UNSECRETIVE REPORT ON THE C. I. A.

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000500080002-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 7, 2014
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: October 27, 1963
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Declassified and Approved For Release @ 50-Yr 2014/01/07: CIA-RDP65B00383R000500080002-2
"The Congress has its own will and its own feeling
and its own judgment," President Kennedy has said,
"so it is quite natural that they will have a different
perspective than I have." Other Presidents?like
Harry S. Truman with his denunciations of "that do-
nothing 80th Congress"?have expressed themselves
more bluntly. The extent to which a President im-
poses his perspective on Congress is the measure by
which history may judge him. "In theory," said Theo-
dore Roosevelt, "the Executive has nothing to do
with legislation.
active interest."
shaping up over
pictures suggest
suade Congress
4.4
In practice [he] must take a very
For President Kennedy, a test is
his tax and civil rights bills. These
some of his techniques to help per-
to endorse his legislative program.
00/
. .1
HE FLATTERS?It is a political reality that a Senator enjoys being a Presidential guest. Here the Kennedys and
Johnsons lead Senators Carl Hayden and Hubert H. Humphrey and Mrs. Humphrey to a White House reception.
HE GOES TO THE PEOPLE?Franklin D. Roosevent invented the
fireside chat. Here Mr. Kennedy takes to TV to push his tax program.
PEP TALK?Executive departments maintain their own liaison with Congress. Here Lawrence F. O'Brien (wearing
glasses), Special Assistant to the President, meets with departmental staffers to talk up Administration programs.
OCTOBER 27, 1963
STRATEGY TALK?Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and White
House aide Larry O'Brien discuss prospects for pending legislation.
17
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By BEN H. BAGDIKIAN
WASHINGTON.
ALAPEL button being sold in
Washington drug stores these
days reads, "My work is so
secret I don't know what I'm doing."
This has been used as an accusation by
some members of Congress and others
who want to turn a permanent flood-
light on the most glamorous citadel
of secrecy in the capital, the Central
Intelligence Agency.
Though the C.I.A. has been under in-
creasing criticism for more than three
years, the present Congressional agi-
tation is considered the most serious.
Some critics would like to keep the
agency under constant Congressional
surveillance. Others want to dismem-
ber it, to separate its three functions
?collecting information, evaluating it
and carrying out secret operations.
The immediate provocation is the
furor in South Vietnam, where at
times the President of the United
States and the C.I.A. seem to be at
cross-purposes. Ambassador Henry Ca-
bot Lodge, under the impression, which
is correct, that C.I.A. men in foreign
countries are supposed to do what the
Ambassador tells them, almost openly
challenged the C.I.A. chief in that
area. The Saigon episode is the cul-
mination of a series of C.I.A. crises
in recent times, most notably the crash
of the 11-2 plane in Russia just before
the summit conference of 1960 and
BEN H. BAGDIKIAN is a veteran Washington
reporter now with The Saturday Evening Post.
18
HUSH-HUSH HEADQUARTERS?The C.I.A. used to operate out
of offices kept so secret that former President Eisenhower once got
lost trying to find them. Now, under businessman lbhn McCone
(left), it is quartered in this new $50-million building in Langley, Va.
Unsecretive Report
On the C. I. A.
the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of
Cuba in 1961. There have been resolu-
tions to put a rein on the agency in
the last 10 sessions of Congress, but
this year the possibilities of success are
greater than ever before.
The C.I.A. finds itself under fire at
an uneasy time in its history as a
secret agency. Its existence has al-
ways been known, of course, from the
time it was created by Congress in 1947,
and since 1950, when it assumed its
present form, its three chiefs?Gen.
Walter Bedell Smith, Allen Dulles and
John McCone?have all been public fig-
ures. But only recently has the C.I.A.
taken on the aura of a conventional
Government bureau. It used to live in
drab anonymity in barrackslike build-
ings scattered around Washington's
Foggy Bottom, behind the cover, "Gov-
ernment Printing Office." Its head-
quarters were so unpretentious that
President Eisenhower and his chauffeur
once got lost trying to find it and had
to stop and telephone Allen Dulles for
instructions.
