LETTER TO JACK C. VAUGHN, JR. FROM ROBERT M. GATES
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP90G00152R001202410019-0
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
29
Document Creation Date:
December 27, 2016
Document Release Date:
July 9, 2012
Sequence Number:
19
Case Number:
Publication Date:
August 26, 1987
Content Type:
LETTER
File:
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CIA-RDP90G00152R001202410019-0.pdf | 1.03 MB |
Body:
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THE FOLLOWING DOCUMENTS
ARE ATTACHED:
(Please do not remove
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Central Intelli nce AF q
26 August 1987
Mr. Jack C. Vaughn, Jr.
2050 Stemmons Freeway
Suite 141 - 143
P.O. Box 58232
Dallas, TX 75258
~/ (7 a
Dear Mr. Vaughn:
I am pleased to accept your invitation to address the Dallas Council on
World Affairs in January 1988. A repeat invitation to speak to your group is
indeed an honor, and I am looking forward to meeting with them when I am able
to answer their questions. According to my schedule, sometime around the
19th of January would be a convenient time. A member of my Public Affairs
Staff will be available to work out the details with the Council.
Sincerely,
!s/ Robert M. C tef STAT
Robert M. Gates
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence
DCI/PAO/WMB~ 24Aug87/
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ADMINISTRATIV NAL USE ONLY
26 August 1987
RE: Speaking Invitation
Dallas Council on World Affairs
Dallas, Texas
January 1988
President of the Dallas Council on World Affairs, Jack C. Vaughn, has
invited you to speak to the Council at a convenient date in January 1988. Due
to the Senate hearings, you were unable to participate in a question and
answer period when you addressed the Council last February. (See opposite for
memo covering your appearance.) According to Mr. Vaughn, you expressed a
willingness to do a return engagement. You could expect an audience of
approximately 250 business and civic leaders. The suggested format is 30
minutes of remarks followed by 30 minutes of questions and answers. Media
coverage would be arranged at our request. However, the Council wishes to
arrange a forum where you can speak with as much candor as possible.
Since you plan to be in Dallas on 19 January to speak to the Dallas
Chapter of the Young Presidents' Organization (YPO), I recommend that you take
this opportunity to address the Council. If you agree, a letter for your
signature is attached.
STAT
Bill Bad
ADMINISTRATIV NAL USE ONLY
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I H Udh II
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DALLAS COUNCIL
ON WORLD AFFAIRS
Executive Registry
87-2699X
,?yWbrid Trade Center 2050 Stemmons Freeway, Suite 141-143 PO. Box 58232 Dallas, Texas 75258 (214) 748-5663
Mc RUSSELL H. PERRY
ChNrman Emeritus
Mr. L FRANK PITTS
Cn.kman of the Board
Mc JAG( C. VAUGHR JR.
President
Mc DAVID C. BRIGGS
Chairman W the
Executive Committee
MG MALLARD LATHAM, USA (Rot.)
Executive Director
Dc NORMAN P. NEUREITER
nt
Rrd Vim Pre ",
Mc LEE DRAIN
s.cnlary-7I???n.r
Mc ROBERT S. RENDELL
Proprame
Mc HAL JACKSON
Mc EDWARD M. FJORDBMK -
Mc C. TERRY ORANADE
Mr. YALLACE L HALL Jr.
Mrs. BARBARA KERN
LES FEMMES DU MONDE:
UDA LIGHT BLUE
General Chairman (1987)
Mrs. CAP40LYN TAYLOR
General Chairman (1988)
DALLAS COMMITTEE FOR
FOREIGN VISITORS:
Mrs. CLYDE EMERY
General Chairman
Ma NANCY RILEY
Chwm.n
Stserin Common
The Honorable Robert M. Gates
Deputy Director
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington D.C. 20505
July 15, 1987
Your address to the members of the Dallas Council on World
Affairs on February 3, 1987 was the highlight of our 1987-1988.
program year. The purpose of this letter is to extend another
invitation for you to visit Dallas. You may recall you were
unable to participate in a question and answer session due to
the Senate hearings so our members were pleased to hear that
you expressed a willingness to return to Dallas to speak again.
As you know, the Council is comprised of business and civic
leaders and people with an interest in international events and
topics. We would be delighted to provide you with a forum to
speak on any topic you wish.
