system.
In conclusion, the Permanent Secretariat
of Afro-Ascan Peoples Solidarity would like to
alert all its National Committees, and all the
peoples of Africa and Asia to be wary of the
divide and rule strategy of the mad imperia-
lists. It calls upon its National Committees
to explain widely the dangers of Western
machinations to the peoples at large and place
before them the correct perspective about Arab
Nationalism and imperialist conspiracies.
15-10158
ON FREEDOM BATTLE OF CYPRUS
To the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-
Asian Peoples' Solidarity has come a cry for
support from a small nation struggling for
fi eedom with deathless determination against
the most cunning and crafty imperialist the
world has known, namely, the British.
It is the island of Cyprus whose brave
people have written many golden pages in the
history of freedom battles of the world. Not
so long ago the British imperialists calimed
that they were in Cyprus on a "civilising
mission", though the fact of the matter is that
the people of the island were already highly
civilised when people in Britain were in a pri-
mitive state.
The utter shamelessness and shocking hy-
pocricy of the so-called civilising mission of
the British is clear to all in the world and,
indeed, beggars description. To their long and
unpardonable list of crimes in Cyprus, the
heartless colonialists of Britain have now
added a diabolical plan to partition the island.
The hated British imperialists have succeeded
in partitioning some other areas of the world
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9
APIZO-ASIAN 131.iLLETil\i
and now they are out to cut in two the body
of Cyprus, even ihough the Greeks and Turks
have lived like brothers in Cyprus and have
been always happily mixed economically and
socially for hundreds of years.
'During World War II, more than 30,000
Cypriots joined British forces because of the
promise then made to free the island and even
allow union with Greece. As soon as the War
was over, hypocrites and archliars as the
British imperialists are, they went back on
their word and struck upon the Partition Plan.
The valiant struggle of the Cypriots has, how-
ever, forced them to beat a retreat, and under
the latest British plan the minority of about
20 per cent is in effect granted the power of
veto over the 80 per cent majority.
Very rightly the Cypriots have rejected
this plan and have intensified their battle for
freedom and asked for support of the Afro-
Asian peoples. The Afro-Asian peoples have
in fact always regarded the Cypriots as be-
honging to their own fraternity and their re-
presentative was present at the Cairo Con-
ference in December last year.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Solidarity therefore unhesitatingly extends its
fullest support to the brave people of Cyprus.
It condemns the unheard 'of atrocities and
reign of terror let loose on the tiny island by
the British imperialists. It warns the British
people that such actions of their rulers has
already won for them the curse of millions
upon millions of world humanity, and unless
they rise up and prevent the diabolical, inhu-
man crimes of their imperialist masters, this
curse of world humanity will prove very
terrible for the entire British nation. Already
descended from the zenith of power to its
nadir, the British nation will face a fate which
cannot even imagine.
The Permanent Secretariat would like to
Sept.-Oct. 195g
say that the United Nations has been on trial
on the Cyprus issue for some years now and
it has been found wanting. If the U.N. fails
even now to curb the British imperialists in
Cyprus, it will invite upon itself the distrust of
world humanity and will be exposed, like the
earlier League of Nations, as an imperialist
tool.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Solidarity calls upon all its National Com-
mittees :
? TO CONDEMN BRITISH ATROCITIES
IN CYPRUS,
-- TO CONDEMN THF, BRITISH PLAN OF
PARITION OF THE ISLAND,
? TO CONDEMN THE LATEST BRITISH
PLAN FOR CYPRUS, AND
-- TO SUPPORT THE CAUSE OF CYPRUS
FREEDOM THROUGH MASS RALLIES,
THE PRESS AND THE PLATFORM.
20-10-58
SITUATION IN UGANDA
Some days ago the Permanent Secre-
tariat of Afro-Asian Solidarity drew public
attention to the deceit and trickery of the
French imperialists in Somaliland. And now
have conic reports of another fake and bogus
election stunt being perpetrated by the British
imperialists in Uganda.
In these so-called "elections" in Uganda.
the British colonialists have taken good care
to restrict the franchise by imposing property,
income, educational and other restrictions
i?hich in effect exclude more than ninety per
cent of the population from the list of otcrs
eligible to exercise franchise.
Further, under the so-called "Constitu-
tion" in accordance ith .which this farce of
"election" is being perpetrated. the white
British Governor of the colony has been given
the powers of an absolute autocrat. He can
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
eto anything and can even disso. 1
?ve the un-
representative assembly that is thus likely to
be elected.
Furthermore, on the c?e of the elections,
the British imperialists have let loose a N\ e
of persecution under %% luch leaders of the
Uganda National Congress ha % e been detained
without trial. Along ith this, a campaign of
intimidation and terror has been launched
throughout the colony.
The real and diabolical aim of the British
imperialists is to create out of the purely
African state of Uganda a multiracial State
with the supposed object of protecting the
minorities, which really are a few thousand
British settlers and Indians. This diabolical
plan, quite consistent N% ith British imperialist
trickery of divide and rule, is really a new
device to perpetuate colonial rule at a time
when the heroic freedom struggle of the
Ugandans has defeated the plan of an East
African Federation through which the British
rulers designed to spread white supremacy
from South Africa throughout Rhodesia to
Kenya and East Africa as a whole.
Led b) the Uganda National Congress.
the Ugandans have been x% aging their struggle
for freedom ever since the end of World War
II. The imperialists resorted to orst possible
repressions but failed to curb the heroic
Ugandans. In 1952, the) ?? ere forced to
abandon the idea of East African Federation
and promised in 1953 to graili self-rule in 1958.
The present plan of creating a multiracial
state out of a pure African counts) is in reality
the imperialist %%ay of fulfilling a pledge
Imperialist pledges arc not ?N orth the
paper on u, hich they are vk ritten. 'Me Per-
manent Secretariat of Afro-Asian Solidarity
demands that the right of Ugandans to self-
rule be forthwith recognised. It appeals to the
U.N. Secretary-General to place the case of
Uganda before the United Nations and calls
upon the Afro-Asian representatives in the
U.N. to support the cause of Uganda's freedom.
It also calls upon all National Solidarity Com-
mittees to extend their support to the Ugandan
people.
22-10-1938
Second Session Of The Afro-Asian
Legal Consultative Committee
(From a Correspondent)
THE Afro-Asian Legal Consultati?e Com-
mittee held its Second Session in the
building of the National Assembly at Cairo
from the 1st to the 13th October, 1938.
Delegations from Burma, Ceylon, India,
Indonesia, Iraq, Japan, Sudan and the United
Arab Republic participated in the Session.
There were also observers from Cambodia,
Philippines, Thailand and the League of Arab
States.
The Agenda for the meeting included
inter-alia the following :-
- (1) Admission of new members in the
Committee and observers of its
Session.
(2) Consideration of a Draft Conven-
tion on Immunities and Privileges
of -the Committee.
Matters relating to the work of the
International Law Commission :
II ?
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
(1) Review of the work done by the
International Law Commission at
its 9th and the leth Sessions with
particular reference to the interests
of the Afro-Asian countries.
III ? Legal problems referred by the Govern-
ments of the participating countries :
(1) Diplomatic Inununities :
Consideration of the Report prepar-
ed by the Member for Japan as
Rapporteur, and finalisation of the
Committee's recommendations on
the subject, if possible.
(2) Pinciples ef Extradition:
Further discussion
enumerated in the
randum presented
Session.
in the points
Indian Memo-
at the First
(3) Inzmunty f States in Respect of
Comnzerical Transactions:
Further discussions of the subject
particularly with reference to the
views of Iraq and the U.A.R.
(4) Dual Citizenship :
Further consideration of the
subject particularly with regard to
- the views of India, Ceylon, Iraq and
, the U.A.R.
(5) Status of Aliens :
IV ? LEGAL MATTERS OF COMMON
CONCERN:
(1)- Recognition rf Foreign Decrees in
Matrimonial Matters :
Consideration of the report pre-
sented by the Rapporteur.
(2) Free Legal Aid :
Consideration of the report pre-
sented by the Rapporteur.
The Committees adopted, among others,
the following resolutions :
I ? It decided to adopt the report of the
sub-committee of Rapporteurs on the
question of diplomatic immunities
II
Sept.-Oct. 1958
and priviledges and the Draft Con-
vention prepared by it and to present
the same to the Governments of the
participating countries for their
comments.
? It decided to adopt the report of the
Sub-Committee of Rapporteurs relat-
ing to the immunity of states in
respect of commercial transactions
and communicate the same to the
partitipating countries for their con-
sideration and comments.
? It decided to postpone the submission
of its final report on Extradition
until the next session.
- It decided to direct the Secretariat to
prepare a report on the subject of
the status of Aliens in the light of
the discussions held during this
session for consideration at the third
session of the committee. It also
decided to appoint the delegation of
the U.A.R. to act as Rapporteurs on
this subject.
? It decided to study the work done by
the International Law Commission
on arbitral procedure and to take up
the question at its next session and
direct the Secretariat to prepare a
questionairc and a list of topics tor
discussion on the-subject at its third
session.
It decided to postpone consideration
of the Rapporteur's report on the
question of the recognition of foreign
decrees in matrimonial matters until
the next session.
It decided that the delegation of
Ceylon would continue to act as
Rapporteur on the questions of Free
Legal Aid.
It decided to accept the offer of the
Government of Ceylon to act as hosts
and to hold a meeting in Colombo in
November 1959.
VIII ?
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
13
Rally Behind The Freedom Fighters of Algeria
Afro-Asian Permanent
The Permanent Secretariat addressed the
following letter to all National Solidarity
Committees on De Gaulle's "referendum" in
Algeria
The march of the peoples of Africa to
freedom is not easy. They have to pay for
every step by great sacrifices. The imperialists
have not given up the methods of armed re-
prisals against the peoples who rose against
unbearable political and economic oppression.
The huge French army equipped with American
arms has been waging for four years a re-
lentless colonial war against the Algerian
community and committing outrages in regions
of Tunisia and Morocco. The imperialists are
trying to suppress the liberation struggle of
the peoples of Kenya and the Kameruns by
brutal terror.
At present no one can change the ine-
vitable process. More than 200 millions of
Africans, who till recently had been in the
position of slaves, are now turning into an
active force in the progressive world.
During the last years in particular the
peoples of the French possessions have reso-
lutely demanded the liquidation of the colonial
nature of their relations with France. As a
resua of stubborn struggles, the peoples of
Indo-China. Tunisia, and Morocco have
achieved their national independence. The
Algerian People arc courageously fighting for
their legimitc rights to self-determination and
f re edo in.
The French authorities are trying in the
near future, namely on the 28th September. to
impose on the Algerian people a so-called refe-
rendum on the question of a new French
Constitution with the purpose of misleading
world public opinion and of annexing Algeria
to France.
But the Algerian people do not want to
participate in this so-called referendum and
are struggling against colonialists to liberate
their country. They declare that Algeria is not
a French territory. No one can pretend to
ignore the colonial war which France is waging
to support her policy in Algeria. Though this
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Secretariat's Claron Call
so-called referendum which is being imposed
on the Algerian people is absolutely unlawful,
the French authorities plan to carry it out
under the protection of the French armed
forces. h is well known that in Algeria at
Present there are 800,000 French soldiers and
policemen and two-thirds of the French Air
Force and half of the French navy is station-
ed near the Algerian Coast.
The Algerian people, in accordance with
the principles of U N. charter, have full right
to self-determination France has % iolated these
principles, and the decisions adopted by the
U.N. General Assembly and by the conferences
of Bandung, Cairo and Accra on the Algerian
problem.
The attempt by France to annex Algeria
is a direct threat to world peace and security.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity considers that the "refe-
rendum" which is being imposed on the people
of Algeria and which will be conducted in an
atmosphere of terror, repression and colonial
war, and in the presence of huge numbers of
French troops of occupation is illegal and
constitutes a flagrant violation of the right
of the Algerian people to self-determination.
The Secretariat calls upon all National
Committees of Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity
to conduct in their countries without any loss
of time a broad campaign of protests against
the so-called referendum ? this new crime
being perpetrated by the French imperialists
in Algeria.
Brethren,
We sincerely.hope that you will give every
moral and political support to the Algerian
People in their gallant struggle to attain
freedom and national independence.
13-9-58
PERMANENT SECRETARIATS'
CABLE TO U.N. SECRETARY-GENERAL
SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE UNITED
NATIONS,
Permanent Secretariat of the Afro-Asian
Solidarity strongly condemns the so-called
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14
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
referendum proposed by the French Govern-
ment in Algeria.
This so called referendum, planned to be
conducted in atmosphere of colonial war, re-
pression Wand terror in presence of 800,000,
strong army of occupation is absolutely unlaw-
ful and a brutal mockery on the Algerian
people.
The proposed referendum is contradictory
Sept.-Oct. 1958
to decisions,adopted by the General Assembly
of U.N. by Conferences of Bandung, Cairo and
Accra on the Algerian question.
In this connection the Permanent Secre-
tariat resolutely demands that unlawful
actions of the French Government should be
condemned by the United Nations.
SECRETARY-GENERAL
13-9-58
SUPPORT THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF ALGERIA
APPEAL BY THE PERM4NEN1 SECRETARIAT TO THE PEOPLES OF ASIA & AFRICA
On Friday, September, 1958, when the
Free Governmennt of Algeria was proclaimed
in Cairo, the Permanent Secretariat issued the
following statement :
"On January first this year we met in
Cairo to lay the foundations on which we can
build the solidarity of peoples of Asia and
Africa for peace, freedom and equality. We
met. in great force to shake off the shackles
of imperialism and to defend independence of
those peoples Who were able to win thci;
freedom from foreign domination and to regain
the freedom of those who continued to suffer
under its yoke.
"From among those who thus assembled
and who were bearing the yoke of imperialism
and subjected to a war of genocide, we heard
the voice of one which was so dear to us,
revealing the barbarism of French Imperialism
and its brutality. This was the voice of the
great Algerian people who were struggling for
their freedom and fighting for their very exis-
tence. ,
"The Peoples of Asia and Africa stood
solidly behind the struggling people of Algeria,
assisting them in their fight for freedom. The
Cairo Conference regarded the Nvar forced on
the Algerian peoples as a threat to the security
of the African peoples and international peace.
It also condemned the colonial war waged in
Algeria and the atrocities committed by the
French imperialist forces against the Algerian
people who were fighting for their indepen-
dence, It , affirmed its support to the
heroic struggle of the Algerian people and
demanded the recognition of the indepen-
dence of Algeria. Further, it demanded that
negotiation must be started immediately
between the French Government and the Na-
tional Liberation Front which represents the
Algerian people, the immediate release of the
five leaders and all other Algerian nationalists
ho were in jail and concentration camps.
"To-day the struggling ? Algerian people
have announced the establishment of the first
Free Algerian Government. The people of Asia
and Africa extend their full support and
complete backing to this new Government. and
declare that its establishment is an affirmation
of the Cairo resolution w hich was passed un-
animously with a view to help the Algerian
people to secure their independence.
"It is time that the French- imperialists
bow to the inevitable course of history and
withdraw forthwith 800,000 strong occupation
troops from Algeria.
"The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-
Asian Peoples' Solidarity calls upon the peoples
of Asia and Africa to take an active stand for
the support of this free new government and
demand from their respective governments
the immediate recognition of this new regime
which represents the real Algerian people. It
calls upon them to use their influence in the
international sphere to secure the recognition
?
of other countries for this legitimate gover-
ment of Algeria.
"The establishment of this free govern-
ment is yet another success for the free
peoples and a heavy blow against imperialism.
The independence of this struggling people is
an esential condition for security in Africa,
'indeed in the whole world".
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
15
Israel-An Imperialist Conspiracy
Against Arab Nationalism
Kamal Bahaa El-Din
(Controller-General, Afro-Asian Permanent Headquarters)
rab Nationalism, needless to say, is and
has been since time immemorial a foregone
conclusion. The Arab Nation has its origin in
the East and in the Arab West alike. Its sons
have but one language, one history, one tra-
dition and a temperament common to all. They
have been and shall always be one national
entity. solidly united and closely cooperating
together for their progressive advancement
and for safeguarding their freedom and
integrity. Its history, both past and present,
bears witness to the humanitarian aspect of
its character and to the high ideals it has
always adhered to for the progress and welfare
of humanity, and also for its own strength
and integrity.
Imperialists ,prospered on the wreck
of the Arab homelands
Then the imperialists appeared on the
scene and they envied the Arabs, their high
position and the prosperity they enjoyed. They
saw how its territories abounded with wealth.
They at once concentrated their energy on
divesting the Arab Home of its power and
deviated them from their normal path, until
the edifice of peace which they built during
many centuries crumbled down. The Arab
East has for a long spell of time been dominat-
ed by imperialism and all its evils Arabs were
divested of the means of gaining their daily
bread, and the imperialist agents were always
ready to impress upon the simple Arab peoples
that they alone were capable of looking after
them and provide for them materially, and
morally protect and defend them. They divided
thc Arab homeland into petty states in order
that the imperialists could live on the sweat
?
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of the Arabs, enjoy their wealth, and usurp
their homelands. Thus, imperialism prospered
on the wreck of the Arab homeland, and
enjoyed its wealth without restraint.
The mean and vile aspects of the foreign
coloniser's abominable nature
This is exactly the crime which the foreign
colonizer has committed against the Arab
homeland and infested it with every mean and
vile aspect of his own abominable nature, in
order to lead the Arabs to poverty and moral
deterioration, "sowing among its population
the seeds of misery, disease and ignorance in
order to break its backbone and to ensure the
continuity of his domination.
Arab sons stand today as a solid
monolithic phalanx
Yet, the prolifk Arab nation, despite all
the machinations of imperialism, has proved
that it is still conscious of its latent power,
that it still possesses the spirit to continue her
heroic struggle for the defence of its dear Arab
homelands, and that it will soon march en
masse against the imperialists and the agents
of evil, crush them and recover its freedom
and renew its glorious traditions once more.
The 1952 Revolution of Egypt, and her
union with Syria, which resulted in the birth
of the United Arab Republic, and the recent
Iraqi Revolution are but positive facts of the
awakening of Arab consciousness, and the
thundering voice of the Arab homeland, with
all its Arab sons standing as a solid monoli-
,
thic phalanx in the face of the tyramcal colo-
niser.
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16
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sept.-Oct. 1958
Israel a creation of Imperialism to crush
Arab Nationalism
It is a conspicuouS phenomenon which
the tyrants arc witnessing with flabbergasted
eyes and are being terrified of its consequences.
This is the main reason for their resorting to
the sterile, old methods of treachery and ma-
chiavellian knavery in an atteimpt to crush
Arab nationalism, by creating the state of
Israel in the Arab East in order to be a tool
for the realization of their political and eco-
nomic greed. The creation of this alien state
within Ar-ab territory is in itself a definite
proof of the eN il intentions which imperialism
fosters against Arab nationalism.
Fresh supply of arms to Israel
This act of creating the state of Israel is
a proof of the barbarity of the imperialists,
and is also a definite evidence that we have
returned to the age of piracy. This is cigar
from the fact that this newly created alien
state has banished the original inhabitants of
Palestine from their homes, and usurped their
property and wealth with the help of the im-
perialists by taking recourse to the most im-
moral, mean and barbarous methods.
Until this very day, the imperialist
powers, have not ceased to provide their
Israeli satellite with masses of weapons-, in
order to perpetrate attacks .against the neigh-
Louring Arab countries every now and then.
Relying thus on the assistance Of the impe-
rialist states, Israel seeks to prevent the Arabs
fi om stabilizing themselves.
Wherr?the imperialists became convinced
that the movement for liberation, which has
become a pathword among the Arab peoples,
is expanding, and that the victories achieved
by the Arabs through their successful revolu-
tions against imperialism and its agents
threaten to overthrow them, they felt that the
old methods of using armed forces for the
occupation of Arab countries no longer serve
their purpose. And so they have concentrated
on- strengthening Israel, the veritable thorn in
the side of the Arab homeland, and on supply-
ing it with an abundance of weapons so that
it may be strong enough to oppose Arab Na-
tionalism, and become a tool in the hands of
imperialism, serving its purpose and its greed
in this region.
Arabs Stand United As one Man
But this policy shall lead, undoubtedly, to
the acceleration of Arab nationalism, to the
strengthening of the national feeling and spirit
among the nations of this territory and shall
inevitably bring about the downfall of impe-
rialism, its influence and interests in that
region.
Today, the Arab nation stands united as
one man to defend itself against this impe-
rialistic danger. The pre-requisites of Arab
Nationalism ha x e been completed, and the aim
bas been unified and defined. It has become as
clear as daylight. It is the unification of the
whole of the Arab Nation, right from the
extremity of the Persian Gulf to the Atlantic.
The colonizer feels that he has missed the
boat, and that this new Arab consciousness
has exasperated him to the verge of madness.
He, therefore, is bent upon strengthening
Israel by all means and provide her by all
kinds of devastating weapons. Latest news
from England confirm that Israel has been
provided by English submarines, in order that
as the obedient satellite of imperialism it may
carry out its mean and vile aims.
.The Arabs are unconquerable:
Imperialists on the run
But today differs from yesterday. Today
all the Arab nations stand united against im-
perialism and its e?ils. Today, Arab nationa-
lism has become a positive fact which no one
can deny. It is the towering giant escaping
from the bottle, terrifying the powers of evil,
n d instilling the fear of God in the hearts of
the impefialists. It is the indomitable will of
all the Arab peoples who are closely linked
together by tics of a single common language,
a single common culture, and close relation-
ship.
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
17
Reports from National Solidarity Committees.
AFRO-ASIAN WORLD MOBILISED TO SUPPORT
THE ARAB AND CHINESE BRETHRN
(The statements issued by the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-
Asian Solidarity have been receiving the most enthusiastic response
throughout the vast Afro-Asian world of 1600 millions people. It is only
natural, since the Permanent Secretariat voices the indomitable will to
freedom of the Afro-Asian Peoples, which no power, howselver brutal,
vile and inhuman, can hold in check. Following the appeals of the
Permanent Secretariat, every National Commiitee went into aclion, and
we have received many reports from all over. We compile some of
them below. (Editor)
Chida
The Chinese Committee for Afro-Asian
Solidarity issued the following statement on
September 23, 1958, on the situation in Taiwan
Straits :
"The Chinese Committee for Afro-Asian
Solidarity warmly supports the statement of
Foreign Minister Chen Yi on September 20,
1958, in refutation of the statement by Dulles
and supports the second warning to Eisen-
hower by Khrushchov, Chairman of the Council
of the Ministers of the Soviet Union on
September 19, 1958.
"Since ancient times, Taiwan has always
been Chinese territory. The Chinese people
must recover such coastal islands as Quemoy
and Matsu and liberate Taiwan in order to
safeguard the sovereignty and territorial inte-
grity of our country. This is absolutely
Chinese people's internal affair. But the United
States has invaded and occupied the Chinese
territory of Taiwan and recently concentrated
a large number of armed forces in the Taiwan
Strait area, repeatedly intruded China's terri-
torial air and waters, carried out frenzied mi-
litary provocations and NN ar threats against the
Peoples' Republic of China'. Such actions of
the United States are not only aggression and
provocations against China but also constitute
an open challenge to the Bandung _spirit and
seriously threaten peace in Asia and the
world.
"The U.S. imperialists have repeatedly
created tensions 'and intensified their aggres-
sive activities in Asia and Africa. The U.S.
imperialists have obstructed by all means the
peaceful reunification of Korea and Vietnam,
openly supported the rebels in their subversive
activities against the Indonesian Republic, in-
terfered with armed force in the internal
affairs of Lebanon, deliberately postponed the
withdrawal of their aggressive forces from the
Lebanon and the Middle East and threatened
the security of the Iraqi Republic. Now the
U.S. imperialists are carrying out aggression
and provocations against China in the Taiwan
Straits area. The barbarous aggression of the
United States against the people of China and
other countries of Asia and Africa has proved
them to be the mortal enemy of the Chinese
people and the common and most ferocious
enemy of the peoples of Asia and Africa.
"The Chinese people are peace-loving, but
,NN e are never afraid of war and shall never
submit to the imperialist's war threats. If the
imperialists should dare to impose war on us,
the strong and united six hundred million
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IS
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sep.-Oct. 1958
Chinese people will spare no sacrifice and will
fight to the end for defending our national
sovereignty and territorial integrity and for
defending peace in Asia and the world. We
are convinced that with the aid of the Socialist
camp headed by the Soviet Union. and with the
sympathy and support of the peoples of Asia
and Africa and all the peace-loving peoples of
the world, we shall most certainly win the
final victory in a just war against aggression,
for defending our motherland and for defend-
ing peace in Asia. Africa and the world".
India
STATEMENT ON THE SITUATION
IN WEST ASIA
The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity issued the following statement
to the Press on 6-9-58 on the situation in West
Asia.
"The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity welcomes the united resolution of
the Arab countries in the U.N.O., which vir-
tually averted a world conflagoration and
opened up perspective for the peaceful solution
of West Asia crisis.
"The Association calls upon the U.S. and
British farces in Lebanon and Jordan to with-
draw without delay and thus help implement
the unanimous 1.:_N resolution on West Asia.
"The Association is gratified at the Prime
Minister Designate of Lebanon calling for the
withdrawl of U.S. troops, which gives an
assurance that the new Government will
pursue an independent and neutral policy and
actively" contribute to the growing nationalism
and unity of the Arab people.
"The Association once again greets the
people of the Arab ,countries and pledges its
continued support for their just aspiration for
national sovereignrY and unity of their home-
lands".
STATEMENT ON THE FAR EAST
SITUATION
The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity issued the following statement
to the Press on 6-9-58 on the situation in the
Far East :
"The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity views with alarm the growing
tension in the Far East caused by the unpa-
ralleled concentration of U.S. military, naval
and air forces, including nuclear weapons, in
the territorial waters of China and in the
Chinese territory of Taiwan.
"The Association once again firmly asserts
that Taiwan and the off-shore islands belong
to the People's Republic of China and we
strongly condemn the continued interference
of the U.S. in the internal affairs of the Chinese
people and the lawful desire of the Govt. of
the Chinese Peoples Republic to integrate these
territories with the mainland. We further
condemn the continued use of these islands
by Chiang- Kai-Shek to dislocate China's peace-
ful sea-trade and communications and to
constantly threaten the mainland of China
militarily and otherwise.
"Our Association once again reiterates
that there can be no solution to the Far East
situation until China takes her rightful place
in the U.N.O. and the U.S. stops its aggressive
threats and actions in this area and its support
to Chiang Kai-Shek.
"All Asia today stands with the people of
China in its demand that Taiwan and the off-
shore islands are a part of the Chinese terri-
tory and that no violation of its territory or
waters can be tolerated. U.S. actions against
China is doomed to failure as was the case in
the Middle East.
"The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity calls upon its branches to carry on
a vigorous campaign for the immediate with-
drawal of the U.S. Seventh Fleet and the in-
dusion of China- in the U.N.0.. so that inter-
ference in the internal affairs of China may
not lead to a world conflagration and the legi-
timate rights of the -to) million Chinese people
be recognised without delay".
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 19
PUBLIC MEETING FOR SOLIDARITY
WITH CHINA
A well-attended public meeting was
organised by the Indian Association for
Afro-Asian Solidarity in Delhi on Sept. 16th
to protest against U.S. intervention in the
Taiwan straits and for Recognition for Peoples'
Republic of China by the U.N.O.
Every speaker stressed "Hands Off China"
? a slogan which met with enthusiasm by the
audience. The illogical stand by the U.S.A.
and its policy of brinkmanship was unkersally
condemned.
San. Rameshwari Nehru presided and the
other speakers were Mr.. M. Govinda Reddy,
M.P., Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, M.P., and Dr.
Gyan Chand. The following resolution was
passed unanimously at the meeting :
"This meeting of the citizens of Delhi held
under the auspices of the Indian Association
for Afro-Asian Solidarity views with alarm the
growing danger of world war in the Far East
caused by the unparalleled concentration of
U.S. military, naval and air forces, including
nuclear weapons, in the territorial waters of
China and in the Chinese Territory of Taiwan
and by the interference of the U.S. forces into
the internal affairs of China.
"This meeting once again firmly asserts
that Taiwan and the off-shore islands belong
to the People's Republic of China and it has
every right to the possession of these islands.
We strongly condemn the continued inter-
ference of the U.S. in the internal affairs of
the Chinese people and the lawful desire of
the Govt of the Chinese People's Republic to
integrate these territories with the mainland_
We further condemn the continued use of these
islands by Chiang Kai-Shek to blockade and
to dislocate China's peaceful sea-trade and
communications and to constantly threaten the
mainland of China miliranirly and otherwise.
-This meeting also reiterates that mere can
be no solution to the Far East situation until
China takes her rightful place in the U.N.O-
and the U.S. stops its aggressive threats and
actit..an.s in this area and its support to (-Mang
Kai-Shek. We demand the immediate with-
drawal of the Seventh Fleet from Taiwan
straits.
"Public opinion all over the world, including
a number of. Go?ernments, support the people
of China in their demand that Taiwan and the
off-shore islands are a part of the Chinese
territory and that no violation of its territory
or waters can be tolerated. U.S. action against
China is doomed to failure as was the case in
the Middle East.
"We hope that the meeting of the Ambas-
,Aors of the C.S.A. and Peoples China in War-
saw will bear fruit and settlement will be
reached on the basis of the recognition of the
just rights of the Chinese people".
PUBLIC MEETING FOR SUPPORT
TO ALGERIA
Mr. Cherif Guellal, Representative in India
of the Algerian Front of National Liberation
was the main speaker at a very well-attended
gathering of prominent Delhi citizens, press
and diplomats organised by the Indian Associa-
tion for Afro-Asian Solidarity on Sept. 23, 1958.
Opening the meeting, Mrs. Rameshwari
Nehru welcomed the formation of the Free
Algerian Government and appealed for moral
and material support from the Indian people
for the cause of Algeria. She said that over
Rs. 10,003 has been collected in India for aid
to Algeria. Mr. Cherif Guellal got a warm
response by thousands of Indian people during
the tour of India organised by our Committee.
Mr. Cherif Gueliai made a widely appre-
ciated speech tracing the problem of Algeria
and its determination to be free.
Dr. .-knup Singh thanked the speaker and
reminded the audience that our duty was to
give all out support to Algeria.
Among prominent members WhO were
present, apart from diplomats, were Dr. Syed
Malantud, M.P., former Minister of External
Affairs, Mr. Tug,a1 Kishore Khanna, President
Delhi State Congress Committee, Mr. A. K.
Gopalan, M.P., Mr. Bhupesh Gupta, M.P., Dr.
Cyan Oland, Mr. M. C-ovinda Reddy, M.P.,
Mr. Trilocha.n ant, MP., Mr. Pritara Singh
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20 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Safir. and others.
The meeting adopted the following reso-
lution unanimously :
"This meeting of the Indian Association
for Afro-Asian Solidarity sends its greetings
to the brave people of Algeria who are fighting
against French colonial rule for their freedom.
It Calls upon the people of India to support
actively the people of Algeria and to extend
to them moral and material aid.
"This meeting reaffirms its stand that
Algeria is no part of France and the refe-
rendum being conducted on De Gaulle's Consti-
tution is being imposed on a people against its
will.
"Our Association has repeatedly called upon
the French Government to end the war against
the Algerian people and to settle the question
of Algeria with the Algerian Front of National
Liberation on the basis of the sovereignty of
Algeria and the withdrawal of French forces
from Algerian territory.
"The new Government of Free Algeria has
been set up by the Algerian Front of National
Liberation in accordance with the recognised
principle of self-determination and it alone can
speak on behalf of the people of Algeria. This
meeting expresses its hope that the true repre-
sentatives of the people of Algeria will take
their place in the U.N.O. and the peoples of
the world, particularly of Asia and Africa, will
recognise the new Government".
INDIA BACKS ALGERIA CAMPAIGN
WITH MATERIAL AID
' The- Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity organised a tour of Mr. Cherif
Guellal from Aug. 20 to Sept. 7. During the
tour, Mr. Cherif Guellal spoke on the West
Asian crisis and the question of Algeria.
Everywhere a very warm reception awaited
him and people donated generously to the
fund of the Algeria Aid Committee. The united
support for the people of Algeria was demons-
trated in all places.
Mr. Cherif Guellal spent one week in the
state of Tamilnad and visited Madras, Tirupur,
Coimbatore, Gudiyatham, Vellore, Pondicherry,
Sept.-Oct. 1958
Dindigul, Trichy, Madurai and Pernampet.
The main public meetings were attended by
30,000 people in Coimbatorc, 4000 in Gudiya-
tham, 5000 in Madurai, 6000 in Trichy and over
15000 in Pondicherry. Besides this, there were
innumerable sectional meetings, receptions and
press conferences.
In Pondicherry, once under French domi-
nation, Mr. Cherif Guellal felt almost as if he
w as among his own people sharing common
experiences. The Mayor presided over the
meeting.
In Madras, the main public meeting was
held in the Sastri Memorial Hall and presided
over by Shri A. W. Bukhari.
Collections have been started at every
place, and workers and the public have given
freely.
The first instalment of Rs. 2,000 is
being sent to the Algeria Aid Committee
During this tour an Afro-Asian Solidarity
Committee has been set up in Madras, and
this Committee with the active help and coope-
ration of the Tamilnad Trade Union Congress
organised this tour and collected the funds.
Everywhere collections were made by theTUs
and a wide mass mobilization took place all
over the State in support of the Arab cause
and Algeria.
From Tamilnad Mr. Cherif Guellal went
to Bangalore on Aug. 29th and 30th. An
Algeria Aid Committee was set up here under
the Chairmanship of Shri K. Hanumanthaiya.
The President of the Mysore Pradesh Congress
Committee has written proiliising- his active
help for funds and other work in connection
with aid to Algeria.
Here the programme was also very-well
arranged.
Mr. Cherif Guellal met the Mayor and
leaders of the Congress and other political
parties, Trade Unions and organisations at a
reception. Various public meetings were
arranged and Shri Hanumanthaiya presided.
The Committee has already collected
Rs. 800 and is continuing its drive for funds.
funds.
1'
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
21
Mr. Cherif Guellal reached Hyderabad on
1st of September. Indian Association for Afro-
Asian Solidarity had set up a Reception Com-
mittee under. the Chairmanship of Prof. Haroon
Khan Sherwani, M.L.C., to make arrangements
for his reception. A warm reception was given
to him at the aerodrome by a very represen-
tative gathering.
Mr. Guellal addressed three public meetings
in Hyderabad and Secunderabad and one press
conference during his stay in Hyderabad. Shri
M. Narsingh Rao, Minister for Communication,
presided over the public meeting held in Urdu
Hall, Hyderabad. The meeting held in the Arts
College Hall of the Osmania University was
attended by a large section of students and
professors.
About Rs. 1,500 ha % c been collected for the
Algeria Aid Fund in Nagpur. A ery represen-
tative Algeria Aid Committee was set up.
Among representatives of various parties and
organisations in the Committee are Dr. Bhat-
tacharya, Mr. Ghulam Dastgir Khan, Shri N. J.
Nayudu, Shri A. D. Mani, Shri Bharuka and
others. Shri S. M. Trivedi is Secretary.
The public meeting was presided over by
the Mayor and various receptions and meetings
were held in colleges and institutions. A
special cultural show was organised by Smt.
Salila Bhattacharya, a Dance Drama of Rama-
yana.
The collections in Nagpur top the collec-
tions from every province upto now. In all
over Rs. 4,000 were collected, out of which
after deducting expenses the Algeria Aid Com-
mittee \ ill be sent over Rs. 3,500. Mr N. J.
Nayudu has donated Rs. 1,500.
Earlier nearly Rs. 2,500 had been
collected and sent to the Algeria Aid Com-
mittee by Punjab during Mr. Cherif Guellal's
tour in May. Nearly, Rs. 2,000 had also been
collected earlier from Delhi and other places.
RECEPTION TO H.E. Mr. HASSAN JAMIL,
AMBASSADOR OF IRAQ
The Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity held a Reception in Delhi for H.E.
Mr. Hassan Jamil on Sept. 18th.
The gathering very warmly applauded to
Mrs. Rameshwari Nehru's speech in which she
told the audience of the role H.E. Mr. Hassan
Jamil played in the freedom struggle of Iraq.
Prominent citizens and M.P's of Delhi of
different parties, including Mr. Brahm
Prakash, M.I'., and former- Chief Minister of
Delhi, also spoke welcoming the distinguished
guest. H.E. Mr. Hassan Jamil gave the
following speech in reply to the cordial
welcome :
"People met the rising sun of 14th
July 1958 in Iraq and elsewhere with the voice
of one of the Iraqi revolutionary leaders from
Baghdad Radio telling them that a revolution
had taken place in Iraq and.that the monarchy
was abolished and a new Republic was declared
which will be guided by the principles of the
United Nations Charter and the resolutions of
Bandung Conference:
"This was a great victory for the Bandung
Principles and for the Afro-Asian Community
and for the high principles of self-determina-
tion, and world peace and friendship among
nations. It was very significant that the
Bandung resolutions were upheld from the very
first hours of the Iraqi revolution.
"The great importance of the Bandung
Conference, in my opinion lies in the fact that
it emphasizes and confirms the common bonds
which link countries from Africa and Asia.
The Bandung Conference also brings out the
essential unity of objectives and the need for
intensive cooperation among these countries.
They have all suffered from colonialism, and
they all seek self determination and indepen-
dence and insist on their rights to shape their
own policies on the basis of their vital interests
and fOr the sake of world peace. The Bandung
Conference laid down the foundation for coope-
ration among Afro-Asian nations to settle in-
ternational disputes by peaceful means and on
the basis of the merits of each case, and not
on the basis of power politics and military
blocs. Thus it foreshadowed an era of law,
order and morality in international relations.
"We are all aware of the important role
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tVre??????1,,,....
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'22 A FiW-ASIAN BULLETIN
,which India played in that momentous confe-
rence. Panchshila, the five basic principles
conducive to international peace were warmly
accepted in Bandung where other principles
were also added to it inspired by that confe-
rence which supports it and reinforces it.
"The Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Con-
ference held in Cairo was also a great success.
The new Iraqi Republican Government is
guided by the resolutions adopted in that Con-
ference. Most of the delegates to that Confe-
rence are now taking part in the Government
of Iraq either as members of the Cabinet or
undertaking other political duties. Indeed, all
the Iraqi participants in that Conference
without exception are working in one way or
another in building up the new Republic.
"I carry with me a message of greetings
from the Chairman and all the members of the
Iraqi Delegation in that Conference to the Pre-
sident and members of the Indian Association
for Afro-Asian Solidarity and, to the great
admiration, and respect, from the Iraqi people
who have achieved 'their liberty and are now
able to express their sentiments with no regard
to military pacts.
"In conclusion I wish to express my grati-
tude to the Indian Association for Afro-Asian
Solidarity for affording me this opportunity to
meet with you, a gesture which I take as being
directed to the new Iraqi Republic from you
all".
U. S. S. R.
"Our Hearts Are with You, Arab Brothers"
The following statement was issued by the
Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee on
landing of American troops in Lebanon :
' "The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee expresses its. profound indignation in
connection with the brazen intervention of the
troops in the. Lebanon.
-`!The- Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Corn-
triltiediares, on behalf of all Soviet people,
' of its solidarity with the peoples of the Leba-
Sept.-Oct. 1958
non, Iraq, Jordan and other Arab countries
fighting against the intervention of American
imperialism in the domestic affairs of the
Arabs.