GRADUALLY, the C.I.A. has risen
to high visibility. Today it occupies one
of the most imposing new buildings in
the Washington area. Its once awe-
some initials have entered the language
of satire: Cuban refugees in Miami
say they stand for "Cuban Invasion
Authority," and in 1960 the Soviet In-
formation Bureau used the initials for
a book on the C.I.A. called, "Caught
in the Act."
Public knowledge about the C.I.A.
is a blend of rumor, third-hand infor-
mation and a few hard facts, which
the agency officially never confirms
or denies. It has been accused of har-
boring geniuses, of which it has more
than its share, and also an assortment
of nuts, dolts and screwballs, and these
also are not unknown. The late Sena-
tor Joseph R. McCarthy said it was
packed with Communists, and liberals
have said it is riddled with rightists.
One reason for the wild speculation
is lack of certain knowledge. Its basic
statistics are not announced. Its budget
is not printed where the public
can see it, going through Congress in
fragments hidden in appropriations for
other Government activities. The num-
ber and kind of its employes is an
official secret. A few of its grievous
failures have been fairly well docu-
mented, its successes usually unan-
nounced. There are true heroes and
undoubtedly some villains, but you
can't tell the players without a score-
card and no scorecard has ever been
printed.
Representative John V. Lindsay, of
New York, one of the Congressmen
proposing a legislative watchdog com-
mittee over C.I.A.. said in a speech re-
cently that the agency failed to pre-
dict the entry of Red China into the
Korean War; that in 1956 a C.I.A.
agent told President Nasser to ignore
a State Department message the
Egyptian leader was about to receive;
that the C.I.A. was deeply involved in
the East Berlin, Poznan and Hungarian
rebellions in the 1950's; that it was in-
strumental in overthrowing the Mos-
sadegh regime in Iran in 1953 and the
Arbenz regime in Guatemala in 1954.
The C.I.A. has come under fire for
fostering the illusion that there was a
3-to-1 missile gap between the United
States and Russia in the nineteen-fif-
ties when in fact there was not. Rafael
Trujillo's former chief of secret police
said the Dominican dictator was as-
sassinated in 1961 with C.I.A. weapons
and planning. And French newspapers
said C.I.A. was behind the revolt of
French Army officers against Charles
de Gaulle.
N the other hand, the C.I.A. is
credited with predicting the launch-
ing of Sputnik, the anti-Nixon riots
In South America, the rise of Khru-
shchev to Soviet power, and the Anglo-
French invasion of Suez. Harry Howe
Ransom, of Harvard University, the
leading academic student of C.I.A., says
such events are "the top of the iceberg
of a vast secret intelligence program."
According to Professor Ransom. the
United States spends $2 billion a year
on intelligence operations, of which
C.I.A. spends "over half a billion." It
is the only agency of Government
whose books are not open to the Gen-
eral Accounting Office or even to Con-
gress. It has about 10,000 employes in
Washington and maybe as many more
elsewhere. In the past it has drawn
heavily on Ivy League circles for lead-
ership but today it employs a wide
variety of bright young lawyers, both
Ivy and non-Ivy, and acute business-
men, plus some middleaged foreigners
who know how to parachute from air-
planes.
If the (Continued on Page 108)
THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE
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(Continued from Page 19)
American public knows little
about the C.I.A., foreign in-'
telligence agencies honor it
with unrelenting scrutiny:
During the Korean war an im-
portant but officially anony-
mous C.I.A. executive, whom
we will call Scattergood, was
walking by the door of the
Czech Mission in Washington
when the doorman bowed and
said gravely, "Good morning,
Dr. Scattergood."
It is a truism that 80 per
cent of intelligence is pure
analysis of conventional doc-
uments to provide the basic
picture illuminated by shafts
of less orthodox light sent in
by secret agents. Most of its
work is a boring battle of
routine words and numbers,
but upon it depends the reli-
ability of the world-wide in-
telligence report the C.I.A.
hands the President every
morning and its estimates of
national power a/id intentions
at critical moments.
THE present controversy,
though, is not concerned so
much with either the secret
agents or the wan specialists
reading foreign budget re-
ports. It is over the more or
less secret C.I.A. men abroad
who work out of American em-
bassies. At the //Addle ranks
of American diplomats, the
political-officer level, about
half the men in an embassy
may be C.I.A. employes. If
there are guerrilla or other
paramilitary operations, sev-
eral hundred of the experts
may be from C.I.A.
