TWO NEW MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 6, 2012
• Sequence Number: 29
• Publication Date: February 2, 1988
• Content Type: MEMO

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WA fa
OCA 88-0281
2 February 1988
MEMORANDUM FOR:( The Director ,
SUBJECT: V Two New Members of the House Intelligence
Committee
On 1 February 1988 two Democratic Congressmen were
appointed as Members of the House Intelligence Committee,
Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA.) and Bill Richardson (D., NM).
They replace the recently deceased Dan Daniel (D., VA) and
Dave McCurdy (D.., OK) who resigned from the Committee in
December.
Mr. Mavroules was born in 1929 in Peabody, MA and he has
been a Member of Congress since 1978. He is a fairly powerful
Member of the Armed Services Committee, though he has clashed
with Chairman Les Aspin over the MX missile issue. He is
considered a liberal Democrat and he voted against aid to the
Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986.
Mr. Richardson was born in 1947 in Pasadena, CA and he is
of Hispanic origin. He has been a Member of Congress since
1982 and the major issues he has followed concern the largely
Hispanic and Indian constituency which he represents in 'New
Mexico. Be, too, is said to be a liberal Democrat. He also
voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986.
Neither of these two new Members has visited the CIA, nor
have we briefed them recently. As we did with new Member Dan
Glickman (D.,, KA) two months ago, we will invite Mr. Mavroules
and Mr. Richardson for a tour of the premises and a series of
introductory briefings in the near future.
irector of Cote, sional Affairs
n L. H e
77
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Pop
OCA 88-0281
2 February 1988
FROM: John L. Helgerso
Director of Congrgs /io'hal Affairs
SUBJECT: Two flew=Members-o he-Ho s ~in~t=e`1~1igence~
Comm-i t to e
On 1 February 1988 two Democratic Congressmen were
appointed as Members of the House Intelligence Committee,
Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA) and Bill Richardson (D., NM).
They replace the recently deceased Dan Daniel (D., VA) and
Dave McCurdy (D., OK) who resigned from the Committee in
December.
'M-r:-Mavroul`es was born in 1929 in Peabody, MA and he has
been a Member of Congress since 1978.' He is a fairly powerful
Member of the Armed Services Committee, though he has clashed
with Chairman Les Aspin over the MX missile issue. He Ls--!,
con-sid_er_e_d-a_1_i-be_ralyDemocra-t---, and he voted against aid to the
Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986.
,Mr--.---R char d-son was born in 1947 in Pasadena, CA and he is
of Hispanic origin. He has been a Member of Congress since
1982 and the major issues he has followed concern the largely
Hispanic and Indian constituency which he represents in New
Mexico. He, too, I-r-s=~8a-:Fd=t-o--be::=a-=l--~-i-be-r-a-1--D-e-m-o-c--r-a-t--. He also
voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986.
Neither of these two new Members has visited the CIA, nor
have we briefed them recently. rA s=we-d=i d w-i;t h _e-w-Me-m-be-r`Da-n
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i n-t r-,ed u c t o-r-y=b-r-i-e f-i n-g=s -i-n t h-e--n-e ar,f-u t-ux,
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3 Bill Richardson (D)
Of Santa Fe - Elected 1982
Born: Nov. 15. 1947, Pasadena. Calif.
Education Tufts U., B.A. 1970. M.A. 1971.
Occupation: Business consultant.
Family: Wife, Barbara Flavin.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career, Executive director, New Mexico
Democratic Party. 1978-80; Democratic nominee for
U.S. House, 1980.
Capitol Office: 332 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6190.
In Washington: Richardson is an aggres-
sive, ambitious man whose penchant for public-
ity makes some colleagues a little wary of him.
But he is a shrewd politician, and he knows
how to work his way into positions of influence.
Sitting on both the Energy and Commerce and
Interior committees, Richardson is in a good
position to pursue issues that are crucial to
New Mexico. and he does so tenaciously.
He possesses superior public relations
skills, and he uses his committee assignments
to attract valuable attention back home. He
sees to it that regular field hearings are held in
his district, and that they are widely reported.
Richardson's desire for attention causes
him problems in the legislative process. Mem-
bers hoping to win his support for a measure
sometimes complain that the only way to do so
is to make him a sponsor and give him a
generous supply of the credit, regardless of how
important his role has been.
Although he bears an Anglo name, Rich-
ardson has a Hispanic background, and has
been a leader on Mexican-American issues.