"The aggression of the imperialists, who
wish to drown in blood the Arab peoples, fight-
ing heroically for freedom and independence,
has utterly shaken the Soviet people.
"The military intervention in the Lebanon
and Jordan represents a desperate attempt to
save the Bagdad pact, which is falling to pieces,
a desire of U.S. imperialism to strangle the
national liberation movement in. the Near and
Middle East countries.
"It is clear to all that the colonialists
intend after- the Lebanon to raise the sword
also against the Iraq Republic.
"We brand NA ith shame the American colo-
nialists ! The imperialists will never succeed
in suppressing the will of the Iraqi people who
have once and for ll put an end to the hateful
colonial regime.
"The attempts of the U.S. interventionists
to cover up the colonial war with the UNO flag
are futile. The whole world knows, and that
has been openly stated by the UNO represen-
tatives, that there is civil war in the Lebanon.
No one has the right to interfere in the internal
affairs of that country.
"Together with all honest people in the
world Soviet people resolutely declare : Hands
off the Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan and other Middle
East countries ! We demand the immediate
withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the Lebanon
and from the entire Middle East !
"Our hearts, our friendship and our love
are with you, dear Arab brothers !
"Hands off the Arab East !".
Cable to U.N. Secretary-General
on Middle East situation
"The factory and office workers, workers
in science and culture, collective farmers and
the students of the Soviet Union, unanimously
'condemning the Anglo-American aggression in
the Lebanon and Jordan, demand the imme-
diate withdrawal-of US and British troops from
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
these countries and that the Arabs be given
the right to resolve their ow n destiny.
"Hands off the I .cbanon
"Hands off Jordan !
"Hands off the Arab peoples !
"We shall not leave the Arabs in the
lurch", declare Soviet people today.
"Participants in the meetings, rallies and
demonstrations unanimously approve of the
position of the Soviet Government on the
question of the events in the Near East. Soviet
people consider that the proposal of the Soviet
Government immediately to convoke a meeting
of the heads of Governments of the USSR, the
USA, India, Great Britain and France aims at
the immediate elimination of the dangerous
situation created in the Near and Middle East
as a result of the armed intervention of the
USA and Great Britain in the Lebanon and
Jordan as well as the continued
for intervention against the
Republic. The convocation of a
vernments conference is in
preparations
young Iraq
heads of go-
the present
situation the most sensible step which will help
to remove the danger of war in the Near and
Middle East and ensure the conditions for
strengthening peace and security of the nations
of the whole world.
"Soviet people clearly understand how
dangerous for the destinies of all nations arc
the aggressive acts of the USA and Britain
in the Arab East. Therefore, in their reso-
lutions they appeal to you, and through you,
to all membei-s of the United Nations to do
all in their power to enable UNO to fulfill the
tasks and aims entrusted to it by the peoples.
UNO must cut short the aggression of the
US and Great Britain in the Arab East. UNO
has no right to permit the outbreak of a new
world war.
"The Soviet Peace Committee and the
Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee,
complying with the request of the participants
of numerous meetings and adding their voice
of protest and indignation against the inter-
vention in the Middle East to that of all Soviet
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people, sends you an incomplete list of enter-
prises, offices, collective farms, educational
institutions and other organizations which
adopted resolutions demanding the immediate
withdrawal of US and British forces from the
Lebanon and Jordan.
"We beg you, Mr. General Secretary, to
circulate this telegram and to convey this
demand of the Soviet people to all UNO mem-
ber countries".
Statement of Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity
Committee demanding the release
of Jordan's Patriots
"The monstrous crimes perpetrated by the
ruling palace clique in Jordan, which the British
occupation army is holding in power, have
aroused profound indignation among all
peoples of the world. Although under pressure
of public opinion the life of the Jordanian
patriot, Nadi es-Salti, was -saved and the sen-
tences of some other patriots mitigated, the
merciless hand of the executioner still hangs
over many Jordanian patriots. The military
tribunals continue to meet out death sentences,
accusing Jordan patriots of an "attempt on the
security of the throne". On behalf of millions
of Soviet people the Soviet Afro-Asian Soli-
darity Committee demands the' repeal of the
death sentence on Theodore Stefan and Ahmed
Ibrahim, and their immediate release King
Hussein and his British patrons want to kill
Theodore Stefan and Ahmed Ibrahim.
"Jordan has been converted into an out-
and-out torture-chamber. Thousands of honest
Jordanians fill the prisons and concentration
camps where they are tortured and killed be-
cause they demand the withdrawal of the occu-
pation troops from their country. Egged on
by his imperialist patrons, King Hussein is
prepared to soak Jordan in blood to uphold the
tyrannical power and to place on the Jordanian
people still heavier chains of colonial enslave-
ment.
"The police tyranny directed against the
Jordanian patriots shows the true worth of the
false assurances of British diplomats that they
had come to Jordan as friends and saViours.
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24 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
"The British imperialists will not succeed
in hoodwinking anyone, in misleading world
public opinion.
"The, responsibility for the reign of terror
and bloodshed let loose in Jordan lies, above
all, with the British invaders who had come to
Jordan for no other purpose than to protect
with their arms the thoroughly rotten throne
of their henchman i Hussein, and to strangle
the growing resistance of the Jordanian people
to the imperialist colonialists.
"The Soviet people who have invariably
expressed their ardent sympathies for and
support of the peoples of Asia and Africa,
fighting courageously for their freedom and
independence, resolutely demand the immediate
withdrawal of US and British troops from the
Lebanon and Jordan and the curbing of the
criminal repressions against the Jordanian
patriots.
"In the name of the Soviet people, the
Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee
expresses its firm conviction that the voice of
world public opinion will not fall on deaf ears
and the Jordanian patriots will be set free at
once.
"Release the Jordanian patriots !".
Hands off China
The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee issued the following statement on the
Taiwan situation :
"The aggressive acts of the US armed
forces against the Chinese People's Republic
have aroused profound indignation and alarm
among people of good-will the world over.
The provocations of the US troops and the
Chiang Kai-Shek gang against People's China
grolV day by day. In violation of the UNO
Charter US troops continue their occupation
of Taiwan, Peng-hu, Lieh-tao and other Chinese
islands. The Americans have concentrated
since the end of the second world war an
unprecedented, number of warships.. aircraft
-
and troops in the area of Taiwan Strait.
f?The concentration of US forces near the
Chinese borders and the unceasing provo-
Sept.-Oct. 1958
cations against the People's Republic of China
? the violation Py US military .aircraft and
war vessels of the air space and territorial
waters of China ? all these provocative acts
show that US aggressive circles have learnt
nothing from the recent events in the Middle
East. They are again deliberately increasing
international tension, actually threatening the
peace and security of all nations.
"On behalf of all Soviet people the Soviet
Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee declares that
the Soviet people as a whole fully support the
great Chinese people in their just struggle
against the US and Chiang Kai-Shek provo-
cations. The Soviet people will give every
support to the fraternal people of China in their
struggle against the US-Chiang Kai-Shek
aggressors. The entire socialist camp, the
peoples of Asia and Africa, people of good will
throughout the world side with China.
"The Soviet people unanimously approve
of the message which the Chairman of the
USSR Council of Ministers, N. S. Khrushchov
addressed to US President Dwight Eisen-
hower, expressing support for the fraternal
people of China and warning the United States
Government that an attack on the Chinese
People's Republic is an attack on the Soviet
Union.
"The Soviet people resolutely demand an
end to the US provocations in the Area of the
Chinese island of Taiwan and Taiwan Strait.
"This is the demand of all nations !
"Hands off China !".
Meeting held to support Algerian freedom
An enlarged meeting of the Presidium of
the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee
was held on september 17, attended by the
Committee's Presidium members, representa-
tives of the Soviet-Arab Friendship Society,
the Institute of Oriental Studies, a number of
religious circles and other public representa-
tives. The Presidium heard the report of the
Committees's Executive Secretary, A. V. Sofro-
nov, on the statement of the Permanent Secre-
tariat of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Council in
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 2S
Cairo denouncing the referendum on the draft
of the new French Constitution in Algeria.
The speakers in the discussion of the sta-
tement of the Permanent Secretariat of the
Afro-Asian Solidarity Council included A. A.
Arzumanyan, corresponding member, USSR
Academy of Sciences ; Imam Hatib, member of
the Holy Moslem Board, European USSR and
Siberia ; Kommadretdin Salikhov, Moscow
Mosque ; Malokhat Shakhobova, teacher, Tajik
University ; T. M. Zhukov, Academician. S.
V Kaftanov, Chairman, Soviet-Arab Friend-
ship Sodiety ; M. I. Kotov, Executive Secre-
tary, Soviet Peace Committee ; Prof. 1. I
Potekhin, \Tice-Director, Institute of Ethno-
graphy, USSR Academy of Sciences : M. M.
Sisakyan, corresponding member, USSR Aca-
demy of Sciences ; Prof. I. M. Oshanin and
M. A. Krutogolov, M. L.
All participating in the meeting unani-
mously supported the statement of the Perma-
nent Secretariat of the Afro-Asian Solidarity
Council.
The resolution adopted at the meeting
reads :
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee fully shares and supports the statement
of the Permanent Secretariat of the Afro-
Asian Solidarity Council denouncing the arbi-
trary decisions of French ruling circles to
spread to Algeria the referendum on the draft
'of the new French Constitution.
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
-mittee considers that in the conditions of the
military occupation of Algeria, of the policy of
repressions, assassinations, torture, arrests;
deportations and explusions the, referendum
returns cannot have legal force. The fact that
all the arrangements for the referendum in
Algeria have been entrusted to headquarters
of the French occupation army is evidence of
the brazen arbitrariness of the French colo-nialists.
"The UNO Charter and the Declaration
on Human Rights guarantees the peoples the
right of self-determination. The freedom-
loving Algerian people have for many years
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fought valiantly for their sacred right to be
masters in their own home. Algerian soil has
been flooded with the blood and tears of men
and women who wish to sec their country free.
The struggle of the Algerian people for inde-
pendence has not abated for a single moment.
"The people of Algeria did not shed their
blood in order to perpetuate their enslayemcnt
at the points of the bayonets of the colonia-
lists.
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee stands resolutely for the restoration of
peace in Algeria and the recognition of the
right to independence of the Algerian people.
"The Soviet people know well that the
people of France, all the peace-loving forces in
the country, oppose the actions of the French
colonialists in Algeria. Soviet people are con-
fident that the French people will stop the
arbitrariness and violence of the colonialists
in Algeria.
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com.
mittee adds its voice of protest to that of .the
world public demanding the satisfaction of the
lawful rights of the freedom-loving Algerian
people".
FREEDOM-LOVING PEOPLE
OF ALGERIA WILL TRIUMPH
The following Statement was issued by
Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee on the
proclamation of the Free Government of
Algeria ?
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee welcomes the pioclamation of the
Algerian Republic and the formation of the
first free government of this Republic.
"The proclamation of the Algerian Repu-
blic, as pointed out in the Appeal Of the
Permanent Secretariat of the Afro-Asian Soli-
darity Council, is a confirmation of the deci-
sions of the historical Cairo Conference, which,
on behalf of the peoples of the two great- con-
tinents, demanded the immediate recognition
of the right of the Algerian people to self-
determination and the formation of a free,-in-
dependent state.
?
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26 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sept.-Oct. 1958
? :,"A new bright page in, the selfless struggle
of--the heroic. Algerian people fen- freedom and
independence has opened, with the birth of ..the
Algerian Republic._
- "Vain arc the attempts Of the French co-
lonialists, who, referring to the "referendum
results",in Algeria,-try to mislead world public
,
Opinion. Every_ unbiased person will see that
threferewdum held in the conditions of the
military occupation of the country is void Of
1e-gal.f6rce: No one doubts flie fact that the
.results of the "referendum" in Algeria. do not
in any way" express the will of the freedom-
loving Algerian people. If, during the so called
referendum,- 97% ,of the Algerians "voted" for
the perpetuation of slavery by affiliating
Algeria, with France,: then against whom do
the colonialists intend to unleash another
bloody \ yar of annihilation ?
"Today the -demand to put an end to the
dirty war of the French colonialists against
'the? freedom-loving Algerian people rings
:strOnger than ever throughout the world.
"All friends of peace and people of good
will wholeheartedly support the Algerian Re-
public and wish it-with all their hearts to bring
the national liberation struggle of the Algerian
people to final victory.
"The long-suffering- people of Algeria
have, with the blood of _their best sons and
dfughters, won the right to a sovereign in-
dependent state.
"Let those who, arms in hand, have broken
.into another's home, who sow death and
reduce *to ashes Algerian towns and villages
? know that colonialism is doomed, that the
peoples are fully determined to put an end to
it.
"The prOclamation of the Algerian 'Repu-
blic and the fbrmation of a free government of
fhis Republic, being an expression of the che-
rished thoughts, hopes and the will of the
Algerian people, proves convincingly that the
Frenchcolonialists will no.t succeed in throw-
. .
.ing, the chains of slavery and oppression over
the Algerianseither by force of arms or by the
so-called constitutional means:
"The birth Of the Algerian Republic is a
matter of great historical significance, ,the
logical continuation, in the new conditions, of
the national liberation struggle of the Algerian
people. -
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee supports the young Algerian Republic
and its first free government in the fight
against the colonialists, for completely clearing
.,AN1gerian territory of the occupation troops.
"The sympathies of the Soviet people have
always been with the 'fighting Algerian people.
"At numerous _meetings and rallies Soviet
people resolutely voice support for the young
Algerian Republic, their solidarity with the
just struggle of the Algerian people.
"The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-
mittee is confident that the Algerian Republic,
headed by its first free government, will, with
the active support of all the peacelowing
forces, achieve final victory over the foreign
invaders".
Korea
The Korean Committee for Afro-Asian
Solidarity adopted the following resolution on
the Middle East situation at an , enlarged
meeting :
"The grave situation being created in
the Near and Middle East by the armed
aggression of the U.S.-British imperialists is
rousing today- the apprehension of all people
who love peace.
"It is the unanimous desire and demand
of the entire world people to curb the impe-
rialiSts aggression in the Lebanon and Jordan
and to restore peace in this area. The Ame-
rican- and British imperialists are gravely
endangering peace and the security- of the
whole world by refusing the proposal of the
Soviet Union on the convocation of a confe-
rence- of government Heads of Five Powers
which the people of the entire world demand
as one and by further aggravating the situa-
tion in the Near and Middle East area through
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN IfULLETig
the reinforcement of their military personnel
and war equipment and material in this area.
"Under such circumstances, the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union proposed to convene
an emergency special session of the U.N.
General Assembly for the discussion of the
question of making the U.S. and British
aggressive forces withdraw from Lebanon and
Jordan.
"The Korean people warmly approve and
support this measure of the Soviet Union as
one which opens up new prospects for the
peaceful settlement of the Near and Middle
East question.
"The current emergency special session of
the U.N. General Assembly must immediately
take measures, in conformity with the unani-
mous demand and wish of the entire people
of the world, for bringing to a halt the U.S.-
'British imperialists aggression in the Near and
Middle East and for restoring peace in this
area.
"However, the U.S. and British impe-
rialists are brazenfaccdly describing the
aggressive acts they are committing in the
Near and Middle East as if they were prompt-
ed by a certain "indirect aggression", which
does not exist.
"Such trickery of theirs is not a new one.
"They ,are occupying the Southern part of
our country by armed force and running wild
in introducing various new types of weapons
including atomic into South Korea and setting
up an atomic and guided missile base there in
flagrant violation of the Korean Armistice
Agreement.
"Just as the Korean question cannot be
solved by peaceful means without the with-
drawal of the U.S. imperialist aggressive army
from Korea, peace and security in the Near
and Middle East cannot be ensured unless the
U S. and British aggressive armies pull out of
the Lebanon and jordan.
"The Korean people strongly demand the
US-British aggressive armies to withdraw
from the Lebanon and. Jordan.
"We fervently support and encourage the
27
people of the Arab countri6 in their struggle
for the withdrawal- of the U.S. and British
aggressive armies' and for their freedom and
national independence.
"Today no force on earth can block the
current of the times in which the colonial
system is rapidly collapsing in the Asian, and
African area.
"We strongly demand that at the current
emergency SPecial session of the U.N. General
:
Assembly, the U.N. merdber natiiths; proceeding
from the lofty Mission 'assigned to th6d, take
effective measures- fifir the -withdrawal- of the
U.S. and British aggressive armies froth -fhe
Lebanon and Jordan .and check the intervens
tion of the colonialists in the .internal- affairs
of the Arab countries.
"Today the powerful peace forces headed
by the Soviet Union are decisively prevailing
over the imperialist war_ forces. Should the
U S. and British imperialists continue their
bankrupt military adventure, disregarding .the
voice of the world people, they will /not be able
to escape the severe punishment of the people
of the whole world".
Indonesia
The statement of Indoneian Peace Coni-
mince on 'rah\ an situtiOn givenThelo'w
'The question' of Taiwan was exclusively
an internal one of the People's Republic' of
China, it was conflict resulting in year's-long
civil war among the Chinese.-
"Basing on the principle , of peaceful co-
existence and on the principle .of mutually
res-
pecting the integrity and sovereignty. _of
countries as had been- decided in: the Asian-
African Conference in Bandung, that not -one
country had the right fo interfere:, in -the
People's Chinese internal affair's?:
- ?-
"American intervention in the _Chinese -iii-
ternal dispute, which -had?gone, opfor-y,ears,
and which had caused many tensions ip various
countries such,,as Btirma and.indonesia.,.. had
now reached:, iv .sj e,
world peace.
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17.?;17;?""`-..
2g
AFIZO-ASIAN BULLETIN
"In. such circumstances as at present the
Soviet Union was bound to agreement of
?
mutual assistance and friendly relations with
` the People's Republic of China. Such was also
the case with other countries, who kept
friendly relitins with China. It was therefore
logical that: these countries would not stand
aloof on facing such dangerous military adven-
tures.
-
"The Indresian Peace Committee then for
the sake of avoiding dangerous tensions and
of, preventing tlie outbreak of another world
3var demanded t that the USA withdraw its
troops from: Taiwan and other Chinese islands
and also demanded that the USA respect the 12
mile territorial waters line of the People's
Republic of .China, in order to prevent war
between the' two nations. ?
_ r
?
"The =Indonesian Peace Committee appeal
-co all the people and the government of Indo-
nesia to dirge the intervention- of the USA and
declare solidly :that the question of Taiwan is
-the internal, problem of China which will be
finished by the. Chinese themselves".
INDONESIAN Religious leader denounces _
U.S. aggression in Taiwan:
An Indonesian Moslem leader denounced
United States'intervention in the Chinese For-
mosa strait-affair and demanded the immediate
withdrawal of American troops and military
equipment_ from Taiwan and the Chinese off-
shore islands.?
? Harsono Tjokroaminoto, leading member
of the Moslem 'political association P.S.I.I. and
Chairman Of the A.A. People Solidarity Council
in IndOnegia, declared that China's mainland
and off-shore islands like Quemoy and Formosa
formed one entity and the peoples there one
nation: The problem regarding Taiwan and
Quemoy (where armed skirmishes are taking
place between Chinese Peoples Republic and
Kuomintang forces) are nothing but a sequal
Of h?hinese Peoples' resolution to determine
its own fate and Governmental system.
For the reasons, Tjokroaminoto said, any
foreigri?interverence ? in this case by the
-:,Unit;eit States ? is unjustifiable.
Sept.-Oct. .1958
Vietnam
Statement issued by the political parties
and organizations of the Vietnam peoples in
protest against the armed intervention of
American imperialism in Lebanon and othe
Arab countries : ?
"On the 15th of July 1958 American Impe-
rialist troops landed on Lebanese soil and open-
ed fire on its citizens. The British on their part
dropped their troops from the air by means
of parachutes on Jordanian territory during
the morning of July 17, 1958. In an attempt
to justify .their armed intervention in Lebanon
the American government advanced the pretext
of protecting the lives of American residing in
Lebanon and of safegnarding the sovereignty
and independence of that country. Meanwhile
no one has been dupe enough to believe in such
vile arguments. The truth of the matter is
that in face of the just struggle of the Leba-
nese people against an unpopular government
serving nought else save the interest of the
imperialist elements, and in face of the grand
and glorious victory of the Iraqi people who
installed a republican government in their
country very much devoted to the safety of
its sovereign rights and national independence,
then again in face of the expanding movement
of the Arab peoples who are opposed to the
Baghdad bloc and the Eisenhower-Dulles
Doctrine, the American imperialists and their
satellites were seized by panic and committed
the insane act of intervening militarily in Le-
banon and in other countries of both the
- Middle and Near East with the View of pro-
tecting their unjust and illicit interests repre-
sented by the petrol fields and of maintaining
their fertile rapidly disappearing colonial do-
mination.
"The aggressive act of American impe-
rialists and their gang shall meet with a shame-
ful defeat, as it was the case in Korea, in
Vietnam, in Egypt and in Syria".
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 29
DE GAULLE'S DUPLICITY IN AFRICA
The Hoax of ihe French 'Referendum
STATEMENT OF THE PERMANENT SECRETARIAT
ON POLITICAL SITUATION IN AFRICA BEFORE THE FRENCH "REFERENDUM"
(I) Africa strongly aspires to independence
and unity:
Ever since the Algerian military coup of
May 13, 1958, Africa has reaffirmed its will
and determination for independence and unity.
This is apparent not only in Algeria and the
Kamerun where fighters for freedom continue
heroically their struggle against the reinforced
armies of De Gaulle, but the whole of Black
Africa and Madagascar.
Since May 15, Committees for the Defence
of Democratic Liberties have been formed all
through the continent. At the same time, de-
finite anti-De Gaulle stands have been taken
in every part of Africa. The African Inde-
pendence Party for instance launched an appeal
warning populations that "a serious danger is
threatening the liberation prospect of Black
Africa under French domination, as Fascism
is restored with its spirit of reconquest and
the terror it generates".
On the other hand, the Constitutive
Congress of the African Regroupment Party,
assembled in Contonou in July, with the parti-
cipation of all Black Africa under French do-
mination, unanimously adopted the following
resolution :
"The Congress recommends the creation
of a solid and progressive African community,
with every possibility to co-operate in the poli-
tical field with any other community, in the
framework of liberty and equality : it urges
France and its people to contribute in faci-
litating the early reunion of Black African
Constituent Assemblies, it assumes the coun-
tersign of immediate independence and decides
to take all necessary measures to call Out the
African masses under the banner of this coun-
tersign and to transform this will for inde-
pendence into concrete facts.
"These demands for unity and independence
are also expressed by all other organizations :
cultural, labour, students, etc. The powerful
Black Africa Student's Federation in France
has described De Gaulle as "the man who
rejects continuously the colonised people's
claims for independence". The UOTAN, the
great head syndicate that unites more than
900/ of workers in Black Africa under French
domination has declared :
"The establishment of new relations
between France and Black Africa will have to
be carried out, not on the basis of a granted
charter, not even through a referendum in-
cluding the Metropolis and the Overseas terri-
tories, but on the basis of a free discussion
between the French representatives, on one
hand, and the African representatives, o'n the
other hand, in order to reach a conclusion pre-
serving the indisputable rights of the African
populations to independence".
Therefore, there exists now in Africa a
powerful stream in favour of Unity and Inde-
pendence. Its power was displayed during the
constitutional tour of De Gaulle. Every-
where, nationalist leaders asked that the
Constitution be amended ?to recognize the
African peoples' rights to independence. The
crowds, mainly in Dakar, have demonstrated
to support this idea.
(II) For the following reasons De Gaulle's
referendum is an obstacle to this popular
stream:
1. It is a French referendum, and we all
know that a people that does not enti-
rely govern itself cannot link its fate
to the destiny of a foreign nation.
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30 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sept.-Oct. 1958
7. We also know that a popular consulta-,
tion organized only by the colonial
powers is never a democratic one. We
state as an example the following
maxim : "The Algerian-like elections"
which proves that gerrymanded elec-
tions practised by imperialists, are of
universal reputation.
3 De Gaulle's Government is already
taking legal actions against African pa-
triots who called for independence,
during his stop-over in Dakar.
4. The fact that he (De Gaulle) is trying
to impose this referendum upon Alge-
ria ; also its consequences in the Ka-
merun ? a counity: in a state of war
? while the French Constitution de-
clares that every constitutional decision
ta::en while the country is occupied is
null and void.
The Constitution they are trying to
impose upon the African peoples aims
at perpetuating their domination and
exploitation.
6. It is the President of the French Re-
public and the French imperialists who
possess all the poNN Cr, not only in the
Republic, but also in the so-called
"French-African Community" (arts. 78,
80 and 83 of the draft constitution).
7. The new constitution is opposed to the
granting of independence to the Afri-
can territories since, such a decision
could not take effect before being
approved by French authorities. Now,
imperialists are too much interested in
the human and natural wealths of Afri-
ca, to accept willingly to loose them.
8. For the same reason, the new consti-
tution opposes itself to African unity,
for, "the status, extent, eventual re-
groupment, and organisation of the
overseas territories" depend entirely
upon the laws of the Republic. More-
over, their organisation being defined
and modified by the French Law (art.
74), these territories risk to be par-
5.
celled out like Algeria and the Sahara.
French imperialists dream in particular
to annex the whole Sahara-Mauritania
region, in order to be able to protect
it more effeciently against Arab and
African nationalism and against the
rival covetousness of other impe-
rialists.
In the light of this, and:
Consideting that every people has an
undisputable right to organize itself
into an independent and sovereign
State ;
? Considering that a people that is not
entirely self-government cannot possi-
bly link its fate to the destiny of
another nation ,
? Considering as contradictory to this
double-objective contained in the
United Nations Charter,
? The colonial wars in Algeria, in the
Kamcruns and in other French co-
lonies.
? The French Government decision to
associate the populations of Algeria,
Black Africa and Madagascar to the
De Gaulle Referendum,
The Permanent Secretariat for Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity:
(1)
Condemns any more to associate the
peoples of Africa and Madagascar to
the French referendum, as opposed to
the will of independence and unity
expressed by these peoples ;
(2) Urges the French Government. to
enter into immediate negotiations
with the Algerian National Liberation
Front, on the basis of full independen-
ce for Algeria ,
Also urges the French and British go-
vernments to open immediate nego-
ciations with the U.P.C. (Union of the
Populations of the Kameruns) for
Reunification and Independence of the
Karnerun ;
Suggests to the United Nations Vi-
siting Mission, expected soon in the
(3)
Sept.-Oct. 1958
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
31
Kamerun, to make all efforts in order
to receive all petitions and all peti-
tioners, in private, and avoid to meet
them in the presence of officials, in
the very spirit of the U.N.'s Charter.
13-9-58.
REIGN OF TERROR IN MADAGASCAR
ON EVE OF "REFERENDUM"
The following communication received at
the Permanent Secretariat from the Congress
of Independence of Madagascar describes the
situation in the area on the eve of the French
"referendum" :
On September 18, 1938, two delegates of
the "Permanent Delegation of the Congress of
Independence of Madagascar", Messrs. Rako-
tomanga Eloi and jorondrazana, in charge of
propaganda in the Realanana District (Pro-
vince of Majunga), went to Mangindrano to
hold an electoral conference. As they were
addressing the crowds, instigators started to
beat them ??ith bludgeons Mr. Rakotomanga
Eloi, badly hurt, was transported to Majunga
to receive the necessary medical assistance
On September 13, 1958, in Bolampona,
Andapa District (Province of Diego-Suarez),
Mr. Rabearise, who dared to contradict mem-
bers of the Social Democrat Party, during one
of their informal meetings, was slapped on the
face and beaten by one of the speakers, Bela-
zaina. On the same day, in the village of Amba
Amanasy I, canton of Marovato (Andapa
District) citizen Tsarasidy and members of the
Social Democrat Party destro)ed the huts
of Messrs. Randriambololona and Rakotozafy
Thomas.
On September 20, 1958, Mr. Randrianiatna,
ho lived in Faratsiho (Antsirabe District,
Province of Tananarive), and who is mandatory
for the "Permanent Delegation" was caught
in the street by young men from Antsirabe,
distributing pamphlets in favour of the De
Gaulle Constitution. They asked him what he
thought of the Constitution, and having
replied that he was against it, Mr. Randria-
niaira was violently beaten by the mob which
threatened to set fire to his house in no time.
Mr. Randrianiaira filed a complaint at the
Gendarmerie of Faratsiho.
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During the night of the 20 to the 21st
September, "unidentified" elements set fire to
a garage belonging to Mr. Saka Pierre, mem-
ber of the Provincial Council of Tamotabe and
mandatory for the "Permanent Delegation".
The fire destroyed two cars.
These facts, cited from many similar
others, give a clear picture of the reign of
terror that has been instituted throughout the
island on the eve of the "Referendum"
Moreover, \\e ish to emphasize that
during the different conferences held by our
propaganda agents in favour of a "NO", insti-
gators went on fomenting troubles and
threatening that a "NO" vote would mean a
recurrence of the events of 1947-48.
All these acts of vandalism and violence
arc well known to all government officials.
They are kept informed of their occurrence by
our representatives, and sometimes they
N?itness for themselves the brutal treatment
inflicted 1)) "Yes" supporters. Horeover, we
have not yet recorded any reaction from their
part.
In the presence of these facts, in addition
to many others, we cannot but reserve our
opinion as to the fairness and incorruption of
the referendum due to take place on the 28th
September 1958.
ON SITUATION IN FRENCH SOMALILAND
STATEMENT OF PERMANENT SECTT.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-
Asian Peoples' Solidarity wishes to draw the
attention of world opinion to the hypocrisy of
the so-called French Referendum in what is
known as French Somaliland.
Behind a cryptic news item in the daily
press a few days ago announcing the dismissal
by the French Governor of Prime Minister M.
Mahmoud Harbi of French Somaliland lies 1.
tale of deceit and trickery in which the im-
perialist colonialists are so adept.
The real and effective truth is that the
people of French Somaliland rejected De
Gaulle's fake consitution by an overwhelming
majority of 80 per cent. The strange mathe-
matics of the French imperialists, however,
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32
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Sept.-Oct. 1958
told the world that the freedom loving Somalis
have voted for their slave constitution by a,
majority of 70 per cent.
In arriving at this bogus result the French
imperialists have without the least qualm of
conscience added together the votes of such
farflung territories as Madagascar, French
Equatorial Africa and many other places.
Imperialist mathematics is thus exposed as
false and hollow and far from reality.
The people of French Somaliland in fact
stand solidly behind their dismissed Prime
Minister, M. Mahmoud Harbi, who fearlessly
declared in Paris sometime ago that French
Somaliland will reject De Gaulle's constitution
.md vote unhesitatingly for frecuom.
The announcement of this bogus and fake
result and the dismissal of Prime Minister M.
Mahmoud Harbi has caused a wave of protest
in French Somaliland. There have been huge
protest demonstrations all o? er the country.
The French imperialists have resorted to tra-
ditional colonial methods to suppress this \VavT.
of mass anger by resorting to indiscriminate
firings on peaceful demonstrations and letting
loose a reign of terror over the land. Dozens
Announcing our Publication
of unarmed people have been killed by French
bullets and thousands have been put behind
prison bars. And the reign of terror continues
unabated in French Somaliland.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Peoples' Solidarity strongly protests against
French highlandednesse and tyranny in Soma-
Wand. While assuring the brave Somali people
of the fraternal support that they have of the
freedomloving peoples of Africa and Asia, it
warns the French colonialists to desist from
tl.eir tyranical ways and bow before the
surging wave of freedom which is sweeping
across the African continent.
The Permanent Secretariat appeals to all
National Committees of Afro-Asian Solidarity
to raise their voice of protest against this
French tyranny on the Somali people and mo-
bilise public support for the just cause of
freedom of our Somali brethern. It also calls
upon the Afro-Asian representatives in the
United Nations to raise the question of French
Somaliland in the general Assembly and
expose the hypocricy and tyranny of French
13 10.58
Afro-Asian Quarterly
(Quarterly Journal of the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
?
Volume one, Number one
(Quarter October-December 1958)
to be out shortly.
In Number one:
?
The Kamerun Revolution
by OSENDE AFANA
?
Thunderbolt over Iraq
by YANG SHUO
?
China: A Population Study
by H. D. MALAVIYA
Peoples Solidarity)
Short story by YOUSSEF EL-SEBAI, Contribution from Mrs RAMESHWARI
zmd other aluable material
?
For further details write to
Editor, Afro-Asian Quarterly,
89, Abdel Aziz Al Saoud, Mania!, Cairo.
(U.A.R.)
NEHRU,
Printed in DAR EL-HANA Press, 12, Sami street, Cairo, and published by Salah Zulficar
for the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian Solidarity.
1111511\ III
"With man-traps stole upon you those hunters
whose fierceness was keener than the fangs
of youY wolves,
Whose pride was blinder than your lightless forests
The savage greed of the civilised stripped
naked its unashamed inhumanity.
You wept and your cry was smothered,
Your forest trails became muddy with tears and
blood,
While the nailed boots of the robbers
left their indelible prints
along the history of your indignity."
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2
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959
Editorial Board
YOUSSEF EL-SEBAI
OSENDE AFANA
YANG SHUO
G. ABDURASHIDOV
BAHIA KARAM
H. D. MALAVIYA
( Editor )
CONTENTS
1 Kamerun Will Be Free
2 The Kamerunian Case ? Ravings of
An Imperialist Mouthpiece
(Dr. Felix-Roland Moumie)
3 Call of the Permanent Secretariat of
Afro-Asian Solidarity for Obser-
vance of Kamerun Day
4 Profile of Kamerun Leader Dr. Felix-
Roland Moumie
Mission of Plunder
(Osende Afana)
6. Memorandum Submitted to the United
Nations Visiting Mission By The
Union Of The Peoples Of The
Cameroons
7. British Imperialist Lie Exposed
Statement Of Nigerian Delegations
At Accra Conference
8 U P.C. Is the National Expression Of
The Cameroons
Special:
(i) 4 pages of pictures
(ii) The Cameroon Flag
On Front Cover
Africa : A Poem
(Rabindranath Tagore)
3
4
6
10
11
18
95
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
MONTHLY JOURNAL OF THE PERMANENT
SECRETARIAT OF AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
Vol. 1 Cairo, January 1959
No. 9'
Kamerun Will Be Free
The United Nations is again on trial, and
this time it is the case of a resurgent African
country, the Kamerun.
On more than one occasion the United
Nations has been tried and found wanting. To
the N as t Afro-Asian humanity it has in-
creasingly re % elated itself as a tool of U.S.
imperialism, which today seeks to bolster up
all puppets and reactionaries all oc er the
odd. and all dying imperialisms like those of
Britain and France.
Though repeatedly exposed, the U.S. im-
perialists yet claim on the one hand to be the
champions of "freedom", and on the other
hand show their utter blindness and hypocricy
on innumerable issues, e.g., the case of the
admission of People's China in the United
Nations, to mention only one.
And yet again, that master of imperialist
chicanery, John Foster Dulles, has recently
mentioned that his U.S. Government will
-champion" the cause of African freedom.
Well, here is a concrete case, the case of
the heroic Kamerunian people. The United
Nations General Assembly meets on February
20 in a special session to discuss the Kamerun
case fiSr freedom. It will have before it the
report of an U.N. Visiting Mission, which
visited this Trust territory towards the end
of last year.
With the U.S. as chairman, the U.N.
'Visiting Mission had as its members Haiti,
New Zealand and India. From the very be-
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ginning the U.I'.C. leaders of Kamerun have
entertained grave doubts about the possible
usefulness of this Mission. The world well
knows what the U.S. imperialists are. Tiny
Haiti and New Zealand have always been in
the pockets of this imperialist or that, and
nothing much was expected of them except
dittoing what the .U.S. imperialist master told
them. The only hope was from India, and the
Kamerun leaders have expected the Repre-
sentative of this Asian country to play the
role in accordance with India's traditions of
freedom and fairplay. This high hope they
entertained even when earlier performances of
some Indian representatives in the U.N. on the
Kamerun question had left much to be desired
for.
The Repoil of this Visiting Mission of
the U.N. has not yet seen the light of the day,
and it would not be fair to anticipate its
findings. It is, however, certain beyond a
shadow of doubt that on the fairness or other-
se of the findings of this U.N. Visiting
Mission directly depends the future of the
cntire Trusteeship system of the United
Nations. The Trusteeship system of the late
unlamented League of Nations was revealed
as a conspiracy of imperialist robbers to loot
pnd pillage the trust territories under high
sounding phrases. Whether the U.N. Trustee-
ship is different will to a large extent be
decided on what the Visiting Mission has to
say on the Kamerun.
.11
-4
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959
So far as the 'Kamerun people arc con-
rcerned, and as far as one can judge from what
?
the Kamerun leaders say, they hope for .the
best, but are prepared for the worst. The Ka-
merunians are a most heroic people, and up-to-
date, perhaps the freedom battle of no other
African country except Algeria has reached
:those levels of bravery, deathless determination
and heroism as that of the Kamerun people.
'Though shrouded by a veil of imperialist censor,
trickery and brackmail, the heroic tales of the
:brave struggle of the Kamcrunians has spread
-far and wide over the entire African Continent,
and the recent stirrings of the Congolese
people is only a direct result of the Kamerun
battle across their frontier.
In the Union of the Populations of Ca-
-meroons, and in its leadership headed by Dr.
Felix-Roland Mournie, one comes across a
determined set of people and leaders whom no
power on earth can awe, whom no one however
mighty can curb, who compare with the bravest
inen who ever rose and fought for freedom.
The French and the British imperialists
THE KAMERUNIAN CASE
are never tired of Maligning the U.P.C. and
its leaders and have created puppets to
hoodwink world opinion. This, however, is an
old and Outdated trick, and too outmoded to
cut any ice.
The demand of the Kamerunian people
headed by the U.P.C. are simple and straight.
The All African People's Conference at Accra
has wholcheastedly supported them and the
same demands have been endorsed by the
Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian Soli-
darity. We publish the Secretariat's State-
ment for observance of February 20, 1959, as
Kamerun Day elsewhere in this issue.
On this coming February 20, the entire
Afro-Asian world will rise as one man behind
the demand of the Kamerunian people headed
by the U.P.C. The brave Kamerunian people
will determinedly march forward to wrest their
freedom with the specific assurance that the
masses of Africa and Asia are behind them.
Even if the U.N. fails once again, the freedom
of Kamerun can not be far off.
Ravings Of An Imperialist Mouthpiece
By
FELIX-ROLAND MOUMIE
(President of the U.P.C.)
In its editorial of December 27, 1957,. the
"Economist" of London wrote : "The future
.of the Kamerun which the United Nations will
-discuss next February is an urgent matter and
at the same time a tangled and a complicated
one". A little further in the same article the
"Economist" affirms : "It seems perfectly
possible that the year 1960 will witness the
birth of the first Communist republic in
Africa".
Decidedly, the Kamerunian problem is an
urgent and a complicated one : urgent because
the rotteness of its situation exists since 1955
on account of 'the stubbornness of the ztdini-
histrative authorities who refuse to accept the
peaceful and democratic solution proposed by
Jan. 1959 ,
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
5
the U.P.C., which, whether these authorities
admit it or not, is the incarnation of the
aspirations of the Kamerunian people. Com-
plicated because the same authorities, that is
to say, the French and the British ? naturally
refused to cooperate together in coordinating
their plans in such a manner as to ensure the
:iolution of the urgent Kamerunian question,
in conformity with the aspirations of the
people concerned. In this, we are in perfect
harmony with the editor of the "Economist".