January 1988 would be a good time for the Council; however,
we will be happy to accomodate your schedule.
We hope that you can accept our invitation to visit Dallas and
would look forward to making the necessary arrangements with your
staff. Coordination for a stay will be made with your staff by
Major General Willard Latham, USA (Ret.), Executive Director of
the Dallas Council on World Affairs.
Very sincerely,
WL/js/176
Jack C. Vaugh, Jr.
President
R3i-ir
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The Deputy Director of Central Intdligcncc
N W*%%nDC20505
Exec tvc P^ 'Jtrl
87-0398
2 February 1987
The Honorable Gordon J. Humphrey
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510
Dear Senator Humphrey:
Attached is the speech on Soviet Activities in
the Third World that I spoke to you about on the
telephone. I think you will find it encouraging.
I would welcome the opportunity to talk further
with you about the Agency and get your suggestions
and ideas for improvement. I will try to schedule
such a meeting at your earliest convenience.
Sincerely,
Robert Gates
Acting Director
Attachment:
As Stated
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War by Another Name
An Address to the Dallas Council on World Affairs
by Robert M. Gates, Deputy Director of Central Intelligence
February 3, 1987
The most divisive and controversial part of American
foreign policy for nearly four decades has been our effort in
the Third World to preserve and defend pro-Western governments,
to resist Communist aggression and subversion, and to promote
economic development and democracy.
Our continuing difficulty in formulating a coherent and
sustainable bipartisan strategy for the Third World over two
generations. contrasts sharply with the Soviet Union's
relentless effort there to eliminate Western influence,
establish strategically located client Communist states, and to
gain access to strategic resources.
But while we may debate strategy and how to respond, the
facts of Soviet involvement in maJor Third World conflicts are
undeniable. Consider two very painful memories:
It is clear that the Soviet Union, and Stalin
personally, played a central role in prompting North
Korea's invasion of the South in 1950, the cause of our
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first great post-war strategic debate over strategy in
the Third World.
Although the strategic consequences of a victory by
North Vietnam were hotly debated in the US, we now see
the Soviet Navy well entrenched in the great naval base
at Cam Ranh Bay, and Vietnam's economic and military
dependence on the Soviet Union; we recall the Soviet
military supplyline that made Hanoi's victory possible,
and remember Soviet help in the conquest of Laos and
Cambodia. The resulting human suffering in Southeast
Asia was even more horrifying than predicted.
Somehow many Americans thought their first loss of a major
foreign war -- Vietnam -- would have no important consequences,
especially inasmuch as it was accompanied by so-called
"detente" with the Soviet Union and the opening to China. Yet,
it was in fact a major watershed in post World War II history,
especially as it coincided with the collapse of Portugal's
colonial empire in Africa; revolutions in Iran, Ethiopia and
Nicaragua; and Congressional actions in the mid-1970s cutting
off all US assistance to the non-Communist forces in Angola,
thus signaling the withdrawal of American support for opponents
of Marxist-Leninist forces in the Third World.
The effects of American defeat in Vietnam, the revolutions
in Iron and Nicaragua, and the coming to power of bitterly
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antagonistic and aggressively destabilizing governments in all
- three countries undermined the confidence of US friends and
allies in the Third World (not to mention in Europe and Japan)
and ensured that an opportunistic Soviet Union would see in the
Third World its principal foreign policy opportunities for
years to come,
And they moved aggressively to create or exploit such
opportunities. Throughout the Third World, the Soviet Union
and its clients for the past ten years have incited violence
and disorder and sponsored subversion of neutral or pro-Western
governments in El Salvador, Honduras, Colombia, various
Caribbean States, Chad, Sudan, Suriname, North Yemen, Oman,
Pakistan, New Caledonia, South Korea, Grenada, and many
others. The Soviet Union has affixed itself as a parasite to
legitimate nationalist, anticolonial movements or to those who
have overthrown repressive or incompetent regimes and tried
wherever possible to convert or consolidate them into
Marxist-Leninist dictatorships as in Nicaragua, Angola, and
Ethiopia, And now these some regimes in the process of
consolidating power are fighting their own people. Open
warfare by invading Communist armies is being waged in Cambodia
and Afghanistan. And in most instances of state support for
terrorism, the government involved is tied in some way to the
USSR.