Career diplomats have a
common complaint about
C.I.A. reporters abroad. They
are, say Foreign Service men,
not sufficiently sophisticated
but they have money to spend
and so have incomparably
more freedom and power than
regular diplomats. The C.I.A.
traditionally pays for infor-
mation, though not necessar-
ily in cash but through per-
sonal friendships that make
cars and apartments easy to
find, thereby cultivating a
sense of obligation and sym-
pathy. The C.I.A. rates its in-
formation on a scale from "1"
for absolutely reliable to "6"
for unreliable and thinks this
scale quite stringent (legend
has it that a report of Allen
Dulles was once rated "2").
But career diplomats think
free information is usually a
lot better, and- that the masses
of data collected by free-
wheeling C.I.A. men fall most-
ly in the 2-3-4 categories while
the limited cables and pro-
fessional perceptions of For-
eign Service officers are
sounder.
DOES the C.I.A. make poli-
cy? Allen Dulles in his new
book, "The Craft of Intelli-
gence," calls this the most
harmful myth about C.I.A.
Yet much may hinge on what
is meant by "policy." The
C.I.A. certainly does not set
national goals or make foreign
policy. But such goals and
policy are usually general and
their implementation is left
unspecified, permitting vast
discretion as to how best to
achieve national goals. The
head of C.I.A. sits in the small
and crucial Executive Com-
mittee of the National Secur-
ity Council; the President has
many advisers but few get as
respectful attention as he.
I. the field C.I.A. men are
nominally, but not necessarily
in practice, under orders of
the U.S. Ambassador. They
may decide which unions to
back, which opposition par-
ties to subsidize, which news-
papers to strengthen. In one
case, a high State Depart-
ment official wanted a few
thousand dollars to back an
important union in danger of
being taken over by Marxists,
but the source of money, the
C.I.A., demurred. Thus C.I.A.
does not make policy in any
formal way but it is a major
influence in the shaping of
national behavior abroad.
Supporters of C.I.A. think
it unfair to accuse the agency
of usurping State Department
functions. They- feel, rather,
that it is more accurate to
say it has expanded into areas
unfilled by any other Ameri-
can agency. The post-war
years brought a rude awaken-
ing to the United States. The
world was filled with deadly
serious intrigue and manipula-
tion in which foreign socie-
ties were no longer stable. Dy-
namic change was the by-word
and many of these societies
were on the verge of becom-
ing part of a global system
hostile to the United States.
Intervention, always a nasty
word in American diplomatic
history, even when it was
practiced, became a major
technique of international re-
lations.
The State Department en-
tered this unpleasant new
world at a serious disadvan-
tage. Its tradition, more than
that of most powerful foreign
Offices, was genuinely in favor
Of open and correct foreign
relations. As the official del-
egation to regimes in power,
it had to show extreme deli-
cacy in making contact with
opposition groups. And it con-
fronted the post-war diplo-
matic revolution during one
of the saddest periods in its
history.
At precisely this time the
State Department was reel-
ing under a series of shatter-
ing blows. Under President
Truman's Secretary of State,
Dean Acheson, it was attacked
by Republicans and other crit-
ics, and Acheson was held
up as an example of a striped-
pants, pussy-footing, cookie-
pushing diplomat aflutter be-
fore the cynical toughs of Com-
munism. This was, particularly
for Acheson, ridiculous criti-
cism. But charges became po-
litical issues with a national
cry to "clean out" the State
Department.
AFTER Eisenhower's vic-
tory, Acheson was succeeded
by John Foster Dulles. He
made no secret of his dislike of
most of the State Department
career apparatus. .This was
the era of "massive retalia-
tion." There was a feeling
that with the Strategic Air
Command a State Department
was unnecessary. The crown-
ing catastrophe was the emer-
gence of Wisconsin's Senator
McCarthy whose attacks on
the department sent its pres-
tige in Congress plummeting,
demoralized its workers, and
damaged its influence abroad.
It was during this period
that the C.I.A. was born and
hired its first 10,000 employes.