On the other hand, we disagree with the
.statoment in which the editor endeavours to
forecast, without proof or argument, that the
first Kamerunian republic in Africa will be of
a Communistic nature. It is true that whoever
wishes to destroy his dog will accuse it of
-(listemper. Apparently, the greatest menace
which exists in the Kameruns ? in the opinion
of the "Economist" ? is the Communist
menace, and not the puppet government and
assembly which the administrative authorities
seek to set up and foster against the people's
will. The Me\ itable consequence of this un-
popular policy is that the Kamerunian people,
on seeing their lawful rights frustatcd, will
have no alternative but to, revolt against
tyranny and oppression and continue their
armed resistance until their national rights
have been recognized. This is exactly what
happened and still happens in the Middle East
and South America, where peoples deprived of
Their liberty and aspiring to their independence
took up arms and revcilted against the usurpers.
The case of Iraq and Cuba speak eloquently
for themselves and need no commentary. Here
-then is, the real danger threatening the Ka-
merun. The supposed Communistic menace is
but a veiled alibi which is only cited to cover
The real sordid interests of the foreigner in a
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country where the love of peace and liberty
has been amply proved since the second NN orld
war. The only solution for warding off this
menace is to accept the propositions of the
U.P.C. which are modest enough in themselves
and'which reflect our ardent desire of arriving
at a peaceful and democratic solution of the
Kamerunian problem. The principles of the
United Nations which aims at the conservation
of peace, should be able to solve this problem.
The whole world will mismterpert the intention
of the United Nations under the pretext .that
in order to gratify France in particular, they
have created in the heart of Africa a situation
the nature of which is likely to lead to another
world war.
any serious
editorial of
allegations.
',licitly the
a sufficient
For our part, we do not think that
attention should be attached to the
the "Economist" and its fantastic
The fact that it recognizes im-
power of the U.P.C., is in itself
admission of our logic and reason-
ing. 'We have always maintained and still
repeat that facts will finally prove that the
U.P.C. is the immortal spirit of the people of
the Kameruns. it is wrong to imagine that
it is possible to destroy an idea by bullets.
This is why, conscious of this historical
fact, the Afro-Asian countries in particular
*w ill champion our cause in the debates of the
special session which will be held by the United
Nations In finding a peaceful and democratic
solution to the Kamerunian problem as
suggested by us, the United Nations would
have given .proof of its existence, prestige, and
responsibilities.
The whole world should therefore endeavor
on the 20th February- to impose its will on
?
the United Nations in order to spare humanity
:?nd all the people of Africa and Asia a new
bloodshed.
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6 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
? Jan. 1959'
OBSERVE KAMERUN DAY
ON
FEBRUARY 20, 1959
CALL OF THE PERMANENT SECRETARIAT OF AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian regions of the country, the Visiting Mission
Solidarity has issued the following statement w as received by thousands of people in the
to the press : streets, expressing their popular aspirations :
Ever since 1955, the Kamerunian peoples Full amnesty, re-establishment of political
had to carry out an armed struggle to obtain parties, dissolution of puppet assemblies,
their national unity and independence. By holding a referendum and free elections under
despatching new reinforcements to the Kame- U.N. exclusive control.
un, the De Gaulle Government only worsten- All troop reinforcements, all the curfew
ed this situation which is unique in the history and all brute forces were incapable of stopping
of Trust Territories. The Government's agents the action of the U.P,C. freedom-fighters.
even announced with much pride their having This was admitted by the French Newspaper
murdered the Secretary General of the Union ?LE MONDE ? which writes in its issue of
of the Population of Kamerun, the orga- December 19, 1958 : "Some kind of tension
nization which represents the peoples' aspi- still prevails in the Mungo region as well as
rations. By hundreds of thousands, patriots in Bamileke country, on the western border,
(men, women, children and old people) are and in Douala. Incidents which have occurcd
thrown into jails and concentration camps. in the Kamerun's economic capital' on the
The crufew is observed in most parts of the occasion of the U.N. Visiting Mission's passage
country permanently, and this gives advantage have largely proved the existence of this
to the soldiers to kill during the night, and tension".
throw bodies in the rivers and lakes. In point of fact, the challenge of the
In spite of these atrocities, the Kamcrunians savage violence of the French imperialists has
remain determined to continue their liberation been taken up by the brave Kamerunian
struggle. This was clearly expressed to the people, and with arms in their hands they are
United Nations Visiting Mission in November fighting back the forces of French imperialism
1958. At that time, the administrating powers with such bravery and determination as has
tried their best to forbid Kamerunian patriots tew parallels. And this brave armed struggle
to aRproach the U.N. Visiting Mission. That of the Kamerunian freedom fighters has today
is why the French authorities accomodated become an irresistible force.
the Visiting Mission in the military barracks, The situation in the Kamerun thus appears
and placed many guards around them, who quite clearly : On one hand, a people led by
had the orders to shoot on sight any nationalist the U.P.C. and determined to obtain, at any
not authorized to meet the Mission. In the price, its unity and independence ; on the other
meantime, using U.N. cars and lor4s, soldiers hand, the French and British governments
went to gather petitions. determined to fight those aspirations by means
Despite everything, the popular will was of a handful of puppets. In order to put an
expressed with an irresistible force. Only in end to this situation, the United Nations have.
Douala, more than 46,000 petitions were decided to hold an extraordinary session
handed over to, the Mission. Thousands of exclusively devoted to the Kamerunian
others were sent directly to New York. In all problem. This is a unique fact in the history
Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
of the United Nations, and demonstrates the
seriousne4s of the situation in this African
country.
The recent Accra All African Peoples
Conference has also realised the seriousness
of this situation, and has expressed a particular
interest in the Kamerunian peoples' struggle.
Unanimously, this Conference has decided to
send a delegation to New York, in ader to
attend the debates on the kamerunian problem.
It has also decided to celebrate the 20th of
February as the "Kamerun Day".
It should be emphasized that this decision
A.% as adopted follow ing a draft resolution sub-
mitted by the Nigerian delegates to the Con-
ference. Imperialists always tried to picture
the Nigerians as opposing Kamerun's reunifi-
cation and independence. Thus, it indicates
the growing force of anti-colonialist solidarity
all through the African continent.
This is why the Permanent Secretariat for
Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity very warmly
supports the decision. We wish to remind
that the Accra Conference has invited all-
anti-colonialists throughout the world to join
in with the African Peoples to express our
solidarity with our Kamerunian brothers. To
this effect, the Steering Committee of this
Conference has suggested taking the following
steps :
Preparing :
1) A series of press articles, radio broad-
casts and meetings to deal with the
heroic struggle of the Kamerun
peoples and the atrocities and trea-
chery of colonialists and the immense
economic potentialities of Kamerun.
Staging
2) Peaceful demonstrations before the
embassies and consulates of France
and the United Kingdom as well as
before the centres of the U.N. for the
immediate peaceful and democratic
solution of the Kamerunian problem.
3) Collecting : funds, clothes, books and
medicines for the victims of the co-
lonialists var. The funds thus collect-
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cd should be forwarded to the office
of the Union of the People of the
Kamerun, (5, AHMED HESHMAT
Str., ZAMALEK, CAM, U.A.R.) or
to the Permanent Secretariat for
Afro-Asian Solidarity.
Adressing- :
4) Individual and collective petitions to
the President of the General Assembly
asking for :
a) The immediate establishment of
\ a normal political life in the Ka-
merun through the withdrawal
of foreign troops, the issuing
of a law of total unconditional
amnesty, and also the re-establish-
ment of the U.P.C. and all other
organizations which were pre-
iously dissolved.
b) A totally democratic Referendum
in the two parts of the Kamerun
simultaneously on the following
question : "FOR or AGAINST"
the Reunification of the country.
c) General Elections in the two
parts to- elect-a Constitutive Na-
tional Assembly.
d) Sending a Commission of the
UNITED NATIONS, to be elected
lw the General Assembly to or-
ganize and supervise this popular
? refendum.
The Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Solidarity whole-hcartedly supports the appeal
of the All-African Peoples' Conference at
Accra, and calls upon all National Solidarity
Committees to observe February 20, 1959, as
the Kamerun Day to lend their powerful
support to the freedom battle of the brave
Kamerunuian people. The support to the
freedom battle of Kamerun is at the same
time a support to the struggling. peoples of
Congo, Angola, Kenya and all other African
Peoples, who Are determinedly fighting for
their independence from the Imperialist Yoke.
24th, January 1959.
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8 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959
PROFILE OF THE KAMERUN LEADER
Dr. FELIX-ROLAND MOUM1E
On November 1, 1926, a son was born to
a Protestant couple of Foumban in the Ca-
meroons. The father was an agricultural of-
ficial named Moumie. (He has, incidentally,
recently been released from prison). The son
was christened Felix. When he was ten years
old, however, he read the story of Roland,
the legendary hero who died for his country,
and himself adopted the name of "Roland" to
bear witness to his patriotism, for the Came-
roons. The Moumics were Members of the
Bamoum tribe who, numbering about 80,000,
are famous for their warrior tradition, as well
as for their ancient artistic reputation. Later
Felix had a little sister ? a deaf mute ? from
the samd mother. When his father re-married,
there were four more girls, and three more
boys. Felix-Roland was an apt pupil, and
studied hard. He was sent to a series of
schools at Bafoussam, at Dschang, and at
Brazzaville. When he was 12 years old he
went to Ryos at Dakar. Here he studied for
five years (1942-1947); and here too he met
Gabriel d'Arboussier for whom Moumie feels
a strong affection, and whom he calls to this
day "the most learned of Africans". At Dakar
Moumie studied medicine. They were, how-
ever, difficult years for the students. In 1947
a strike broke out in the medical school, and
Moumie ,found himself one of the student
leaders. "We obtained 100% satisfaction of
our demands", he remembers. Through his
political friends in Dakar he became interested
in the Rassemblement Democratique African
of Houphouet-Boigny, and became the Secre-
tary-General of the party's student section.
Nineteen forty-seven was also the year
that Felix-Roland returned to the Cameroons.
At this time he made a vital friendship that
was to alter the course of Cameroonian
history. He was travelling in a railway- car-
riage. Down the corridor of the car, in
another compartment, he could hear a con-
versation being carried on. Both the voice
and the sentiments of the principal speaker
were much to his liking ? so much so that
he sat up suddenly in his seat. "That man
speaks ,,the same language that I do !" he said
to himself, "I must go and meet him at
once". The voice of the unknown speaker
turned out to belong to Urn Nyobe, of the
Bassa tribe. The language that he and Moumie
spoke in common was the language of African
nationalism ! Before the train reached its
destination ? Yaounde ? Nyobe and Moumie-
together had founded the U.P.C., the Union
of Populations of the Cameroons, which today
is known throughout the world as the
strongest political party in the territory, and
which plays a role in the Cameroons similar
to that played by the F.L.N. in Algeria.
The French, however, were conscious oi
the power of the movement, and before long
they managed to disperse the principal U P.C.
leaders to different parts of the territoiy, so
that they would no longer be able to meet
together. It was, on the part of the French,
a cardinal- mistake, \\ hich they will never be
able to rectify, and may be compared to the
British attempt to weaken the. power of
Nkruma's C.P P. by dispersing its leaders in
similar fashion. For, although ? the leaders
could not talk to each other, they were indi-
vidually able to make contacts with people in
all parts of the country, and to spread the
new concept of nationalism far and wide
among people who, up to then, had usually
been thinking in tribal terms. By 1955 it was
too late to put the clock back ? although, in
accordance with the national trait of illogi-
cality, this did not prevent the French from
making a disastrous attempt to do so. Go-
\ crnor Roland Pre was scat from Paris to
destroy the U.P.C. His first act was to recall
all the U.P.C. leaders from their scattered
regions of "exile", and to concentrate them in
Douala. Thus Moumie was recalled from the
North, where lie had been performing
autopsies in his, capacity of doctor, and uniting
teams of nationalists in his capacity as a poli--
Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 9
tician, and was assigned to the hospital at
Douala. The French then began their con-
certed campaign of provocation to persuade
the people to rebel so that they might instant-
aneously be crushed and charged with "vio-
lence". On a morning in May 1955 when
breaking point came, Moumie was operating
in the Douala hospital when men came running
into the operating theatre and cried out that
"the war has begun". Despite the confusion,
and the clamour around him, Moumic never
forgot that he w as a doctor True to his Hip-
pocratic Oath he continued to operate until
past midday. Then at 12.30 friends whisked
him out of the theatre, before the French
could come to arrest him, changed his clothes,
put him in a taxi, and got him down to U.P.C.
1,eadquarters From here he sent telegrams
to the Governor, and to Soppo Priso. Over
20,000 people had by this time congregated
round the U.1) C. offices, and soldiers also
arrived. "I never saw a scene like it", re-
members Moumie Then he learned that the
soldiers were coming for him. The people
were prepared for violence to defend him.
Moumie then got on the roof of Soppo Priso's
car and spoke to the people for four hours
Id, ask them to remain calm. Then word
came that the French had arrested some
People and taken them to prison. At this
news the people broke loose from control,
they rushed to the prison, and the sound of
shooting w as heard. A few minutes later
five corpses were brought into the offices of
the U I? C. Among them were friends of
Moumie whom he had last seen only a few
minutes earlier. "Then", he says, "I unders-
tood that the war had begun". It was decided
that Urn, the Secreiary-General of the U.P.C.,
should be in charge of external diplomacy,
Outindie in charge of propaganda, Kingue in
charge of internal affairs, and Moumie in
charge of the legal aspects of the struggle.
They remained in the U P.C. offices for several
Meepless nights in a state of siege while tte
French let loose a veritable jacquerie of re-
pression throughout the country. The Came-
roons endured the first of a series of waves
of French terrorism, with villages burnt,
arrests, and massacres by troops brought in
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from other territories. When the U.P.C. head-
quarters w as at last burnt down by the French,.
the leaders had succeded in escaping ? Urn
into hiding in the Cameroons, m here he
remains to this day, and Moumie, disguised,
to the British Cameroons on the back of a
motor-bicycle.
From 1955 to 1957 Mountie remained
peacefully in the British Cameroons, writing
legal studies of the question (the French
banning of the U.P.0.- lacking any legal basis,
being done under a law inapplicable to the
colonies, let alone a Trust Territory). Then
in 1957 the British, who had permitted the
U P.C. to contest elections, suddenly, ap-
parently as a result of collusion with the
French, banned the LT l'.C., and, after a few
embarrassed weeks of keping- the leaders in
jail, deported them by air to Sudan The
British official who deported Moumie told
him, in extreme embarrassment, that it was
with the greatest regret that he took this
action. "I have never before been asked to
do such a thing for my country", he said, "but
1 am obliged as a VERY ACTIVE DECISION
has been taken". So the colonial powers sent
a brilliant young man of 31 -- a skilled surgeon
and a student of international law ? into exile
in the Sudan. The exile \-as aft unjust and
barbaric act. With Moumie NI. as sent his
f e . His seven-year-old daughter was, how-
ever, left behind. He did not know , until he
reathedNewYork,who w as looking after her.
Khartoum is, of course, on the road to
Cairo. The French, it is reported, are now
angry with the British for sending Moumie
into exile.
Dr. Moumie has been strongly attacked
by Premier M'Bida of the Cameroons as being
a Communist ? an actusation that he has
denied both in 1957 and in 1958, and, indeed,
at all times. In Cairo and the Middle East
he has made firm friends with Egyptians and
Indians, who understand his love of country.
At the Cairo Conference he was responsible
for preparing one of the basic papers for
discussion ? the report on colonialism. Slight
in build, serious in manner, motivated first,
last and always by Cameroonian patriotism,
more will certainly be heard of Dr. Moumie.
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10
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
'Jan. 1959
MISSION
OF
PLUNDER
OSENDE AFANA
(Kamerun Representative on
Afro-Asian Permanent Secretariat)
Ask any administrator of colonies what
he is doing in Africa, NN by his government does
not let the Africans run their own affairs. He
will invariably answer that he is in Africa on
a mission of civilisation. "If Europeans were
to pull out", he would say, "it would mean
chaos, anarchy and misery".
Africa, birthplace of civilisation
So then, Africa, birthplace of humanity
and civilisation would be a jungle without the
presence of the imperialists... Where, then.
were these when the Africans were building
those brilliant civilisations, which the cultured
world admires today, in the canyons of Oldo-
way in Kenya, on the plateaus of Silva Porto
in southern Angola or in the sand hills of
Tihodairte in the Sahara ? Are the Belgians
.and the French to be credited for the'kalinian
of the Congo or the paleolithic and neolithic
cities of 'Yaounde ? Who does not know that
Belgium was born in 1829 ? France completed
its territorial unity only one hundred years
ago. But- one thousand years ago, a good part
of Western Africa, now under French admi-
ristration, formed a mighty State : the Mali
Empire. The emperor was so rich and
sumptuous that Alexandria gold rates fell
drastically when he visited that city in the 13th
cen tury.
At. this period of time all the African
peoples, with the exception of the Boschimens,
knew how to use iron. They even possessed
crucible furnaces, in which iron was extracted
directly from the ore.
The Benin gulf remains famous for its
remarkable bronze sculptures, dating from the
15th and 16th centuries.
Indeed, as Paul Valery NN rote, "we of other
civilisations know now that we are mortal".
But why did many African civilisations die ?
Why were so many others not able to further
their normal development ? Is it not mostly
due to European intervention ? Can one deny
that in destroying the tow n of Benin the
British bombers destroyed artistic treasures
and thwarted an original, material evolution ?
In 1916, French imperialists moved into the
Kamerun. They found there, among other
creations of the Kamcrunian genius, a script
invented by King Njoya and taught ai the lime
in the schools of the country. Acting like
,,orthy descendants of the Vandals and the
Goths, they closed_ all these schools and
torbade the teaching of this writing, unique
among others.
Like w ise, King Njoya's head printer had
invented a maize mill ; also, through ob-
:-ervation of the Haoussa weavers, he succedcd
i. introducing the pedal loom to the handi-
craftsmen of Foumban. Unfortunately, less
than two years after the arrival of the French
imperialists, all these innovations were relegat-
ed to museums, banned, and infringements to
this ban carried extremely severe sanctions.
So they say they came to civilise us, these
obscurantists, these birds of prey, these man-
hunters ! For countless centuries, they wrested
off Africa more than 150 million of its children,
(Contd. on page 19)
_Ian. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BUI.J.E'l'l N 11
Memorandum Submitted To The United Nations
Visiting Mission By The Union Of The Peoples
Of The Cameroons
The U. N. Mission visited Cameroon in
lucidly explains Kamerun's case for freedom.
According to the terms of Resolution 1907
(XXII) of the Trusteeship Council, your
mission has been appointed, firstly, "to inves-
tigate and report as fully as possible on the
steps taken in the t o above-mentioned Trust
Territories tow ards the realization of the
objective set forth in Article 76 b of the
Charter, taking into account the terms of Ge-
neral Assembly resolution 321 (IV) of 15
November 1949 and other rele?ant General
Assembly resolutions ;
"2. to give attention, as may be appro-
priate in the light of discussions in the
Trusteeship Council and the General Assembly,
and of resolutions adopted by them, to issues
raised in connexion with the annual reports
on the administration of the two Trust Terri-
tories- concerned, in petitions received by the
Trusteeship Council relating to the Territories,
in hearings in the General Assembly of peti-
tioners from the Territories, in the reports of
the previous periodic Visiting Missions to the
Territories and ir,. the observations of the
Administering Authorities on those reports ,
"3. to receive petitions, ,N about prejudice
to its acting in accordance w ith the rules of
procedure of the Council, and to investigate
on the spot, after consultation with the local
representative of the Administering Authority
concerned, such of the petitions received as,
in its opinion, warrant special in\ estigation".
This is a most important mandate, and on
its results depend
a) The lives of 5 million inhabitants of the
Cameroons under United Nations trusteeship,
entrusted to the administration of France and
Great Britain ;
b) The U.N.'s prestige ;
c) The confidence which has been placed
in the U.N. for the preservation and streng-
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Novtmber 1958. The following memorandun
Editor
limning of peace and security, and especially
in view of the importance accorded by the
U.N. to the right of peoples to self-determi-
nation.
This is a case for conscience, but it also
entails either respect or utter disregard for
the terms of the Charter.
A. The right to petition, as understood by
the Administering Authorities and as stipulat-
ed in Article 87 of the Charter.
We are glad to note that the Mandate
(paragraph 2) of the Visiting Mission directs
it "to give attention.., to issues raised in con-
nexion with the annual reports of the admi-
nistration of the two Trust Territories con-
cerned, in petitions received by the Trustee-
ship Council relating to the Territories, in
hearings in the General Assembly of petitioners
from the Territories, ...etc".
After certain delays, it is true, the
'1 rustecship Council has authorized explicitly
its Mission to take into account all petitions,
including those submitted by the U.P.C., and
to report on them to that Council.
It could not be otherwise, since, according
to the terms of the Charter (Chapter XIII)
;=nd resolution 1211 (XII) of the General
Assembly of the U.N , supreme authority in
trusteeship matters is not vested in the
Trusteeship Council or the Administrating
Powers, but in the General Assembly itself,
which does not recognize the ban placed arbi-
trarily on the U.P.C. and other organizations
which have met the same fate.
We believe, therefore, that you will take
into account the care which the General
Assembly and the Trusteeship Council have
taken to receive all Cameroonians' views on
their fate and that, before leaving, you will
receic c all the petitions and all the petitioners
`.1
12
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 19;*9
who may come to you, without excluding any
individual or organization due solely to the
fact that they are displeasing to the Admi-
nistering Authorities.
We know that it is the intention of the
Administering Authorities to press for a
renewal of the partisan position taken by the
1955 Mission. But we also know that in view
of the reaction of world opinion on this po-
sition, and in view of the respect which you
have for the Charter by virtue of which you
are travelling to our country, your Mission will
not allow itself to bow to the injunctions and
the whims of the Administering Authorities.
B. Resolution 1211 (XII) of 13 December
1957.
The 12th Session of the General Assembly
? one might even say at the instance and
with the support of the Administering Autho-
rities ? adopted resolution 1211 (XII) re-
questing these powers to re-establish a normal
political life in the Cameroons, according to
a series of measures enumerated during the
debates, and which we shall merely mention
here :
1. The withdrawal of foreign troops from
the Cameroons ;
2. The reestablishment of all dissolved
political parties, i.e., the U.P.C. the u.D.E.F.
E.C. and the J.D.C.
3. The restoration of all political liberties,
particularly those of assembly, expression,
association, etc.
4. A total and unconditional amnesty for
bet8 of a political nature penalized or pro-
secuted since 1955, as well as the return of
deportees and political exiles ; and
S. Lastly, as a natural corrolary expressly
provided for in paragraph 5 of that resolution,
"the realization in both Territories of the
final objectives of the Trusteeship system, in
accordance with the free expression of the
wishes of the populations concerned, taking
into account any alternative relative to their
future status".
Although the representatives of Prance
and Great Britain also voted for this reso-
lution, it is precisely the opposite policy that
they have pursued. Anyone may judge this
from these facts, chosen among thousands :
1. Anyone may read in "Le Monde" of
22 No ember 1937 that the Franco-Cameroons
Government enacted the following measures :
"regrouping of villages, prohibition against
travelling at night, suppression of common
markets and transportation. These measures,
moreover, do not preclude direct action against
the agitators of the Union of the peoples of
the Cameroons". We may note that decisions
so harmful to political liberty are taken solely
by the French Parliament. However, the
Government has allowed itself to promulgate
them by simple decree, and this in a territory
under international trusteeship. At present,
Sanaga-Maritime, there are mushroom
villages formed by the forcible regrouping of
from five to ten villages or rural centers.
These villages are surrounded by palisades
from 6 to 8 meters high, topped by posted
sentries. At the slightest motion of a shadow
outside the palisade these alert the soldiers
who open fire without warning and without
mercy. We may easily imagine the tragic
consequences of such a regime in a region
where the populations live in scattered hamlets
tar removed from their fields. The Authorities
have had to set up convoys to allow their
prisoners to obtain supplies from the fields
once every month. Outside of these move-
ments, all interned persons found absent ard
treated as rebels. This regime, applied iri
Malaya and Kenya, is thus a regime of exter-
mination by starvation, and also by assassi-
nation. POr the population, in its Overwhelm-
ing majority, has refused to leave its villages,
2 Already at the time of the 12th Session
of the General Assembly, the French Govern-
ment boasted of having sent troop reinforce-
ments to massacre the people of the Carrie-
roons under international trusteeship. Since
that time, Radio-Brazzaville announced, on
May 6, that neW reinforcements sent from
Ubangi, Lake Chad and the Middle Ccingti
Were on their Way to the Canieroons to sub.,
jugate the U P.C. registande movement in
Sanaga-Maritime and in the western part of
the country. Presently, besides the consi-
derably increased forces of the police and the
gendarmerie, 60,000 soldiers of the French.
army are carrying out operations in the Cal.
;Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 13
mcroons, as against 2,000 in normal times.
Congratulating himself on this intensification
of the war, the so-called head of the Came-
roons Government stated, on 20 June, 1958 ?
"The Government and the French Authorities
are sparing no effort to allow the restoration
of calm in the country". The "Presse du Came-
roun", a colonialists' newspaper which related
this item (issue of June 21 and 22), added
that a "U.P.C. general Fanjock Isaac Nyobe,
was killed near Makak", without mentioning
a word about the resolution of the General
Assembly of the United Nations quoted above.
3. This solidarity between the colonialists
(Ion not cease to operate fully against the
Cameroons patriots. Thus, last May 24, the
British security forces massacred Came-
roonians in the Eastern zone who, in order to
visit brothers in the Western zone, had taken
a trail which is not ordinarily in use. This is
because, since December, the borders of our
country, down to the slightest trails, are
guarded by the military. The State under
trusteeship has even passed a law authorizing
customs inspectors to bear arms while on duty.
In support of this pretended law's proponent,
one of the so-called ministers added that it is
in effect, the regularization of an already
----tic?complished fact (Cf. "La Presse du Came-
roun", issue of 18 June 1958).
4. Another example of the solidarity
between the imperialists in their disregard for
their most solemn commitments resides in the
arrests and arbitrary detentions, both in the
western and the eastern zones. The British
Government has pushed its inhumanity to the
point of turning over Cameroonians placed
under its administration to the French Autho-
rities, such as Degrando and Ebode Engelbert.
For the record, here is the expulsion order
sent to each of these patriots : "The Nati \ e
Authority of Rumba, in conformity with the
powers vested in all Native Authorities by
Section 29 of Chapter 140 of Nigerian Law,
does order you, Mr. Ebode, who, although
subject to our jurisdiction, are a nember of
the Native Community. to leave the sector
placed under the jurisdiction of the Kumba
Authority within 40 days, unless within that
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time you submit proof that your means and
your work allow you to live decently, you and
your family".
This expulsion order calls for many
remarks. First, it is based on a Nigerian Law.
This reference, therefore, testifies to inte-
grationalist designs contrary to the Trustee-
ship Agreements. This expulsion order also
constitutes a violation of the Charter of the
United Nations, whose Articles 73 and 76 b
require that the Administering Powers conform
to the paramount interests and the freely
expressed aspirations of the natives. Now, in
this instance, the latter intend to reside in
Rumba, or, more generally, in the Western
Cameroons. To expel them from there is
again a violation of the Universal Declaration
of Huuman Rights which recognizes every
man's right to choose his residence freely
within any State, and especially in his own
country, particularly if he is a member of the
native community, as the expulsion order itself
recognizes. Thus, legally, it is entirely un-
warranted. Its authors insinuate that it is
justified due to failure to carry on lawful
work. This condition is absolutely inadmissible,
since this would allow any country td export
to its neighbours its own unemployed workers
or those citizens who are incapable of earning
a decent living. Let us look further into this
inhuman and irrational viewpoint of the im-
perialists. In order for them validly to justify
this expulsion, they must first prove that actual
possibilities for decent work exist within their
borders for all citizens without exception, and,
further, that the victims of these expulsions
do not have honest or sufficient means of
existence. Now, in this case, the imperialists
cannot furnish this twofold proof The entire
Cameroons remains an under-developed
country, tv h er e, by definition, un-employment
is rife. Also, because it is under foreign do-
mination, its inhabitants suffer from racial
discrimination. This double evil of unemploy-
ment from under-development and racial dis-
crimination is even more pronounced in the
Western zone under British administration
than in the Eastern zone under French admi-
ristration
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11!1
14
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
The United Nations themselves have
pointed this out on seVeral occasions. How,
then, can the English authorities validly rc.
proach the natives with not having work ?
Even more, despite this general situation, the
victims of expulsion whose names have reached
us up to now , i.e., Ebode Engclbert, Ewondjo
Dcgrando and his companions expelled from
Tombel on June 9 last, all these patriots
are perfectly in order 'even with the Ni
gcrian Law which has been wrongfully applied
in the Cameroons. This is proven by the fact
that they have all regularly paid their taxes
to date, and some of them have done so for
many years. They are among the most
influential members of the native community.
Thus, their expulsion can be justified neither
by facts nor by law. On what is it ultimately
based ? On political motives only. During a
contradictory public lecture, Mr. Endeley, the
lecturer, was reduced to stuttering and
stammering by the questions and arguments
advanced by Ebodc Engelbert and other
Fatriots. The so-called prime minister could
not bear such a defeat ; rather, he built it up
into a treasonable crime and, abruptly ending
the lecture, he immediately sent expulsion
orders to these patriots, giving them not 40
days as provides the already unjust law, but
only 15 days. This is how the United Nations
Charter, the Trusteeship Agreement and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights are
disregarded ,by these puppets who, never-
theless, pretend that in this way they are
struggling for the reunification and inde-
pendence of the Cameroons.
5. The British Government is all the more
guilty in allowing these exp-ilsions to take
place, since':
a) They cause numerous Nigerians, who
are accorded more rights than the natives, to
pour into the Cameroons ;
b) The patriots turned over to the French
Authorities are subjected to a particularly
inhuman treatment. First, they are herded
together and ill fed in unsanitary prisons,
which are more densely populated than the
"
On 19 July 1958, in Stockholm, Mr Jacques
Ngom admitted that the concentration camps
Jan. 1959
alone contained at that time 50,000 patriots
cut of the 3,000,000 inhabitants listed in the
census for the Eastern Cameroons. At present,
the prisons are even more numerous than the
concentration camps, there being at least one
for each administrative post (sub-regional or
regional center) and even for the conformist
districts. This is how these prisons are filled
with victims delivered by the English. Since
19 February 1955, a decree of the governor
I.as granted all authorities the right to arrest,
detain or incarcerate all persons deemed
suspect. The homes of these prisoners, exiles
and resistance members are encircled at night.
Other homes are set afire, with women and
children in them, and yet others are broken
down with trucks or tractor, like that of
Njebet jean-Claude in Doula New-Bell. After
such operations, they dare arrest all homeless
persons as vagrants and evil-doers. All these
arbitrarily and brutally arrested persons are
subjected to a veritable regime of hard labour.
Thus the populations of the Bambini. Sector
are forced, under the gun-butts of the soldiers,
to construct roads to facilitate troop move-
ments, particularly the roads of Ngambc, Man-
ngombe, Ndom, Ndog-Mbock, Basso-Balikol,
Nkonkwalla, Log-Noug, Ibong, Bisseng,
Bongan and I3afia. Many die from these
ordeals, especially since the hard labour is
accompanied by different tortures.
When a person is arrested, an electric
current is attached to his genitals and his ears,
to force him to inform against the resistance
members. Other detainees arc placed on
screens above lighted fireplaces. Yet other
have their limbs attached to a rope, the other
end of which is tied to a ram At very brief
intervals, the soldiers hit the ram to make it
run, thus quartering their victims.
These masters of civilization of the Franco-
African community have just invented another
particularly odious torture, the pit-torture.
Large pits have been dug, particularly at Nom
and Boon-Djock. In those at Nom, 'suspects"
are confined alive, then covered by metal
sheets on top of which are lighted fires. After
a certain time has elapsed, the pit is uncovered
and the bodies are taken out. If there arc
any survivors, they are interrogated to force
3HT TA 14 11H3MAN
Addressing the United Nations
Trusteeship Committee
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KAMERU N AT THE UNITED NATIONS
Dr. Felix. Roland Moumie addressing the IV th Committee
at the United Nations
??".
The Moroccan Delegation at the United Nations gave a party to meet
the U.P.C. leaders. Dr. Mounzie and Mr. John Kale of the Uganda
National Congress can be seen in the picture along with others.
HOW CIVILISED ARE THE FRENCH "CIVILISERS"?
'La presence on pays
BMniNhe des tired.-
le.-itra'de la 3" compa-
hie, de combat de
- Ckari a
la couleur lo-
'calif es to ceUbration
I. du 4'0" anniverscurr de
1:arinistice de 1918
Besides 60.000 French troops, French imperialists haze poured into
Cameroon African trcops from their West African colonies to drown in
blood the heroic resistance of the U.P.C. Seen in the picture is 111rd
company of African troops from Oubangi-chari, a French colony near
cameroon. They were brought to the Bamileke country of Cameroon.
AFRICANS RALLY IN SUPPORT OF THEIR CAMEROON BRETHERN
A demonstration in Conakry; capital of newly liberated Guinea,
is support of Cameroon freedom.
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lit
AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY
Airs. Rameshwatz Nehru, President. Indian Association for Afro-
Asian Solidarity, visited the effice of the Union of Populations of Came-
roons in Cairo recently . She is seen in the picture with the leaders and
staff of the U.P.C. office. U.P.C. President Dr. Felix -Roland 'Mamie,
Cameroon Representative on the Permanent Secretariat of Afro-Asian
Solidarity, Dr. Osende Afana and otters can be seen in the picture.
Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
them to reveal the location of the resistance.
At Boon-Djock, the pits which have been dug
are filled with water, and the arrested patriots
have a rubber strip wound about their chests
and arc thrown in, with only their heads
remaining above water. Some of them are
taken up dead. As for the more resistant ones,
they are subjected to interrogation on the
location and the movements of the resistance.
This is the "civilizing" and "humanitarian"
work which France is accomplishing in the
Cameroons under international trusteeship.
This is the "liberalism" of the Ahidjo Govern-
ment, and its desire to come to an understand-
mg with the U These are facts which we
ask to be t erified on the spot by all observers
who are even the slightest bit objective, and
particularly by those appointed by the United
Nations.
6. As a consequence of this military si-
tuation and the inhuman treatment meted out
in the various places of detention. civilians
can no longer find room in the public hospitals
. of the principal tow ns in the South, Yaounde,
Douala, Ebolow a, Nkongsamba, Dschang-, etc.
The "Presse du Cameroun" quoted above,
relates in its issue. of June 13, 1958, that the
soldiers themselt es hate been obliged to place
several ambulances at the disposal of the po-
pulation
7. As for the number of dead, it is difficult
for us to imagine it. Many perish from being-
shot, other following the ordeals and the hard
labour, and some, finally are deported to
unknown destinations and are sometimes found
floating in watercourses As a single example,
I.ake Yaounde was recently drained by order
of the Government. In its bed were found
upwards of 600 skulls.
S. Not content with carrying out arbitrary
police and judicial action and military terror,
and dealing death themselves, the Authorities
also allow some of their lackeys to organize
bloody gangsterism. The former "government
head". Mr 2tIbida, publicly stated (Cf. Journal
of Debates of the Legislatit e Assembly of the
Cameroons, February 1957), that his accom-
plices in the I.-cfrisla.tit. e Assembly are armed
Moreover, "Le Monde" of 17 July. 1958,
informs us that this former prime minister
15
caused a poor, aged and defenceless citizen
to be beaten to death by his hired killers. Mr.
Mbida was ready to slaughter others when
the police intervened. Despite his flagrant
crimes, Mbida and his henchmen were let
free. This encouraged them to pillage markets
and perpetrate other attempted murders. Flow
can the Authorities ensure order when their
own agents loot and burn even more furiously
than the private mercenaries, and when the
Government itself distributes uniforms, arms
and ammunition to private individuals, asking
them to set up groups for "self-defense" ?
9. This was the situation before the arrival
to power of General de Gaulle. Despite the
liberalism which some observers seek to find
in his African policies, he has only aggravated
this very alarming state of affairs. This is
supported by these few facts : Last July 11,
some patriots were able to photograph, at
their own risk, tanks and armored cars sent
by de Gaulle to the combat zones, particularly
in Sanaga-Maritime. Copies of these photos
have been sent to the U.N. Secretariat by our
central office in Cairo.
Since September, a state of emergency
pre% ails in the Western part of the country
(Mungo and Bamileke region). Finally,
he radio and tarious agencies have
recently announced a ast encircling and
"pacification" operation during which the Se-
cretary General of the U.11 C. is reported to
have been killed. This is an absolutely odious
murder. Either France recognizes that it is
in a state of tvar against the pe.ople of the
Cameroons. in which case we cannot but be
indignant that the French troops have killed
a leader, instead of keeping him alit c after
his "capture" as required by international law ;
el else the French Got ernment refuses to
admit that it has unleashed a colonial war in
our country ; in which case, how can we
explain these "pacification" operations, and
these reinforcements of troops and arms ? The
French colonialists themselves speak of the
people rallying. This is absolutely fictitious,
of course as in Algeria, but'a is still significant
for the real situation in the Cameroons.
Objectively, unfortunately, we must note that,
for the first time in history, a colonial war is
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16 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
unfolding in a Territory under international
trusteeship. And if, so far as we know, the
French Government is not using against us
modern means of extermination, it is sparing
neither its mercenaries, known as "Senegalese
Rifles", nor its military equipment. Thus, for
the past three years, Sanaga-Maritime has
acquired more roads than in 0 years, solely
to facilitate troop movements. The radio has
.also been mobilized to the utmost, with
frequent special broadcasts beamed at Douala,
Yaounde and Garoua in order to demoralize
the population by false reports, while cons-
tantly attacking the patriots.
We must emphasize that this technique
is in no way different from that developed by
Colonel Lacheroy, one of the factious soldiers
of Algiers. He recommended a three-fold
action : taking up arms, a fictitious rallying
of the population, and especially an extensive
radio campaign against independence. Thus
the funds collected from the Cameroonian tax-
payers go far more towards a war budget than
the development of their country. We cannot
hit question the legality of this public campaign
in' a Trust Territory whose, very status calls
for national independence. The Administering
Authorities are bolstering their open campaign
with a ,merciless struggle against any mani-
festation of non-conformist political opinions.
We may recall that Dr. Eyidi Bebey, who
appeared before the General Assembly in
February 1957, was imprisoned less than a
year later, merely because of some nationalist
articles in
decree has
Cameroons
his newspaper. F.? en worse, a
been promulgated in the Eastern
condemning to heavy sentences
any persons possessing or distributing publi-
cations of the U.P.C. Such a decision violates
both freedom of expression and the internal
jurisdictional structure, since only a judicial
Jan. 1959
authority may decree such severe penalties.
This clearly reveals the colonialists' firm de-
termination to oppose our aspirations. This
firm determination has also been concretized
by the explusion of numerous attorneys from
the Cameroons, or the refusal to issue them
a visa permitting them to defend their clients.
How can an impartial system of justice thus
deprive the defense of all its legal safeguards ?