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These contemporary challenges to international order and
stability -- and to democratic values -- certainly grow
primarily out of localized and specific circumstances. To be
sure, there are local economic, social, racial, human rights
and other injustices. And many -- too many -- governments have
demonstrated their capacity to inflict hardship and violence on
their own people. But, that said, we cannot close our eyes to
a common theme across the entire Third World and that Is the
pervasively destructive role of the Soviet Union and its
clients.
In 1919, Trotsky said that, "The road to London and Paris
lies through Calcutta." This conviction that the West could
more easily and effectively be weakened and made vulnerable
through the Third World than by direct confrontation remains
central to Soviet foreign policy. And if you question how
critical this is for Moscow, remember that the Soviets allowed
detente with the US, which was highly advantageous to them, to
founder substantially with successive Presidents in the 1970s
because the USSR refused to moderate, its aggressive pursuit of
Third World opportunities -- in Angola, Ethiopia, Nicaragua and
Afghanistan.
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Subversion, Violence and Repression
In the mid-1970s, new Soviet tactics in the Third World,
combined with historic events and opportunities, emerged to
challenge Western presence, progress toward democracy and sound
economic development in the Third World. The new tactics were
designed to minimize the chance of a repetition of disastrous
setbacks such as their expulsion from Egypt in 1972 and the
ouster of a Marxist regime in Chile in 1973. The strategy hod
five parts: -
First, the cornerstone of the new Soviet approach was
the use of Cuban forces to establish and sustain the
power of "revolutionary governments", They first
helped consolidate radical power in Angola. This was
followed by the dispatch of thousands of Cuban troops
to Ethiopia where that regime also became dependent on
their support.
This tactic of using Third World Communist or
radical states as surrogates in the Third World
subsequently involved assisting Vietnam's conquest of
the remainder of Indochina, Libya's designs in Chad and
plotting against Sudan, South Yemen's aggression
against Oman and North Yemen, and Cuba's support for
regimes in Nicaragua, Grenada and Suriname as well as
the insurgency in El Salvador.
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'- Second, when radical governments come to power without
the aid of foreign troops, as in Nicaragua, Soviets
directly or through their surrogates such as East
Germany helped in the establishment of an internal
security structure to ensure that any possible
challenge from within would be stamped out.
-- Third, the Soviets continued to supplement these
tactics with more traditional offerings such as
technical and political training in the USSR, the rapid
supply of weapons, and the use of a wide range of
covert actions to support friends and to help defeat or
destabilize unfriendly challengers or governments.
-- Fourth, the USSR proved in Afghanistan that it would
still be willing to launch its own forces at targets on
its periphery -- and perhaps elsewhere -- when and if
circumstances are right.
-- Fifth, and finally, the Soviets advised new radical
regimes to mute their revolutionary rhetoric and to try
to keep their links to Western commercial resources,
foreign assistance and international financial
institutions. Soviet ambitions did not cloud their
recognition that they could not afford more economic
dependents such as Cuba and Vietnam.
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Conclusions: What is to be Done
As we reflect on the last forty years of war, subversion,
instability and terrorism in the Third World, it is clear that
the Soviet Union and its surrogates have played and are
continuing to play a major role. Their involvement is a common
feature as is their ability relentlessly to sustain their
participation over many years. It is imperative that, at long
last, Americans recognize the strategic significance of this
Soviet offensive -- that it is in reality, a war, a war waged
between nations and against Western influence and presence,
against economic development and against the growth of
democratic values. It is war without declaration, without
mobilization, without massive armies. It is, in fact, that
long twilight war described nearly a quarter century ago by
President Kennedy.
What then are we to do? From Harry Truman to Ronald
Reagan, our Presidents have recognized the importance of this
struggle in the Third World -- some sooner than others. But
public and Congressional understanding and support have waxed
and waned. What we need is a vigorous strategy we can sustain
in a struggle Secretary Shultz has said is "the prime challenge
we will face, at least through the remainder of this century,"
I would like to suggest several steps, none of them new, and
many of them in train now, that should be integrated into a
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strategy to meet the long term Soviet challenge and promote
democracy and freedom in the Third World.