Early in the 99th Congress Richardson was
chosen as chairman of the Congressional His-
panic Caucus, but he later stepped down saying
that he wanted to spend more time on state-
wide issues in New Mexico. His decision to give
up the chairmanship came at a time of contro-
versy over his support for comprehensive immi-
gration reform legislation, which most members
of the Hispanic Caucus opposed.
The immigration bill combined legaliza-
tion of many illegal aliens already in the United
States with new sanctions against employers
hiring those here illegally. A majority of His-
panics in the House argued against the bill on
the grounds that the sanctions would lead to
discrimination against anyone who looked or
sounded foreign.
Richardson had voted against immigration
reform himself in 1984, but in the 99th Con-
gress he favored a compromise in an effort to
make the bill as palatable to Hispanic interests
as possible. "There's going to be an immigra-
tion bill anyway," he said in 1986. "1 hate to fall
on my sword." Later he voted for the bill that
became law, saying it was "the last gasp for
legalization to take place in a humane way."
If Richardson's work on immigration led to
some tensions within the Hispanic Caucus, it
also may have helped change some minds. In
1984, no members of the Hispanic Caucus
supported the legislation; in 1986, four of 10
members went along with his position.
Another sensitive issue for Richardson has
been U.S. policy toward Nicaragua. In his first
term. Richardson was a staunch critic of Rea-
gan administration efforts to support the con-
tra rebels in that country. But in the 99th
Congress he altered his course, expressing con-
cern about human rights abuses by Nicaragua's
Sandinista regime. In early 1985 he warned
that the Sandinistas needed to "clean up their
act." and a few months later he supported
sending the contras non-military aid. "I am
willing to give the president of the United
States a chance and the benefit of the doubt,"
he said. The House later adopted a Richardson
amendment requiring the president to estab-
lish procedures to ensure that the aid would not
be used for weapons purchases.
In 1986. Richardson opposed administra-
tion efforts to send military aid to the contras.
Instead he joined with Indiana Democrat Lee
H. Hamilton to offer an unsuccessful substitute
package providing 527 million in humanitarian
aid to Nicaraguan refugees as well as funding to
promote regional peace talks.
Richardson pays particular attention to
the needs of American Indians. who have a
significant presence in his district. In the 99th
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New Mexico 3
With three-fifths of its voters either
Hispanic or Indian, the 3rd is decidedly
more liberal and more Democratic than
either of the state's other constituencies.
The population is divided between the
Hispanic counties of northern New Mexico
and the energy-rich Indian lands along the
Arizona border.
Of the two regions. the Hispanic north
is the most loyally Democratic. It includes
six of the seven New Mexico counties car-
ried by Walter F. Mondale in 1984. The
centerpiece of the region is Santa Fe. the
second-largest city in the state. and a pleas-
ant mix of Spanish and Indian cultures has
attracted a steady influx of young Anglos.
The rest of the Hispanic north is pri-
marily mountainous, semi-arid grazing land
that supports some subsistence farming.
Unemployment has been high in the area:
the Mora County jobless rate was well above
30 percent for much of this decade.
An economic oasis is the Anglo commu-
nity of Los Alamos, where the atomic bomb
was developed during World War 11. One of
Congress he sought funding to fight alcohol and
drug abuse among Indians in the giant anti-
drug package. He has also worked on other
Indian health legislation, but those efforts were
frustrated in the 98th Congress, when Presi-
dent Reagan pocket-vetoed an Indian health
package, and in the 99th, when the House and
Senate were unable to resolve differences.
Richardson has been an active player on
Energy and Commerce from his first months on
the committee. In 1983, he teamed with Repub-
lican James T. Broyhill of North Carolina to
offer a producer-oriented version of legislation
governing gas pricing. This was a good deal for
both men. Richardson, by teaming with one of
the chamber's shrewdest legislators, got his
name on a major bill at a stage when most
freshmen were still invisible.
Widely identified as a liberal Democrat on
most issues, Richardson is not an automatic
environmentalist vote on Energy and Com-
merce. When the Transportation Subcommit-
tee began taking up legislation to reauthorize
the "superfund" hazardous-waste cleanup pro-
gram, Richardson resisted a proposal to add
petroleum leaks, including 261 in his home
state, to the list of sites to be cleaned up. Oil
North and West -
Farmington; Santa Fe
the most prosperous counties in the coun-
try, its unemployment rate has been negligi-
ble in the 1980s. Its voters - well educated
and scientifically inclined - are larger
Republicans. But there is a strong moderate
streak in some of those Republicans: John
B. Anderson's presidential bid drew 15 per-
cent in Los Alamos County in 1980.