The truth of ? the matter is that colonialist
justice is becoming increasingly summary and
partial, since the magistrates requested and
obtained, in December 1957, the right to take
into consideration nothing beyond the defense
of the regime. They have again recently
condemned to death numerous patriots accused
of the murder of Delangue, although to date
the Authorities have declared that no one was
arrested for his assassination ; meanwhile, we
see a former "prime minister" murdering his
fellow-citizens with impunity. The British
Government is also resolutely engaged along
the same path. At the beginning of this
month, it had a number of patriots arrested
at night. Although most of them were mi-
htants in a legal organization, "One. Came-
roons", they ne ertheless received heavy
sentences.
C. The assassination of Ruben Nyobe, Se-
cretary General of the U.P.C.
With fanfares and with rejoicing, the
French Authorities announced that, on 13
September, 1958, they "stuck down:' Mr. Ruben
Um Nyobe, Secretary General of the U.P.C.
We do not intend to confirm or to deny
this report. We merely wish to draw certain
conclusions, in case it should be true.
1. As we pointed out above, this is a unique
act in the history of the international trustee-
ship system : the extermination of political
leaders so as to leave, as negotiators, only
Jan. 199
AFRO-ASIAN 13tILLtTIN
those who agree, the lackeys of the Admi-
nistering Powers, w ith the tacit blessings of
the U.N.
2. After the set-backs in Togoland. where
the "minority" became a majority, France
thinks that she can avoid, by the assassination
of Ruben Urn Nyobc, the whole problem of
the Cameroons. Those masquerading behind
such a manceuvre must know that "you cannot
kill an idea with bullets" (said by Sou.stelle
after the attempt on his life).
3. France thereby recognizes the frauds
instituted in the elections which she organized
on 23 December, 1956, and the puppet nature
of the institutions resulting therefrom. All
the Cameroonian petitioners who appeared
before the General Assembly and the Trustee-
ship Council after these elections were un-
animous in objecting to the non-representative
character of the so-called Legislative Assembly
of the Cameroons.
4. By this dishonest method, France
believes that she can impose a "choice" for
a "community of free peoples" and "Beni Oui-
Oui" spokesmen upon the Cameroonians. This
was revealed to us by a Tunisian newspaper.
"La Presse", on the day following the re-
ferendum of 28 September, 1958. Speaking
of the choice made by Guinea, this newspaper
t,sserted that "France will find in the Came-
roons and the Ivory Coast the agricultural
products which she will lose in Guinea upon
the latter's independence". More clearly ex-
pressed, this means that France has decided
to remain in the Cameroons, even by the use
Of force.
5. It is normal for all these measures td
have been cunningly worked out between
France and Great Britain so as to avoid the
attainment of our national objectives, im=
mediate unification and independence. This
ti'as revealed to us by the Delegate of New
Zealand during the 21st Session of the Trustee-
ship Council. He stated : "... it was difficult
to conceive for this Territory ? Western
Cameroons a future which is not linked to
that of the great neighbouring Iserritory".
(Report of the Trusteeship Council, Volume II,
Doc. 4/A/3822, p. 75, paragraph 55). This is
why we agree with the Representative of
Burma in supposing that the Administering
Authorities "in the execution of a large-scale
plan, had already succeded in destroying the
unity of the Cameroons, parcelling out this
solid national entity, and having the Territory
absorbed into the Nigerian Federation and
the French Union", newly baptized under the
designation "community of free peoples".
D. What do we propose?
1. We believe that your Mission should
visa ah the places to which its attention is
drawn by the natives : the prison-tombs, the
concentration camps, the watercourses into
which the Franco-British soldiery throw the
patriots bodies.
2. It should, further, receive all petitions
and all petioners, not only without discrani-
nation, but also without the presence of the
official authorities.
Without these two conditions, a United
Nations Mission Nt;o u Id be absolutely useless,
for the reports furnished directly by thci
Administering Authorities to the U.N. containi
the information which a Mission would gather
which did not take these two considations intO
ccount.
3: It is therefdre neeesSafy
infofination in details; but it is just its ne.
cessary tti take not most faithfully) and td
defend unfailingly Within the United NtitiOnS,
the aSpirations and the state of the populatitinS,
It is) hoWever, quite evident that the Avofk of
the United Nations Comtnissicaiers requite?
calm and the respect of political liberties.
however, circumstances greatly militate
against these elementary conditions,
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71:
-
18 AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959
British Imperialist Lie Exposed ?
DECLARATION BY THE NIGERIAN DELEGATES TO THE ALL AFRICAN PEOPLES'
CONFERENCE ON ICAMERUN, AND A CALL BY THE SAID DELEGATES ON THE
NIGERIAN PEOPLE TO VIEW WITH CONCERN THE SLANDER DIRECTED
TOWARDS NIGERIA BY THE COLONIAL POWERS ADMINISTERING KAMERUN
In the United Nations and everywhere
else, British representatives state that it is we
in Nigeria who do not appreciate and who
combat our brothers of Kamerun struggling
for the reunification and independence of their
country. This campaign which presents us as
African imperialists desiring the annexation of
Kamerun, is dangerous and likely to sow arti-
ficial discord between the friendly peoples of
Nigeria and Kamerun.
We the undersigned, representing the
undermentioned Nigerian delegations at the
All, African People's Conference, wish to
express our concern over thern growing im-
pression of Nigerian complicity in the vic-
timization of Kamerun nationalists, and Ka-
merun progressive Organisations.
Here in this grand meeting of African
peoples for solidarity in the struggle for
freedom and national sovereignity, we wish
to assure Kamerun delegates at the Con-
ference, and all Kamerunians at home :
a) that we believe in Nigeria having a
strong, viable and friendly nation as
her neighbour
b) that to that end we support the
struggle of Kamerun people for unity
and independence
c) that we regret the dissolution of Ka-
merun progressive organisations and
the deportation of their leaders, es-
pecially as the impression has been
created that Nigeria has been res-
ponsibIc for this when we are not yet
in control of foreign policy, and
d) that believing in African solidaritywe
do not appreciate that these people
are up to now still barred from
entering Nigeria and seeking moral
and material aid for their struggle
against colonialism and imperialism.
We wish further to state that we wish the
Kamerun problem to be democratically
resolved by a popular referendum organised
mid supervised by a Commission of the United
Nations General Assembly at the same time
in all the whole country as was the case in
Togoland ? which, was admitted by the United
Kingdom representative at the United Nations
himself.
We are subscribing to the resolution of the
Conference to the effect that Fcbryary 20th,
1959, be declared all over Africa as "Kamerun
Day", and wish that on that day, when a
special United Nations General Assembly
Session is meeting to discuss the Kamerun
problem, all organisations in Nigeria as every-
where else in Africa, express their solidarity
with Kamerun people by
a) sending messages and memorandums
to the Assembly
b) organizing demonstrations and giving
press and radio publicity to the
problem with a view to mobilizing
world opinion towards an equitable
settlement
c) protesting against the employment
of Nigerian police and armed forces
for the express purpose of supressing
genuine Kamerun nationalism, and
d) allowing Kamerunians free access to
all sections of the territory admi-
nistered as part of the Federation
during the referendum campaigns.
Accra, 12th December, 1958
Signatures . One for each Nigerian delegation
at the Conference.
N.C.N.C,
Action Group
Northern Elements PrOgreAsive Union
iN.C.N.C. Youth Association
Dynamic Party
A.N.T.U. Federation
Zikist National Vanguard
N.E.P.U. Women's Wing
_1 an. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 19
(Contd. from page 10)
calling them by a cry much significant ap-
pellation : "pieces of ebony" ! ! There you
have the crux of their civilisation ? to trans-
form us into objects, into instruments of pro-
duction . Whereas we, thousands of years
before them, w ere creating civilisation... It
was unfortunate that we lost our technical
start over them but \\ e remain trustees of
human qualities which have long deserted
their cities ? hospitality, solidarity, acceptance
of all that is human and a tangible contempt
for their god : Money.
The technical start .. we can catch up w ith
that, but on one condition only that w c regain
mastery of our destinies "If the Europeans
go, the Suez Canal will fill up with sand", said
they three years ago. Yet, now that the
Egyptian Government and the Egyptian people
ha x e taken over their canal, does it not work
better ?
What Africans need is, above all, liberty,
national independence. They can master even
the most complex modern techniques. I shall
'cite only the example of the Kamerunian ba-
nana growers Here is how the "Union Fran-
caise" review paid homage to the growers in
its issue of July 2, 1953 : "The African banana
production is a recent thing, subsequent to
1946. Until then one had thought that the
'hazards of the market would discourage the
African grow crs producers w ere content to sell
to their European neighbours. But for many
years now, the small planter has adapted him-
self : grouped into syndicates, the farmers arc
.developing their sales. in 1947, 438 tons, in 1951,
16.700 tons, and thus the planters, from 13.8
per cent, reach 34 per cent of the total
tonnage". Today, they have overshot by far
the 67 per cent mark in banana exports,
although they themselves consume a good part
of their production Imperialists must, then,
in all good faith, evacuate immediately our
.country . "their mission" has ne? er been a
-cultural one or one of collective well-being :
it has always been and always will be a
"mission" of plunder.
The Kamerunian pre-colonial economy
They have been in the Kamerun for sixty
years. Not only have they thwarted our Cul-
tural and technical et olution, but also they
ha % c completely disorganised our economic
system, and, in doing so, have not et en bother-
ed to replace it by another, at least likely to
satisfy our ever-growing needs. Far be it from
my thoughts to exalt and praise to high heaven
the African pre-colonial economy. 1-laying been
founded on a basis now obsolete, it could not.
answer the needs of the sputnik era. But one
must at least recognise its existence : it is not
the imperialists who brought Us a sound eco-
nomic system. We had some agricultural
techniques which can still be well used :
terrace growing, alternating of the culture of
shallow-root plants with that of tap-root
plants, aeration and fertilisation of the soil by
such processes as ridge-plantation, vegetable
and even animal manure. "Fertilisers soften
the earth, strengthen it, are pleasant", said
humourously the Ndikis of northern Kamerun.
The eminent geographer, Ch. Roquebain,
notes ? "In the mountains of Manda, in the
south of Tchad, the peasant tries his best to
limit the ra% ages of soil erosion : he carves
terraces on to slopes, holds them up by walls
made of dry stones, grows supurges and gra-
mineous plants on the borders Work on the
soil is performed as near as possible to sowing
time ; the earth is mellowed over the whole
of its surface only at the time of weeding,
when the young plants, already tall, can defend
it agains water-rills". It even seems that our
peasants used processes of multiplication and
cross-breeding of species ? Prof. Portcres
counted more than 37 \ arieties of rice on the
border of the savannah and the forest. The
Ndikis of northern Kamerun knew of 45
varieties of yams ; today even, inhabitants of
the forest grow 12 varieties of yams, one of
which originated in Indo-Malaya. This small
detail stresses the age of Afro-Asian exchanges.
Moreover, the fact that the most important
exported African cultures originated abroad
TZ
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AFRO-AS1AN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959'
(cocoa, coffee, etc.) show to what extent the
African peasant welcomes progress.
I shallnot extoll upon the iron industries,
those of the bronze, copper, gold, etc. In fact,
it is useless to try and knock down an open
door : powerful populated centres like those
of Yaounde, Maroua, or that of the Bamileke
region (150--400 inhabitants to the square km.)
disposed of techniques allowing for an im-
portant volume of production. In spite of the
precariousness of means of communications,
our big centres of economy entertained
t clations with each other and with the world
abroad, mainly the Mediterranean world. We
1-ad our money, our positions in commerce and
trade. Concluding a study of family budgets,
idministrator Binet wrote of our country
that "it possesses traditions and an indigenous
commercial organisation". Markets, which are
deeply imbedded in the customs, are numerous
there, and very frequented.
Some means of plundering
The economic system which enabled our
ancestors to live gave way 70 years ago to
another system destined to further enslave our
Country for the benefit of the imperialists,
without, however, raising our living standards
and enabling us to catch up with our technical
delay. Agriculture has been almost entirely
dismantled. First, the colonialists took our
best land-plots. Permits for exploitation and
cultivation covered 230,000 hectares in 1946
and two 'million hectares in 1956, equal to an
increase of 860% over a period of ten years,
solely in Eastern Kamerun. Peasants are
forced to work hard on the remaining lands
in order to pay heavy taxes and cover ever-
increasing- needs In the already-mentioned
study, administrator Binet wrote : "Pro-
portionally, fiscal taxation is much harder on
the poor", that is to say on the Africans.
Example : 21 per cent of the FOB price of
cocoa goes to taxes ; cocoa, the main product
exported by the country, is entirely in the
hands of the autochtones. On the other hand,
the assessments of tax on 'mentioned state-
ments of affairs amount only to 2%.
In general, indirect taxation ? which,
weighs more upon the mass of African con-
sumers - - is much heavier than direct taxation
of a personal character. To fiscal taxations,
can be added the high prices of the franc
zone. Mr. Pierre Moussa, Director of Eco-
nomic Affairs at the Colonial Ministry in Paris,.
admits that the African peasants pay their
free-traders additional costs amounting to three
per cent over their incomes. According to his
own examples, products coming from France
are taxed in the Kamcrun in noticable pro-
portions as compared with world rates : 23
per cent. for cotton cloth, 25 per cent for
machines and instruments as well as for wines,
30 per cent. for vehicles, 60 per cent, for
products of milk, 85 per cent, for sugar, etc.
On the other hand, Kamerumans only
charge a diminishing part on the price of their
products.
Here are some statistics to shon the'
changes in the producer's share through the
years 1938-52 :
Product
1938
1952
Nuts
53 %
54%
Palmyras
61 %
44%
Cocoa
55 %
4 0 %
Coffee
SI %
65%
Since 1953, this tendency must have been,
accentuated, at least by reason of the heavier
and heavier taxation of the autochtones.
this must be added the fact that between 1938:
and 1951 France's share in imports from
Eastern Kamcrun jumped from 30% to 77 7%,
and that of exports to the Kamerun from '
56.4% to 63 5%.
One has a clearer idea, then, of how much
these unequal exchanges cost the Kamerunian
people.
Low salaries is another factor to be added
to the principal means of plundering the
a'utochtonous masses, the others being, as we
have already shown, theft of land, unjust
taxation, unfair exchanges... A Governor's.
decree of January 5, 1956, brought into being
nine classes of salaries. For agricultural work,.
the hourly pay varies from 12 to 38 French.
Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 21
francs, and for other work from 14 to, 38
francs..in fact, this hourly pay is thcoritical
rather than effective, for the administration
constantly supports the employers Were this
pay even effective, it would only amount to a
salary of misery it is, to the N% orker, the
cnly means by which he can pay taxes, medical
care, school fees, and is all that he has to
support, apart from himself, a wife, children,
his parents and many other rclati \ es.
Actually, unemployment is a permanent
and acute problem in the Kamerunian eco-
nomy ? the authorities themselves listed 25
per cent of the inhabitants of Douala (about
200,000 inhabitants) as permanently unemploy-
ed. Naturally, all these workless people live
off the income of their parents and friends.
This income, to say the least, is ri-
diculous for craftsmen and food-stuffs pro-
ducers as well as for employees and exporters
Crafstmanship has been completely ruined by
the competition of Franco-British imports.
The authorities make no bones about this.
Thus, administrator Gmllou \\ rote on the
subject in "Revue Etudes Camerumoses",
Nos. 31-32, 1950, p 207 "The iron industry
in the subdivision of Babimbi used to be in
force over the whole territory :it is gradually
disappearing- The case with n hich the natives
can obtain imported articles is the cause of
this : actually, they find tools of a superior
quality cheaper. However, there remain in the
region of Babimbi 111 three founderies "
The agriculture or edibles for inland con-
sumption is submitted to the same fate as that
of traditional industry, although, it is true, on
a slower pace, which is due to a fundamental
difference : the necessity of having, while
hampered with a technique of weak production,
cultures of exportation in order to get indis-
pensable currency Thus, statistics show that
between 1949 and 1955, areas given to cultures
of exportation augmented by 12% . however,
those areas de \ oted to agriculture of plants
for inner consumption have diminished by 8%
and production by 4%.
One understands, then, why an essentially
agricultural country like the Kamcrun is forced
to import more than IQ% of its food-stuffs.
And at what prices ! Even for egsentials, that
is those which will enable the autochtones to
exist, they have to use credit ? many of them
must sell their harvests before they are
reaped : and, of course, at the price of the
money-lender.
Unusually high interest on loans and
purchase prices maintain the heavy majority
of the autochtones population in misery. One
can judge for oneself by the living conditions
in the economic capital of the country, Douala.
"Figaro". the ultra-reactionary new spaper of
Paris described the native quarter of that?town
the following terms : "Imagine a heap of
rotten straw-huts, barracks made of torchi-
wood, wooden shacks leaning one upon another.
There are no streets, or even paths. As soon
as one leaves the tarmac road which cuts in
o this prodigious heap of rubbish, one must
go through sodden shacks, and make one's
nay betn cen crumbling walls, cross streams
of excreta, an aken sleeping bodies, stride ov er
children..." ("Figaro", Feb 3, 1956, page 5).
The Beneficiaries
As opposed to this "prodigious heap of
rubbish" inhabited by the autochtones, superb
European quarters are being built in all our
ton ns
Activities of the country, mostly the eco-
nomic, are centred around the colonialists
These easily impose their policy of prices and
salaries, as well as exercise special control
of the public finances. A few exarpplcs :
i'rix ate enterprises doing public work benefit
from extremely advantageous markets . a very
c.trong profit margin is guaranteed them,
usually 33 per cent. The material is gi \ en
to them and becomes their private property
at the end of the job. Their costing is un-
usually overestimated. Thus, to build the
80 kms. of road which separate Edea from
Douala, the Ratzel Bros. enterprise obtained, in
1953, 2,800,000,000 French francs, or 35,000,000
francs per kilometre ! Mixed economical en-
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
terprises- keep the benefits and spread the
losses. A typical example is that of the Alucam
2nd Enelcam Societies (Aluminium and Elec-
tricity of the Camcrun), which utilise electrical
energy produced in Edea, although the state
participates very deeply in production ex-
penses ; Alucam pays 0.80 frs, the kw. and
sells that same kw. for 60 frs. in Douala !
Moreover, the State guarantees the share-
holders of these societies against all political
risks, meaning against any eventual nationali-
'fation.
Who then, can be astonished at seeing
the profit curve of the imperialists remain high
in spite of the war for liberation ? In 1956,
the Manager of the Broadcasting institute in
Douala declared that in that year the sums
gained in Eastern Kamerun amounted to 7.5
milliard francs whereas French investments
amounted only to 4.5 milliards. ?
The State favours exploiters by giving them
the congiscatcd currency acquired thanks to the
work of the Kamcrunian people. The receipts
of Western Kamerunian customs have never
been statisticised. An Indian flex\ spaper "The
Bharat jyoti", of May 6, 1956, said that for the
year of 1955. these receipts amounted to
f 8,000,000. Out of this sum the Nigerian Go-
vernor gave the Kamerun only I 400,000. This
is so because the rcpartition of receipts to the
different regions of the Nigerian Federation
is performed constitutionally on the following
basis : 15% for the North, 20% for the West,
41.5% for the East and only 1% for the Ka-
merun. ?
Plundering of public receipts of the Kit-
merun is thus facilitated through the Kame-
run's integration with Nigeria, and the absence
of a "'distinct financial system. Thus, what
these budgetary excesses served for was never
learned: The Visiting Mission of 1952 wrote :
"Since the financial exercise of 1949-1950 the
budget of the territory has always been in-
creasing. .The excess of 1949-1950 amounted
to 226,000 sterling, that of 1950-1951 to
L 204,000 sterling". To this can be added
cxcesses of 352,911 for 1951-1952 and
Jan. 1959
200,000 for 1952-1953. Sure, a deficit of
L 50,000 was registered in 1953-1954, but the
next year the gains were again of L 40,000.
It has been said that this money is used for
the interest of the country ; yet Nigeria is
covered with nice roads and palaces. NN hercas
?
Western Kamerun remains in misery.
The same thing happens in the Eastern
zone. The common assembly of all currencies
in the franc zone and their unilateral manage-
ment by the French Government ensures co-
lonialists not only a remarkable treasure gain
and fruitful devaluations for the African
countries, but also, in a more direct fashion
a substantial reserve of currencies. Since the
last \ \ a r , the balance of payments of Eastern
Ramerun is regularly filled by an excess of
foreign currencies : it is officially said that it
was 4,661,000 dollars for 19*
Economic promotion?
if really the imperialists had come to free
us from misery, would they not use these sums
for our economic promotion ? Why does our
oil, our gold, our iron, our uranium, manganese.
copper and even beauxite, remain unexploited ?
Even the cocoa and rubber, etc., plantations
arc exploited only up to 80%, and even less
ihan that.
eryone knows the importance of means
of communication in economic grox% th Yet,
in the Kamerun, these are only maintained, to
say the least, in a belligerent manner, and
only in strongly-populated European quarters.
Communication elsewhere is left to rot. A
typical example is the prolonging of the
Douala ? Yaounde railroad to the Tchad. This
prolonging N? ould considerably lower the rail
tarrifs and seriously stimulate the economic
development of the Tchad and Chari basins.
A factor of particular interest 'for us is
that the prolonging of the railroad is constantly
requested by Africans of the Kamerun, of the
Tchad and of the Oubangui (these latter have
already proposed a federation !). But it would
ruin the colonialists, who are great road
transport users and shareholders in the Congo-
Jan. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 23
Brazzaville railroad. That is why the prolong-
ing has been simply projected for 30 years.
In Eastern Kamerun, even more scandalous
ill will is shown towards bettering rail com-
munications.
Even the particularly reactionary Visiting
Mission of the United Nations which visited
the country in 1955 branded this situation. That
is so because, since 1920, the English have been
proposing to drag all the traifics of the Tchad
basin towards "their Nigeria", not ithstanding
the territory under trusteeship which will, by
oefinition, "escape" them That. is why they
are prolonging by 200 kms into the Tchad
the Nigerian railroad
Thus, Article 73 of the harter, \\Inch
prescribes unconditional "first thought" to the
interests of the autochtoncs is unobserved.
This policy has, for long, been the object
of much vigorous opposition among all the
social lavers
. -
To stop this current, the colonialists ha % e
? tried to brib%c Lertain Kamerumans
On March 12, 1955, Mr. Hubert, one of
the high officials of the general administration
gave his subordinates the following orders :
"The best thing we can do is to excite African
Oppositions and to make life impossible for
the U.P.C. leaders by putting them against
(fedi:led and energetic African. I kno?? that
this is not csay to do in Boulou country but
it is however not impossible to find a few
persons who do not agree with the policy of
the U.P.C. and who accept to manifest their
opposition openly".
Soon afterwards, the March massacres
happened, and the dissolution of the U.P.C.,
the so-called elections organised in a reign of
terror, confusion and corruption, in order
to form a budgetary Assembly which was
thereafter called Legislative. Contrary to
their electoral promises, the so-called De-
puties finance the Av a r of colonial reconquest.
for, as long as it lasts, as long as there are
no really free elections, they are getting richer
and richer through the sweat and toil of our
pee.: Here is a list of their gains in French
francs
Prime Minister : Monthly salary 700,000 ;
Daily transportation cost 20,000 ;
special funds every three months
5,000,000.
Vice Prime Minister : Monthly salary
600,000.
Minister : Monthly salary 540,000 ;.daily
transportation costs 15,000.
Secretary of State : Monthly salary
500,000 ; daily transportation costs
12,000.
Deputies : Monthly salary 400,000.
_ To this list of high gains must be added
a list of substantial advantages : very com-
fortable housing, servants, car and driver
paid by the State I One of these leeches
oared to recognise in the course of a public
meeting that "The comparative study of in-
demnities owed to deputies of the Kamerun
has shown that they are placed third, after
the U.S.A and Canada". (cf. "La Presse du
Cameroun", June 6, 1958). Such disinterest,
uch sense of ' responsibilities, in a country
Nl here the annual income is of 20,000 frs ! !
Once the colonialists and their lackeys
1-ave taken their share and more, what is left
for the economic development of the country ?
The equipment budget, regularly lower and
lower since 1955, amounts to 2% of the budget
of functioning and only covers in fact the
expenses of cushioning and upkeeping :
500,000,000 frs. in a country where investments
ten times higher are needed in order to obtain
rise in standards of life by just 1 per cent. !
In these conditions, one guesses easily the
depth of the social crisis which the Kamerun
is traversing, a crisis even more sharpened by
the unusual plunders and destruction resulting
from the colonial war. Moreover, and in spite
of all the slogans praising the civilising mission
if colonialism, the current policy is still abso-
lutely incapable crf pulling the Kamerun off
its underdevelopment crisis. One example : at
the present rythm, it would take 144 years
for all the five millions Kamerunians to learn
how to read and write ! Whereas the more
advanced imperialist countries continue to
further their development thanks to our re-
sources and work, how can we ever catch up
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN Jan. 1959
-with them in the framework of the present
reginie ?
The Kamerunian people are firmly resolved
to eradicate to its foundation the present
regime. Economically they prove it daily by
the great material sacrifices to which. they
consent in favour of the U.P.C. Here is the
testimony of a great French newspaper, "Le
Monde" which is resolutely hostile to our
cause. "In 1956", it writes, "about 1 million
C.F.A. francs in species were taken by the
U.P.C. in the Bamileke region and the 30,000
inhabitants of the Baham head district, head-
quarters of the U.P.C., furnished 400,000 frs.
monthly".
Although limited to one region and to one
3 ear, this example shows clearly the popularity
of the U.P.C., mostly in this aera of liberating
war and great social misery. On the other
hand, the Administration is forced to finance
by itself the shadow parties which are told to
oppose us. We read, for example, in the receipt
books of the lndecam (Cameroun Independen-
ce Party) the following indications : "Receipt
No. 26 Delegate of the Haussaire (French
High Commissariat N.D.L.R.) 10,000 fts.,
May 28, 1956. Receipt No. 27, Regional
Chieftain of Eden region, 15,000 frs. May 31,
1956, propaganda trip Indecam. Receipt No. 28,
Surete Manager 3,000 frs., June 1, 1956,
Journal).
To all those who believe in the firm de-
termination of the Kamerunian people led by
the U.P.C. to liberate themselves immediately,
to all those who, like us, think it necessary to
have an effective anti-colonialist solidarity to
oppose the colonialists, we appeal to contribute
greatly to the immediate peaceful and demo-
cratic solution of the Kamerunian problem by
making the Kamerun Day a real success on a
world scale.
U.P.C. Is The National Expression Of The Cameroons
By
JOHN K. KALE
(Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Uganda National Congress)
I have been personally associated with
leaders of the Union des Populations du Ca-
meroon (U.P.C.) both in Africa and ON erseas.
But having witnessed the battle of the U.P.C.
at the last General Assembly of the United
Nations I feel quite qualified to express an
informed opinion on this mass country-wide
Nationalist Movement.
In sincere hope that this article will be
read in British and French colonies where no
effort was spared to try to descredit and
describe the U.P.C. as anything except what
it was, I will appeal to our readers to bear with
me so that I go a little in the history of the
1J.P.C. Was Banned Because It Dentanded
'Independence:
, The U.P.C. represents 85% of the po-
pulation of the Cameroons. This statistical
assessment is obtained from French authorities
:and is well recognised in the 'French Press.
Voicing the true National aspirations Of the
-Cameroon people, the U.P.C. was from its
inception fighting hand in hand with the Ca-
meroon Democratic Youth (C.D.Y.) and the
Democratic Union of Cameroon Women
(U.D.F.C.). These two popular organisations
had, .it must be accepted,- their own specific
aims and demands, but to be realistic they
could not expect their fulfilment till the
independence and unification of the Cameroon
which was the other name of the U.P.C.
The U.P.C. like any other nationalist or-
ganisation in maturing and displaying its com-
petence to take overpower from the colonial
rulers had a thorny path. The K.N.U.C. in
Cameroon under British rule and led by Mr.
Endeley, a leader who dramatically changed
his outlook on unification after marrying a
Nigerian lady, faded from the U.P.C. as it
insisted in its demands for independence and
unification of the Cameroon. The imperialists
were not satisfied with this disunity on a well
-known national-caue. They sponsored political
clubs. YOu cannot call them parties, 35 in
number to combat the U.P.C. Keeping in mind
the population of the Cameroon and the fact
that the U.P.C. represented 85% you can well
3an. 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 25
:imagine the representativity of these other
35 parties.
To make the long story short however
-the U.P.C. in conjuction with its associated
.yotith and women .organisations agreed on
22nd April 1955 on a common programme of
-action which unequivocally demanded full Na-
-Ilona' Independence and immediate unification.
'To translate into action their demands, they
cquested the' establishment of an executive
'council which in co-ordination with the U.N.
ould supervise free general elections con-
ducive to a Constituent National Assembly
,which would in turn enter negotiation to ter-
-minate the trusteeship administration by
1.rance. The plan was %cry logical and well
worked out. The French colonialists were
frustrated and as usual resorted to the strength
-power policy. Failing to answer its legitimate,
casonable and justified demands the admi-
nistrative authority was crude enough to find
:a solution-in banning the U.P.C. and her sister
.organisations. The French could justify this
action in whatever propaganda language they
;chose but that was the truth and the truth
alone.
.Nationalism Cannot Be Killed.
The French imperialists could claim any
number of casualities of the U.P.C. militants
but the last they could say would he the sup-
pression of the national freedom ? vanguard
under the leadership of the U.P.C., CD Y. and
U.D.F.C. As their reputation is, the French
were more ruthless than the British though
teally it all comes to the same, thing' ? who
with a different colonial plot left the U.P.C.
legal in the Western Cameroon till two years
later when it was banned on June 3rd 1957.
A mcinth later, to be precise on the 30th June
"1957, the British authority under,the cover of
a Nigerian law which guards against the
"danger to good government" deported the
heroic leaders of the Union of the Population
of the Cameroon, the Cameroon Democratic
'Youth and the Federation of the Cameroon
1)emocratic Women.
The British Colonial authorities, in their
.Short-range-view thought that was the end of
'the Cameroon struggle. A proof of that was
:the destination of the deportees which they
--wrongly judged would be partner in the Ca-
ineroon draina. In.Strdan the Cam,eroon heroes
.could 'not 'find better friends, the population
that is, to the great chagrin of the imperialists.
It was from this cradle that the Cameroon
problem assumed its Current international
character. The atrocities of tie imperialists
and the martyrdom of the Cameroon freedom
fighters was very well displayed to the
justice of manking the world over. The
deportation of these leaders turned, as con-
temporary politics would have it, a blessing in
disguise. All the French murders could be
frankly shown to the outside world ; the
guerilla warfare in the Cameroon could be
known : world opinion in support of the Ca-
meroon struggle could be mobilised and above
all the petitioning-to the United Nations which
had started as far back as 1952 but interrupted
at the time of the U.P.C. persecution, could
be resumed. If the imperialists will ever regret
ever "loosing", the Cameroons, they will first
be sorry of their deportation orders.
Cameroon-Unique Trustee Territory.
The problem of the Cameroon is singular.
It could be seen but not described. This
country, a gift to the imperialists in an
exchange of bloodshed of the Africans in
World \\Tar I, is a nice example of the civilising
mission of the Western World. It is the only
Trust Territory in which the Administrative
Authority has used military rule to honour the
United Nations Trusteeship Agreement. It is
in the Cameroon that France has openly chal-
lenged the Binding nature of the United
Nations. The Cameroon is the only U.N.
agreement State in which there is complete
absence of political life. The Cameroon is also
unique in another aspect. No nationals of any
Trusteeship country have been so adamant
for their rights to freedom so as to necessitate
colonial political suppression and the depor-
tation of their leaders as the people of this
bisected country. The Cameroons have also
petitioned the United Nations more than all
other U.N. trusteeship people put together.
France Chose the Wrong Path.
While recognising the fact that the U.P.C.
Was the universal Cameroon National Freedom
front, the French colonial authorities cons-
tantly conspired against it by using Came-
roonian ?agents to spread their colonial interest.
This became increasingly clear when the
Cameroonian Leaders in exile uncovered the
truth of the Cameroon problem te the world.
In competition %NIA' the U.P.C. the French co-
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AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN
Jan. 1959
lonialists sent many Cameroon pseudo-repre-
sentatives to international conferences to
mislead world opinion. This they could not
do. Freedom is indivisible and its pursuers
could not be divided. The world was a better
judge and the French were the losers.
As there could not be a vacuum the French
tried to replace the U.P.C. with their puppets.
The 35 "parties" were no longer necessary.
'they had nobody to oppose. The U.P.C. and
its associated organisations were banned. The
French then established their puppet govern-
ment in the Cameroon. The overthrow of the
"Mbinda" regime was moge than a proof of
the imposed character of thi.s government.
The lesson, was not convincing enough. By
trial and error then the French made Ahijo a
successor. I met Ahijo in New York. He had
been brought by France to give witness to
French good intentions in the Cameroon. He
;s the most desperate Premier I have ever met.
The U.P.C. And the United Nations.
Another Anglo-French plot against the
Cameroon was exposed by the United Nations
at its 13th General Assembly. France sur-
prisingly and almost dramatically announced
Per intention of terminating her trusteeship
of the Cameroon on 1st January 1950. The
United Kingdom did not delay to make her
plan known : "Her Majesty's Government
would consider the termination of the Trustee-
ship of the Cameroon under British admi-
nistration by 1st October 1960".
France and Great Britain know as we all
no that there is one Cameroon. That the Ca-
meroon was arbitrarily divided to satisfy im-
perialists needs is just a historical fact.
Britain and France know more than anybody
else that independence and unification of the
Cameroon is a national aspiration of the popu-
lation. If these powers were genuine in granting
such "independence" to the same country how
on earth could they choose different dates ?
How is it they made no provision for free elec-
tions precceding independence? How could this
independence be achieved before normal po-
litical life was resumed in the Cameroon ?
Which ruling circle in Paris or London, if we
may ask further questions, cobld neglect the
i,eality of the representative and Nationalist
character of the U.P.C., C.D.Y. or U.D.F.C.?
Could real independence be given before com-
plete political amnesty of the leaders of these
movements some of whom were in exile and
cthers in detention camps ? Both France and.
Great Britain recognised the unification
of the Cameroons to be not only a pos-
sibility but a likelihood after independence.
But we know neither of them envisaged a na-
tional referendum supervised by the United'
Nations whereby the Cameroon people could
freely determine their own future. These are
few of the many questions we must ask our-
selves before we fall prey of another disguised
Imperialism in the Cameroon.
The French and British declarations at the
United Nations were as vague as they could
be. They coincided with a U.N. Visiting
Mission in the Cameroon which they hoped
would rubber-stamp their validity.
But even
then the Visiting Mission could not give such
a comprehensive and convincing evidence,.
since as we all know it stayed in the Came-
roons only for 34 days and the mass of the
people had no access to it. How could their
findings reflect the aspirations of approxi-
mately six million people scattered over an
area of 525,000 sq. kilometres just in such a
short time. The French authority to make the
assurance of their plan doubly sure flew the-
"Prime Minister" Ahijo to New York to join
the French Delegation on behalf of the "Ca-
meroon Government".
The Future of the Cameroons
to be Deterniined by the U.N.
The 20th February 1959 is a historical day
for the Cameroon. It has rightly been called
the Cameroon Day by the All African People's
Conference. It will mark the reConvening day
of -the 13th General Assembly of the United
Nations "to consider the future of the Ca-
m croons".
France and Great Britain with all .their
diplomatic ingenuity could not convince the
United Nations .of their good intentions in thc?
Cameroon. France was the weaker dcfendent
because her witness,"Premier"Ahijo"committ-
ed perjury". With all the French briefings he
got, he ultimately had to confess that inde-
pendence and unification of the Cameroon was
the universal aspiration of its population.
France was let down and before Ur. Ahijo
could answer questions from members* of the
Committee, France sent him back to the Ca-
meroons. The argument. was "official duty"
obliged his early return to Yaounde. It was
Jan 1959
AFRO-ASIAN BULLETIN 27
all a hoax ! Such a drama w as an advantage
to the U P.0 petitioners led by Mr. Felix-
Roland Moumic, its President. The public
confession of "Premier" Ahijo of the aspiration
of the Cameroon people as advocated by the
U.1'.0 and frustrated by France and her puppet
government led by him left the 4th Committee
in no doubt of the political forgery prevailing
in the Cameroon There and then the de-
legation of Iraq asked for the "Immediate
restoration of the Party led by Ali- Moumic".
What Mr Pachadhi, the Iraqi representative,
precisely meant was that the UPC w as the
only Cameroonian national expression and its
legal existence in the country was a prere-
quisite to the solution of the Cameroon
problem At this stage most delegates thought
tw ice and discovered the trap enmeshed by
France. This tog-ether with flooding cal des
supporting the U.P C Petitioners and the sub-
sequent sympathy of the Committee to Mr
Moumic and his colleagues left no doubt of
the um ersality of the U.P.0
How the 20th February
Was Unanimously Accepted.
The determined, and genuine stand of the
Cameroon petitioners as opposed to the
conspiracy of Mr Ahijo coupled with the
trickery of France and Great Britain enflamed
the Afro-Asian group, the Socialist and a ma-
jority of the Latin American countries. De-
legates expressed their concern on how admi-
nistering- authorities of Trusteeship countries
were usurping the rights of the United
Nations and outshadowing its responsibilities
It must be remembered that the United
Nations is the supreme organ in so far as
matters affecting Trusteeship Territories are
concerned The administering authorities only
shoulder responsibilities of its behalf. Great
Britain and France were not shy to tramp on
the U N' charter under naked pretexts
The Afro-Asian countries stood solidly
behind the U N. charter and the Trusteeship
agreement of the Cameroons by the United
Nations on the one hand. and France and
Great Britain on the other. They felt the in-
dependence of a trust Territory, and the Ca-
meroons for this matter, was not a matter to
be decided by the administrative authorities
alone in fact they felt offended by the way
France and Great Britain were alienating the
U N from tile realisation of the objective of
the trusteeship agreement, to which the
United Nations was a party. Consequently
Ghana, I Butt, India, Iran, Iraq, Liberia, the
Philippines and Yugoslavia sponsored a reso-
lution that the United Nations "decides to
resume the General Assembly on 20th
February 1959 to consider exclusively the
question of the future of the Trust Territories
of the Cameroon.; under French administration
and the Cameroons under United Kingdom
adm mist ration".
This was a great blow to Administrative
Authorities who never expected it. You could
see the British and French Representatives
openly lobbying delegates. Session after
session w as adjourned to allow "extra com-
mittee discussions" and "informal consul-
tations".
The motion took several days and you
could see undisguised uneasiness among many
quarters of the chamber of the 4th Committee.
A satisfactor compromise could not be
reached. The Afro-Asian block were in to
move the motion w illy milly. As Great Britain
and France were directly concerned, the United
States chose to speak for them and of all
people her spbkesman was a negress singer,
Miss Marion Anderson, the head of the de-
legation "lhe U S. delegation felt cons ening
a special U N session for the United Nation's
future of the Cameroon was tantamount to a
degradation of the former's prestige and that
such a mo\e would create a serious precedent.
The delegation also expressed the happiness
that there was no threat to world peace and
security to W arrant a special session of the
U N No doubt the delegation had in mind
the Middle East precedent 1
Miss Anderson was touched and she made
a public "personal statement" which worned
delegates that there was none amongst them
to whom the freedom and independence of an
African state meant more She alluded to her
African descent and reminded delegates that
she worked on instructions as any delegation
did This contradiction of a personal opinion
of a delegate from the official delegation view
w as an important precedent in the history of
the United Nations, and to be frank an im-
portant factor in the determination of the
future of the Cameroons.