1. First, Congress and the Executive Branch, Republicans
and Democrats, must collaborate more closely in the setting of
strategy. There seems to be more agreement on the nature of
the threat than on what to do about it. Cooperation and
support in recent years has been good in some areas; not so
good in others. There have been close calls and too often
prolonged delays in getting help to our friends. Too often in
the post, opportunities to counter the Soviets hove been lost
by clashes between the two Branches, or by partisan politics.
If common understanding of the Soviet challenge in the Third
World cannot be translated into a program of action that can be
counted on for more than a year at a time, if that, we will
have little success. At the same time, those who would lay
claim to a constructive role in protecting our interests and
advancing stability and freedom in the Third World cannot
oppose overt military action and covert action and at the some
time also reject security assistance and economic assistance
for key countries. The United States must have some means to
help our friends in the Third World defend themselves and grow
economically, and support for those means must be bipartisan
and stable,
2. Second, more must be done to educate the public, the
Congress, and Third World governments about Soviet strategy in
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the Third World. A continuing information program to inform
and tie together developments in areas widely distant is needed
and must be pursued over a long term.
3. We must, as a country, give priority to learning-more
about developments in the Third World and to providing early
warning of economic, social, and political problems that
foreshadow instability and opportunities for exploitation by
the USSR or its clients. We should serve as a clearing house
of information useful to threatened countries, for example,
seeing to it that lessons learned in successful
counterinsurgencies or economic development programs are shared.
4. The US must establish priorities in terms of maJor
commitments. If our early help fails to prevent serious
trouble, for which countries are we prepared to put our chips
on the table? Also, I believe we should at least try to make
such choices in consultation with key members of Congress so
that their support at crucial moments is more likely. Great
losing battles in Congress for foreign military sales or
economic assistance for important Third World friends, played
out on the world stage and at critical times, represent
devastating setbacks for the US with ramifications going for
beyond the affected country.
5. We must be -- and are -- prepared to demand firmly, but
tactfully and privately, that our friends observe certain
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standards of behavior with regard to basic human rights. It is
required by our own principles and essential to political
support in the US. Moreover, we have to be -- and are --
willing to talk straight to those we would help about issues
they must address to block Soviet and other foreign
exploitation of their problems -- issues such as land reform
and corruption. We have a right and a responsibility to
condition our support -- but must do so in ways that make it
possible politically for the recipient to comply,
6. We need to change our approach to foreign military
sales so that the US can provide arms more quickly to our
friends in need -- provide them the tools to do the job -- and
to do so without hanging out all their dirty linen for the
world to see. It does not serve any rational purpose to
humiliate those whom we would help,
7. Covert action can be used, as in the past, to create
problems for hostile governments, and to provide discreet help
to friendly organizations and governments. Indeed, at times it
may be the only means we have to help them.
8. We must be prepared to use overt military forces where
circumstances are appropriate, as in Grenada and Libya.
9. We must find a way to mobilize and use our greatest
asset in the Third World -- private business. No one in the
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Third World wants to adopt the Soviet economic system. Neither
we nor the Soviets can offer unlimited or even large-scale
economic assistance to the Third World. Investment is the key
to economic success or at least survival in the Third World and
we, our NATO allies and Japan need to develop a common strategy
to promote investment in the Third World. The Soviets ore
helpless to compete with private capital in these countries.
10. Finally, we need to have a strategy supported with
consistency through more than one Presidency. This
Administration and Congress-in recent years have gone further
than any of their predecessors in developing and sustaining a
coherent strategy. But more must be done, and it must endure.
After all, we now face a Soviet leader who could be in power
well into the 21st century.
We are engaged in a historic struggle with the Soviet
Union, a struggle between age-old tyranny -- to use on old
fashioned word -- and the concept that the highest goal of the
State is to protect and foster the creative capabilities and
liberties of the individual. The battle lines are most sharply
drawn in the Third World. We have enormous assets and
advantages in this struggle. We offer an economic model based
on private enterprise for long term development, independence,
stability, and prosperity. We offer a model of freedom and
democratic ideals; we offer religious tolerance and spiritual
values; and we have democratic allies willing to help. As the
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President has said, we welcome the democratic revolution in the
Third World and are committed to promoting national
independence and popular rule. In contrast, the Soviet Union
offers only a model police state, a new form of colonial
- subservience, the morality of the gun, and the austerity of
totalitarian socialism.
Our experience over the last forty years makes clear that
Soviet aggression and subversion in the Third World cannot be
stopped by negotiation alone (if at all); it must be resisted
-- politically, economically and militarily.