The Indian country divides more close-
ly at the polls. The Indians, most of them
Navaho, usually vote Democratic. But they
turn out in small numbers and occasionally
bolt to the Republicans - the council for
the Pueblo tribes endorsed Reagan in 1980.
The largest county in the region is San
Juan County, where a conservative Anglo
population settled around Farmington to
tap the vast supply of oil, gas and coal in the
Four Corners area. San Juan County gave
Reagan two-thirds of its vote in 1984.
Population: 432.492. White 272.117 (63%). Black
2.060 (1%). American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 90,403
(21%). Spanish origin 168,577 (39`/0).. 18 and over
280,182 (65%), 65 and over 34,045 (8%) Median age:
26.
and gas companies in New Mexico were con-
cerned that under such a proposal they could
be held partly liable for supplying fuel to local
service stations with leaking tanks. But when
the full committee voted to report superfund
legislation in late 1985, Richardson and nine
other Democrats joined in rejecting it as too
weak.
Richardson also speaks out frequently on
behalf of New Mexico's troubled uranium in-
dustry. In 1985 he offered an amendment to the
authorization bill for the Nuclear Regulatory
Commission allowing the agency to require that
utilities use domestic uranium. He withdrew
the proposal when Interior Chairman Morris K.
Udall promised to hold hearings.
At Home: A former staff member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Richard-
son made his entry into politics in 1978,, when
he moved to Nev.- Mexico to become executive
director of the Democratic State Committee.
Within months he was planning a 1980 congres-
sional campaign against Republican Rep. Ma-
nuel Lujan Jr. He was criticized as a carpetbag-
ger, but he responded that his ethnic heritage
- he was raised in Mexico City by a Mexican
mother and an American father - made
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Bill Richardson, D-N.M.
heavily Hispanic New Mexico a logical home.
By coming within 5,200 votes of the seem-
ingly entrenched Lujan, Richardson became a
star in his state party overnight. When the
northern New Mexico 3rd District was created
the next year, he was the early favorite to win.
His campaign survived some serious prob-
lems. He had to retract a statement in his
literature that identified him as a "top" foreign
policy adviser to the late Sen. Hubert H. Hum-
phrey. Questions about a $100,000 campaign
loan produced a probe by the Federal Election
Commission. Although he was eventually
cleared of any wrongdoing, the probe did bring
his campaign unwanted negative publicity.
Richardson countered the bad press by
campaigning dawn to dusk through the small
towns and pueblos, reaching the Hispanic and
Indian voters who together cast a majority of
the ballots. With his 1980 organization still in
place and a substantial campaign treasury,
Richardson won the four-way primary with 36
percent. In the most loyally Democratic con-
stituency in the state, his win was tantamount
to election.
Richardson has not had serious compe-
tition since then, although at least one of his
campaigns attracted considerable attention. In
1986, he was challenged for re-election by for-
mer. GOP Gov. David Cargo, a whimsical man
Committees
Education and Labor (17th of 21 Democrats)
Elementary. Secondary and Vocational Education; Employment
Opportunities.
Energy and Commerce (18th of 25 Democrats)
Commerce, Consumer Protection and Competitiveness; Energy
and Power; Telecommunications and Finance.
interior and Insular Affairs (15th of 23 Democrats)
National Parks and Public Lands; Water and Power Resources.
Select Aging (31st of 39 Democrats)
Housing and Consumer Interests, Human Services.
Elections
1986 General
Bill Richardson (D)
David F. Cargo (R)
1984 General
Bill Richardson (D)
Louis H. Gallegos (R)
95.760 (71%)
38.552 (29%)
100,470 (61%)
62.351 (38%)
Previous Winning Percentage: 1982 (65%)
District Vote For President
1964 1980 1976
D 77,774 (46%) D 59,788 (40%) D 73,305 (53%)
R 89.612 (53%) R 76,859 (52%) R 63.159 (46%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1986
Richardson (D) $370,329 $244 188 (66%)
(27%) $354 849
6,865
Cargo (R)
who was seeking a political comeback 15 years
after leaving office - following a long absence
from the state.