The decisions of the forthcoming United
Nations w ill have far-reaching effects on the
remaining Trust Territories as well as the
other dependent African countries.
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28
F1M-A,IAN BULLETIN
Jan 1959
FLY HIGHER AND HIGHER THE CAMEROON FLAG
RED with the blood of patriots who gave their
lives for the national cause.
Symbol in the centre of CRAB of Rio dos
Caxrteroes, original name of Karnerun.
Printed in I) \R EL-HANNA Press, 12, Sarni street, (?tiro, and published 1,? Salah Zulficar
for the Permanent Secretariat of \fro?\suin Solidarity
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/02/06: CIA-RDP81-010
STAT
Data on Atrocities of
U.S. Army in South
Korea
Pyongyang, 1958
11 11 .155
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1
V.,
.? ?
Data on Atrocities of
U.S. Army in South
Korea
.
Pyongyang, D.P.R.K.
I
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Printed in the Democratic PeDples Republic of Korea
PREFACE
Korea has been divided into the north and south
for more than 12 years since her liberation from the
Japanese colonial rule.
The southern half of Korea is still under the occu-
pation of the American forces, and the demarcation
line which is by no means a frontier has artificially
severed her in half.
This long bisection of the territory and split of the
nation has brought to the Korean people immense suf-
ferings and misfortunes, and has been retarding the
political, economic and cultural development of Korea.
The division of our territory is not only hampering
the concerted development of the national economy of
Korea but also preventing the uniform, planned use
of her rich national resources, and greatly hindering
the inheritance and development of the national litera-
ture and arts which have a long and brilliant tradition.
Besides, the division of the country brings grave
calamity for the individual life of the Korean people.
It prevents family members and relatives from meeting
with each other and even from exchanging letters.
Therefore, the peaceful unification of the country
is the supreme task for the whole Korean people,
which proceeds from their vital interests.
Then, why do we, Koreans of the same blood, have
to suffer from this national calamiiy under these in-
tolerable, abnormal circumstances? This, of course, is
entirely due to the aggressive policy of the American
imperialists and the country-selling policy of the
Syngman Rheeites who have been persistently hinder-
ing Korea's unification, independence and freedom.
From the very first day of their occupation, the
American imperialists have been trying hard to con-
vert South Korea into an object of squeezing out
maximum profit for the millionaires of the Wall Street
and an outpost for their aggression of the Asian con-
tinent.
? 3 ?
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The US imperialists enforced the military adminis-
tration and paved a way to their reactionary rule over
South Korea, oppressing and persecuting the patriot-
ic and democratic forces there. They oppressed and
forcibly dissolved the people's committees of all levels
which were organized soon after the liberation on the
initiative of the people.
The US Military Governor enforced on Feb. 20,
1946, his Ordinance No. 55 ? "Law on Registration
of Political Parties" ? with a view to restricting and
oppressing the activities of the democratic political
parties in South Korea and issued on May 4, 1946,
the "Ordinance Concerning Violation of Orders and
Laws of Military Government" aimed at suppressing
the entire patriotic and democratic forces. He put into
effect the "Law on Registration of Publicating" on
May 29 of the same year, which was followed by
"Ordinance on the Press and Periodicals" aimed at
exterminating freedom of the press. It enforced a num-
ber of other fascistic laws including "Rules on As-
sembly and Demonstration" of Dec. 1947.
Brandishing these evil laws, the US imperialists
perpetrated all sorts of outrageous acts, restricted
the activities of the democratic political parties and
social organizations in South Korea, dissolved them
by force and trampled upon the freedom of speech,
press and assembly and association.
Running amuck in converting South Korea into
their military base, the American imperialists con-
cocted in Nov., 1945 the "National Constabulary,"
predecessor of the "ROK Army," in order to collect
cheap cannon fodder. At the same time they laid out
and enlarged big military highways which run along
the 38th parallel from the eastern coast to the western
coast of Korea and fortified their positions along the
38th parallel.
In addition to this, they enlarged the Kimpo air
base for B-29 bombers, and newly constructed many
air bases including the Musolpo Air Base, Chejoo
island, and also completed a large scale expansion
? 4 ?
project of the naval bases in Chinhai, Pusan, Inchon
and Pohang. Thus they carried out a frenzied con-
struction and expansion of military establishments in
South Korea.
On Nov. 13, 1945, by the order of the Military Gov-
ernor in Korea they established the "National De-
fence Command" and on June 15, 1946 formed one
company of "Korean Constabulary" and reinforced
the "Coast Guard" from Sept. 1946. On July 27, 1948,
the puppet "Air Force" has been formed.
The American imperialists who hate Korea's unifi-
cation and independence intentionally disrupted the
resolution of the Three Power Foreign Ministers' con-
ference in Moscow, and concocted the "UN Commis-
sion on Korea" by the unlawful "decision" on Korean
problem in the United Nations.
Then on May 10th, 1948, they forcibly carried out
the separate election in the southern part of Korea at
the point of the bayonet of the US occupation forces
and fabricated Syngman Rhee's puppet regime. More,
they attempted to "legalize" the regime on the ground
that the "election" was held under the "supervision"
of the "UN Commission."
They thus began to carry out their aggressive poli-
cy more unscrupulously and more craftily through
Syngman Rhee's puppet government. Syngman Rhee
carried forward the US Military Government's high-
handed policy and fascist laws, proclaimed the "Law
on State Security" and further intensified the middle-
age-like oppression of the South Korean people. The
Syngman Rheeites rounded up 118,621 people during
1949 alone, and arrested 32,018 people from Jan. to
April, 1950, by this notorious law. (Figures quoted
from the Report of UN Korean Commission which was
submitted to the 5th General Assembly of the United
Nations.) During the period from Oct. 1945 to May
1955, as many as 159,723 people were imprisoned or
put to death without a trial and 85,532 of them were
massacred on the spot of arrest. These figures elo-
quently tell how furious their barbarous action was.
? 5 ?
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On the other hand, the American imperialists took
every possible step to destroy the South Korean eco-
nomy and convert South Korea into their market, ob-
ject of investment and source of raw materials for
their industry.
The American imperialists, who seized the key in-
dustry of South Korea by the single ordinance of the
Military Governor, strengthened the control of the
properties formerly owned by the Japanese, by "Pro-
perty Cusothan's Ordinance No. 8" on management
of vested property dated Jan. 31, 1946. This ordinance
provided for the transfer of right of custody and su-
pervision of former Japanese-owned properties in
fifteen main branches?enterprises, companies, cor-
porations and organizations of all types including
even schools?from the Property Custodian of the
Military Government to the American advisors and
departments, sections and agencies of the Military
Government.
Thus the former Japanese-owned enterprises which
came under the American imperialist's control soon
after the liberation amounted to more than 85 per cent
of the whole of the South Korean industrial enter-
prises (Seoul Shinmoon, Jan. 23, 1955)
The US imperialists began to sell or destroy the
former Japanese-owned property. They sold during the
year of 1947 alone more than 8,000 dwelling houses,
2,000 vessels, 5,000 small-scale enterprises. ("Chosen
Keizai" published in Tokyo on Dec. 20, 1956 by the
Toyo Keizai Shimpo)
Besides, they destroyed or converted into their
military repair shops many industrial enterprises in-
cluding the Chosun Steel Works, the Ulsan Oil Re-
finery and the Poopyong Arsenal. As a result, in 1948,
the industrial production level of South Korea went
down to 20 2 per cent as compared with 19=10 wlien
Korea was under the Japanese rule. (Annual Econo-
mic Review, Bank of Korea, Seoul, 1949)
In the field of agriculture, the US imperialists
started to loot the Korean peasants through the
? 6 ?
"Oriental bevelopMent Co., Ltd.," the rapacious organ
of the Japanese imperialists for their exploitation of
Korean peasants, which the US imperialists renamed
the "New Korea Company" on Feb. 21, 1946, by "Mili-
tary Government Ordinance No. 52." This company
owned 320,000 hectares of land, including 230,000
hectares of orchards as well as arable land, or 12 per
cent of the total area of arable land in South Korea.
(Annual Economic Review, 1955)
The volume of exploitation through this "New Ko-
rea Company" amounted to 2,714,650,000 won in
the period from Aug. 15, 1945 to March 31, 1948,
even according to figures of the US Military Govern-
ment.
Following the concoction of the Syngman Rhee
puppet government in 1948, the US imperialists have
concluded a number of aggressive treaties with the
Syngman Rhee clique and embarked upon firmly
establishing the system of colonial rule over the South
Korean economy. The first step for this was the "US-
ROK Agreement on Transfer of Finance and Pro-
perty" concluded on Sept. 1, 1948.
This agreement stipulated that every possessory
right and ownership of properties and appendages in
South Korea the US Government is interested in, re-
gardless of their forms, will be transferred at the re-
quest of the US Government. It also says that all that
happened during the US military administration will
be admitted as fait accompli and provides for the free
use of places and buildings necessary for the US oc-
cupation forces.
The US imperialists forced South Korea to pay an-
nually the interest for the 25 million dollar credit they
gave to South Korea in 1946 in the form of surplus
commodities and surplus agricultural produce and to
hand over to the United States for part of the credit
the Bando Hotel and other big buildings in Seoul and
a huge area of land for military use.
The American imperialists enlarged the scope of
their control and exploitation by concluding the "Mu-
- 7 ?
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C-1-00091-00??001?1701-0-1-8dCll-V10 90/Z0/171-0Z-1A-0s ? eseeiej Jo; panoJddv Ado paz!l!ueS -1Jed u! PeWsseloeCI
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/02/06: CIA-RDP81-01043R003300160001-3
tual Aid Agreement" with the 8yrigman Rile() puppet
government on Dec. 10, 1948.
By this agreement they firmly grasped the control
of the whole of the South Korean economy, from the
control of production and distribution of raw materials
and products to that of currency issue, finance and
credit, foreign exchanges, exports and imports of all
items, compulsive collection of Korean rice and obliga-
tory distribution of the US cereals to the Korean peo-
ple.
Having seized the control in the political, econo-
mic and military fields of South Korea, the US imperi-
alists concluded in Jan. 1950 "US-ROK Agreement on
Military Aid" and "US-ROK Agreement on Military
Advisory Group" with the Syngman Rhee govern-
ment, thus completely taking the right of commanding
the puppet army into their hands. They concentrated
puppet army units into the area along the 38th parallel
on April 5, 1950. They had been causing provocative
incidents with greater frequency since then, looking
out for a chance, till they unleashed the aggression
against the northern part of the D P.R.K. on June 25,
1950, which led up to the three-year war in Korea.
The American imperialists have committed atroci-
ties unprecedented in the history of mankind in their
aggressive war in Korea.
They have massacred at random innocent people
in North Korea, destroyed more than 8,700 buildings of
factories and enterprises as well as 600 thousand
dwelling houses with a total floor space of 28 million
square metres and devastated 370 thousand hectares of
agricultural land, reducing the acreage by 90 thousand
hectares.
Moreover, they have destroyed and pillaged more
than 5,000 schools, 1,000 hospitals and clinics, 260
theatres and cinemas and thousands of other cultural
and sanitary establishments.
Indeed, the total amount of damages even accord-
ing to a rough estimation amounts to 420,000 million
won.
The diagram of 'the plan of operations for the aggression against
the northern half of the Republic mapped out by the U S imperi-
alists and the Syngman Rhee clique (seized by the Korean Peo-
ple's Army at the time of liberating Seoul)
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1
Besides this, the American soldiers have destroyed
and plundered factories, schools, hospitals, houses
and other properties of the people in South Korea,
mounting to 3,000 million dollars (cf. 1955 "Economic
Year Book" edited by the Research Department of the
ROK Bank).
During the three years of the Korean war, the
American soldiers have committed most cruel and in-
human atrocities and massacres unprecedented in the
history of mankind.
To have an idea of these atrocities, it is enough
to cite the fact that the number of innocent people
massacred in Korea by the US troops during the 14
months from June 25, 1950, to Aug., 1951, reached
more than 2 million.
Their atrocities were unparalleled not only in the
number of people they massacred but also in the
cruelty of methods they used. How cruel were their
acts can be seen through the following instances:
On October 18, 1950, the American soldiers in
Shinchun county arrested more than 900 innocent
inhabitants, tied them up with ropes and cords, and
put them into a pit Then the American soldiers poured
gasoline and set them on fire, and shot those who
tried to creep out. They then buried them on the spot
including those who were still alive.
On Oct. 20, 1950, in the same county, the Ameri-
can soldiers massacred over 520 people en masse
by another cruel method. The American soldiers, after
stripping those people naked, drove them into an
underground shelter, blocked the entry with boards
and earth, and after leaving them to suffer from suf-
focasion for a long while, massacred them by explod:
ing the dynamites that had been placed inside the
shelter in advance.
On Oct. 9, 1950, in Seoul, the American soldiers
arrested 16 innocent inhabitants, and killed them by
cutting off their hands, legs, tongues, ears, noses, and
breasts when they were women, and scooping out their
eyeballs.
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In Oct. 1950, in Inchon, the American soldiers ar-
rested Kim Bu Ing (27 years of age), wife of Li
Sang Kyoon, a dock worker in Inchon, for the only
reason that she was a member of the Women's U-
nion. After violating and torturing her by every
means, they stripped her naked, burnt her breasts
an'd sexual organ with a heated iron poker and then
killed her.
On Oct. 18, 1950, in Wonsan-ri, Chori myun,
Shinchun county, the American soldiers arrested a
peasant called Bak Do Se only because he was a
model farmer, passed wire through his nose and ears,
pierced his hands with a bayonet, nailed the words
"model fdrmer" on his forehead and dragged him a-
round the village before they killed him. And Ameri-
can soldiers tied his daughter-in-law Li Ok Bong to
a chestnut tree on a hill, inserted into her vagina a
stick wet with petrol, and killed her by setting it on
fire. All this brutality because she resisted them when
the latter tried to violate her.
These are only a few instances of the atrocities and
massacres committed by the US troops during the
war in Korea.
Even after the conclusion of the Armistice Agree-
ment, the American imperialists consistently pursuing
their aggressive policy, have continued to commit
atrocities against the Korean people.
Constantly obstructing the peaceful unification of
the country, the unanimous desire of the Korean peo-
ple, the American imperialists have intensified their
colonial enslavement policy in South Korea, and be-
come more and more frenzied in oppressing and ex-
ploiting the people.
Flagrantly violating the Armistice Agreement,
they are trying to perpetuate the occupation of South
Korea as their aggressive "advanced assaulting base."
To begin with, the American imperialists conclud-
ed the "ROK-US Treaty for Mutual Defence" with
the Syngman Rhee clique on Aug 8, 1953, only 10
days after the signing of the Armistice Agreement,
? 10 ?
a treaty granting wholly to the American imperialists
the prerogative of supreme command over South Ko-
rean puppet army and providing for the permanent
occupation of South Korea by the US Army.
The very fact that this treaty was concluded even
prior to the opening of the preliminary talks to pre-
pare for the political conference envisaged in the
Armistice Agreement, proves without the slightest
doubt that, from the beginning, they were not the
least inclined towards the peaceful unification of Ko-
rea.
On the other hand, the American imperialists and
the Syngman Rhee clique are resorting to continuous
provocative acts violating the military demarcation
line. The number of cases of the violation of the
Armistice Agreement by the American imperialists
and the Syngman Rhee clique that our side took up
with the US side as of April 15, 1958, alone reached
780, including the cases of intrusion by their military
aircraft since the Armistice Agreement.
Moreover, they systematically organized all kinds
of provocations for the purpose of obstructing the
activities of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Com-
mission even threatening the lives of its members. At
the end of this, they unilaterally suspended the lawful
activities of the Neutral Nations inspection teams in
the whole area of South Korea in June 1956.
And on June 21, 1957, they unilaterally renounced
the observation of paragraph 13-d of the Armistice
Agreement which prohibits the illegal introduction of
military weapons into Korea, and they openly tried
to bring about the overall abolishment of the Korean
Armistice Agreement.
On July 1, 1957, the American imperialists brought
the "United Nations Command" in Seoul. On Oct. 15,
they transferred the 1st Cavalry Division from Japan
to South Korea, integrated it with the 24th Division
of the US Army stationed in South Korea and formed
a new "Atomic Division" together with the 7th Divi-
sion of the US Army.
? 11 ?
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?
And the South Korean puppet army which consist-
ed of 16 divisions at the time of armistice has been ex-
panded to 21 divisions with 720,000 effectives in active
service and 10 divisions of "reserves." They are still
continuing to reinforce fervently the puppet army en-
rolling the youth by force.
Besides this, they have introduced into South Ko-
rea atomic guns of 280 mm. calibre, an Honest John
rocket battalion from Japan, and conducted large
scale "mobile ?atomie manoeuvres."
The American imperialists are still continuing to
supply the Syngman Rhee puppet army with a large
amount of new type weapons.
The colonial policy of the American imperialists to
enslave the South Korean economy has also been in-
tensified after the war in Korea.
Today the South Korean economy is completely
subordinated to American imperialists. Among the
capital goods needed in South Korea, 100 per cent of
machine tools, rubber, sugar, fertilizer, 95-98 per cent
of cotton, and 80 per cent of cement are supplied by
the United States.
Such aggressive policy of economy pursued by the
American imperialists has inevitably caused severe
damages to the national economy in South Korea.
In 1956, the industrial output in South Korea was
reduced to 57 per cent that in the last days of the Jap-
anese imperialist rule (according to the calculation
hosed on the reports of Tonga Ilbo dated Jan. 10,
1957, and Seoul Shinmoon dated Aug. 15, 1955) and
between Oct. 1955 and Jan. 1957, 1,176 medium and
small enterprises went bankrupt a's against Oct. 1955
(see Chosun Ilbo dated Feb. 17, 1957).
The aggressive policy of economy pursued by the
American imperialists has also brought grave conse-
quences in the field of agricultural economy.
Under the Japanese imperialist rule, South Korea
did not feel any shortage of food although the _Jopa:
12
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nese imperialists shipped out every year several mil-
lion suk of rice to their country.
However, today South Korea has turned into an
area of starvation and is obliged to import several
million suk of rice from foreign countries every year.
This is the result of the aggressive scheme of the
American imperialists who are trying to reduce South
Korea into a consuming market where they can sell
their surplus agricultural products. They have sys-
tematically ruined South Korean agriculture. For
example, in 1955, the cultivated land in South Korea
diminished by 310,000 hectares as against the last
days of the Japanese imperialist rule. (See the 1957
Economic Year Book of the Bank of ROK) and the
agricultural output in South Korea decreased in 1956
by 30 per cent as against the last days of the Japanese
imperialist rule (ditto). The output of cotton in 1957
was reduced to 18 per cent as against 1945 (Kyung-
hyang Shinmoon dated Oct. 30, 1957).
Under such circumstances, every year, in the lean
spring season, more than 700 thousand households of
farmers run out of food (Dongyang Tongshin,
Jan. 9, 1958) and at the end of March, 1957, the num-
ber of foodless peasant households reached 1.2 mil-
lion.
And, this year also, according to the figures com-
piled by the end of January, the number of foodless
peasant households was expected to reach 700 thous-
and by the end of February (Sege Tongshin, Feb. 13,
1958).
Because of the impoverishment of the peasants,
their debts are growing yearly, and in 1957, the
amount of their debts increased to 100,000 million
hwan, 5 times that in the year of 1954. (See the South
Korean review Jaijung No. 6, 1957.)
As a result of the aggressive policy pursued by
the American imperialists in South Korea, the mass
unemployment, the chronic state of starvation, the
skyrocketing prices and taxes are producing untold
sufferings and misfortunes in South Korea today.
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Thus the South Korean people are placed in an
unbearable situation due to the pauperization, non-
rights and the unbridled atrocities perpetrated by the
U.S. Army occupying South Korea.
DATA ON ATROCITIES OF U.S. ARMY IN
SOUTH KOREA
The atrocities of the US Army in South Korea
have been steadily increasing since the armistice.
The cases of atrocities committed by the US Army
during the period from the signing of the Armistice
Agreement on July 27, 1953, to April 1958 amount to
more than 200, even according to reports of the South
Korean press.
The atrocities of the US Army in South Korea
have become more cruel and frequent since last year,
especially since the moving of the "U.N. Command" to
Seoul.
Such atrocities as those committed by Girard in
Japan and Reynolds in Taiwan which stirred up the
world public opinion are an "everyday occurrence" in
South Korea.
The US Army authorities are taking no due, legal
sanctions against the atrocities of the US Army which
evoke national indignation of the Korean people and
insult the conscience of civilized mankind. On the con-
ti they are shielding and encouraging the criminals
under this or that pretext.
Here we are citing some instances out of the many
atrocities committed by the US Army in South, Korea
since the armistice as reported by the South Korean
press.
I. Raping and Killing Women
As reported by the South Korean press, there has
been an unbroken chain of violence and murder cases
comm.tted by the US Army against Korean women all
over South Korea.
At about 11 a.m. on September 15, 1957, American
M.P.s named Carrol B. Taylor and Edward T. Young,
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guards at the US Kunsan Air Base, fired carbines at
seven Korean girls who were cutting grass nearby,
hitting 18-year-old Kim Jung Re and 17-year-old Kang
Keum Soon. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Sept. 20)
Both girls were seriously wounded, and Kim Jung
Re died on Sept. 25.
With regard to the homicide case, the US Air Force
authorities announced: "The girls fled when the guards
attempted to apprehend them for questioning. When
the girls failed to halt, the guards fired at them."
(Kyunghy,ang Shinmoon, Sept. 21, 1957)
It was on Dec. 10, three months after this occur-
rence that a court martial took up the homicide case
of Carrot B. Taylor.
At the court, the truth of the case was brought to
the open by eye-witnesses.
Three girls including Kang Keum Soon who came
into court as witnesses all testified that the US guards
permitted them by gesture to cut grass in the area.
They also stated that no order to halt was given by
the guards. (Hankook Ilbo, Dec. 11, 1957)
It became clear that the announcement of the US
Air Force authorities did not tally with the true state
of affairs.
Taylor, one of the accused, who killed the Korean
girl, was given by the court martial a penalty of 9
months confinement at hard labour and the reduction
of his salary by 75 dollars for the same period.
A court martial of Edward T. Young who killed Ko-
rean girl Kim Jung Re was held on January 6, 1958,
five months after the occurrence of the incident.
At the court, murderer Edward Young, who had
been pleading innocence, could not but admit his guilt,
when he was driven to the corner by the testimonies
of the eye-witnesses.
On the 9th, the 4th day of the trial, the accused
Edward Young was given a penalty of three months
confinement and pay cut of 30 dollars for the same
period. (Hapdong Tongshin, Jan. 9)
According to a March 20, 1958 report of AP-Hap-
dong Tongshin, the reexamination committee of the US
77:
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rwar the Woimi island,
court martial which reviewed tne Taylor case on
Dec. 10, 1957, delayed the putting into effect of the
verdict.
Reports on similar incidents began to appear in the
South Korean press as soon as the armistice was sign-
ed.
On Jan. 19, 1954, on the road in front of a hospital
iii Torim-dong, Seoul, an American truck ran over
several Korean women who were cleaning the street,
killing one woman on the spot and mortally wounding
three others. (Chosun Ilbo, Jan. 21, 1954)
On July 28, 1954, on the roadside of Hyangdang-
dong, Seoul, an American soldier stabbed a 19-year-old
Korean woman named Kim Yung Soon in the left side
of her chest without any reason whatsoever, killing her
on the spot. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, July 31, 1954)
On November 6, 1954, three American soldiers who
were guarding an army train at the Kunsan railway
station yard dragged by force into an empty freight
car a 19-year-old Korean girl named Ahn Bok Hi,
residing in Eulchi-ro, Kunsan city, who was passing
the yard. The soldiers raped the Korean girl in turn,
one raping her and two holding her arms and legs.
Then they threw her out when she lost consciousness.
(Seoul Shinmoon, Nov. 11, 1954)
On March 4, 1955, in the vicinity of the barbed-wire
fence of the US Army barracks in Keumpa-ri, Papyung
myun, Pajoo county, a guard fired his carbine at 24-
year-old Chung Sang Bok and four other Korean
women who were passing there, killing them on the
spot. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, March 9, 1955)
On June 19, 1955; a US soldier of an artillery unit.
stationed in Inchon was practising shooting a revolver
at the place only four or five metres off the street. He
shot a bullet at the head of a passer-by Song Ok Boon.
an 18-year-old girl student of the Inchon Normal
School. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, July 28, 1955)
On July 16, 1955, a soldier of the US 728th M.P.
unit broke into Li Chan Kyoo's house in Kalsan-dong,
Inchon, carrying a revolver with him. When the family
prevented him from entering the room of the 13-year-
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slaughtered near the Wo Island, Inchon
court martial which reviewed tne Taylor case on
Dec. 10, 1957, delayed the putting into effect of the
verdict.
Reports on similar incidents began to appear in the
South Korean press as soon as the armistice was sign-
ed.
On Jan. 19, 1954, on the road in front of a hospital
iti Torim-dong, Seoul, an American truck ran over
several Korean women who were cleaning the street,
killing one?woman on the spot and mortally wounding
three others. (Chosun Ilbo, Jan. 21, 1954)
On July 28, 1954, on the roadside of Hyangdang-
dong, Seoul, an American soldier stabbed a 19-year-old
Korean woman named Kim Yung Soon in the left side
of her chest without any reason whatsoever, killing her
on the spat. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, July 31, 1954)
On November 6, 1954, three American soldiers who
were guarding an army train at the Kunsan railway
station yard dragged by force into an empty freight
car a 19-year-old Korean girl named Ahn Bok Hi,
residing in Eulchi-ro, Kunsan city, who was passing
the yard. The soldiers raped the Korean girl in turn.
one raping her and two holding her arms and legs.
Then they threw her out when she lost consciousness.
(Seoul Shinmoon, Nov. 11, 1954)
On March 4, 1955, in the vicinity of the barbed-wire
fence of the US Army barracks in Keumpa-ri, Papyung
myun, Pajoo county, a guard fired his carbine at 24-
year-old Chung Sang Bok and four other Korean
women who were passing there, killing them on the
spot. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, March 9, 1955)
On June 19, 1955; a US soldier of an artillery unit
stationed in Inchon was practising shooting a revolver
at the place only four or five metres off the street. He
shot a bullet at the head of a passer-by Song Ok on.
an 18-year-old girl student of the Inchon Normal
School. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, July 28, 1955)
On July 16, 1955, a soldier of the US 728th M.P.
unit broke into Li Chan Kyoo's house in Kalsan-dong.
Inchon, carrying a revolver with him. When the family
prevented him from entering the roOm of the 13-year-
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old daughter, or Li Chan Kyoo, who ;was in bed, he
beat the father and girl's mother Pak Bok Ryong with
his revolver, inflicting heavy wounds requiring two
weeks and one week treatment respectively. (Inchon
Shinmoon, July 18, 1955),
On Nov. 29, 1955, in Ichon-dong, Ryongsan ward,
Seoul, an American soldier on guard duty fired his
carbine at a 14-year-old girl named Kim Shin Ja who
was catching the gasoline drippings from a leaking oil
pipe. A bullet pierced her 'breast, inflicting heavy
wounds requiring one month's treatment. (Chosun
Ilbo, Nov. 30, 1955)
On December 12, 1955, K.I. Menth, (transcribed
from Korean), a soldier belonging to 'the C company of
the 15th Anti-aircraft Unit, US 7th Division, stationed
in Masan-ri, Papyung myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi
province, kidnapped 25-year-old Korean women Kim
Choon Ha and itook her out to a hill in Yongsang-dong
of Masan-ri. In fear of the exposure of his crime after
gratifying his carnal desire, he beat Kim Choon Ha
to death with his fists. (Inchon Ilbo, Jan. 19, 1956)
It is an everyday occurrence for US soldiers to
commit atrocities against South Korean women in
broad daylight in the streets of oities.
On January 22, 1956, two American soldiers ap-
peared in Torim-dong, Yungdeungpo ward, Seoul, and
detained 19-year-old Korean girl Choi Keum Im who
was going home from a theatre. Failing to gratify their
lust due to her resistance, they. fired two revolver
bullets, one passing through her left arm. (Chosun
Ilbo, Jan. 24, 1956)
On April 8, 1956,, a guard ,of the 32nd Regiment,
US 7th Division, stationed in Ryonghyun-dong, In-
chon, forcibly took with him to the guard-house a 33-
year-old Woman teacher of the 2nd class of the 3rd
form of the Ryonghyun Primary School, on the false
charge of gasoline theft without any ground whatso-
ever and shot his M1 rifle at this pregnant woman,
killing her on the spot.
In this connection, the April 10 issue of Inchon Ilbo
carried an item denouncing the audacious atrocity of
? 18 ?
the US soldier. It said: Guards of US units stationed
in Inchon are using their arms at random, thus fre-
quently causing incidents resulting in the death of
citizens. The peaceable citizens appeal to the US ArtnS,
authorities to put an end to the acts of violating civil
rights
Disregarding the ever mounting voices of protest of
the South Korean people against the frequent homicid-
al outrages of the US Army in South Korea, the US
soldiers are committing more and more atrocities.
Ait about 4 p.m. on May 9, 1956, near a US oil pipe-
line in Ryonghyun-dong, Inchon city, an American
guard fired his shot-gun at 45-year-old Korean woman
Pak Kyung Oh residing in No. 530, Ryonghyun-dong
who was coming back from the market after shopping.
She Was mortally wounded when a bullet passed
through her waist. The criminal brazen-facedly blared
that he took her for a gasoline thief. (Inchon Ilbo,
May 12, 1956)
On July 27, 1956, a soldier of a US Army unit
stationed in Inchon pursued to her house the wife of
Chang Sung Won residing in Soongeui-dong, Inchon,
who collected gasoline leaking from an oil pipe. He
sprinkled gasoline over the house and burnt six family
members alive. (Inchon Ilbo, July 30, 1956)
On May 16, 1957, Corporal Thomas Amendahuri
and one other US soldier belonging to the Headquarter
Company, 3rd Battalion, 17th Regiment of the US
Army stationed in Woonchun-ri, Yungbook myun, Po-
chun county, Kyonggi province, swooped down upon
two Korean women, Byun Keum Soon and Chang
Myung Sook?who were passing by the barbed-wire
fence. Coming up against the stubborn resistance of
the girls, the American soldiers kicked Byun Keum
Soon off a 120 foot cliff, killing her instantaneously
and beat up Chang Yung Sook, inflicting serious in-
juries. (Chosun Ilbo, May 18, 1957)
Around 2 p.m. on March 11, 1957, in Dukchun-ri.
Papyung myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province, an
unidentified US soldier 'belonging to fthe 48th Field
Artillery Unit, 24th Division of the US Army, seeing
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Korean women Li At Dol, 43, and Choi Soon Hi, 25,
doing a washing. at a river-side, attempted to rape
Choi Soon Hi. When she ran away, he attacked Li
Ai Dol. Coming up against her resistance, the US
soldier shot and killed her with his carbine. (Tonga
Ilbo, March 13, 1957)
On August 10, 1957, Corporal C. Maik of the Supp-
ly Battalion, 3rd Regiment, US Army, broke into the
house of Song Soon Ok at No. 92, Bookchang-dong in
the Central District of Seoul, and attempted to rape
her. When she offered resistance, he injured four wo-
men in the room, and ran away breaking.18 window
panes. (Chosun Ilbo, Aug. 12, 1957)
On September 10, 1957, a US guard belonging to
the "Haiaria" Unit stationed in Pusan, fired his Carbine
at Kim Ok Ki, 22, and one other Korean woman who
were passing near the barbed wire of the unit. A bullet
pierced the shoulder and passed into the breast of Miss
Kim Ok Ki. (Hankook Ilbo, Sept. 11, 1957)
On Sept. 17, 1957, a Korean woman Ki I Song
sustained a wound on her arm, hit by a splinter of 35
inch rocket shell discharged by the US Army at the
shooting ground near Wabang-ri where the US 7th
Division is stationed. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Sept,
21, 1957)
Around 8 a.m. on Sept. 20, 1957, several US sold-
iers appeared in Haje village, Okkoo myun in the
suburbs of Kunsan, and took away the draught cow of
peasant Choi Bong Wha. When Choi's wife Kim Soon
Rye (62 year old) begged the US soldiers to return the
coy, they set a military dog on her. For the purpose of
halting such uninterrupted atrocities of the US sold-
iers, the correspondents in the Kunsan area requested
an interview with the commander of the US soldiers,
but even this request was rejected. (Seoul Shinmoon,
Sept. 23, 1957)
On Oct. 3, 1957, a 60.year old woman Kim Ho Hi,
while working in a paddy field in the vicinity of Pajoo-
ri, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province, was shot by hunt-
ing-gun bullets fired by Mgt. Joseph E. Woodin be-
longing to the 24th Division of the US Army. The US
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side brazen-facedly announced that the US soldier
fired his hunting gun at a pheasant, but the bullet hit
the upper part of her body. She died on the way to a
hospital for first aid. (Tonga Ilbo, Oct. 6, 1957)
On Oct. 5, 1957, Pfc. Ronald Smith, a guard of the
Engineer Battalion, 7th Division of the US Army
stationed in the Dongdoochun area, Kyonggi Province,
fired his gun at random at Chun Bok Soon, 50, Li Chun
Soon, 23, and two other Korean women who lost their
way in the vicinity of the Battalion area, killing Li
Chun Soon and wounding Chun Bok Soon in her left
arm.
In connection with this incident, the US 8th Army
authorities alleged that the women intruded into the
battalion compound breaking the barbed wire fence
and approached their supply house and were shot be-
cause they attempted to run away when they were
ordered to halt by the guard. It was also announced
that the 2 other women were also caught and put under
custody. (Chosun Ilbo, Oct. 7, 1957)
But the result of the "ROK-US joint investigation"
proved that the women were fired at while trying to
find their way in a thick fog. (Hapdong Tongshin
message from Seoul, Oct. 5,, 1957)
On Oct. 27, 1957, in 6th Street Eulji-ro, Seoul, Sgt.
Blick Wall belonging to the "0.E.C. Officers Club"
caught a Korean woman Kim Soon Ja for no reason,
beat and wounded her. (Kookje Shinbo, Oct. 30, 1957)
On Nov. 2, 1957, Sfc. Constle Williams belonging
to the 68th Artillery Company of the US Army station-
ed on the Wolmi island, Inchon, attempted to rape a
Korean woman Kim Yung Ai, 22, residing in Choon-
gang-dong of the city, and beat her up and heavily
wounded for refusing his demand. (Chosun Ilbo, Nov.
8, 1957)
At night on Nov. 9, 1957, US soldiers Wilk Sumal-
com and Girat belonging to the 633rd Engineer Com-
pany, 36th Engineer Battalion of the US Army, broke
into the bed-room of a Korean woman Oh Yung Soon,
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27, and attempted to gratify their carnal appetite.
When she resisted the two US soldiers pommelled her,
inflicting serious wounds upon her. (Chosun Ilbo,
Nov. 13, 1957)
Around 3 p.m. on the 23rd of Nov. 1957, Pfc. Elkis
and one other of the US 50th Artillery Battalion sta-
tioned in Inchon intruded into the house of a Korean
woman Kim Yong Ja, 26, at No. 777, Dongchoon-dong,
Inchon, and attempted to violate her. When she resist-
ed they beat her up, seriously injuring her. (Chosun
Ilbo, Nov. 27, 1957)
On December 20, 1957, in front of a US Army club
in Moonrai-dong, Yungdeungpo district Seoul, Corp.
Bensontnal of the US Air Force beat for no reason
Choi Kil Ja, 32, and one other woman who were stand-
ing in the road, inflicting wounds requiring two weeks
treatment. (Chosun Ilbo, Dec. 22, 1957)
On the evening of April one, on the 1st wharf of
Pusan, US Army train guard Mckenney, 21, raped a
passing Korean woman and then shot her for the fear
of the exposure of his crime.
In this connection, the US Army authorities an-
nounced that the guard fired a carbine bullet at two
Koreans who were approaching him, and this bullet hit
the woman, killing her. (Sege Tongshin, April 2,
1958)
But according to the result of the investigation of
the South Korean side to the "ROK-US Joint Investi-
gation Group" semen was found through the autopsy
of the body and thus it was made clear That she was
violated. (Dongyang Tongshin, April 5, 1958)
2. Atrocities against Children, Youth and Students
Among the barbarous acts of the US Army in South
Korea, its merciless atrocities against innocent child-
ren go beyond the imagination of the sobre-minded
people.
The incidents in which South Korean children fell
victim to the villainous amusement of the US Army
? 22 ?
after the war reach an astounding figure even accord-
ing to the extremely restricted data reported by the
South Korean press.
Follows some instances of those atrocities that
aroused the particular wrath of the South Korean pub-
lic:
On February 25, 1958, in Poopyung, 2 US officers
and 1 Corporal ruthlessly tortured a Korean boy, nail-
ed him into a wooden box and carried him away by a
helicopter.
According to the investigation of the "ROK-US
Joint Investigation Group," around 3 a.m. on Feb. 25,
three US armymen including Captain Marvin. E.
Kemp of the US 8th Army Aircraft Maintenance
Centre in Poopyung, under the command of Major
Thomas G. James, beat a Korean boy Kim Choon II,
13, and stabbed with a knife his legs and arms on the
false charge of "theft."
He was stabbed with a knife three times by the
captain and ruthlessly beaten by another soldier.
The boy's hair was cut off with a pair of electric
?
hair-clippers and tar-like substance was daubed on
his head.
Then the boy was put into a box used for transport-
ing airplane parts and the lid was nailed down.
AL 8 a.m. Major James loaded the box into a heli-
copter and took it to Euijungboo north of Seoul where
he dumped the cargo. ?
According to what the Korean boy Kim Choon II
said, he asked a man in Euijungboo the way to Poop-
yung and then set out. (Hapdong Tongshin of
March 1,)
He said that he resisted with all his strength when
he was being put into a box.
At an interview with an AP correspondent, he said;
"I was sure that I would be sent to far-away place
and killed."
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Information released by the US Army side was at
variance with the deposition of Kim Choon II. The AP-
Hapdong Tongshin confirms this fact on March 3 in
the following words:
To the question of the AP correspondent the boy
described the persecution, crying bitterly. "They kick-
ed, stabbed nd beat me, tarred my head and nailed
me down in a box.
"On the 25th, I was tortured for nearly 5 hours in
an officer's room. Until I was put into the box, two
American soldiers endlessly tortured me, kicking and
stabbing. A certain Major told them to agonize me. A
captain and master sergeant beat-me with a leather
strap and a two-feet-long stick, until the leather tore
to three pieces. They also stabbed me with a fruit knife
on my arm and leg, leaving one inch gashes. More-
over, they cut my hair with a clipper or pulled it out
with pliers.
"After that they took me to a guard house and put
me in a box. Before they nailed me down they poured
something black like tar on my head. That stuff ran
down in my ears and my left ear was almost stop-
ped up."
After he returned from Euijungboo, the boy said,
he used 1.5 gallons of gasoline to wipe off the tar.
When he was sent to Euijungboo in a box, he
was almost unconscious. But he happened to see,
through a crack of the box, people passing, so he
called out for help with all his might.
To the question of the AP reporter asking if he
has any relative, the boy answered, again crying, that
his mother died when he was ten years old, his elder
brother was in the army and his father living in
Masan.
This is the rough account of the circumstances of
the case.
Recently the "court martial" of the US Ground
Force acquitted those American soldiers who corn,
? 24 ?
mitted such outrage and passed the sentence of "re-
primand" and 1,200 dollar "fine" upon Captain Kemp
alone.