As a country, we must develop realistic policies, public
support for those policies and make the long term investment
essential to a constructive role in helping to bring peace,
stability, prosperity and freedom to the Third World. The
East-West struggle to influence the future of the Third World
is a classic confrontation of the Soviet capacity to destroy
arrayed against the democratic nations' capacity to build.
Americans cannot and must not be indifferent to the outcome.
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PAO 87-0003
29 January 1987
MEMORANDUM FOR: Acting Director of Central Intelligence
FROM: George V. Lauder
Director, Public Affairs Office
SUBJECT: Trip to Dallas
1. Action Requested: None. This is background information for your trip
to Dalla om~onday, Monday, February, throw h Wednesd 4 February. Your agenda
for Tuesday, 3 February, includes a meetina
r 1 board
are scheduled in the late afternoon and evening to address
the Dallas Council on World Affairs and later to speak at an off-the-record
dinner meeting of leading CEOs also sponsored by the World Affairs Council. A
business suit is the appropriate dress for your appearances.
3. Meet with the DALLAS TIMES HERALD, Tuesday, 3 Februa : You will meet
with editorial page editor Ms. Lee Cu um and several of the editorial board
members from 12:30 - 1:30 p.m. at the TIMES HERALD offices at 1101 Pacific
Avenue. I will meet you in the lobby and secretary Linda Hardin will escort
us to the Executive Offices in the Executive Board Room. Other TIMES HERALD
editorial writers attending are:
0. E. "Bert" Holmes
Ron 0. Calhoun
Henry T. Bryan
Roger Witherspoon
(See tab for biographies and background information.)
25x1
25X1
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SECRET
SUBJECT:
Trip to Dallas
5. Arrangements for the Dallas Council on World Affairs (DCWA) Meetin :
You are requested to e inside the main entrance of the World Trade en er at
2050 Stemmons Freeway at 5:30 p.m. where you will be met by Executive Director
of the DCWA General Willard Latham who will escort you to the 15th floor for
the reception and your address. (See background materials for diagram.)
Owner of Pitts Oil and Chairman of the Board of DCWA L. Frank Pitts and
General Latham will be your hosts. (See tab for biographies.) Your speech
"War by Another Name" will begin at 6:00 p.m. and Frank Pitts will introduce
you. The proposed format is 30 minutes of remarks followed by 30 minutes of
Questions and Answers which will be monitored by General Latham. Adjournment
is at 7:00 p.m. A podium and microphone will be located on the dais and
Frank Pitts also will be seated on the platform. Due to illness in the
family, President of the Council Dr. Marvin Watson is unable to attend.
The audience of approximately 175 men and women representing North Texas
business, industry, academia, and the professions also will include some
students. Since foreign nationals are members of the DCWA, you can expect
representatives from the French, Japanese, Canadian, Mexican, and Brazilian
Consuls. Neither the Eastern Bloc nor the Soviets will be present.
Journalists from the two daily newspapers DALLAS MORNING NEWS and DALLAS TIMES
HERALD will attend. I will be in the audience along with
Due to a prior engagement, Admiral Inman is unable to attend. There will be
no radio or TV coverage, and we have said that you do not want a press
conference. Still photographers will take photographs during the first two
minutes of your speech and at the end of your presentation when you will be
presented with a memento. For historical purposes, the executive director and
chairman of the board of the DCWA request a photograph with you. Your remarks
will be taped by the Club for our records only. We have asked to review any
publication of your remarks by the Club.
In the "QUESTIONS ON" paragraph in the DCWA invitation, the organization
mentioned as "ticklers" contra aid, hostages, etc. This was done without our
knowledge. (See background tab.)
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SECRET
SUBJECT: Trip to Dallas
The Dallas Council is an independent, voluntary, nonpartisan organization
of civic-minded citizens and businessmen of Dallas. The total number of
members and volunteers is approximately 3,000. The purpose of the Council is
to enhance Dallas' stature as in international city and to promote the study
of world affairs. The Council encourages informed and intelligent discussion
of international events, and promotes programs of cultural interest to the
Dallas community. (See background materials for the DCWA board of directors
and the corporate contributors.) Previous speakers have included Vice
President George Bush, Secretary of State George Shultz, Ambassador
Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Ambassador Vernon Walters, Zulu Chief Mangosutho G.