Cargo managed to land some blows. When
Richardson accepted an honorarium for touring
a southwest Virginia coal mine, the Republican
branded him "Peso Bill" - a move that gener-
ated home-state pressure and eventually
helped encourage Richardson to donate the
money to charity. Unfortunately for Cargo, his
organization and vote-getting abilities did not
match his capacity for one-liners. Richardson.
capitalizing on publicity he received for his
work on a bill to grant a national historic
designation to the Santa Fe Trail, blew Cargo
away with over 70 percent of the vote.
Richardson almost passed up politics for a
career in professional baseball. Following his
boyhood in Mexico City, he moved to the
United States to attend school. At age 18, he
was drafted by the Kansas City (now Oakland)
Athletics. He might still be roaming the base.
ball diamond had an elbow injury not ended his
sports career.
After graduating from Tufts University.
Richardson moved to Washington and found
work in the State Department's congressional
relations office. He subsequently worked for
three years as a Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee staffer before moving to New Mexico.
1964
Richardson (D) $439,746 $258.235 (59%) $425.934
Gallegos (R) $207.831 $27,400 (13%) $201,935
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year
S
0
S 0 S
0
1986
24
76
90
9
52
44
1985
25
71
89
6
33
65
80
1984
31
66
89
9
19
71
1983
16
82
87
9
29
S = Support 0
= Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985) N
Cut tedera! subsidy for water projects (1965) y
Weaken gun control laws (1986) V
Cut back public housing construction (1986) N
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986) N
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986) V
Block chemical. weapons production (1986) y
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-CIO CCUS
1986 75 16 100 41
1985 70 14 76 32
1964 85 17 100 43
1983 95 13 88 20
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6Nicholas Mavroules (D
Of Peabody - Elected 1978
Born: Nov. 1, 1929, Peabody. Mass.
Education: Graduated from Peabody High School.
1947.
Occupation: Personnel supervisor.
Famil)': Wife, Mary Silva; three children.
Religion: Greek Orthodox.
Political Career. Peabody City Council, 1958-61 and
1964-65; mayor of Peabody. 1968-79; candidate for
Peabody City Council, 1955; candidate for mayor of
Peabody, 1961.
Capitol Office: 2432 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-8020.
In Washington: When Mavroules first
arrived in Washington, a small-town Massa-
chusetts mayor with a parochial set of con-
cerns, nobody would have singled him out as a
future activist in national defense policy. But
he has grown into an important player on major
issues. one who has left the Peabody City Hall
far behind.
Mavroules' presence on the Armed Serv-
ices Committee is essentially an accident. His
state delegation wanted someone on the com-
mittee to protect its defense contracting inter-
ests. and Mavroules. as a freshman. drew the
assignment. It was not his first choice, but he
accepted it with the cooperative spirit of a man
who plays by the rules.
In his second term, though. after enduring
some complaints at home that he was too pliant
a leadership loyalist. Mavroules began striking
out on his own. His target was the MX missile.
Over a period of four years. allied with
arms control activists, he negotiated with the
House leadership, sponsored key amendments
and held strategy sessions in his office. He
could claim much of the credit for the cap on
MX development that became law in 1985.
After his high profile on the MX missile.
Mavroules saw himself as an alternative to Les
Aspin as chairman of Armed Services. As early
as July 1986. Mavroules said his candidacy was
"very possible" if the Democratic Caucus did
not re-elect Aspin. Mavroules had been hurt by
Aspin's opposition to him on the MX. "In the
very long run," a dejected Mavroules said after
the vote, "Aspin's position will serve to damage
his credibility or, the Democratic side."
But he never campaigned actively, insist-
ing he was not out to oust Aspin: only when the
caucus gave Aspin a no-confidence vote early in
1987, did he became a candidate. By then, it
was too late for him to emerge as the leading
challenger. Mavroules was eliminated on the
first ballot; eventually Aspin defeated all chair-
manship challengers and won a second term.
The MX battle began in the 98th Con-
gress. with anti-nuclear pressure building from
a burgeoning grass-roots lobbying campaign.
Mavroules and other MX critics made a major
effort to kill the missile once and for all. Their
1984 vehicle was the defense authorization bill,
to which Mavroules offered an amendment
blocking any production of the MX.
After several hours of intricate parliamen-
tary skirmishing. he won a major victory by
forcing the House to vote on his measure. But
when the roll call was held, he lost the war -
his amendment was defeated by three votes.