More cruel than this is the case of shooting 3
year old baby in Inchon last year.
At about 8:30 a.m., on July 6, 1957, Plc Ronald
Fasset belonging to a US guard detachment station-
ed at the Inchon port, who was guarding oil pipe,
shot with his carbine Kim Yung Ho, 3 year old (west-
ern count 2 years of age) son of Kim Chang Jin
residing at house No. 442, Soongin-dong, Inchon,
who was playing on an oil pipe. (July 11, 1957 issue
of Chosun Ilbo.) Local Police report No. 3,422 on
this case, presented to the "Security Bureau" said,
"While the American soldier was playing with the
baby, Yung Ho, his carbine was fired by accident and
the bullet went through the baby's head." (July 15,
1957 issue of Hankook Ilbo.)
However, according to a Hankook Ilbo report
from the spot quoting a local witness, it was not con-
firmed that the American soldier played with the
baby, but it was established that he shot at the head
of the baby. (Hankook Ilbo of July 15, 1957.)
The result of the investigation conducted by the
US Army side was made public on the 19th through
the US 8th Army. According to the announcement
Pic Ronald Fasset committed an accidental homicide
and he would be court-martialed accordingly. The Ame-
rican military tribunal decided to acquit him and only
imposed a penalty of pay-cut for three months upon
him. (Seoul Shinmoon of Sept. 30, 1957)
At about 4:40 p.m. on August 25, 1957, a few
days after the incident, 18 year old Cho Byung Kil
who lived at house No. 135, Soongeui-dong, Inchon,
was killed by the bullet fired by Plc Martin Mills be-
longing to the "K" Detachment of the Guard Unit of
the 21st Port Command. The Korean boy was swim-
ming with his friends in a saltern reservoir on the
outskirt of Inchon.
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Concerning this incident, the authorities of the
8th Army made an official announcement on the 26th
saying that the shooting at Cho Byung Ku, who was
swimming in Inchon, by Plc Martin Mills of the
Guard Unit of the Port Command of the US Army
was an accident resulting from the shooting for a
warning against approaching an oil pipe.
Hankook Ilbo of Aug. 28 reported about this in-
cident as follows:
Over one hundred youth and children were swim-
ming in the Yonghyun-dong reservoir on the after-
noon of the 25th.
Li Jung Woo, a witness of the day's incident, said,
"Martin .Mills threw stones at the swimming children
at first. The children swam away and climbed up to
the western bank. The American soldier leveled his
M-1 rifle for two or three minutes at them who were
in some 80 meters distance looking toward him, and
pulled the trigger. Two bullets dropped in the water
and the third one hit Cho Byung Nil."
A joint investigation was conducted by the authori-
ties concerned of the Kyonggi Provincial Police and
the officers concerned of the US Army stationed in
the area.
At first the US Army side insisted that the shoot-
ing by martin Mills was a legitimate act of a guard,
but at 2 p.m. on the 27th it agreed that Cho Byung
Ku l was shot without any reason and Pfc. Martin
Mills should be dealt with by law at a court martial.
Notwithstanding this, on Sept. 24th, a US court
martial sentenced Plc Martin Mills to two months
confinement at hard labour and a fine of 30 dollars
per Month for a period of 3 months on the charge
Of "involuntary man-slaughter and failure to obey a
lawful order."
Disregarding even the agreement reached after the
joint investigation, the court martial alleged that Plc
Martin Mills fired blank shots for warning the swim-
ming Korean children not to approach the oil pipe.
? 26 ?
Seeing no result, it went on, he shot into the water but
the bullet bounced in the water and hit the abdomen
of Cho Byung Nil.
This court decision utterly ignores the fact that a
guard can only shoot towards the air for warning.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon of Sept. 26, 1957.)
While this killing of a boy was stirring South Ko-
rean public opinion, another shooting of a middle
school boy took place at the Kimchun Railway Station
in North Kyungsang Province.
At about 8:30 a.m. of Oct. 3, Song Joon Won, 16
years of age and a third year student of the Keumre-
ung middle school, and three other boys were crossing
the compound of the Kinichun Railway Station for a
short-cut on their way to school. At that time US
boxcar train No. 126 halted at the northern end of the
platform for a repair, sireching far out to the com-
pound. The boys passed by the end of the train. At
this time, Raymond L. Bailey, an M.P. of the "B"
company, 728th US M.P. Unit, who was guarding the
train, pulled out a revolver and shot at those boys
without any rhyme or reason. The American M.P.
shot again at running boys and the second bullet hit
the thigh of Song Joon Won and killed him.
Bailey, the murderer, hid himself in a "ROK" M.P.
unit, which gave him protection and transferred him
to the US Army CID.
In the close wake of the shooting, numerous villag-
ers ran onto the scene and launched a demonstration
in demand of the handing over of the criminal to the
Koreans, and thus a serious situation was created for
a time.
As to this murder case, the US Eighth Army au-
thorities announced that "Bailey shouted halt in Ko-
rean" when the Korean students allegedly hung onto
the train and that "he fired one shot into the air and,
when they ran, fired on the ground in the general
direction of the fleeing youths."
However, the results of an investigation by a
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"ROK-US joint investigation group" consisting of
personnel of the "Provincial Police Criminal Investiga-
tion Section" and US Second CID in Taegu as well as
the testimony of a student named Li Kit Si (16 years
of age) who witnessed the incident proved that the
announcement of the US Eighth Army was apart
from the truth.
The South Korean paper Hankook Ilbo said that
Bailey's allegation about the student hanging on the
train was totally groundless and that the students
were only passing the shortcut taken by hundreds of
students every day and, therefore, there was no reas-
on for them to be ordered to halt. Though it was al-
leged that the first shot was fired into the air, investi-
gations proved that it was fired at the boy from be-
hind, at a distance of 72 meters, the paper added.
Both the first bullet, which was allegedly fired into
the air, and the second one, which was said to have
been fired on the ground, left shot-holes on a wall of
a nearby briquette factory covered with barrel iron
plates. (Hankook Ilbo, Oct. 8, 1957)
According to the testimonies given at the court-
martial by Li Kil Si $ Chung Woon Do, 46-year-old
coal and water supply man, and another witness nam-
ed Chun Choon Dol (40 years of age), they heard no
order to halt and only saw the G.I. firing. (Seoul
Shinmoon, Oct. 30, 1957)
A US Army Master Sergeant who investigated
the spot of incident also stated that the barrel iron
plate behind the spot bore two bullet-holes," thus
disproving the statement of Bailey to the effect that
one shot was fired into the air.
Though facts proved that the US soldier committed
an intentional murder, the US. Army court-martial
convicted him of "accidented homicide" and sentenc-
ed him to "nine months confinement at hard labour, a
bad conduct discharge and loss of all pay and allow-
ances."(Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Oct. 30, 1957)
With regard to this incident, Chosun Ilbo wrote:
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"Recently there have been a, steady stream ot Incidents
of shooting committed by US soldiers in the capital
and in various localities ? Pajoo, Kunsan, Inchon
and other areas. And, now, a US M.P. fired bullets at
young students for no reason and killed one of them.
This sparked a near riot by citizens, who demanded
that Bailey be turned over to them."
Hankook Ilbo said on Oct. 8, 1957, that "what is
felt in this area is that only- a severe punishment of
the murderer will mitigate the anger of the people"
and that "the US Army authorities should stop their
perverse, crafty apology." It added that "this incident
aroused the anger of the inhabitants there.... and they
were on the verge of staging a reproduction of the
Taipei anti-US riot."
Stamping the blood-stained ground, the father of
the victim said: "As I am uneducated, I sent my son
to school at all cost. This fatal day he had only a
spoonful of boiled barley before going to school. If I
had known he would die like this, I would have fed
him to his fill."
This was not the first atrocity committed by US
soldiers against innocent children and young people.
And this is not the culmination of their cruelty and
cold-bloodedness either.
Below we cite some of the atrocities committed by
them prior to this.
On Jan. 12; 1956, on the street of ivioonrai-dong,
Yongdungpo district, Seoul, a lorry driver of the US
10th Artillery unit killed with a pistol 20-year-old
Chang Kap Joon who asked him to give a lift. (Kyung-
hyang Shinmoon, Jan. 14, 1956)
On March 18, 1956, at about 7 in the evening, two
Turkish soldiers belonging to the "UN forces" entic-
ed Pak Myung Je, a 16-year-old boy residing in Bang-
sung-ri, Paiksuk myun, Pajoo county, to bring 100
dollars in military script by offering to sell him six
cases of coffee. When the boy brought the money, they
took him into a nearby mountain, pretending to lead
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him to their quarters, killed him and robbed him of the
money. (Pusan Ilbo, March 23, 1956)
On April 5, 1956, at about 11 in the morning, a
truck driver named MenaId (transcribed from Korean)
'belonging to the 78th unit stationed in Inchon ran
over Chung Chang Jin, fourth year pupil of the Sin-
heung Primary School, and escaped, paying no heed
to the dead boy. (Inchon Ilbo, April 7, 1956)
On April 8, 1956, in Ryonghyun-dong, Inchon city,
a guard named J. Young of the 32nd Re., 7th Div. of
the US Army took by force to the guard house a 12-
year-old girl by the name of Chun Yung Soon, fifth
year pupil of a primary school residing in the same
area, manhandled her and fired bullets at her, severely
injuring her in the thighs, on the false charge of gas-
oline theft. (Inchon Ilbo, Apfil 10, 1956)
In April 1956, 17-year-old boy Kim Bak of Choon-
gangdong, Yongdungpo district, Seoul, who had been
working as a house-boy in the US 505 unit was shot
and killed by US soldiers for no reason. (Chosun Ilbo,
April 26, 1956)
- On May 11, 1956, an 18-year-old boy Li Yung
Hoon, who was passing along the street near his
home, House Number 500, Hakik-dong, Inchon, was
hit by a bullet discharged by Pfc. Dorington (trans-
cribed from Korean), a US guard. The boy died the
next' day. The US Army authorities announced that
the guard shot the boy, mistaking him for a thief.
(Inchon Ilbo, May 15, 1956)
On July 18, 1956, L.S. Dunce (transcribed from
Korean) belonging to the US 'unit stationed at the
Kimpo airport killed with three pistol bullets a 16-
year-old Korean boy Son Se Woon working in the unit,
when the boy asked him to return 56 dollars which the
US soldier had received from the boy by promising to
sell goods. (Tonga Ilbo, July 20, 1956)
On Sept. 23, 1956, Pfc. Maxwell A. Soljon (tran-
scribed from Korean) of the US signal corps stationed
in Dairyungdong, Pusan, inflicted a severe injury
with a pistol upon a Korean student Kim Jon Soon
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(20 years of age) when a quarrdl started between the
Korean student and another L'S soldier. (Tonga Ilbo,
Sept. 27, 1956)
On Sept. 24, 1956, a US soldier named Nobel
(transcribed from Korean) who was guarding a gaso-
line pool of the US 24th Division in Moonsan-ri, Imjin
myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province, fired a revol-
ver at two passers-by - 19-year-old Woo \Von Whan
and 30-year-old Kim Eun Kum - on the suspicion of
being gasoline theft, killing Woo and severely injur-
ing Kim. (Chosun Ilbo, Sept, 26, 1956)
On Dec. 16, 1956, two US soldiers shot a wild
duck in the river near Dukpo-ri, Sasang myun, Tong-
rai county, South Kyungsang province. When they
lost trace of the duck, they concluded that it had been
stolen by the children of the village who were watch-
ing the hunting from the other side of the river, and
fired shot-gun bullets at the children numbering over
forty, thus severely wounding 15-year-old Whang
Balk Kwang and 17-year-old Pak Dong Joo in thighs.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Dec. 19, 1956)
On the same day, when a train from Moonsan
bound for Inchon was passing through Soosaik-dong,
Seoul, S. Mills (transcribed from Korean) belonging
to the US 728th M.P. Company fired a shot-gun from
the train at a 17-year-old boy Pak Kyung Deuk who
was passing the vicinity, thus severely wounding him
in the face. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Dec. 19, 1956)
On Jan. 11, 1957, at the entrance of Yongdunpo
railway station a US guard fired a fatal bullet at 17-
year-old Li Koo Ryong on the false charge of coal
theft. (Chosun Ilbo, Jan. 13, 1957)
In Jan. 1957, two US soldiers belonging to the
55th airfield, who were having pistol shooting practice
on the road, killed "Corporal" Han Sul Yung of the
25th Regiment of the "ROK Army," who was passing
by. The US Army side refused even to hand over the
body of Han to his bereaved family member. (Inchon
Shinbo, Jan. 15, 1957)
On Jan. 13, 1957, a US soldier on board a transport
train, while passing by Mansuk-dong, Inchon City,
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fired at children running after the train, killing one
of them Choi Bang Bal (age 16) of the afore-mention-
ed dong. (Chosun Ilbo of Jan. 16, 1957)
On February 19, 1957, Clayton Wilson, , a sentry
belonging to the. 8208th Unit of the US Army station-
ed at Dock No. 3, Choryang-dong, Pusan, shot a Ko-
rean youth. Kim Hak Soo (age 19) of Choryang-dong,
who \\las intruding into the unit compound through
the barbed-wire fence. (Tonga Ilbo of Feb. 23, 1957)
On March 29,1957, Sgt. Bill Tejo, a gilard of the
US Army Oil Supply Station No. 55 in Joore-ri Sa-
sang myun, Tongrai county, South Kyongsang pro-
vince, fired on Chan Sang Keun (age 17) who was
returning home along the nearby highway, and caused
him mortal wounds on the lower abdomen and thigh.
(Chosun Ilbo of March 31, 1957)
On April 12, 1957, Wilson, a US M.P., plotted in
conspiracy with Ahn Tai Wan .and 8 other Koreans to
steal goods from a US Army supply train on the sec-
tion between Euijungboo and Dukjung, Kyonggi pro-
vince. They melted the window bars of a waggon with
oxygen, and stole packs of cigarettes worth 2 million
hwan in market price.
He tried to restore the window bars to its former
status. When he failed in this, to cover up his crime, he
opened a concentrated fire with his pistol and light
machine gun upon his collaborators, killing one and
seriously injuring two of them. (Tonga Ilbo of June
-13, 1957, Hapdong Tongshin of April 23, 1957)
- On June 6, 1957, two American soldiers of the
Central "PX", 24th Division of the US Army, station-
ed in Yunpoong-ri, Tongrai myun, Pajoo county,
Kyonggi province, had a haggling with a shoe-shine
boy Chang Ka Won (age 18). They told him to quit,
but before he walked some 15 metres away, they fired
at him with carbines. One bullet penetrated his cheeks
and another broke one finger of his right hand.
(Tonga Ilbo of June 9, 1957)
- On July 15, 1957, Chi Sang Ryul (age 20, a third
year student of Kyungjoo higher school, from Hyoja-
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&rig, Yungil mytin, Yungil county, North Kyungsang
province) was beaten on a US army train bound for
Seoul from Pusan by American soldier Swanson and
five others just before the train reached Taegu. Having
nearly lost consciousness under heavy blows, the stu-
dent still tried to get off the train at Taegu Station,
but the American soldiers locked him up in a water-
closet until the train pulled out. Then the soldiers drag-
ged him out of the water-closet and started beating
him again, after which they kicked him off the running
train near Waikwan Station. The student was serious-
ly wounded. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon of July 18, 1957)
On July 16, 1957, at the railway siding in front of
the ice-manufactory of the US Army at Sungnam-
dong, Taejon, Robert Tejohn, a railway guard of the
728th M.P. Station of the US Army, threatened a Ko-
rean boy Yoo Jung Bok (age 15) of Sungnam-dong,
Taejon, with a carbine, for hanging on to a freight car.
.When the boy ran in fright, he fired at the boy. The
bullet penetrated the boy's lower abdomen, causing a
mortal wound. (Hanlcook Ilbo of July 19, 1957)
On August 26, 1957, a US Army truck ran over
four Korean children playing on the street of Hain-
dang-dong, Sungdong Ward, Seoul. One boy named
Choo Eu! Ki (age 12) was killed and the others, RO
Sun Kyo O (age 11) and Han Bail( Kyoo (age 11) were
mortally injured. (Chosun Ilbo of Aug. 28, 1957)
On Aug. 29, 1957, a rushing US Army truck killed
a Korean boy (about 10 years old) on the street before
No. 10, Hannam-dongsan, Ryongsan Ward, Seoul, and
ran away. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon of Aug. 31, 1957)
On Sept. 4, 1957, Pfc Hand Beljijei, on guard at the
barbed-wire fence in the vicinity of "Haiaria" dock,
Bumjun-dong, Pusan, made a Korean shoe-shine boy
Han Yup (age 14) polish his shoes, sticking out his leg
through the barbed wire. When the boy asked to be
paid, the soldier fired on him sending a bullet through
the calf of his left leg. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon of
September 17, 1957)
In connection with this case, the 8th Army Com-
mand reported that the sentry, seeing a Korean boy
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trying to climb the fence of the US Army unit, ran to-
ward him to stop him. But he fell on the ground and
discharged his carbine by mistake, causing a wound on
the boy. (Chosun Ilbo of Sept. 6, 1957)
On Aug. 31, 1957, in the vicinity of Dock No. 3,
Pusan, two American soldiers fired at random on Kim
Hyung Tai (age 14) and Choi Bong Book (age 17),
causing them serious wounds. (Hapdong Tongshin of
Aug. 31, 1957)
On Oct. 16, 1957, Chung Soon Ho (age 4) was kill-
ed by a US Army truck at a place 4 k.m. north of Eui-
jungboo, Kyonggi province. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon
of Oct. 19, 1957)
According to an announcement of the US Air Force
in South Korea as quoted by U.P. on Oct. 23, 1957,
Wiliam Colman belonging to the 6122nd US Air Force
Command, while hunting pheasant with a hunting gun
in the vicinity of Kangneung, injured by mistake a
Korean boy Kim Jong Shik (age 18). (Hapdong
Tongshin, Seoul, of Oct. 24, 1957)
On Oct. 24, 1957; Nataro (age 33) of the US 8th
Army, while hunting pheasant in Doi-ri, Hyangnarn
myun, Hoisung county, Kyunggi province, killed a Ko-
rean boy Chung Jai Kyung (age 9). (Seoul Shinmoon
of Oct. 26, 1957)
On Oct. 24, 1957, Robert Wilkies, an American
marine attached to the US Embassy in Seoul killed
with his hunting gun a 10 year old Korean boy Chung
Choi Koong while hunting pheasant at a place 35
miles south of Seoul. (A.P. Oct. 26, 1957)
On Nov. 3, 1954, a truck of the Turkish unit of the
"UN Forces" ran against a Korean private house, kill-
ing a 4-year-old child in the Kalkon-ri, Chungyung
myun, Pajoo county, Kyunggi province. (Kyunghyang
Shinmoon of Nov. 6, 1957)
On Nov. 7,-1957, a Korean girl Kim Soon Yong
(age 10 of No. 79, Koojun-dong, Pusan) was killed by
a US Army Three Quarter on the street of Pusan harb-
our. (Sangupkyungje Shinmoon of Nov. 21, 1957)
On Nov. 16, 1957, Kim Soon Yong (age 10 of Koo-
joo-dong, Pusan city) was run over by a Three Quarter
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driven by an American soldier in Pusan and died.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon of Nov. 20, 1957)
On Nov. 24, 1957, Brace Benjo (serial No.
01924524 ) and 5 other American soldiers of the A.C.P.
Unit of the US Army at the Central Dock, Pusan city,
fired 7 shots with hunting guns at Li Hak Soo (age
11, a third-year pupil of Primary school, Habang vill-
age, Sangnam myun, Woolsan county, South Kyung-
sang province) who was gathering firewood in the mo-
untain in front of the Habang village, inflicting him
mortal wounds on the bosom, shoulder and leg.
The assailants alleged that they took him for a
pheasant. (Hankook Ilbo of Nov. 26, 1957)
On Dec. 17, 1957, Monde, a sergeant of the
42th Engineer Corps of the US Army stationed at
Ryoolkolc-ri, Patong myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi
Province, fired two shots with his hunting gun at a
Korean youth Choi Ki Yung (age 25), an employee of
the laundry of the crbps, inflicting wound in his face.
(Hankook Ilbo of Nov. 20, 1957)
3. Other US Army Atrocities Against South Korean
People
Apart from the atrocities against women and
youth, the US Army in South Korea has been com-
mitting murder, beating, robbery, fraudulence, vio-
lence and other outrageous acts more frequently with
every passing day, since with the mass violation and
plunder case of the US M P. in Pajoo in April last.
In the Pajoo incident of April 16, last year, 80
US MPs attacked in the broad daylight Yongjoo-dong,
Yunbong-ri, Choonai myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi
province. They ransacked 184 private houses includ-
ing Baik Bong In's, and robbed the villagers of 2,324
items of goods amounting to roughly 3 5 million hwan
in market price.
Here is how the incident first broke out. A Korean
boy Yoon Bok Ryong (age 18) of the said village, who
was leading a miserable life as a shoe-shine boy, gave
a US 5 dollar note to American M P. Kelles of the
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24th Division for the American cigarettes which the
M.P. had promised to buy him. Several days passed.
Yoon Bok Ryong demanded the M.P. to give him the
promised cigarettes, but the latter flatly refused this.
Then Yoon Bok Ryong asked the M.P. to pay back
the 5 dollar. The M.P. refused this, too, and even beat
Yoon up.
On the other hand, Smith, M.P. Captain and Com-
mander of the M.P. Company to which the M.P. be-
longed, mobilized 80 men of his company to attack
the afore-mentioned village. (Tonga Ilbo of April 23,
1957)
The M.P. Commander of the 8th US Army describ-
ed it as a lawful act.
In this connection the "Security Bureau" of the
Syngman Rhee puppet government, pointing out the
unjust attitude of the US Army, lodged a protest a-
gainst the 8th US Army, but it was of no avail.
Even the South Korean "National Assembly" call-
ed for making a strong protest against the US military
authorities.
Kim Dal Ho, member of the "National Assembly"
denounced the case saying, "The mass violation by
the 80 US MPs, who are supposed to maintain military
discipline, and their insincere attitude toward the case
are so humiliating."
In March, this year, an incident took place in which
a farmer was beaten up by a group of American
soldiers. On March 8, 1958, at 1 p.m., corp. Kelly and
three of his colleagues belonging to the 6147th US
Air Corps stationed at Kimpo, Kyonggi province,
saw farmer Li Jung Pyo (age 63) pick up a piece of
kioard near the Air Corps on his way home from field
work, and beat him with clubs for one hour on the
charge of being a robber. The farmer fell unconscious
with two ribs on his right side broken and his body
covered with cuts and bruises. (Sege Tongshin,
March 13, 1958)
To cite only a few examples of US atrocities corn-
mitteed after the Armistice Agreement:
? 36 ?
On Nov. 22, 1953, an American soldier jumped into
a private car driven by Yoo Tai Ho (age 46) of
Wolnan-dong, Seoul and ordered Yoo to drive the car
to the Ryongsan Ward and, there, after forcing him
to get oil, robbed the car from him. (Tonga Ilbo of
Nov. 24, 1953)
On March 15, 1954, on board a train in the Kyung-
sang-Komo section of the Kyungpu Line, Brown, a
master sergeant of the 772th US M.P. Company B.
beat Li Jong Keun, a railway man and, after binding
his hands and legs together, threw him out of the
running train. (Seoul Shinmoon of March 21, 1954)
On May 21, 1954, US military policemen stationed
at Pusan beat Chung Ki Do, a railway man, to death,
who was discharging his duty as a shunter. (Seoul
Shinmoon of May 23, 1954)
On July 5, 1954, on the Eulji-ro in Seoul, some 30
American soldiers committed an act of violence to Li
Byung Hoon (age 33) and two other Koreans for
no reason whatever. Li Byung Hoon was severely in-
jured and the other two received injuries on their
faces. (Seoul Shinmoon of July 17, 1954).
On Nov. 24, 1954, on the street in front of No. 12,
Kaman-dong, Pusan, a US Corporal of the 226th Ord-
nance Corps stabbed a passer-by Ra Ki Chool (age
35), and seriously injuried him. (Tonga Ilbo of Dec. 2,
1954)
On January 17, 1955, on the street near Dock No.
3, Taichang-dong, Pusan, some 15 American soldiers
broke into a shop run by Woo Man Soo (age 36) and
after beating and stabbing him with a dagger on the
arms, plundered goods worth some 6,000 hwan.
Coming out of the shop, they stabbed passers-by Kim
Duk Rim (age 35 living at No. 22, Third Street, Tai-
chang-dong) on the back, and Pak Tai Woo (age 37,
Third Street, Yungjoo-dong) in the face They also
attacked two Korean women and another passer-by,
with clubs. (Chosun Ilbo of January 19, 1955)
On July 19, 1955, some American soldiers belong-
ing to the Artillery Company, 1st Battalion, 32nd Re-
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I tilt:717r-
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girnent, 7th Division of the US Army, while stealing
gasoline with two jeeps in the railway section between
Ryongsan and Yunchon, beat up and wounded a rail-
way conductor who happened to pass by there.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon of July 19, 1955)
On Aug. 6, 1955, an American soldier on guard of
the quarters of the Neutral Nations Observation Team
members at Bumil-dong, Pusan, stabbed with his
bayonet Li Jai Woo and 3 other Koreans, inflicting
wounds requiring one week to one month medical
treatment. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon of Aug. 9, 1955)
On Aug. 12, 1955, fishermen who were fishing in
the Sea near Wolmi Island, Inchon, saw a US patrol
boat approaching them. They signaled that they were
engaged in fishing. In spite of this, the American
soldiers opened fire with their carbines, killing two
and seriously injuring another two. (Kookje Shinbo
of Aug. 13, 1955)
On Oct. 26, 1955, Kim Soo Hyung and two other
officers of Inchon Customs House, being informed of
the fact that large quantities of smuggled goods were
being transacted in a British ship anchored in the
port, approached the ship to investigate the case. But
when they went on boad the ship, they were knocked
down by a group of unidentified Englishmen. (Kyung-
hyang Shinmoon, Oct. 30, 1955)
On Nov. 29, 1955, Tonis Napi, a private of the 55th
unit of the US Army, who was driving a Three
Quarter along the street from Chongro to Kwanghwa-
moon, fired at a certain Min Yoon Sik who asked for
a lift. The bullet penetrated through his right knee.
(Tonga Ilbo, Dec. 1, 1955)
In December, 1955, two American soldiers, who got
as far as Dock No. 4 at Choryang-dong by a taxi
driven by Li Myung Yoo (age 32) of Yungsun-dong,
Pusan, didn't pay the fee for the drive. When the
driver asked them to pay the fee, they cut the driver's
hand and throat with a razor and ran away. (Kookje
Shinbo, Dec. 21, 1955)
On Dec. 19, 1955, an American fighter circling in
the sky over Horim-dong, Dasan and Kopyong coun-
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ties, North Kyungsang province, fired 20 shots
from its machine gun on two occasions at a farmer
Li Keun Cho (age 44). The victim got a serious wound
on the waist. (Jayoo Shinmoon of Dec. 22, 1955)
On December 25, 1955, Luck, a Corporal of the 1(6
Airfield of the US Air Force at Sujung-ri, Pyungtaik
county, Kyonggi province, while driving a car at a
speed of 60 miles per hour, hit against the house of
Lim Jai Sun (age 36), killing three and seriously in-
juring four of the family members. (Inchon Ilbo of
Dec. 27, 1955)
On Jan. 15, 1956, a Corporal of the US Army in
Inchon stole Yankee cigarettes from a street-stall and
ran away. (Inchon Ilbo of Jan. 15, 1956)
On Jan. 21, 1956, some guards of the US Army
on Dock No. 3 in Pusan opened fire upon two private-
ly-owned boats which were approaching the dock, kill-
ing Kim Tan Sik (age 32) and injuring Shin Soo Bok
(age 31) and three others. (Chosun Ilbo of Jan. 24,
1956)
On March 3, 1956, at about 7 p.m., in the P.O.L.
of the Oil Supply Corps of the US Army at Ryong-
hyun-dong, Inchon, a US guard shot to death with a
hunting gun Li Seung Il (age 29 of No. 331, Ryong-
hyun-dong) on the ground that the latter had unlaw-
fully intruded into the oil storage house, as reported
by Inchon Ilbo.
On Feb. 19, 1956, at 9 a.m., B. Oriel, a private of
the 32nd US infantry corps in Inchon, broke into the
house of Chung Ki Hong, No. 35, First Street, Shin-
heung-dong, Inchon and approached the room where
women were sleeping, when the master of the house
woke up and prevented him from going there. Then
Ithe American soldier went wild, beat the people a-
round him and broke furniture. (Inchon Ilbo, Feb. 21,
1950)
On April 1, 1956, three American soldiers entered
the house of Kim Myung 1-lye (age 56) at Sasang
myun, Pusan city and, waking the family members
up, robbed them of 66.600 !man of money and other
goods. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, April 3, 1956)
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On April 24, 1956, at Chungdo Railway Station a
US M.P. fired his pistol at Chung Seung Pyo (age 27)
who was about to get on the train, hitting his leg and
head. Then he robbed him of his personal belongings
and 11,000 hwan of money. Also he sent a bullet
through the right leg of Pai Seung Chul. (Kyung-
hyang Shinmoon, April 27, 1956)
On Aug. 6, 1956, on the street of Ryongheung-
dong, Inchon, an American soldier struck Byun Hyun
Nam (age 20) with his rifle-butt and then shot him on
the head.
On Aug. 9, 1955, Billy James, a Private, M
Thomas, a Sergeant and two other American soldiers
of the 32nd Regiment, 7th Division, broke into the
guard's room of "Hankook Keumkang Industrial
Company Ltd. and, after dragging out Choi Seung
Joon (age 46), Choi Jung Ho (age 40), Jung Myung
Keun (age 50) and three others on the street, beat
them for no reason, inflicting upon each of them seri-
ous wounds requiring one month treatment. (Inchon
Ilbo of Aug. 12, 1956)
On September 8, 1956, Wiliam Rod, Pfc of the
565th unit of the US Army stationed at Sangkolc-dong,
Inchon, shot Cho Duk Soon and seriously injured Cho
Yong Shik within the compound of the unit on the
charge of having stolen US made water-pipes. (Seoul
Shinmoon, September 10, 1956)
On Sept. 24, 1956, Fulbert, a Plc of the US Army
gasoline depot at Moonsan-ri, Imjin myun, Pajoo co-
unty, Kyonggi province, fired his pistol at Woo Won
Hwan (age 29) and one other Korean on the charge
of entering the depot, calling them robbers. Woo \Von
Hwan died on the spot and the other was seriously
wounded. (Chosun Ilbo of Sept. 26, 1956)
On Oct. 11, 1956, an American guard on duty near
the US Army Air Corps at Sojang-ri, Songam myun,
Pyungtaik county, Kyonggi province, shot Kim Sung
Ha (age 23), a passer-by on the charge of being a
robber. (Chosun Ilbo of Oct. 17, 1956)
On Oct. 13, 1956, in the vicinity of Keumpo air-
field, an American soldier working at the chemical
South Korean youngsters leading their life, wandering about
streets.
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eir living, digging and eating arrow-
oodless peasants are ( king out
department of the airtIeld fired at 'LI Seung Chul (age
20), Kim Jai Chul (age 30) and Kim Il Man (age 26
from Ogo-ri, Ojung myun, Bookchun county, calling
them thieves of gasoline. Li Seung Chul and Kim 11
Man died on the spot and Kim Jai Chul received a
mortal wound. (Dongyang Tongshin of Oct. 7, 1956)
On Nov. 15, 1956, at Ryonghyun-dong, Inchon, an
American guard of a gasoline-pipe by the name of
Washington George, shot Kim Yang Kyoo from the
nearby district under the false charge of having stolen
gasoline. (Chosun Ilbo of November 16, 1956)
On Nov. 16, 1956, at Roryangjin, Seoul, two
American soldiers, after having a taxi drive through-
out the city, robbed the taxi driver Li Jong Chul (age
30) of 10,000 hwan of money. (Tonga Ilbo of Nov. 18,
1956)
On Nov. 17, 1956, on the street of Taihang-dong,
Yungdeungpo Ward, Seoul, two American soldiers
severely injured a taxi driver Li Suk Rak (age 47)
and wrested 4,790 liwan in cash from him. (Chosun
Ilbo of Nov. 19, 1956)
On Jan. 18, 1957, on the street of No. 329, Shinkil-
dong, Yungdeungpo Ward, Seoul, an unidentified US
Army truck ran over Li Ki Ram, mother of a shoe-
maker living at No. 262, Taibang-dong, Yungdeungpo
Ward, Ind drove away. (Chosun Ilbo of Jan. 20, 1957)
On April 14, 1957, in the vicinity of the cemetery
of Yooyun county Clark Eacle and one other American
soldier stopped a taxi driven by Kim Jong Man (age
29) and after beating him and robbing him of 3,000
1 hwan of money, ran away. (Tonga Ilbo of April 19,
1957)
On April 12, 1957, at noon, Clark D. Ledly (age
32), belonging to the 2nd Company, 2nd Battalion,
24th Division of the US Army stationed at Doopo-ri,
0 Papyung myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province,
fired his M-I rifle at two Korean young men Chun
E Sung Woo (age 24) and Song Tai Chul (age 25) from
Keuinkok-ri, Chunhyun myun of the same county, who
were gathering fagot in the mountain. When the sur-
prised young men took to flight, American MPs pur-
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1
ued after them and arrested them. Seeing that they
were carrying sickles with them, the MPs beat them
with the handle of a pick on the charge of "unlawful
possession of weapons." Chun Sung Woo sustained a
contusion in the face and Song Tai Chul on the head
requiring two weeks treatment. (Tonga Ilbo of
April 24, 1957)
Qn April 27, 1957, Chun Seung Kyoon and two
others from Tosung-dong, Pusan, and Pai Seung Chul
(age 20) from Soojung-dong, Pusan, wanted to get
on a military train bound for Taegu from Chungdo,
when a US M.P. fired 8 shots at them with his pistol
without giving any warning. Both Chun Seung Kyoon
and Pai Seung Chul got wounded. Then they searched
Chun Seung Kyoon and robbed him of his personal
belongings and 13,000 hwan of money. (Kyunghyang
Shinmoon of April 27, 1957)
On April 24, 1957, a patrol of the 32nd Regiment,
7th Division of the US Army, fired at 5 Koreans and
killed one of them, Ham Yong Kwan. (Hapdong
Tongshin, April 25, 1957)
On April 27, 1957, 5 American soldiers belonging
Fl to the 7th Division dropped in the grocer run by Kang
Tai Sung (age 33) at Yunpoong-ri, Choonai myun,
Pajoo county, Kyonggi province, and drank beer.
When Kang Tai Sung demanded him to pay for the
beer, the soldier beat him up. (Kyunghyang Shin-
moon, April 30, 1957)
On April 27, 1957, Rim Chang Ryong (age 35),
Li Soon Bong (age 29) and Hong Bong Kyoon, who
Were passing by a river in Yunpoong-ri, Choonai
myun, Pajoo county, were beaten by three unidentified
American soldiers who got down -from an army trucR
which came rushing after them. After knocking them
down, the American soldiers threw the victims over
the bridge 40 metres high. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon,
April 30, 1957)
On April 27, 1957, a US soldier who was driving a
truck battered a 49-year-old peasant Whang Jong with
ale bottles, inflicting a wound of 5 cm long on his
head, at Shinsan-ri, Kwangtan myun, Pajoo county,
- 42 -
Kyonggi province. Then he cut with a knife the left
shoulder of a Korean youth Ryoo Myong Whan (27
years of age) to the depth of 10 cms in Dongsan myun,
Pajoo county, and when he reached the vicinity of
Shinsan-ri, he gave cull's and kicks to a 21-year-old
youth named Ra Hong Kyoon, thus severely wounding
him. After a while he appeared on the road in front of
the aerodrome at Pajoo, and, brandishing a knife, he
gave gashes of 3.5 cms deep on the faces of peasants
Choi Won Kyung (26) and Choi Soo Jong (26) who
happened to pass by. (Kyunghyang, Shinmoon?,kpril
30, 1957)
On May 5, 1957, on the road-side of Osan-ri, Jori
myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province, two US sold-
iers belonging to the 3rd Engineering Company, 24th
Division, picked a quarrel with a villager named Pak
Tong Soon (40) and beat him with pistols, inflicting
an injury which will take three weeks to heal. (Chosun
Ilbo, May 8, 1957)
On May 13, 1957 Cpl Nam, a guard of the 55th oil
supply centre at Choorai-ri, Sasang myun, Tonf?Yrai co-
unty, South Kyungsang province, seeing two villagers,
Pak Sang Dong (32) and Kim Jai Ran (41), scooping
up light oil which was flowing out of the compound to
the river, fired carbine bullets at them, one bullet
piercing their legs. (Chosun Ilbo, May 17, 1957)
On June 28, 1957, at Moonsan station, Kyonggi
province, a US M. P. shot the trainmen on account of
their refusal of his request to staiit the train before the
time and inflicted a piercing bullet-wound on Kim
Ryang Pyo, the assistant locomotiveman. (Sanup-
Kyungje Shinmoon, July 7, 1957)
On July 12, 1957, at Kalwul-dong Ryongsan
District, Seoul, two US soldiers forced Pak Jong Kook,
a ROKA HQ driver, to pick them up, but soon they
kicked off the driver and Concealed themselves with
the jeep and all. (Tonga Ilbo, July 14, 1957)
On July 26, 1957, a US soldier belonging to the
13th Field Artillery Battalion stationed at Ryoolkook-
ri, Papyong myun, Pajoo county, Kyonggi province,
fired two carbine bullets at a peasant Kim Dong Whan
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(50) who was gathering firewood on the hill and fatal-
ly wounded him in the breast. According to the plea of
the US side, the US soldier fired, mistaking the peas-
ant for a thief. (Chosun Ilbo, July 31, 1957)
On July 29, 1957, a sergeant named G. Lois be-
longing to the 19th supply unit stationed at Yong-
deungpo District, Seoul, unlawfully imprisoned three
Korean employees of the unit-Kwon Byong Chit (24),
Li Hyun Soo (26) and Kim In Sok (24)-and batter-
ed them with a club. His reason for this was that some
meat was lost from Building No. 10 of the unit.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Aug. 31, 1957)
On Aug. 21, 1957, a soldier named R. Griss of the
Inchon Port Command who was standing on guard at
the 3rd post of the US oil pipe-line in Olcryun-dong,
Inchon, severely wounded a watch-dealer Li Kyungr
Hi (29) residing in Hooam-dong, Ryongsan District,
Seoul, by firing two M-1 rifle bullets, when the latter
refused to sell a watch at the low price he offered.