Buthelezi, and Texas Governors William Clements and Mark White. In September
1985 the Director spoke to this group and also met with ten of Dallas' leading
CEOs.
Sponsoring the meeting along with the the DCWA are the Public Affairs
Luncheon Club and the International Trade Association of Dallas/Fort Worth.
The Public Affairs Luncheon Club is a politically conservative group and the
International Trade Association is a nonpartisan group of businessmen
interested in international trade. (See background tab.)
6. Arrangements for the DCWA Dinner and Meeting with Leading Dallas
CEOs: You are requested to be at the Monet Ballroom of the Anatole Hotel for
the reception at 7:30 p.m. General Latham will escort you. Dinner begins at
8:00 p.m. and your remarks are scheduled for approximately 8:35 p.m. The
proposed format is 5-10 minutes of off-the-record remarks on any topic of your
choice followed by an informal discussion period. Frank Pitts will introduce
you. Adjournment is scheduled for 9:45 p.m. You will be seated at a hollow
square table that seats 50 people. (General Latham reports that in order to
meet the demand, the dinner seating may be changed to round tables.) You have
an option of using a microphone and podium near your table or you can remain
seated and use the microphone at your table. President and CEO Trammell Crow
will be seated on your right and President of E-Systems Dave Tacke on your
left. According to General Latham, seating arrangements are subject to
change. (See tab for biographies.) The International Business Forum, a part
of the DCWA, is also sponsoring the evening event.
An audience of approximately 50 leading CEOs and their spouses will attend
the dinner. Many of them will have heard your 6:00 p.m. address. Neither the
media nor foreign nationals will be present. However, Jeremy Halbreich,
Executive Vice President of the DALLAS MORNING NEWS Company, will be in the
audience. Prominent Dallas citizens who will be included in the audience are:
Carolyn Hunt Schoellkopf Owner of The Mansion Hotel, Crescent
Hotel and stockholder of Hunt Oil
Trammell Crow Chairman of the Board, Dallas Market Center;
Member Executive Committee DCWA
P. W. Gifford Retired President Gifford Hill Company, Inc.
Russel Perry Chairman of the Board, Republic Financial
Services, Inc.; Executive Committee DCWA
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SUBJECT: Trip to Dallas
L. M..Rice, Jr. Vice President, Texas Instruments
Dave Tacke President, E-Systems
Jack C. Vaughn President, Vaughn Petroleum; Vice President
DCWA
W. E. Cooper Chairman Emeritus, Dallas Market Center
Company; Member, Executive Committee, DCWA
materials for tentative list of attendees.
I will be present
(See background
George V. Lauder
ccrocr
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
PUBLIC AFFAIRS
Phone: (703) 351-2053
30 December 1986
Major General Willard Latham
Executive Director
Dallas Council on World Affairs
World Trade Center
2050 Stemmons Freeway, Suite 141-143
P.O. Box 58232
Dallas, Texas 75258
EXECIfiIY~ F?~+~ITy +.~
86-3317X/2
Dear General Latham:
This is to confirm arrangements for CIA Deputy Director Robert M. Gates to
address the Dallas Council on World Affairs on Tuesday, January 27, 1987, in
Dallas, Texas.
The reception is scheduled for 5:30 p.m. and his speech titled "War by
Another Name: The Growing Threat to the U.S. From Insurgencies, the Narcotics
Industry, and Increasing Interaction Between Purveyors of Each" at 6:00 p.m.
The proposed format is 30 minutes of remarks and 30 minutes of Questions and
Answers. As we have discussed, the print media will be invited, but we
request that you not allow TV or radio coverage during his appearance.
According to our agreement, you will not put out a press release and the
Deputy Director does not grant press interviews. As we understand, you have
customarily invited foreign nationals to your open meetings. However, neither
Soviet nor Eastern Bloc citizens will be present. We ask that you tape his
remarks for our historical files. If you plan to publish the Deputy Director's
remarks, please give us the opportunity to review the material prior to
publication.
A private off-the-record dinner meeting following the presentation is
planned at approximately 7:30 p.m. Also as we agreed, members of the media
and foreign nationals will not be included in this group. The proposed format
,for the dinner meeting is 5 to 10 minutes of remarks followed by discussion.