The shift of power and func-
tion was eased by the fact
that after 1953 Allen Dulles
served as head of C.I.A., while
"SUPERSPIES"?Under its last two chiefs, General Walter Bedell
Smith (left) and Allen W. Dulles, the C.I.A. attained great power.
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?
? CRITIC?DistUrbed by CI.A. activiti
Henry Cabot Lodge challenged the
his older -brother led / the
State Department In general,
they agreed to the new divi-
sion of labor. ?
As guerrilla warfare broke
out in a number of areas,
?
the C.I.A. enlarged its mili-
tary function. This was a novel
and unwelcome activity as far
as the American military
was concerned, particularly
since the Army was already ?
being reduced to a shadow by
budget cuts and the domi-
nance of the Air Force and
NaVy, which had little interest
in petty fights on the ground.
By the time of the Bay of
? Pigs, the C.I.A. was in the
. paramilitary business on a
fairly large scale, but this fi- ?
asco cost the C.I.A. some of-
. its men and functions. They
were turned over to the De-
partment of Defense. There
is now emerging, some ob-
servers think, significant ten-
sion between Defense and
C.I.A.:, especially with the
creation of the Defense In-
telligence Agency', which may
be the beginning of one of
those intelligence rivalries to
which the trade is prone.
THE C.I.A. has its Own
problems, now that it is under
fire. In the time scale of the
bureaucratic lifespan, it is
ap-
proaching middle-aged respec-
tability. The most dramatic'
sign is the agency's new "Spy
Palace," a sparkling 00,000,-
? 000, seven-story, million-
- square-foot edifice of contem-
porary design in Langley, Va.
Even his friends think that
? the building is one of Allen
Dulles' few serious errors and
refer to it sadly as "Allen's
Folly." They feel it makes
Surveillance by enemy. -agents
easier. It is also a revelation
of the C.LA.'s size and power
that will raise the covetous
'hackles Of other agencies ?
the State Department and De-
fense Department look - drab
? by comparison ? and it makes
a dazzling target' for Con-
gress. Worst of all, it is feared
their- C.I.A. employes will be
encouraged to feel pride in
conventional bureaucratic
status rather than .in an aris-
es in Vietnam, Ambassador
age.ncy's authority there.
tocracy of silence, unorthodoxy
and anonymity.
The emergence 'of the C.I.A.
as a visible political fixture
goes on hi small ways and
large. A few years ago it
was not even listed in the
Washington telephone book
but now it is, along with the
address of its employment of-
fice in downtown Washington.
(This office, incidentally,Isleft
scrupulously unmarked). The
C.I.A. recruits college gradu-
ates (starting salary usually
around $5,000) competing with
the Peace Corps and General
Dynamics. A year ago C.I.A.
Chief McCune asked Congress
to provide better pensions for
&spies. And the agency has par-
ticipated in two of Washing-
ton's most authoritative ritu-
als of bureaucracy: it has been
picketed (by pacifists) and it
has been beaten in a zoning
fight (by, among others, Mn.
Kennedy's stepfather).
THE retirement of Allen
Dulles and the appointment of
'John McCone symbolized for
many the passage ,of C.I.A.
into a new era. Dulles grew
UP in the middle ol its history,
took an active par' in interna-
tional drama, loved Intelligence
case work and was fascinated
by the men who were in the
field. He was succeeded by
McCone, a businessman, be-
lieved to be far more rigid and
doctrinaire, and valued for his
unsentimental talents as an
organizer rather than for his
stimulation of creative indi-
viduals.
There is an irreparable flaw
in any defense C.I.A. makes
for itself: It is, in the best
of circumstances, contrary to
conventional American demo-
cratic philosophy. The Ameri-
can ethic calls for self-deter-
mination by people abroad,
with no outside interference,
and it calls for an enlightened
electorate at home. It is
against secrecy in govern-
ment, its own and others.
Needless to say, this ethic
has always been a goal rather
than a perfect achievement,
but it puts secrecy and .inter-
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OCTOBER 27, 1963
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ference on 'the defensive. The
CIA., more than any other
single agency, represents the
dilemma modern America
faces in a world where it pro-
claims the Derhocratic ethic
but where the consequences of
nuclear miscalculation and
surprise are intolerable.