(Chosun Ilbo, Aug. 4, 1957)
On Aug. 4, 1957, on a road of Shindaibang-dong,
Yongdeungpo District, Seoul, two US soldiers belong-
ing to the 58th ammunition supply unit set an army
dog at an old man Chun Whan Sop (65), who was talc-
ing a rest near them. (Tonga Ilbo, Aug. 7, 1957)
On Aug. 5, 1957, at Kookje Hotel in Dongja-dong,
Central District, Seoul, two US soldiers belonging to
the 304 signal corps began to quarrel with each other,
but when Urn Ki Sung, an employee of the hotel, got
between them, they suddenly turned to him, stabbed
him with a kitchen-knife and ran away. (Tonga Ilbo,
Aug. 7, 1957)
On Aug. 15, 1957, at House No. 287, Boojun-dong
1-dong, Pusan city, a US M.P. Corporal named Torry
belonging to a unit stationed at Pusan beat for no rea-
son a wine carrier Suh Tai Kun (34) who was pass-
ing by on a bicycle and, when he fell unconscious, the
US soldier stabbed him in the side, thus mortally
wounding him. (Tonga Ilbo, Aug. 18, 1957)
On Aug. 23, 1957, Pvt Gainsson (transcribed from
Korean) and another US soldier stationed at Inchon
- 44 -
broke into the tiny shop of Whang Myong Soon (age
33) and robbed her of chewing-gums and cakes as well
as 5,000 hwan in cash. (Chosun Ilbo, Aug. 26, 1957)
On Sept. 9, 1957 when a peasant Oh Kyong Ah
(46) residing in Jeduk-ri, Woongchon myun, Chang-
won county, South Kytingsang province, was gather-
ing firewood on the hill, two non-commissioned officers
of the US naval air force unit stationed at Chinhae
fired shot-guns at him and wounded him in 'the belly.
(Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Sept. 7, 1957)
On Sept. 4, 1957, at about 9 p.m., Kim Man Bok
(36), driver of taxi No. 452 of the taxi service run by
Seoul city, carried a US soldier from before the Bando
Hotel to Hyangchon-dong, Suhdaimoon District, but
when he asked the fare he was struck severely by the
US soldier. (Chosun Ilbo, Sept. 5, 1957)
On Sept. 5 1957, at Euijungboo, a Korean was
killed by the US sentry. (Tonga Ilbo, Sept. 6, 1957)
On Sept. 18, 1957, when an old man Kim Hyang
Doo (60) residing in 2nd District, Sonrok-ri, near the
Kunsan aerodrome, was cutting grass for compost in
the vicinity of the aerodrome, a US sentry unleashed
army dogs to jump at him and severely injure him.
(Seoul Shinmoon, Sept. 23, 1957)
On Sept. 22, 1957, on the ioad in front of House
No. 425, Hooam-dong, Ryongsan District, Seoul, when
Choi On Joon (32), Han Jong Ryol (31) and Li Moon
Kyong (31) accosted a passing-by US soldier, another
US soldier suddenly drove his dagger into the breasts
of Choi On Joon and Li Moon Kyong, inflicting fatal
wounds upon them. (Seoul Shinmoon, Sept. 24, 1957)
At 2 p.m. on Sept. 28, 1957, a US truck (G.M.C.),
unidentified, ran over a passer-by Li Bong Soon (60)
on the road near the House No. 33, Bon-dong, Yong-
deungpo District, Seoul, and got off after giving him
an injury which will take two weeks to heal. (Tonga
Ilbo, Sept. 30, 1957)
On Oct. 3, 1957, three drunken US soldiers belong-
ing to the 116th Ordnance Platoon stationed at Shin-
am-dong, Taegu, North Kyungsang province, made an
attack with jack knives on a laundryman Yoon Yong
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Wha (96) on the road, inflicting a wound of ten cms
long and 2 ems deep on his face. They brandished their
knives at random and seriously injured Li Sam Ryong
(35), a by-stander, before they slipped away. (Tonga
Ilbo, Oct. 6, 1957)
On Oct. 11, 1957, Kim Sam Ryong, a janitor of
the "Metropolitan Cinema" in Anyang-ri, Dong myun,
Shiheung county, Kyonggi province, when he was
patrolling the compound, was suddenly attacked by
two US soldiers and received serious wounds. (Tonga
Ilbo, Oct. 14, 1957)
On Oct. 14, 1957, on the road of Boopyong,
Boopyong city, Kyonggi province, three US soldiers of
the 55th unit s'iationed there struck a villager Alm
Yong Bok (48) in the face and smashed two of his
teeth, and ihen battered his wife together with his
son-in-law Kim Jung Ok. (Hankook Ilbo, Oct. 16,
1957)
On Oct. 16, 1957, at 1 p.m., a US guard who was on
board a US transport ship near the Wolmi island, In-
chon, seeing Li Dong Woon (38), an inhabitant of
Songrim-dong, Inchon city, gathering drifting pieces
of wood by ship, fired four successive bullets from his
rifle without any warning and inflicted two fatal bullet-
wounds on his breast. (Hankook Ilbo, Oct. 17, 1957)
On Oct. 28, 1957? a US soldier named Migis Tayder
(transcribed from Korean) belonging to the 2nd Com-
pany, 20th Field Artillery Battalion, 1st Cavalry Divi-
sion, stationed at Hyangsang-ri, Joonai mytm, Pajoo
county, Kyonggi province, after palming off cigarette
packages stuffed with flour upon Pak Yong Kyoo (47)
residing in House No 260, Pajoo-ri, fell on him and
smashed four teeth, when the latter requested the re-
turn of the money he paid for the fake cigarettes.
(Chosun Ilbo, Nov. 3, 1957)
On Nov. 3, 1957, a Korean named Yoo Kyong Son
reswing at San-dong, Boopyong, Gyonggi province,
was killed by two unidentified US soldiers after being
robbed of 5,200 hwan in cash. The US Eighth Army
authorities had to admit it in an announcement on
Nov. 4. (Kyunghyang Shinmoon, Nov. 6, 1957)
? 46 ?
On Nov. 7, 1957, Sfe Benice C. Belton (transcribed
from Korean) and another soldier of the 39th Ord-
nance Company stationed at Euijungboo locked up a
Korean employee Ham Kook Bin (24) in a wood.
working room and beat him up on the suspicion that
he stole goods. (Hapdong Tongshin, Nov. 9, 1957)
On Oct. 17, 1957, Sfc Monde (transcribed from
Korean) of the 43rd engineering unit stationed at
Ryoolkok-ri, Padong mytm, Pajoo county, Kyonggi
ovince, fired a shot-gun at a Korean employee Choi
Ki Yong working in the laundry of the unit and in-
flicted serious wounds upon him. (Hankook Ilbo,
Dec. 12, 1957)
On Dec. 24, 1957, four Thai soldiers attached to the
17th Regiment stationed at Woonchun-ri, Yongbook
Pochun county, Kyonggi province, broke into
the tea-room kept by Hwang Ok Sun in Woonchun-ri,
and smashed window glasses with chairs. They de-
stroyed the doors of Li Dong Yong's house next to it,
and then Kim Tai Ik's, and as the latter tried to check
them, they beat him up and even sprayed gasoline and
set fire to the house. (Hankook Ilbo, Dec. 26, 1957)
These are only a fraction of the atrocities by the
US Army in South Korea.
When one thinks of the fact that there are numer-
ous cases which are not reported, one can easily im-
agine how terrible the atrocities committed by the US
Army are.
Though a bitter public censure has been aroused by
the brutality of the US Army, which no sound-minded
common man will forgive, the South Korean authori-
ties are trying hard to justify and defend the US
soldiers.
Last year, when the South Korean people and the
public opinion were infuriaed by the murder of a
middle-school boy at Kimchon railway station on
Oct. 3, Syngman Rhee's "Ambassador to the US"
Yang Yoo Chan declared in Washington that such
homicidal incidents "can happen anywhere" And on
Oct 16, Syngman Rhee himself, describing the re-
peated atrocities of the US Army as "troubles between
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? individuals," said "we must not impress the US un-
favourably." No explanatory remarks are necessary
in showing the shamelessness and traitorousness of
these words. Had he had even an iota of conscience,
he would not have defended the cruel murderers with
such heat.
? The unheard of atrocities committed by the US
Army in South Korea are neither "accidental," nor
are they "troubles between individuals."
During the ten odd years since the US Army oc-
cupied South Korea, not a single day passed without
an innocent Korean being insulted, robbed or killed
by the US Army. This is clear even from the above-
quoted far-from-complete data.
The unbearable national humiliation, agony and
disaster the South Korean people are undergoing are
beyond description. It is not without reason that South
Korea, today, which is under the US occupation, is
called a living hell.
These are what the Americans, who post them-
selves as "civilized people," are doing in South Korea
at a time when the cosmic journey became feasible.
How could we tolerate further repetition of such
atrocities? An end must be immediately put to the
atrocities of the US Army in South Korea and the
South Korean people must be delivered from these
terrible conditions at the earliest date.
This can be realized only by the instant withdrawal
of the US Army and the peaceful unification of Korea.
This is why the Government of the D.P.R.K., in its
statement issued on Feb. 5 of this year, once again
clarified its program for the peaceful unification of
Korea ? the most reasonable program for its realiza-
tion through the withdrawal of all foreign troops and
all-Korean elections on a democratic basis. These pro-
posals included in the statement of the Government
must be realized at the earliest date. This is the ardent
aspiration of the entire Korean people, and this ac-
cords with the desire of all the peace-loving people
the world over.
48
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RACIAL SEGREGATION
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RACIAL SEGREGATION
In 1946, the peoples of the differ-
ent nations of the world assembled
and pledged to work for the promo-
tion of world peace and world com-
munity. Among other things, they
pledged to reaffirm faith in funda-
mental human rights and in the
dignity and worth of the human
person. Yet there are still some
advanced countries who in utter dis-
regard of their pledge and of repeat-
ed injuctions from the U.N. do not
even endorse the principle that
law must not distinguish between
human beings on the grounds of
race.
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In every country citizens enjoy
the exercise of certain privileges in
return for the fulfilment of certain
obligations. These privileges in-
clude freedom of speech, thought
and faith, immunity of one's home,
freedom of movement, equal op-
portunities in education, free choice
of employment, access to the
courts, etc. within the limits
prescribed by the law.
Yet for decades the intensity of
racial segregation in the Union of
South Africa and the United States
has been increasing. The class of
white settlers who rule the Union
of South Africa has been enforcing
more and more restrictions on the
coloured natives.
In addition to previous measures
taken, the 1956 session of the South
4_.
Africa Parliament was largely
devoted to legislation on racial
questions. Important measures a-
dopted included the Industrial
Conciliation Bill which forbade the
formation of racially-mixed trade
unions and provided for the division
of existing mixed unions into
separate racial bodies. The natives'
right of access to the courts was
also restricted.
Early this year an act was pas-
sed by which the population of the
Union will be divided into white,
coloured Asiatic and natives. As
a result of this procedure many of
the white people descended from
coloured parents were considered
coloured and thus removed into a
completely different social order
and racial group ? with all the
humiliations and indignities that
follow in the wake of racial reclas-
_5_
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T-
sification. They have to give up,
social contracts and face ostracism
from people who have regarded
them as white. They also have to
live in coloured areas, their children
are taken away from white schools
and transplanted into institutions
that cater for the non-whites. They
woke up to find that the
? whites only >> notices in public
places applied to them too.
Any normal human being would
revolt against the indignities piled_
upon the coloured natives of the
country by the white settlers who
had come in as masters and reduced
the original inhabitants of the
country to the status of slaves and
menial servants and kept apart lest
they contaminate the more fortunate
whites who come from a superior
race.
?6?
In 1956, the authorities of Cape-
town announced that apartheid
( segregation) would be enforced on
many of the city's bus and tram
routes by order of the National
Transport Commission which had
directed that certain seats on public
vehicles in a number of routes in
the Cape Peninsula should be
reserved exclusively for European
passengers.
The same year the Capetown
City Council adopted without op-
position a proposal to provide
separate facilities for Europeans
and non-Europeans in amenities
and offices under municipal control.
Natives of the High Commission
Territory are forbidden to enter
Urban areas without permits.
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Coloured voters are placed on a
.separate electoral roll.
Moreover, an act was passed
establishing work camps for ? idle
and undesirable >> native youth but
the Natives Amendment Act (1956)
empowered municipalities to banish
without trial any native whose
presence was considered ? detri-
mental to the maintenance of
peace and order ?.
It is noteworthy that these laws
not only apply to the coloured
natives but also to the Indian and
Pakistani community in South
Africa.
Noteworthy also is the fact that
the outrageous difference in the
.treatment of whites and non-whites
_ 8 _
also applies to the wages received
by workmen. A coloured family
whose members all have a job earn
altogether less than can keep them
above starvation level. ? ? ?
The problem of seg'regation in
South Africa was submitted to the
U.N. on more than one occasion.
The U.N. condemned the Union
government's racial policies saying
that South Africa was almost the
only country in the world which
did not at least endorse the princip-
le that law must not distinguish
between human beings on grounds
of race. It repeatedly appealed to
South Africa to revise its apartheid
policy in the light of the principles
and purposes of the U.N. Charter
and world opinion on the grounds
that no U.N. member can justifiably
be excused from trying to fulfil its
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U.N. Charter pledge to work
towards the observance of human
rights and fundamental freedom.
In protest to what it termed
interference in its domestic af-
fairs ? the Union of South Africa
withdraw from the U.N. in 1956.
This is the situation of negroes in
South Africa. In the U.S.A. though
they enjoy a slightly better lot,
their situation is no less revolting.
The system of segregation is not
even questioned. It has been pract-
iced for so long that any attempt at
integration is very strongly op-
posed. In the Deep South no non-
white would dare to sit at the
counter in a ? white ? restaurant.
No non-white would even in jest
climb the first step of a ? white )
dance-hall in the South.
???? 1 0
The recent crisis at Little Rock
shows which way the wind
blows in the country that is the
champion of democracy. A mob
stirred by Governor Faubus of
Arkansas, stood in the way of nine
Negro youngsters who, by court
order, were entitled to join 2,000
whites at Little Rock Central High
School. At the opening of the
school year he called out the
National Guard against school
integration. Caught in this em-
barrasing situation, President
Eisenhower ordered the use of U.S.
Armed forces to uphold the law
of the land in Little Rock. The
ground and air forces of the Ar-
kansas National Guard were
placed in federal service safely out
of the hands of Governor Orval
Faubus who had used them to stop
integration in the schools.
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Despite the Supreme Court's
ruling that Little Rock Central High
School must proceed immediately
with its programme of integration,
Governor Faubus ordered closed
the senior high schools in order to
avoid the impending violence and
disorder which would occur, and
to preserve the peace of the com-
munity.
A quick glance at the negroes'
right to ,employment will show that
despite the fact that they are en-
titled by law to free choice of
employment they actually have ac-
cess only to the lower occupations.
Though their qualifications may be
equal or superior to those of their
white countrymen they still have
to fight for their rights in an equal
opportunity to participate in the
economic development financed by
the federal government.
CASES IN POINT
Azeglia Barthelemy married
Tony Rice (white) at New Orleans
in 1920. She had borne him seven
children before he definitely desert-
ed her in 1931. In 1946 he
sold the house where she and her
seven children lived to a certain
Mrs. Eileen Ryan who produced a
judgment ordering the eviction of
the wife and her children from the
house.
The wife appealed from this
judgment and demanded the invali-
dation of the sale contract on the
plea that it emanated fron. a non-
Owner, considering that she herself
was a co-partner with the seller in
the ownership of th-e?hou'se, in 'virtue
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of the marriage contract and the
fact that the house was registered in
her name and that of her husband.
Consequently, it was not proper
that he should sell the whole house
individually, as he would thus be
considered as having disposed of
property which was not his own and
the sale contract would be null and
void.
Mrs. Ryan in a rejoinder
maintained that the woman who al-
leged to be a wife was not consid-
ered as such in the eye of the
Law, for State statutes made it
unlawful for a white man to
marry a coloured woman and
would not recognise such a mar-
riage. Consequently, it was not
admissible that she should be a
co-partner on the strenght of an
illegal marriage.
Mrs. Ryan furthermore proved
that Tony Rice married that
coloured woman without realising
that he was violating the State
.statutes by doing so.
In March 1947, the New Orleans
Court rendered judgment ordering
the invalidation of the marriage
contract, in accordance with the
Louisiana State statutes and the
immediate eviction of the wretched
wife.
The wife appealed from this un-
just judgment, yet it was confirmed
by the Appeal Court.
The American Senate has even
approved a draft law providing for
the fixing of labels on bottles in
which blood for transfusion is
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preserved, to indicate the type and
g'rbup of iuch blood, which
be made known to the patient to
whom it would be' transfused. In
introduction the measure, Senator
Salmon said it was a precautionary
measure to guard against the
e'iLingling of races. He also alleged
that negro blood was infected with
-the germs of anaemia for the treat-
ment' of which no 'remedy had as
yet been discovered.,"
Segregation is also applied with
.equal, if not greater rigour and
.tigour in the 'financial field, with
equal disastrous and- distressing
results to the unfortunate victims.
In fact, no Negro or coloured man
'can under any condition or 'in any
ciralmstance ,oWn-'. 'property in
-ceitain's Oserved for the
?
?16 ?
The following is a case in point.
Samuel Matthew and 'his wife
had built themselves a house at the
corner of 'Street No. 1 and Street
No. 2 at Birmingham in 1947, but
were prevented by the City
Authorities from moving their fur-
niture to the house on the plea that
the City statutes make it unlawl,u1
for coloured people to own proper-
ty in it.
Matthew brought a .case before
the City Court, demanding the
vindication of his light to the
ownership of the house,: but the
Court gave judgment in August
1-947 rejecting his demand, and
upholding the City Authorties' plea
that the State Statutes made it
unlawful for coloured people to own
property in that district.
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,r-^1
It is "the same story with the
legislation relating to the invest-
ment of 'capital in, companies and
other 'concerns that usually under-
take the various commercial,
financial and 'other private and
public 'projects and enterprises.
Despite 'the fact that such com-
panies and Concerns mainly deal
With the Negroes and the coloured
inhabitants, yet statistics have
established the fact that the latter's
share in the capital of these
.egtablishinerits is so meagre that it
hardly bears comparison with that
of the members of the white corn-
'Mu/lilies.
POLITICAL RIGHTS
A. ? Conditions in the Union
of South Africa.
Contrary to all constitutional
laws and parliamentary procedure
all the negreos and coloured people
in the Union of South Africa, and
their number is no fewer than
11.000,000, have been since the
formation of the first Union
Government, and are still being
denied the xercise of even the most
elementary of the citizen's political
rights -- those of voting, nominating
candidates or taking part in parlai-
mentary or other elections.
Indeed, Governments fall and
new governments are formed, Par-
liaments are dissolved and new Par-
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liamentary elections are held and
none of these ,governments or par-
liaments; nor even any' of ,the poli-
tical parties that form the backbone
of such governments or parlia-
ments, has ever included a single
coloured man, the part of these
unfortunate people being restricted
to that of the non-lookers, and that
for no other reason than their dark
skin, despite th fact that they are
the country's .real owners.
Replying to the question whether
it would not be 'advisable, in an
endeav.our to placate the coloured
. .
masses and ,avert the disastrous
it-
resu s of a` calaMiiy that is und
to happen sooner or later, as they
will not continue to tolerate their
being deprived of their legitimate
rights for ever, a Union Govern-
ment _pokes-map said the coloured
-.. ?
people would never make any pro-
gress unless they became acclima-
tized and embraced Western cus-
toms and manners. Then, but not
until then, he added, they could be
looked upon as good citizens and
granted whatever rights they prove
themselves worthy to exercise.
The spokesman went on to say
that the negroes and coloured
people were, moreover, divided
among themselves, hating and des-
pising each other, while the Indians
considered themselves as far supe-
rior to both. Certainly it would
not be prudent to grant such peo-
ple the right of voting, under these
conditions, he said, and we find it
our duty to maintain our trustee-
ship a bit longer.
All of which goes to show that
depriving the negroes and coloured
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people of their legitimate political
rights is a deliberate and premedi-
tated act.
B, ? Conditions in the United
States.
Many indeed were the occasions
when the contradictory statutes of
the various 49 American states,
particularly in respect of those
dealing with the negroes and other
coloured elements, threatened tio
break the Federation. In fact, most
of the States believed in the ne-
cessity of liberating the negroes and
coloured people and granting them
all rights that place them on an
equal footing with any other ci-
tizens, particularly political rights.
The Nora-"ern States were so pres-
sing in their demand that the South-
ern States began seriously to con-
___ 22
sider the question of separation, but
after a grave dispute they finally
decided to concede the Northern
States demand in respect of the
political status of their coloured
inhabitants, but procrastinated in
regard to other rights.
It thus became clear to the white
communities that by gaining their
political rights, the coloured people
began to exercise the right of voting
and got busy electing their repre-
sentatives on political bodies, so
much so indeed that they even suc-
ceeded in presenting themselves as
candidates for the representation of
others.
Yet on October 21, 1957, the
Southern Council, one of the great
American bodies whose member-
ship consists of coloured and whites,
_23 ?
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issued a statmebt to. the effect that
it has been noticed that the coloured
Americans .were showing a keen
desire to share in shouldering _poli-
tical responsibilities and are striving
to exercise the right of :voting in
increasing numbers in the, coming
elections.
The statement then goes on to
say that the _Council :Carried out a
Minute inv' -eStigaii8n 'into the causes
that prevented :the coloured people
from the full exercise of their voting
and '15a0JaiitentaEy. representation
rights in the past ten 'years in the
thirteen Southern States.
The statement, however, neither
explained: the -meaning of what it
called: Lull exercise of rights nor
gave; any. indication as to how and
whwotild the exercise of rights
be full or otherwise.
?24 ?
Perhaps the Council feared to
incur the displeasure of the Men at
the Helm in the Southern States.
On March 27, 1958, an Asso-
ciated Presse message from Atlanta
said that America was taking mea-
sures to strip the coloured people
of all their rights. The message
added that the Governor of the
State of the Georgia had just signed
a Decree-Law depriving the colour-
ed inhabitants of the right to vote
and obliging illiterate people to
answer a number of long questions
as evidence that they fully under-
stand the meaning of the right of
voting.
If we add to the forgoing the fact
that the number of coloured mem-
bers of the American Congress, as
given in official records for the last
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34 Congresses ? from the 46th to
the 80th Congress ? varied bet-
ween one and two membres at the
utmost, and that the same obstruc-
tions and obstacles are placed in
the way of negroes and other co-
loured elements in respect of the
exercises of their rights of voting
and nomination to Municipal and
Rural Councils, we can form a
fairly accurate idea of the condi-
tions under which they are labour-
ing throughout the whole of the
United States.
As evidence of the extremes to
which the coloured population of
the U.S.A. have been reduced in
so far as the occupation of Govern-
ment and dirilomatic posts. is con-
cerned, the following Associated
Press message from Washington,
_26
dated the 18th of February, 1958,
serves as a telling case in point :
? The American Government
has appointed Clifton Howarthon,
a negro, as United States Minister
Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extra-
ordinary to Rumania.
? Mr. Howarthon was American
Consul in Marseilles and is the only
coloured official in the State De-
partment ?.
The condition of the Negroes and
coloured people in the United States
would seem to be better when com-
pared with those in the Union of
South Africa, in that they are con-
sidered as citizens and exercise
than anything else. Yet many
significant is the extent to which
they enjoy other rights and privi-
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---
leges. In fact, theirs is more of an
internal humanitarian problem
than anything else. Yet many
indeed amongst them persistently
demanded and as many are still
pressing for equality with the
whites.
As recently as September 12,
1957, Dr. Ralph Bunche, Assistant
Secretary-General of the United
Nations who himself is one of their
great leaders, in a statement quoted
by practically all news agencies,
particularly Reuters, the United
Press and the Associated Press,
said the persecution of the Negroes
and the coloured people in the
United States, particularly in the
Southern States, was doing great
,harm to the reputation of the United
States in the International field.
Such pictures as those of White
_ 28 _
1
Americans making fun of Negroes
could not be considered as a good
point in public relations, he said,
adding that the occurrence of such
events against the coloured inha-
bitants was a matter for great re-
gret, particularly following the
enthusiastic welcome world public
opinion accorded to the Congress
approval of the Civil Rights Law,
which abolished racial discrimina-
tion.
In the Union of South Africa,
however, their problem is social,
economic, humanitarian and poli-
tical combined, for the Whites
there consider the negroes and the
coloured people, who are the real
owners of the land, as mere ser-
vants and slaves, no more no less.
Dr. Zouma, the African Nation-
alist Congress Leader, referring in
____ 29 ?
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a recent statement to the rules and
regulations in force in the Union,
particularly those relating to the
social barriers, said they were a
source of suffering and humiliation
to the coloured population, and ex-
pressed the view that if the various
negroied and coloured elements
united and closed their ranks, which
he strongly urged them to do, they
would surely surmount all obstacles
in the way to the attainment of their
aim. He added that their efforts
could not but be crowned with
success, they being the real owners
of the land.
_ 30_
S TAT
IMPERIALISTIC
AMBITIONS IN AFRICA
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FACTS ABOUT AFRICA AND TI1E AFRICANS...
The struggle for freedom troughout
Africa has become a constant nightmare to
imperialism; a nightmare leading to the bitter
reality of a gloomy future threatened by
economic crisis.
Europe as it is now, owes a great deal of
its culture, wealth and civilization to Asia and
Africa; the two continents which played a very
important role in the progress of the human
race. For example, modern art is has an
African foundation, Greece sought inspiration
from Africa, Rome saw Africa as a main part
of her empire, and European Renaissance had
some Of its roots in Africa. This continent was
also the main centre from which the Moslem
empire spread. The American world owes its
initial growth to the African slave trade, which
established capitalism in Europe later.
The Africans who were blind to the
ambitions of imperialisnt for the last two
3
? r)
Qriifi7a
norovea To
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centuries are now beginning to see the truth.
They will no longer stand aggression, nor will
they. allow imperialism to develop and flourish
at?the,expense of theiir lives, and the welfare of
their countries. Colonizers and exploiters ought
now to give up the idea of taking advantage of
the trusting Africans, and having priority for
their interests, while depriving the owners from
their rights. Moreover, they must reconcile
themselves to the fact that the people of
Africa are now hand in-glove to win their
freedom and reclaim what is theirs. -
. None of *us is unaware of the fact that
Africa produces a considerable amount of
metal and crop for the world market. But who
among., us have given a thought as to how
those things are produced-? Again and again
e see long articles in European and American
papers telling of the outstanding increase in
the production of a number of Africa's export as
Proof of the great success achieved. But they
refrain from saying ?'whose. success >> and ? to
whose benefit ?. ' -
If we go back to the year 1903-4, when a
group of Englishmen first acquired titles to
the Land-of Kenya; Colonel Ewart S. Grogan,
one of the last of that group, and was
himself the recipient of a 200,000-acre forek
concession parcelling out of land in Kenya;
wrote the following statement,. ? There are two
distinct standpoints from which I view the
Africans. As a spectator and student of social
evolution, I see a people infinitely wiser
infinitely more decent, infinitely saner than
we. The absolute logic of their life bewilders
our distorted minds. We can never learn to
understand them. They soon see through us.
The second standpoint is the man in their
midst with work to do. We are dependent upon
their aid. To assist us they must be moulded
in our ways. But they do not want to be, and
yet they must. Either we give up the country
commercially or we must make them work ?.
Then he goes on to say, ? I have little sympathy
.for the capitalist regime. But it is the regime
under which we still live and till it top-heavy
crumbles to the ground, the native too must
;fall in line. We have stolen his land. Now
we must steal his limbs. Compulsory labour
is the corollary of our occupation of the
country.?.
This is but one example ,of the inhuman
schemes of work that Europeans imagine they
will succeed in carrying out. But they will soon
find out that the people of Africa have other
-schemes, completely different from theirs: In
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the near future the white man will not be able
to treat the natives of Africa in the same way
he is doing now, There will be no master and
slave, and sugar-coated policy w111 fail to
work.
Birds of Prey
'Wherever there is a source of wealth in an
African land, ?White settlers ?, as they call
themselves, descend like birds of prey, taking
all they can lay hands on, depriving the natives
of what is their right, and grudging them their
mere existence.
Segregation
South Africa gold and diamonds, instead
of being a source of wealth to the natives, at-
tracted and influx of settlers and immigrants,
who practised every kind of human injustice to
_humiliate the .natives and take every advantage
of their trusting nature and good will. This
is proved by the living-conditions of the South
African natives and the way they are .treated
rhy the white 'settlers.
? The -WhiteS regard the cities in Which they
-live -as, being their oWn, and consider it neces-
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sary to do whatever they can to keep
them exclusively their own.
The first rule of the white cities might be
stated; keep the Africans out unless their
labour is needed. The second rule: they can
work for us but not live with us. The net
result of the application of these two rules over
the ,years, is seen everywhere in the special
? native ? areas, slum districts, set apart from,
and on the periphery of the white cities.
There are another of the same sordid
details in the picture of these places. Algiers
have their Bidonville (a settlement of the very
poorest _people, crowded into huts made of
rotting wood and beaten-out petrol tins, devoid
of the most elementary sanitary provisions)
Casablanca, Morocco, has its ? Carrieres Cen-
trales ?, A poverty-stricken suburb of old tin
huts. Dakar has its Medina district housing
150,000 Africans in make-shift dwellings lining
alleys of loose sand. ?...Settlements. of _closely
packed huts are to be seen on the fringes of all
the larger towns in Fast Africa ?, states a recent
Aritish _Royal Commission survey of the area.
.cites an offkcial, but unpublished, report
4e-scribing Africans employed in Nairobi,
Kenya, in 1948 living in dangerous shacks in the
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swamp, in buses parked on the roadside, and
fourteen to the room in Punwani, two in a bed
and the rest on the floor.
This is how the African natives are
rewarded for the strenuous work they do for
the white settlers, who flourish and prosper.
They accumulate wealth and forget that the
poor native is entitled to a fair share of what
his own land and soil produce by his own sweat
and labour.
Here is another proof of the sufferings
the natives under imperial rule in Africa have
to undergo : About nine miles outside Johannes-
burg lies Alexandra Township with its 80,000
crowded tenants. Every morning and every
night there are, long lines of Africa men and
women waiting to board the buses that carry
them to and &dm work in the city. A commis-
sion of inquiry in 1944 stated :
national policy of segregation and the necessity
for finding land needed to house Africans under
this policy, away from the areas occupied -by
other races, have created in South Africa the
unique phenomenon that the lowest paid work-
ers. have to live furthest from their work ?.
Those, it goes without saying, are the poor
'overworked natives.
In 1943 the bus companies incerased the
Alexandra-Johannesburg fare from 4d. to 5d.
Just id. more is something not worth mention-
ing, many of us might say. But little do
we know that one penny meant so much to the
poor worker, that every morning and every
evening about 15,000 of men and women
workers forming a line about three miles long,
walked in a procession for the distance of nine
miles twice a day to and back from work, and
after a very hard day's work. This went on
for nine days. At last, failing to get the
employees to consent to pay the extra fare, the
companies agreed to keep the fare at 4d. One
penny more on top of starvation wages, high
rent, soaring food costs and taxes are bound
to create a revolutionary spirit against foreign
rule, and rightly too.
Restrictions to add to Misery
Let us take the case of an African in the
Transvaal province who wants to go to
Johannesburg, for instance. He first has to
produce his indentification pass. On arrival in
Johannesburg he has to report to the pass office
within 24 hours. There he gives up his travel
pass and gets a permit to look for work. This
permit is good for just six days; it may some-
times be renewed, but not more than twice. If
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is not renewed, or if he doesn't find a job within
the allotted time he must leave Johannesburg or
face arrest. If he does find a job, he then has
his service contract reigstered. He must report
to have his registration renewed every month.
Cross Currents
At the end of the 'World War II, bright
promises were made that Africa shall march
forward with the rest of the world. This was
declared at the first Trade World Union
Congress held in Paris in October, 1945. That
was what Jono Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah
and others said at the Fifth Pan-African
Congress held later the same month in
Birmingham, England and presided over by
Dr. W.E. Burghardt Du Bois, founder of the
Pan-African Movement in 1919.
They said, ? We are unwilling to starve
any longer, While doing the world's drudgery,
in order to support, by our poverty and
ignorance, a false aristocracy and a discredited
imperialism ?, the Pan-African Congress
declaration read : ? All colonies must be free
from foreign imperialist control, whether
political or economic ?.
1.0
Against this came the demand from Africa
and Africans to produce more and more of the
the raw materials required by Europe and
America, to recoup the imperialist losses
sustained in Asia, and to remain subservient.
Thus arose the series of revolts, strikes and
boycotts throughout Africa in the years im-
mediately following the war, and in subsequent
years.
To have a clear picture of the European
American postwar rush for Africa's resources,
one must first understand something of the
general dimensions of what the whole long
history of foreign exploitation of these resources
has amounted to.
Let us just consider the mineral wealth of
Africa. It is to be remembered that Europeans
have been taking this from the continent for
nearly five centuries. In 1471 the Portuguese
first sailed around the western bridge of Africa
to find and take away gold dust. ? The Gold
Coast >> was the name they gave to the place
where they found gold dust; that's the present
Ghana. It's also a well-known fact that such
things as gold and diamond mines produce a
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limited harvest and that once they're dug out,
they leave nothing behind but a hole in the
ground.
Bewildering Figures
The total of recorded sales of gold and
diamond in the Union of South Africa through
the year 1955 comes to $ 13.7 billion. Nearly
four fifths of that amount came from gold ?
about 18,874 tons of it. Over 40 tons of
diamonds 1
In the Belgian Congo, the European mining
of gold began in 1904, copper in 1911, diamonds
and tin in 1913. Cobalt and manganese are
other major exports. Mineral production
averaged under $ 7 million a year in 1936-38;
for the five years 1950-54 it averaged over $ 50
million for a total of $ 258 million.
The northeastern corner of Angola is
diamond country.
In 1945 the Director of Geological & survey
in the Gold Coast estimated the value of the
minerals extracted by the British from the
British West African colonies since 1880 at
$ 480 million, three fourths of that amount
representing gold.
12
I
The Ashanti Goldfield Corp., wealthiest
of the present-day mining companies in Ghana,
was established in 1897 with a nominal capital
of ? 250,000 ($ 700,000) and now has an issued
capital of about $ 35 million. Up to 1954 it
had produced some 7 million ounces of fine gold,
today worth $ 245 million.
Diamonds and manganese are the other
chief mineral efforts coming from Ghana.
In Nigeria it is mainly tin; from 1910-54 a
half million tons of tin ore, valued at $ 336
million, was exported.
In Sierra Leone, it is diamonds and iron
ore. From 1933-52 over 15 million tons of ore
were taken, 1,328,000 tons of it were exported
in 1956.
Two Extremes; Profits and Poverty
Twenty billion dollars worth of minerals.
more or less from subequatorial Africa and
additional massive quantities from other areas,
and yet they say Africa is poor. If it is the
mass of population, they refer to, they are
certainly right. But why should the people be
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poverty-stricken when the continent's sub-soil
yields such wealth? The answer is obvious:
the mineral riches and the profits thereform are
taken by non-Africans.
It is a serious charge to make ? that the
wealth of Africa is drained away, (writes Dr.
Rita Hinden, a Fabian Socialist, in the Chal-
lenge of African Poverty). Minerals are one
of Africa's precious assets, yet the mines are
almost always operated by European capitalist
companies, which pay dividends to their over-
seas shareholders, heavy remuneration to their
directions, as likely as not the lion's share of
their taxes to the British Exchequer, royalties to
venerable but functionless companies, and
enormous wages to local European employees.
What remains for the African workers and for
the African exchequers are the crumbs from the
rich man's table.
And a Nigerian comments: ? The fabulous
sums drawn away from our mines alone,
had they been at the disposal of a government
of Nigerians, might have transformed the face
of our country- in a decade. We would have
had those things which we are now vainly
seeking for: schools, factories and hospitals ?.
14
The Flowing Treasure
Oil is another attraction for money makers
in Europe, England and the United States. It
is one of the big economic question marks in
Africa. The search for it has been going on for
years. So far, only Egypt has achieved a small
regular production, yet enough to provide for
more than two thirds of its consumption needs.
Algeria and Morocco have yielded only a little
fraction of Egypt's output. Elsewhere there has
been a good deal of exploration and drilling,
but while occasional oil traces and strikes are
reported here and there, no substantial finds of
the liquid gold have yet been disclosed.
Yet with so little to show for their efforts,
the oil companies continue their search and
extend their concession holdings.
? The great white hope of Algeria and
Tunisia is oil ?, it was reported in 1953, when
continued French political control of these
territories was still taken for granted, and
? millions of dollars in direct and indirect
American money and in French francs are being
expended in a frantic search for it ?. The vast
Sahara region has become the new ? white
hope >> of France. Hence the major reason why
it fights to hold Algeria.
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President Nasser's thunder-clap proclam-
ation of July 26, 1956, cancelling the Suez
Canal Company's concession and nationalizing
the operation of that strategic waterway
naturally cast a sudden, heavy cloud over the
sundry oil concessions in Egypt and the sur-
rounding area. Naturally, the cloud became
darker and heavier with the Anglo-French
invasion of Egypt in November. Particularly
bleak was the immediate outlook for Anglo-
Egyptian Oilfields, the largest British com-
mercial interest remaining in Egypt with assets
of $ 98 million including a refinery at Suez.
Under Egyptian experts, the work is flourish-
ing.
Awareness
? Africans are not opposed to economic,
industrial, commercial and political develop-
ment. On the contrary, this is welcomed. But
they would rather forego all the benefits of
these developments if they bring in their wake
political and economic domination by out-
siders
Such-was the view expressed by a deleg-
ation from Uganda which came to London
in December, 1953. Economic expansion, the
16
VI
pointed out, had not brought peace or well-
being to Africans in South Africa, nor did
imposition of Federation for the sake of the
same objective promise anything good for
Africans in Rhodesia and Nyasaland. There
was concern, the delegation stated, lest with
the economic schemes under way in Uganda ?
the Kilemke mines and other projects ?
Africans... will wake up one day to find that
they are dominated by powerful factors over
which they have no control.
From various sections of the continent
comes evidence of a wide spread bitterness,
often erupting in action and not only words.
Hungering for a new way of life, the African
hears and sees economic expansion schemes
talked about and developing all around him.
His relationship to them is almost like that of
a poor man looking through the window of a
rich man's restaurant. Except that the African
is not just an onlooker; he is compelled to give
his labour for projects which he knows full well
are aimed at the white man's benefit. not his,
and point to the prolongation of the white man's
domination, not to African freedom. Professor
Harry R. Rudin of Yale University says, ? It
is ominous that just when the West needs
Africa most, Africans are demanding greater
freedom and better economic opportunities for
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themselves >>. In this fundamental conflict of
interests there is dynamite.
A prominent member of the Malan-
Strijdom regime in South Africa, Dr. T.E.
Donges, Minister of Interior, in 1951 put it very
concisely: ? Regarded from the point of view
of Europe and America, answer is still the same
? Africa must be kept within that orbit.
Its raw materials are the complement of the
highly-industrialized Europe and America ?.
On one occasion in 1951, Mr. Oliver
Lyttelton (now Lord Chandos), criticising the
policy of the Labour government, said :
? Britain is living on the dollar earnings of the
colonies, who are prevented freely converting
their sterling into either goods or dollars, and
must willy-nilly run up their balances ?.
view of the often-mentioned financial
? help >> given by Britain to her colonies through
the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund
and other government agencies, it should be
mentioned in passing that, according to the
report of Eden's Economic Secretary to the
Treasury (May 14, 1956), in the six years
1950-55, the colonies added ? 700 million in
sterling balances to Britain's finances while
18
?
London was providing ? 300 million in govern-
ment grants and loans to the colonies. One
further foot-note: the larger portion of such
loans went to the white settler territories in
East and Central Africa whereas by far the
largest contribution of sterling balances came
from the West African colonies, notably
Nigeria and the Gold Coast.