I would appreciate at least a tentative list of attendees.
As soon as it is convenient, I would appreciate knowing who will introduce
Dr. Gates at both events. Short biographies of those people with whom he will
be meeting would be most helpful. I also request that a podium and mike be
available for both addresses.
- --- la l.!11 ! II
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Major General Willard Latham
Page 2
30 December 1986
Enclosed, as you requested, is a photograph and biography of Dr. Gates.
Thank you for your kind attention to these details. If you have any further
questions on arrangements for the event or if there is anything I can do to
Sincerely,
Enclosure
STAT
STAT
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
PUBLIC AFFAIRS
Phone: (703) 482.7676
5 August 1986
Major General Willard Latham
Executive Director
Dallas Council on World Affairs
World Trade Center
2050 Stemnons Freeway, Suite 141-143
P.O. Box 58232
Dallas, Texas 75258
Dear General Latham:
Our Deputy Director of Central Intelligence Robert Gates accepts
with pleasure the honor of addressing the Dallas Council on World
Affairs sometime in January 1987.
Although we expect the print media to be present, we request
that you do not allow either TV or radio coverage of the event. We
also ask that you not send out a press release in advance of
Mr. Gates' presentation. I am sure that you can understand this in
today's world.
We look forward to working with you on this luncheon or dinner
meeting. If you have any further questions. please feel free to
contact a member of my staff
Sincerely,
4O/GVL/MEDean:set/5 August 86J
istribution;
Orig - Addressee
1 - ER 86-3317X
1 - PAO Registry
1 - ~SA/DDCI
1 - PAO Chrono
1 - PAO Ames
1 - MED (Subject)
/
George V. Lauder
Director, Public Affairs
STAT
STAT
STAT
STAT
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SUSPENSE
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STAT
Exec ive Secretor
29 July 1166
D.
3637 ('O4')
EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT
ROUTING SLIP .
ACTION
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DATE
INITIAL
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3317X
2atfai. eowz~/1oz~dqffatas.
RUSSELL H. PERRY
Chrrm.n Enver"
L FRANK PITS
Chown= of ?r Bard
DR. MARVIN WATSON
Prelift
DAVID C. BRIGGS
Chairman of Si.
Exsa*w ComneMe
MALLARD LATHAM
Maj. Gen. USA (Rat)
FROM D-ecla
World Trade Center 2050 Stemmons Freeway, $ulto 141.1 3< 0.O. Box 58232 Dallas, Texas 75258 214-748.5863
July 18, 1986
DR. NORMAN NEUREITER
- First Vice President
LEE DRAIN
Secretary . Treasurer
JACK VAUGHN
Msrrrbs 111
ROBERT RENDELL
Proprem.
TERRYGRANADE
JAMES HUFFINES
HALJACKSON
LES FEMMES DU MONDE
GENERAL CHAIRMAN:
BARBARA KERN
(1900)
DALLAS COMMITTEE FOR
FOREIGN WSRORS:
HRS. CLYDE EMERY
General Chairman
IOHN LUCKADOO
chairman Sinsrirp
allae
Coln,
The Honorable Robert Gates
Deputy Director
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D. C. 20505
The purpose of this letter is to invite you to visit Dallas, Texas to
present an address to the Dallas Council on World Affairs. The Council is
an independent, non-partisan organization of business and professional
leaders of the Dallas community, which conducts monthly meetings at which
public figures speak.
Over the years our speakers have included, Presidents; Nixon and
Truman, Secretary of State, George Shultz and Ambassadors; Jeanne
Kirkpatrick and Vernon Walters. We were especially privileged last year
to have The Honorable William J. Casey speak to us.
The Council would be delighted if you would accept to speak sometime
during January 1987, however, if this is not convenient we will try to
meet your schedule subsequent to January. The format for the Council is a
luncheon or dinner in a major hotel with our membership and others of the
community invited. We would expect an audience of approximately 500
people.
I hope you will be able to accept our invitation to come to Dallas
and it would be of great benefit to the business and civic leaders of the
community to hear your views on a topic of your choice involving world
affairs. Should you be able to accept our invitation the necessary
details will be arranges with your staff by Maj. Gen. Willard Latham,
Executive Director of the Dallas Council on' World Affairs.
Very sincerely,
llarvan Watson
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