It Is into this scene of con-
fusion. and anxiety that Con-
gress is now moving, to ex-
ercise its instinct to watch
and control the spending of
money. A joint committee of
both chambers has been' pro-
posed, to act as a select set
of supervisors in the manner
of the Joint Committee on
Atomic Energy. NOthing re-
motely like the surveillance
of atomic-energy matters now
exists for intelligence opera-
tions. Secret operations of
C.I.A. are under the Jurisdic-
tion of a special committee
of the National Security'Coun-
MI, but this is a highly secure
Presidential unit, hardly a
public overseer. There is also
a Presidentially appoint-
ed board of consultants,
consisting of distinguished cit-
izens, but in its first SIX years
it has had a staff of only one
plus a secretary, and its mem-
bers have been both deferen-
tial and incurious.
SUBCOMMITTEES of the
House and Senate Armed Serv-
ices and Appropriations Corn-
, minces have nominal jurisdic-
tion over C.I.A. but they, too,
have acted gingerly. The at-
titude was epitomized by Sen-
ator L,everett Saltonstall, of
Massachusetts, a member of
two of the subcommittees, who
said, after the U-2 affair,' that
he hesitated to probe too far
because "we might obtain in-
formation which I personally
would rather not have."
The House CIA. subcom-
mittee meets about five times
a year and each session lasts
less than three hours. The
Senate subcommittee has had
about the same schedule for
School of Dancing.
Fifth An. Stedion lex. Licensee
681 15th An. El. 6-0830
the last ten years. It is not
likely that there Is a thor-
. ough review In 15 hours a
year of an agency that spends,
more than $500,000,000 in over
70 countries.
. But intelligence executives
are appalled at the idea
of Congressional surveillance,.
The heaviest spectre that
hangs over them is that of the
late Senator McCarthy. But
their fear is even deeper. No
intelligence network in the
world operates in, public. In
its operations, lives are at
? stake, policies 'are in balance
friendly and hostile nations
depend on discretion. The,
agency must move quickly in
crisis, and report to the Pres-
ident in utter candor no mat-
ter how unpopular its mes-
sage.
"I wouldn't mind a man like
Mike Mansfield," one experi-
enced C.I.A.
when I think
a blabber it
cold."
Intelligence
than said, "but
of a wrecker or
turns my blood
operatives re-
NEW YORK ? LONDON ? PARIS. tatH
. 4.5
PORTRAIT
IN OILS
member "Tawny ,Pipit," code
name for a C.I.A. operation
which McCarthy and his ally,
Senator Pat McCarran, both.
ruthless witch hunters, helped
to break up. John Paton Dav-
ies, in 1949 a leading State
Department expert on the Far
East, delvised the plan. It
would have created an Ameri-
can study group on China
made up of distinguished schol-
ars, including some pro-Com-
munists (as well as an unan-
nounced C.LA. man). The
group viould inevitably make
contact with Red China; the
pro-Communists would be-
come the Red Chinese-Russian
contacts inside the study
group. Then _ the C.I.A.
would introduce phony intel-
ligence about Russia to help
sow dissension between the
two Communist allies.
McCARTHY, to publicize
his attacks on Davies, used this
as "evidence" of Davies' "pro-
Communist" sympathies;
:When General Smith of the
C.I.A. told McCarran's Inter-
nal Security Subcommittee the
truth, it was too late to save
either. Davies or "Tawny Pi-
pit."
One alternative to Congres-
? atonal surveillahce is more ex-
plicit responsibility by the
-President and the Secretary of
State. But this, too, presents
a problem. The C.I.A. is a
"dirty" operation and the
President and the Secretary
of State have to stay "clean.
Unpleasant things done in a
cynical world are rarely ad-
mitted by heads of state. And
two exceptions, the 11-2 af-
fair and the Bay of Pigs,
both harmed the' position of
the President of the United
States.
As the glamour of the black
arts decreases, the boldness of
Congress will grow. Yet the
dilemma has no completely
satisfactory solution: secret
intelligence is defeated by
publicity; democracy is de-
feated by not enough.
110
Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2014/01/07 : CIA-RDP65600383R000500080002-2
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