The Congo's trade provides Belgium with
a surplus of many millions of dollars yearly.
Coffee, cocoa, sisal and other exports from
Mozambique and Angola earn considerable
sums for Portugal.
The continuation of this arrangement
whereby Europe is kept in spending money by
control of the trade in Africa raw materials
rests on two assumptions. First, it is assumed
that Africa is and will remain a ? passive ?
continent subject to European domination, or
that even with the necessity of granting political
concessions sooner or later in various areas, the
economies of these ? liberated ? countries, as
well as the rest of the continent, can be
controlled as before by the metropolitan powers.
The second assumption is that the era of
go-it-alone colonialism is ended and that there
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is now required an increasing amount of
international collaboration for the control,
planning, investment in, and marketing of
Africa raw material production.
European Immigration Schemes
One important point to Europe is to
populate Eastern, Central and Southern
Africa, where European settlers have already
gone, with as many more as can be secured
and as quickly as possible, in order to fulfill the
\Vest's economic aims and ensure its continued
hegemony in the continent.
? A hundred thousand Belgian colonists
before ten years or the Congo may well no
longer be Belgian ?, said the Federation des As-
sociations de Colons du Congo in 1952, and
others have set a target of 800,000 for the
Congo's Belgian population in 50 years. ? We
need a hundred thousand more Portuguese in
Angola within the next ten years. Then there
will be no non sensical talk about African
independence in this country ?, was what a
civil servant in that colony said.
The white settlers, whether technicians or
anything else, are not asked to come help train
20
Africans to play their part in all phases of the
expanding productive process. On the contrary,
they are being brought in with the objectives of
trying to keep the existing economic relations
between white and black permantly frozen.
Lord Malvern defined the pattern some 20
years ago when, as Prime Minister of South-
ern Rhodesia, he said, ? In the European areas
the black man will be welcomed, when tempted
by wages, he offers his services as a labourer;
but it will be on the understanding that he shall
merely assist and not compete with the white
man ?. At present, since it happens that
Africans are increasingly ? tempted ? by wages
to keep from starving, one finds the same idea
voiced again and again by the upholders of the
rights of white rule. South Africa's Minister
of Native Affairs, Dr. H.F. Verwoerd, for
instance, states his opinion that ? Natives ?, on
farms are no more an integral part of the
economy than the oxen, and that South Africa
can function industrially without economic
integration being necessary ?.
In Kenya, Mr. E.A. Vasey, Minister of
Finance and Development, explains, ? Our
economic structure developed in three horizont-
al layers: with the African providing the
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worker, the unskilled labourer, as the broad
base, the Asian, the artisans and traders, as the
middle layer; the European, with a few Asians,
the executives and the administrators, the top
layer.
Segregation again
- The line between the African's permissible
work and that of the white artisan is often very
finely drawn. The managing director of a
building concern in East London, South Africa,
received a sentence of a E 10 fine or 20 days'
jail as a result of a government building inspect-
or having come upon one of the African
labourers with a trowel in his hand applying
cement. The court ignored the excuse of the
defendant's ..attorney that said, ? My client gave
his foreman strict instructions that the
labourer should only use his fingers or a piece
of wood to fill in the openings with cement,
believing that it was legal ?.
Can anybody call this a human act?
The . African has a brain and physical
strength that entitle him to the same human
rights as any white man. The following is a
testimony of some Rhodesian employees who
22
a
have had the sense and decency to allow
Africans to break through the racial barrier in
industry. ? Our African crane drivers are as
good as any European crane driver. Africans
learn shoe machine work very quickly ? some-
times more quickly, and better, than Europeans.
All our employees start by knowing nothing.
Some, after 3 months, can operate turret
lathes costing E 5,000. The individual product-
ivity of the African is equal to that of
the European at all levels of jig operation ?.
Obviously, it is not that the African can't
do the job, and as well as the European, if given
a chance; they just don't want him to except,
sometimes, at a lower wage.
This question of segregation will remain
unsolved so long as a white settler is made to
believe that his superior status in life, as measur-
ed not only against the African's status but
against his own former less prosperous con-
dition back home, ' can be won and maintained
only by supporting and preserving the status
quo of white domination.
Another report concerning the same
question was written by Professor Rayford W.
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Logan of Howard University. It is about
French settlers in West Africa, particularly in
the Ivory Coast. The report says, ? Almost
every plane and boat brings ? petits frangais ?
who compete with Africans for jobs. Some
Africans received 6,000 West African francs,
a month for doing the same work for which
Frenchmen received about four times as much.
Sometimes Africans were discharged after
training Frenchmen for a job.
Race conflict is the least that one can
expect after such behaviour and ill treatment.
Africans on the Move
The New York Times (April 7, 1952)
reported how ? several thousand non-whites
marched in Fordsburg Freedom Square
(Johannesburg). The defiance volunteers were
carefully selected and instructed. They went
forth in groups to enter the ? Reserved for
Whites ? sections of post offices, railway
stations, and other public places. And when
arrested, they went to jail without protest. In
cities and towns all over the country batches
of volurkeers went into action. Women
marched along beside the men and were of key
24
importance in the success of the campaign. It
is true that the campaign failed of its objective
of winning equality and justice but it succeeded
in cementing unity of action toward democrakic
goals embracing all national and racial' sections
of the population.
The Defiance Movement spread over into
Northern Rhodesia. In 1953, The African
Congress of that country began a Challenge
the Colour Bar campaign in the main towns.
As crowds of Africans watched, ? defiers ?
entered post offices, shops, caf? and public
places reserved to whites. In succeeding years,
butcher shops and other stores were taught the
necessity of serving Africans over the counter
side by side with whites instead of on the out-
side through special hatches as had been done
before.
The one weapon that won the battle for
the defiers was ? the boycotting >> of those
stores and shops. The whites could hardly
believe that Africans were capable of such
planning, organization and discipline.
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The gdgca Opp. Problem
Once, about four years ago, when Lord
M.alvern_was Governor of ;Southern Rhodesia,
Acknowledged that, ? one criticism against
? colonialism ? which had substance, was that
raw materials had been taken away for the
industries of 'distant countries at a price which
.clid not leave enough in the country of origin
for .the provision of adequate health, education
and other social services ?. He immediately
Added that this was now being changed with
,thedeyelopment of 'secondary industries in the
country. But !a year an,d a half later, we find
him saying, ?,It is the abject poverty of the mas-
ses , which is the cause of the trouble. We
have,not ,the money ,to educate them. Later, in
1956, after all the appropriations for the Kariba
,dam, railroad expansian and other capital
works, Mr. R.S. Garfield Todd, Southern
Rhodesia's Prime Minister, spoke of the
inability of the Government to raise the funds
reasonably required to develop... the African
population.
*hy cogldn't they raise the funds required
for education matters, etc. ?The Rhodesians are
not to be classed among the poorer countries
of Africa. The real reason is that the African
1
is cheated. He is cheated first by the copper
companies and other employees who would
rather pay extra taxes on their profits to the
government than give their African workers
more money. He is cheated also by a govern-
ment which spends its revenues to provide
facilities for the further expansion of the copper
and other business interests, and to promote
the size and welfare of the white population.
The State of African education in
Rhodesia is typical of that in all settler-ruled
territories, though perhaps a little better than in
some.
A Belgian commission which surveyed the
Congo's schools not very long ago, reported
how African children, supposed to be getting
some primary education, were found to be
spending their time attending to the coffee,
peanuts and other crops grown for the market.
On Kenya's European farms in 1954, there
were officially reported to be 39,784 children
employed, most of them on monthly contracts
and the rest as day labourers, resident labour-
ers, or domestics. A Rhodesian newspaper
reports: ? Many industrial and commercial
firms make use of child labour in and around
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:Salisbury. The age of the children in some
case is about six to seven years... Many of
them look miserable and show of malnutrition.
Nearly all these children are illiterate and have
never seen the door of a school ?.
What future is awaiting those children
when they grow up?
The Road to Freedom
Prime Minister Nkrumah was asked in an
Edward R. Murrow television interview in
April, 1956, what he thought was Africa's most
urgent need today. His answer was, ?...I think
the first essential thing is political emancipation,
because once they are politically emancipated,
they are in the position to develop their own
-country in a way in which they think fit ?.
What the Africans demand, can be put in
lour. words: ? Africa for the Africans
Africans will not be held down by force
;any longer. What could be a stronger proof
_than the protests in ,West Africa Over the
?ending of 30,000 Senegalese to help the French
28
1
fight Algerians? Some of the Senegalese sur-
rendered and changed into uniforms of the
North African Army of Liberation, which in
turn pledged solidarity with all Africans in their
struggle for independence.
The people of Africa have their future to
build. The Cold War measuring-rod of United
States objectives in that continent is out-dating
and self-defeating. If losing Africa means its
ceasing to be the special preserve of Western
interests, then it is as certainly lost as Asia. The
leaders of the West, let us hope, will face up to
the necessity of getting along by means other
than on the backs of the Africans.
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STAT
IMPERIALISTIC
AMBITIONS IN AFRICA
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FACTS ABOUT ARICA AND THE AFRICANS...
The struggle for freedom troughout
Africa has become a constant nightmare to
imperialism; a nightmare leading to the bitter
reality of a gloomy future threatened by
economic crisis.
Europe as it is now, owes a great deal of
its culture, wealth and civilization to Asia and
Africa; the two continents which played a very
important role in the progress of the human
race. For example, modern art is has an
African foundation, Greece sought inspiration
from Africa, Rome saw Africa as a main part
of her empire, and European Renaissance had
some of its roots in Africa. This continent was
also the main centre from which the Moslem
einpire spread. The American world owes its
initial growth to the African slave trade, which
established capitalism in Europe later.
The Africans who were blind to the
ambitions of imperialism for the last two
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centuries are now beginning to see the truth.
They will no longer stand aggression, nor will
they allow imperialism to develop and flourish
'at the expense of their lives, and the welfare of
their countries. Colonizers and exploiters ought
now to give up the idea of taking advantage of
the trusting Africans, and having priority for
their interests, while depriving the owners from
.their rights. Moreover, they must reconcile
,themselves to the fact that the people of
Africa are now hand in-glove to win their
freedom and reclaim what is theirs.
None of us is unaware of the fact that
Africa produces a considerable amount of
metal and crop for the world market. But who
among, us have given a thought as to how
those things are produced-? Again and 'again
Nive see long articles in European and American
papers telling of the outstanding increase in
the production of a number of Africa's export as
proof of the great success achieved. But they
refrain from saying ? whose success >> and ? to
whose benefit ?.
If we go back to the year 1903-4, when a
group of Englishmen first acquired titles to
The Land Of Kenya; Colonel Ewart S. Grogan,
one of the last of that group, and was
himself the recipient of a 200,000-acre forest
concession parcelling out of land in Kenya,
wrote the following statement, ? There are two
distinct standpoints from which I view the
Africans. As a spectator and student of social
evolution, I see a people infinitely wiser
infinitely more decent, infinitely saner than
we. The absolute logic of their life bewilders
our distorted minds. We can never learn to
understand them. They soon see through us.
The second standpoint is the man in their
midst with work to do. We are dependent upon
their aid. To assist us they must be moulded
in our ways. But they do not want to be, and
yet they must. Either we give up the country
commercially or we must make them work ?.
Then he goes on to say, ? I have little sympathy
for the capitalist regime. But it is the regime
under which we still live and till it top-heavy
crumbles to the ground, the native too must
fall in line. We have stolen his land. Now
we must steal his limbs. Compulsory labour
is the corollary of our occupation of the
country ?.
This is but one example of the inhuman
schemes of work that Europeans imagine they
will succeed in carrying out. But they will soon
find out that the people of Africa have other
schemes, completely different from theirs. In
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????
the near future the white man will not be able
to treat the natives of Africa in the same way
he is doing now. There will be no master and
slave, and sugar-coated policy will fail to
work.
Birds of Prey
Wherever there is a source of wealth in an
African land, ? White settlers ?, as they call
themselves, descend like birds of prey, taking
.all they can lay hands on, depriving the natives
Of what is their right, and grudging them their
mere existence.
Segregation
South Africa gold and diamonds, instead
of being a source of wealth to the natives, ,at-
tracted and influx of settlers and immigrants,
who practised every kind of human injustice to
humiliate the natives and take every advantage
Of their trusting nature and good will. This
is proved by the living-conditions of the South
African natives and the way they are treated
by the white settlers.
f: The whites regard the cities in which they
live as being their own, and consider it neces-
6
sary to do whatever they can to keep
them exclusively their own.
The first rule of the white cities might be
stated : keep the Africans out unless their
labour is needed. The second rule: they can
work for us but not live with us. The net
result of the application of these two rules over
the years, is seen everywhere in the special
? native ? areas, slum districts, set apart from,
and on the periphery of the white cities.
There are another of the same sordid
details in the picture of these places. Algiers
have their Bidonville (a settlement of the very
poorest people, crowded into huts made of
rotting wood and beaten-out petrol tins, devoid
of the most elementary sanitary provisions)
Casablanca, Morocco, has its ? Carrieres Cen-
trales ?, a poverty-stricken suburb of old tin
huts. Dakar has its Medina district housing
150,000 Africans in make-shift dwellings lining
alleys of loose sand- ?...Settlements of closely
packed huts are to be seen on the fringes of all
the larger towns in East Africa ?, states a recent
British Royal Commission survey of the .area.
It cites an official, but unpublished, report
describing - Africans employed in Nairobi,
Kenya. in 1948 living in dangerous shacks in the
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swamp, in buses parked on the roadside, and
fourteen to the room in Punwani, two in a bed
and the rest on the floor.
This is how the African natives are
rewarded for the strenuous work they do for
the white settlers, who flourish and prosper.
They accumulate wealth and forget that the
poor native is entitled to a fair share of what
his own land and soil produce by his own sweat
and labour.
Here is another proof of the sufferings
the natives under imperial rule in Africa have
to undergo : About nine miles outside Johannes-
burg lies Alexandra Township with its 80,000
crowded tenants. Every morning and every
night there are long lines of Africa men and
women waiting to board the buses that carry
them to and from work in the city. A commis-
sion of inquiry in 1944 stated : ? ...The
national policy of segregation and the necessity
for finding land needed to house Africans under
this policy, away from the areas occupied by
other races, have created in South Africa the
unique phenomenon that the lowest paid work-
ers have to live furthest from their work ?.
Those, it goes without saying, are the poor
overworked *natives.
8
.1
In 1943 the bus companies incerased the
Alexandra-Johannesburg fare from 4d. to 5d.
Just Id. more is something not worth mention-
ing, many of us might say. But little do
we know that one penny meant so much to the
poor worker, that every morning and every
evening about 15,000 of men and women
workers forming a line about three miles long,
walked in a procession for the distance of nine
miles twice a day to and back from work, and
after a very hard day's work. This went on
for nine days. At last, failing to get the
employees to consent to pay the extra fare, the
companies agreed to keep the fare at 4d.. One
penny -more on top. of starvation Wages, high
rent, Soaring food costs and taxes ,are bound
to create a revolutionary spirit against foreign
rule, and rightly too.
Restrictions to add to Misery
Let us take the case of an African in the
Transvaal province who wants to go to
Johannesburg, for instance. He first has to
Produce his indentification pass. On arrival in
Johannesburg he has to report to the pass office
within 24 hours. There he gives up his travel
pass and gets a permit to look for work. This
permit is good for just six days; it may some-
times be renewed, but not more than twice. If
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is not renewed;or if he doesn't find a job within
tht allotted Hine lid !must leave Johannesburg or
face, arrest. If he does find a job, he then has
his serVice contract reigstered. He must report
ta ,have -his registration renewed every month.
,
Cross Currents'
At -the end of the World- War II, bright
promises were made that Africa shall march
forward with. the-.iest.of the world. This was
declared at the first Trade World Union
Congress held in Paris in October, 1945. That
1:Vas what -jonwRenyatta, ,Kwame Nkrumah
and others said -at the Fifth Pan-African
Congress held -later the same- month in
Birmingham, England and -presided 'over by
Dr. W.E. Burghardt Du Bois, founder of the
Pan-African Movement in 1919.
They said, ? We are unwilling to starve
any longer, While doing the world's drudgery-,
in order 'to support, by ' our poverty and
ignorance, a false aristocracy and a discredited
imperialism ?, the Pan-African Congress
declaration read: ? All colonies must' be free
from foreign imperialist control, -whether
Political or economic ?.
10
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Against this came the demand from Africa
and Africans to produce more and more of the
the raw materials required by Europe. and
America, to recoup the imperialist losses
sustained in Asia, and to remain subservient.
Thus arose the series of revolts?strikes and
boycotts throughout Africa in the years im-
mediately following the war, and in subsequent
years,.
_ To have a clear picture of the European
Ariiericzin postwar rush for Africa's resources,
one thust first understand -something of the
general dimensions of what the whole long
histdry of foreign exploitation of these resources
liaamounted to.
Let us just consider the mineral wealth of
Africa. It is to be remembered that Europeans
have been taking this from the continent for
nearly five centuries. In 1471 the Portuguese
first sailed around the western bridge of Africa
to -find and take away gold dust. ? The Gold
Coast >> was the name they gave to the place
where they found gold dust; that's the present
Ghana. It's also a well-known fact that such
things as gold and diamond mines produce a
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limited harvest and that once they're dug out,
they leave nothing behind but a hole in the
ground.
Bewildering Figures
The total of recorded sales of gold and
diamond in the Union of South Africa through
the year 1955 comes to $ 13.7 billion. Nearly
four fifths of that amount came from gold ?
about 18,874 tons of it. Over 40 tons of
diamonds!
In the Belgian Congo, the European mining
gold began in 1904, copper:in 1911, diamonds
arid tin in 1913. Cobalt and manganese are
other `Major exports. . Mineral production
averaged under '$ 7 million a year in 1936-38;
for the five years 1950-54 it averaged over $ 50
million for a total of $ 258 million.
The northeastern corner of Angola, is
diamond country.
In 1945 the Director of Geological & survey
in the. Gold Coast estimated the value- of the
minerals extracted by the British from the
British West African Colonies since 1880 at
$480' million, three fourths of that amount
representing gold.
12
The Ashanti Goldfield Corp., wealthiest
of the present-day mining companies in Ghana,
was established in 1897 with a nominal capital
of E 250,000 ($ 700,000) and now has an issued
capital of about $ 35 million. Up to 1954 it
had produced some 7 million ounces of fine gold,
today worth $ 245 million.
Diamonds and manganese are the other
chief mineral efforts coming from Ghana.
In Nigeria it is mainly tin; from 1910-54 a
half million tons of tin ore, valued at $ 336
million, was exported.
In Sierra Leone, it is diamonds and iron
ore. From 1933-52 over 15 million tons of ore
were taken, 1,328,000 tons of it were exported
in 1956.
Two Extremes; Profits and Poverty
Twenty billion dollars worth of minerals,
more or less from subequatorial Africa and
additional massive quantities from other areas,
and yet they say Africa is poor. If it is the
mass of population, they refer to, they are
certainly right. But why should the people be
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poverty-stricken when the continent's sub-soil
yields :such wealth? The answer is obvious:
the mineral riches and the profits thereform are
taken by non-Africans.
It is a serious charge to make ? that the
wealth of Africa is drained away, (writes Dr.
Rita Hinden, a Fabian Socialist, in the Chal-
lenge of African Poverty). Minerals are one
of Africa's precious assets, yet the mines are
almost always operated by European capitalist
companies, which pay dividends to their over-
seas Shareholders, heavy remuneration to their
directions, as likely as not the lion's share of
their taxes to the British Exchequer, royalties to
venerable but functionless companies, and
enormous wages to local European employees.
What remains for the African workers and for
the African exchequers are the crumbs from the
rich man's table.
And a Nigerian comments : ? The fabulous
sums drawn- away from our mines alone,
had they been at the disposal of a government
oL-Nigerians, might- have, transformed the face
of our couritry in a decade. We wOuld have
had those things which we are now vainly
seeking for: schools, factories and' hospitals ?.
.14
The' Flowing Treasure
Oil is anothe'r attraction for money makers
in Europe, England' and the United States. It
is one of the big e&momic question Marks in
Africa. The 'search for it-has been going on for
Years. So 'far, Only Egypt has achieved a small
regular production, yet enough to provide for
more than two thirds of 'its consumption needs.
Alderia and Ivlorocco have yielded only a little
fraction of Egypt's output. Elsewhere there has
been a good deal of exploration and drilling,
but while occasional oil traces and strikes are
reported here and there, no substantial. finds of
the liquid gold have yet been disclosed.
Yet with so little to show for their efforts,
the oil companies continue their search and
extend their concession holdings.
? The great white hope of Algeria and
Tunisia is oil ?, it was reported in 1953, when
continued French political control of these
territories was still: taken for granted, and,
millions of dollars in direct and indirect
American money and in French francs are being
expended in a frantic search for it ?. The vast
Sahara region, has become _ the new ? white
hope ?-of France. Hence the major reason why
it fights to hold Algeria.
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President Nasser's thunder-clap proclam-
ation of July 26, 1956, cancelling the Suez
Canal Company's concession and nationalizing
the operation of that strategic waterway
naturally cast a sudden, heavy cloud over the
sundry oil concessions in Egypt and the sur-
rounding area. Naturally, the cloud became
darker and heavier with the Anglo-French
invasion of Egypt in November. Particularly
bleak was the immediate outlook for Anglo-
Egyptian Oilfields,. the largest British com-
mercial interest remaining in Egypt with assets
of $ 98 million including a refinery at Suez.
Under Egyptian experts, the work is flourish-
ing.
Awareness
? Africans are not opposed to economic,
industrial, commercial and political develop-
ment. On the contrary, this is welcomed. But
they would rather forego all the benefits of
these developments if they bring in their wake
political and economic domination by out-
siders ?.
Such was the view expressed by a deleg-
ation from Uganda which came to London
in December, 1953. Economic expansion, the
.16
pointed out, had not brought peace or well-
being to Africans in South Africa, nor did
imposition of Federation for the sake of the
same objective promise anything good for
Africans in Rhodesia and Nyasaland. There
was concern, the delegation stated, lest with
the economic schemes under way in Ugana ?
the Kilemke mines and other projects ?
Africans... will wake up one day to find that
they are dominated by powerful factors over
which they have no control.
From various sections of the continent
comes evidence of a wide spread bitterness,
often erupting in action and not only words.
Hungering for a new way of life, the African
hears and sees economic expansion schemes
talked about and developing all around him.
His relationship to them is almost like that of
a poor man looking through the window of a
rich man's restaurant. Except that the African
is not just an onlooker; he is compelled to give
his labour for projects which he knows full well
are aimed at the white man's benefit, not his,
and point to the prolongation of the white man's
domination, not to African freedom. Professor
Harry R. Rudin of Yale University says, It
is ominous that just when the West needs
Africa most, Africans are demanding greater
Freedom and better economic opportunities for
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themselves >>. In this fundamental conflict of
interests there is dynamite.
,A prominent member of the Malan-
Strijclom regime in South Africa, Dr. T.E.
Donges, Minister of Interior, in 1951 put it very
concisely: ? Regarded from the point of view
of Europe and America, answer is still the same
7-- Africa must be kept within that orbit.
fts raw niaterials are the complement of the
highly-industrialized Europe and America ?.
_ On one, occasion in 1951, Mr. Oliver
Lyttelton '(now. Lord Chandos), criticising. the
policy ? of , the Labour government, - said :
? Britain is living on the dollar earnings of the
colonies, who are prevented freely :converting
their sterling into either goods or dollars, and
must willy-nilly run up their balances ?.
.3
In view of the often-mentioned financial
?Atelp ? given by Britain to hercolonies through
the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund
and- other govetnment agencies, it should be
mentioned in passing-- that, according to the
report of Eden's E_conotnic Secretary to the
T,,gsuty. May 14, 1956), in the six years.
k959755,, the colonies. added E 700 million in
sterling balances to ?Britain's finances while
18,
- 17
on rove
Rel
?
London was providing -E 300 million in govern-
mend- grants and. loans to the colonies. One
further footnote: the larger portion of such
loans went to the white settler territories in
East and Central Africa whereas by far the
largest contribution of sterling balances came
from the West ?African colonies, notably
Nigeria and the, Gold Coast.
The Congo's trade provides Belgipm with
a surplus of many millions of dollars yearly.
Coffee, Cocoa, sisal and other exports from
Mozambique and Angola earn considerable
sums for Portugal.
The continuation of this arrangement
whereby Europe is kept in spending money by
control of the trade in Africa raw materials
rests on two assumptions. First, it is assumed
that Africa is and will remain a ? passive ?
continent subject to European domination, or
that even with the necessity of granting political
concessions sooner or later in various areas, the
economies of these ? liberated ? countries, 'as
well as the rest of the continent, can be
controlled as before by the metropolitan powers.
Th&*second assumption is that the era of
go-it-alone colonialism is ended ancrthat there
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is now required an increasing amount of
international collaboration for the control,
planning, , investment in, , and marketing of
Africa yaw material,production.
?
European Immigration Schemes
One important point to Europe is to
populate Eastern, Central and Southern
Africa, where EurOpean settlers have already
gone, With as many more as can be secured
and as quickly as"possible, in order to fulfill the
West's economic aims and ensure its continued
hegemony in the continent.
? A hundred thousand Belgian colonists
before ten years or the Congo may well no
longer be Belgian ?, said the Federation des As-
sociations de Colons du Congo in 1952, and
others have set a target of 800,000 for the
Congo's Belgian population in 50 years. ? We
need -a hundred thousand more Portuguese in
Angola within the next ten years. Then there
will be no non sensical talk about African
independence in this country ?, was what a
civil servant in that colony said.
? The-white settlers, whether technicians or
-anything else, are not asked to conic help train
20
Africans to play their part in all phases of the
expanding productive process. On the contrary,
they are being brought in with the objectives of
trying to keep the existing economic relations
between white and black permantly frozen.
Lord Malvern defined the pattern some 20
years ago when, as, Prime Minister of South-
ern Rhodesia, he said, ? In the Europ6n areas
the black man will be welcomed, when tempted
by wages, he offers his services as a labourer;
but it will be on the 'Understanding that he shall
Merely asSist and not cOmPete,' Withr-the white
Man ?. At present', since: If' happens that
Africans are increasingly ? tempted ?)bY wagers
to' keep from starving, one finds the same idea
voiced ?n and 'again by the -Upholders of the
rights of white rule. South Africa's Minister
of Native Affairs, Dr. H.F. Verwoerd, for
instance, states his 'opinion that ? Natives ?, on
farms aie no more an integral part of the
economy than the oxen, and that South Africa
can function industrially without economic
integration being necessary }.? ?
? In Kenya, Mr. E.A: Vasey, Minister of
Finance and Development, explains, ? Our
economic structure developeddn three horizont-
al' layers.: with the 'African providing the
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wo4er,the unskilled ,labourer, as, the broad
base, the A-S-iAn, the a-rtiga`ns-*4na traders, as the
,
Rifidde laye5;the 8uropean, with a few Asians,
the executives- and the .adinincsirators, the top
t?.
layer.
,? ,
Segregation again
? _
. The line between the African s permissible
work and that of. the White artiSa-n" is often very
finely, drawn. _The, managirig director of
building cortcFn in East L,9ndon? South Africa,
received 1a sentence roll a4g or,?20 days'
jail . Ai. J a
jas,a,r.,eis, ofija g9vernment building inspect7
or having: come upon one of the ,African
la-bo- tired's, with? -trowel in his hand applying
?ent. ThCotiit e ignoiekthej` excuse of the
A - _
defendant's_att9r,n- ey that ? My client gave
hjs foreman? strict instructions that the
labourer_should only. use his fingers or a.piece
of .wood to fill in the- openings with cement,
belirering that Itiwas legal ?.
_ -?
Can anybody call this a human act?
= The -African has,., a brain and physical
stiength -that entitle him to the same human
rights as an. white pan. The following is a
te'stimony of some Rhodesian employees who
22
have had the seise and decency to allow
Africans to break through the racial barrier in
industry. ?.Our African crane drivers are as
good as any European crane driver. Africans
learn shoe machine work very quickly ? some-
times more quickly, and better, than Europeans.
All our employees start by knowing nothing.
Some, after 3 months, can operate turret
lathes costing E 5,000. The individual product-
ivity of the African is equal to that of
the European at all levels of jig operation ?.
Obviously, it is not that the African can't
do the job, and as well as the European, if given
a chance; they just don't want him to except,
sometimes, at a lower wage.
This question of segregation will remain
unsolved so long as a white settler is made to
believe that his superior status in life, as measur-
ed not only against the African's status but
against his own former less prosperous con-
dition back home, can be won and maintained
only by supporting and preserving the status
quo of white domination.
Another report concerning the same
question was written by Professor Rayford W.
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?
Logan of Howard University. It is about
French settlers in West Africa, particularly in
the Ivory Coast. The report says, ? Almost
every plane and boat brings ? petits francais ?
who compete' with Africans for jobs. Some
Africans received 6,000 West African francs,
a month for 'doing' the same work for which
Frenchmen received about four times as much.
Sometime S Africans were discharged - after
training Frenchmen for a job.
Race conflict is the least that one can
expect. 4tev .such behaviour and ill treatment.
,-;
Africans on the Move
, .The New York Times (April 7, 1952)
reported how ? several thousand non-whites
marched in Fordsburg Freedom Square
(Johannesburg). The defiance volunteers were
carefully selected ,and instructed. They went
forth , in groups to enter the ? Reserved for
Whites,? sections of post offices, railway
stations, and other public places. And when
arrested, they went to jail without protest. In
cities and towns all over the country batches
of volunteers went into action. Women
marched along' beside the men and were of key
24
4,
A
1
?
importance in the success of the campaign. It
is true that the campaign failed of its objective
of winning equality and justice but it succeeded
in cementing unity of action toward democrakic
goals embracing all national and racial sections
of the population.
The Defiance Movement spread over into
Northern Rhodesia. In 1953, The African
Congress of that country began a Challenge
the Colour Bar campaign in the main towns.
As crowds of Africans watched, ? defiers ?
entered post offices, shops, cafes, and public
places reserved to whites. In succeeding years,
butcher shops and other stores were taught the
necessity of serving Africans over the counter
side by side with whites instead of on the out-
side through special hatches as had been done
before.
The one weapon that won the battle for
the defiers was ? the boycotting >> of those
stores and shops. The whites could hardly
believe that Africans were capable of such
planning, organization and discipline.
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?
The Education Problem ,
Once, about four years ago, when Lord
Malvern was Governor of Southern Rhodesia,
acknowledged that ? one criticism against
? colonialism ? which had substance, was that
raw materials had been taken away for the
industries of distant countries at a price which
did not leave enough in the country of origin
for the provision of adequate health, education
and other social services ?. He immediately
added that this was now being changed with
the development of secondary industries in the
country. But a year and a half later, we find
him saying, ? It is the abject poverty of the mas-
ses which is the cause of the trouble. We
have not the money to educate them. Later, in
1956, after all the appropriations for the Kariba
dam, railroad expansian and other capital
works, Mr. R.S. Garfield Todd, Southern
Rhodesia's Prime Minister, spoke of the
inability of the Government to raise the funds
reasonably required to develop... the African
population.
Why couldn't they raise the funds required
for education matters, etc. ? The Rhodesians are
not to be classed among the poorer countries
of Africa. The real reason is that the African
26
is cheated. He is cheated first by the copper
companies and other employees who would
rather pay extra taxes on their profits to the
government than give their African workers
more money. He is cheated albo by a govern-
ment which spends its revenues to provide
facilities for the further expansion of the copper
and other business interests, and to promote
the size and welfare of the white population.
The State of African education in
Rhodesia is typical of that in all settler-ruled
territories, though perhaps a little better than in
some.
A Belgian commission which surveyed the
Congo's schools not very long ago, reported
how African children, supposed to be getting
some primary education, were found to be
spending then: time attending to the coffee,
peanuts and other crops grown for the market.
On Kenya's European farms in 1954, there
were officially reported to be 39,784 children
employed, most of them on monthly contracts
and the rest as day labourers, resident labour-
ers, or domestics. A Rhodesian newspaper
reports ? Many industrial and commercial
firms make use of child labour in and around
27
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Salisbury. The age of the children in some
case is about six to seven years... Many of
them look miserable and show of malnutrition.
Nearly all these children are illiterate and have
never seen the door of a school ?.
What future is awaiting those children
when they grow up?
The Road to Freedom
. Prime Minister Nkrumah was asked in an
Edward R. Murrow television interview in
April, 1956, what he thought was Africa's most
urgent need today. His answer was, ?...I think
the first essential thing is political emancipation,
because once they are politically emancipated,
they are in the position to develop their own
-country in a way in which they think fit ?.
What the Africans demand, can be put in
four words: ? Africa for the Africans I%
Africans will not be held down by force
any longer. What could be a stronger proof
than the protests in West Africa over the
-cending of 30,000 Senegalese to help the French
?
fight Algerians? Some of the Senegalese sur-
rendered and changed into uniforms of the
North African Army of Liberation, which in
turn pledged solidarity with all Africans in their
struggle for independence.
The people of Africa have their future to
build. The Cold War measuring-rod of United
States objectives in that continent is out-dating
and self-defeating. If losing Africa means its
ceasing to be the special preserve of Western
interests, then it is as certainly lost as Asia. The
leaders of the W?est, let us hope, will face up to
the necessity of getting along by means other
than on the backs of the Africans.
29
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STAT
POSITIVE NEUTRALISM : IT IS,
AND WHAT IT 57111$ FOR
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al?
? ;7. ?
C.. ? . I
"POSITIVE i4EUCtRALiSk Wilky-fr
, AND WHAT _IT STANDS FOR ?
? . .
Positive neutralism is e political creed that took form after-
the second world: war, .o,nd developed.- tally. -in sexeral, of. the
Afro-Asian. countries, su.ch. as the. :United:Argb_Republiel
(Egypt and Syria) Jodia,..Jodo.nesia, Afghai4stan. ex.eed:
is, founded upon n..independent.personali..t.y.:.:-io.L.-fogeignr.;-.:anti:
integiational. affairs. That :does,notIplean.:.that.eth.is..thh:4:1 fgrc.(.3:
in She international sphem.shoold .only stan.d AP:It ad
frciin tile two:main power blocs.:-.: Quite the contrary; :for :such:
?attitude does not serve World peicee-r; -:but:ratheriz!that these-
countries are, .guided their?:pdlicies:by Abell'. own. 'national
self interest?riot pressure- from -theiveat:powers..:and .by: the:
donsiderations -of Vorld--Peace..- f ? ? _
"s?- ? .?.?-??? t-
However
- if .a s'tand. Of the pailtiveiteufraliSt
cOuntrieS -SbOuld. Voineide with" th`ae 'Onebfih1 Oat--
powers, this does not mean that there has been a breach or
ihe 6ffiial icb ih tnitecf4rab
Republic, Yugoslavia; end-India reiarcling nuclear
they should be tOtalII:banned. ? That also hapPefis rto
offieial attitude of- the Soviet thikin, VihereaS? the *Unita" !States
-
hes persistently -Miaowed an-Opposing coalse.
But it'inipi-tbere.fore be said -at the U A R Lai.; aid'
Yugoslavia have become iligned 'tii.the-ge.crieethiion7firr 'ffieff
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4
policy is not the outcome of sympathy with the Soviet
Union alone, but of considerations of higher self-interest : the
desire to spare the world the horrors of nuclear destruction ;
to build up their national economies ; and to raise their
standards of living in peace, far from the constant threat of
nuclear and thermo-nuclear gfall-outi.
' ? Neutralism here, of course is far removed from the neutra-
lism embraced by Switzerland over the last few thcades. This
Swiss-type neutrality -could only be adopted during the past eras
of-conventional warfare, when it was possible for civilian poptt-
lation to enjoy a large degree of protection from armies fight-
ing it Out in' the field. Nowadays, the outlook is radically dif-
ferent : it -has been- estimated by American strategists, for
instance, that a thermonuclear attack launched against the
Soviet Union would wipe out three million persons in Western
Europe, 'thousands, of miles away from the actual targets of
attack. This estimate does not even take into consideration the
nlions ..of casualties, that would be suffered in a Russian re-
prisal attack_on Ame,rican,bases in Western Europe and Africa
Again, the natunal governments in Africa and Asia read-
ily appreciate that neutralism. in this sense is only a negative
attitude in world affairs. This stand may at one time have
been defensible, but in the present day it is as if to hide one's
head in the sand. For these nationalist countries in Africa
and Asia know full well that the main struggle going on today
is. between the solonialist countries, and those countries striving
to achieve independence or to protect their newly-won liberty.
They know that not only in theory, but in actual every-day
practise ; because their leaders, men like Nasser, Nehru, and
Sukarno, have lived its reality with the people. There is, then.
no neutralism in the fight against imperialism, for the Africans
cannot maintain a neutralist attitude towards French colonialist
massacres in Algeria ; neither can the Arabs remain neutralist
to British imperialism in Kenya ; nor can the Afro-Asians feel
neutralist about American-Dutch co!onialism in Indonesia. For
colonialism is like a disease, which if not totally stamped out,
is bound to break out again in the same or another part of
the body politic. Neutralism in this case can only amount to
an acceptance of imperialism, instead of its refutation ; it can
Only mean the protection of colonialism, instead of exposing
it and mobilising world opinion against it.
Hence we hafie the word epositive, added. It is a meaning
that rejects negativism, yet at the same time it does not commit
the struggling Afro-Asian countries to any policy but that
dictated by their own naional self-interest, in the international
sphere and at home.
. If we want to define more closely the basic essentials of
positive neutralism, they may be summed up as follows :
FIRST : positive neutralism in the first instance means the full
protection of niticinal independence :against the aggres-
sions of imperialism ; while we now find' 'thatinter-
national circumstances permit of that at isreient. That
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release ? 50-Yr 2014/02/06: CIA-RDP81-01043R003300160001-3
6
mean i an' active strUggle againft iniperialism wherever
it may' be, the liberation of the national economy
from foreign influence, and the rejection of alien
pacts and alliances 'focussing 'local and world atte'n-
don on imperialism and its evils, and the support of
national movements in those countries seeking inde-
pendence,- or whose national independence is threa-
tened. . .
-
SECOND and this is the logical development of the first
point, and that is that imperialism continues to
wage battle against the national movements as a
,whige! using 'the most violent means. The positive.
neutralist nations. .must, in order to face this
_ . _
onslaUght, seek their natural allies, the more to he.
able to' 'resist external imperialist egression, and
internal plotting ; 'as. well as resistance to economic
areii order to consolidate the -13a.s' is -of inde-
pendence by a sound economy and ar-poircy
- - - ? -
? --
, These. naturat.al,lies are. to be found. in the _other countries
that embrace positive esnutralism. in -Africa and .Asia, and who
are ready to assist each other by binding together. to face the
iiitiligues and bldekades 'of 'imperialism.- These are: also -found
in - 'countries with a socialist political order, and :in whose
interest' it is to shatter-these intrigues,' blockades ? and; aggressive
military :pacts. . --1 : ?
r?
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
7 --
It may be superfluous to add that without the Afro-Asian
solidarity there can be no positive neutralism. For without a
forceful and active nationalist policy positive-neutralism cannot
survive ; and without solidarity there can be no real basis for
common nationalist policy. It is no accident that this policy
has led to the conference of Afro-Asian governments at
Bandung, and the wider Afro-Asian Solidarity Conference in
Cairo.
50-Yr 2014/02/06: CIA-RDP81-01043R003300160001-3
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