"We have raised the public awareness of
this issue," Mavroules said. "We have millions
of people watching it and they deserve an up-
or-down vote."
Early in 1985, the issue came up again, and
again Mavroules' side lost, 219-213. But each
new consideration of the MX seemed to place
him in a more central position. In 1985. he
shared leadership duties on the anti-MX side
with fellow-Democrats Les AuCoin of Oregon
and Thomas J. Downey of New York. Mavrou-
les lacked their glibness and knowledge of
overall defense policy. But he also was less
burdened by identification as an unyielding
liberal. and during much of the debate. he
seemed to be the one coordinating strategy as
the MX opponents lobbied to the last vote.
By mid-1985 both sides were weary from
the protracted battle, and appeared ready to
compromise. Mavroules joined the more con-
servative Democratic Rep. Dave McCurdy of
Oklahoma and won a permanent cap of 50 MX
missiles.
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Massachusetts 6
The 6th offers chronically depressed
mill towns. workaday factory cities, com-
fortable suburbs, pockets of aristocratic
wealth and scenic ocean-front villages. Its
vote-heavy areas are at the southern end of
Essex Count}. and are strongly Democratic.
Lynn, historically a shoe-manufactur-
ing center but now home of a large General
Electric Co. aircraft engine plant. is the
6th's largest city. Lynn and nearbv Pea-
body. which was once the largest leather-
processing city in the world. are conserva-
tive Democratic territory. They were crucial
to former Democratic Gov. Edward J. King
in his two Democratic primary battles
against the more liberal Michael S. Dukakis.
Both cities voted for Democrat John Kerry
in the 1984 U.S. Senate contest. but Pea-
body narrowly backed Reagan for president.
East of Peabody is Salem. which resem-
bles it in its Democratic roots and depen-
dence on the electronics industry. Salem's
image. however. is inextricably bound up
with colonial New England's history. It was
the scene of the famous witch trials of the
1690s and later a prosperous port from
which Yankee traders set sail for the Orient
and Europe. Its narrow streets were the
setting for Nathaniel Hawthorne's dark ex-
plorations of the New England psyche.
North of Salem in Essex County, the
aristocratic Yankee tradition provides GOP
votes, although they have tended to be
Mavroules has had his failures. After
chairing a special Armed Services panel on
military procurement reform and steering some
of its recommendations through the House, he
had to struggle with skeptical Senate conferees
to salvage any important changes. When his
colleagues objected that he had given away too
much. Mavroules became defensive and argued
that he had done as well as could be expected.
A second disappointment came as critics of
Reagan's defense buildup focused on reducing
funding for the strategic defense initiative.
Mavroules expected to offer the key floor
amendment. but seniority gave the honor to
Charles E. Bennett of Florida.
Mavroules remains an old-style Massachu-
setts politician. He looks after constituents
personally. holding office hours Mondays and
Fridays back home.
North Shore -
Lynn; Peabody
liberal votes. Suburban Wenham was one of
only three towns in the state where John B.
Anderson outpolled Jimmy Carter in 1980.
In 1984. there was a dramatic change.
?'enham gave about two-thirds of its vote
to both Reagan and Republican Senate can-
didate Rav Shamie.
On the northern coast, maritime inter-
ests are central to Gloucester, home of the
Fisherman's Memorial landmark, and Rock-
port, a historic fishing village deluged with
tourists and artists in the summer. New-
bur yport. whose 19th-century clipper ship
economy gave way to light manufacturing. is
the "Yankee City" singled out for study by
sociologists in the 1920s. In recent years it
has attracted some urban emigrants.
Haverhill, on the New Hampshire bor-
der. won the dubious distinction in a 1981
survey of being named the nation's metro-
politan area with the least desirable "qual-
ity of life." The town's economic base in the
shoe industry long ago disappeared, but
there has been recent growth in the avail-
ability of high-technology jobs, and the
city's comparative) low living costs are
beginning to lure younger professionals who
cannot afford to live in Boston.
Population: 518.841. White 508.101 (98%). Black
5.084 (1%). Spanish origin 5.898 (1%). 18 and over
381191 (74%). 65 and over 68.157 (13%). Median age:
33.
He has been able to use his Armed Services
seat to benefit his district's largest defense
contractor. General Electric Co.. whose plant in
Lynn makes engines for the Navy's F-18 attack
fighters. He also pushed through a bill direct-
ing the Defense Department to use more re-
newable energy technologies. including solar
energy. The city of Beverly, in his district, has
been the site of a photovoltaic demonstration
project.
At Home: It took Mavroules a while to get
settled in his seat. But in 1984. when he won 70
percent of the vote. Mavroules joined the
league of Massachusetts Democrats who rou-
tinely win by hefty margins. In 1986. he ran
without Republican opposition.
As a traditional urban ethnic Democrat.
Mavroules has little in common with the Yan-
kee elite that populates so much of his district.
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He learned his politics in Peabody's City Hall,
where he served a total of 16 years, first on the
City Council and later as mayor.
In 1978, Mavroules sensed that Democratic
Rep. Michael J. Harrington had lost his rap-
port with working-class Democrats. There was
e feeling Harrington had spent too much of his
career on human rights in Chile rather than on
unemployment in Lynn. So Mavroules entered
the primary.
Harrington, however, decided to retire
rather than fight for a fifth full term. Mavrou-
les went on to win the Democratic nomination
against a state representative from Lynn and
an Essex County commissioner who had Har-
rington's endorsement., but little else. Mavrou-
les' victory margin was nearly equal to the
plurality he won in his hometown of Peabody.
In the 1978 general election, Mavroules
faced William E. Bronson, a conservative air-
line pilot who was eager for a second try after
holding Harrington under 55 percent in 1976.
\1-ith stronger party backing, Bronson reduced
his 1976 deficit of 30,000 votes to fewer than
14.000. But the seat went to Mavroules.
Although Bronson wanted still another
chance in 1980, he lost the Republican primary
narrowly to Tom Trimarco, a moderate lawyer
Committees
Armed Services (11th of 31 Democrats)
Investigations: Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems.
Small Business (7th of 27 Democrats)
Procurement. Innovation and Minority Enterprise Development
(chairman).
Nicholas Mavroules (D) 168.662 (70%)
Frederick S. Leber (R) 63.363 (26%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1982 (58%) 1980 (51%)
1978 (54%)
1986 General
Nicholas Mavroules (D)
1984 General
District Vote For President
1984 1980 1976
D 110.771 (45%) D 94,549 (38%) D 132.3841 (53%)
R 137.256 (55%) R 109,933 (44%) R 109.094 (44%)
1 41.896 (17%)
with Italian ethnic support.
Viewed as the strongest candidate Repub-
licans had put up in a decade, Trimarco worked
hard to tie Mavroules to the Carter administra-
tion. He made clear inroads in the district,
holding Mavroules' margins down everywhere
outside the old factory towns - Peabody,
Salem and Lynn - that were responsible for
the Democrat's initial election. Only a 20.000-
vote plurality in those three cities allowed
Mavroules to win.
Trimarco decided to try again in 1982, and
he put together a better-funded and more sol-
idly organized campaign than his first. He
geared his pitch to the blue-collar cities that
had helped Mavroules hang on in 1980.
Trimarco stressed his working-class origins and
tried to put some distance between himself and
the Reagan administration.
But Mavroules was stronger than before.
His work in the House against the MX missile
system had helped him shake his reputation as
an old-fashioned party loyalist who initiated
little on his own, and gave him appeal along the
moderate Republican North Shore. He also
used GOP economic policies effectively against
Trimarco. winning back Democrats who had
defected or sat out the 1980 election.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1986 19 80 87 5 18 80
1985 20 76 87 6 13 87
1984 33 62 87 8 25 75
1983 21 76 87 7 18 80
1982 40 56 85 7 25 70
1981 36 63 84 14 28 72
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985) N
Cut tederal subsidy for water projects (1985) Y
Weaken gun control laws (1986) N
Cut back public housing construction (1986) N
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986) N
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986), Y
Block chemical. weapons production (1986) Y
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986) Y
Campaign Finance
Interest Group Ratings
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
iturea
Year
ADA
ACU
1986
1986
85
5
Marvoules (D)
$235,761
$91,250
(39%)
$184.485
1985
85
10
1984
75
4
1984
1983
85
9
Marvoules)D)
$282.105
$107,568
(381A)
$242,841
1982
80
9
Leber (R)
$10.946
0
$10.897
1981
80
7
AFL-CIO CCUS
93 24
94 27
92 38
100 20
100 19
87 16
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7