ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE 44TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
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CIA-RDP92M00732R000400060007-1
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K
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7
Document Creation Date:
December 23, 2016
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April 22, 2014
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Publication Date:
September 25, 1989
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(New York, New York)
EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
UNTIL 1145 A.M. EDT
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1989
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE 44TH SESSION
OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York
September 23, 1949
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished delegates of
the United Nations: 1 am honored to speak to you today as you
open the 44th Session of the General Assembly.
I would like to congratulate Joseph Garba of Nigeria --
distinguished diplomat -- on his election as President of this
Bosnian of the General Assembly, and I wish him success in his
Presidency.
feel a great personal pleasure on this occasion. This is a
homecoming for me. The memories of my time here in 1971 and 1972
are still with me today -- the human moments -- the humorous
moments -- that are part of even the highest undertaking.
Let me share one story -- from one of the many sessions of the
Security Council. I was 43 minutes late getting to the meeting
-- and all 45 minutes were filled by the first speaker to take. -
the floor. When I walked in and took my seat, the speaker paused
and said with great courtesy: PI welcome the Permanent
Representative of the United States, and now for his benefit
-- I will start my speech again from the beginning." At that
moment, differences of alliance and ideology didn't matter. The
universal groan that wen* up around the table -- from every
member present -- and the laughter that followed -- united us
all,
Today, I would like to begin byrecognizing the current permanent
representatives with whom I served. Roberta Mertines-Ordones,
alsise Rabetafika. Permanent Observer John Dube.
It's wonderful to loe$ aroun4 end see so many familiar faces
foreign ministers, meppere tha Secretariat, delegates. And of
course Mx. Secretary 004era1 you were Permanent Representative
for your country when wok served together $nd Under Secretary Abby
Farah -- you were a Pegmanent Representative back then, too.
It's an honor to be Wok with you in this historic hall.
The United Nations wap witablished 44 vtats ago upon the ashes of
and amidst great hopes. And the.United Nations can do
great things. No, the UN Isn't perfect. It's not a panacea for
the world's problems. gut it is a vital forum where the nations
of the world seek to replace conflict with consensus -- and it
must remain a forum for peace.
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The UN is moving cioser to that ideal. And it ha$ the support of
the United States of America. In recent years -- certainly since
my time here -- the war of words that has often echoed in this
chamber is giving way to a new mood. We've seen a welcome shift
b- from polemics to peacekeeping.
UN Peacekeeping forces are on duty right now -- and over the
years, more than 700 Peacekeepers have given their lives in
service to the United Nations. Today, I want to remember one of
these soldiers of peace. An American -- on a mission of peace
under the UN flag -- on a mission for all the world. A man of
unquestioned bravery and unswerving dedication to the UN ideal:
Lt. Col. William Richard Higgins.
1 call on the General Assembly to condemn the murder of this
soldier of peace -- and call on those responsible to return his
remains to his family. And let us all right now -- right here sa.
rededicate ourselves and our nations to the cause that Colonel
Higgins served so selflessly.
The founders of this historic institution believed that it was
here that the nations of the world might come to agree that law
-- not force -- shall govern. And the United Nations NIA play a
fundamental role in the central issue of our time. FOr today,
there is an idea at work around the globe ? an idea of
undeniable force. That idea isi Freedom.
Freedom's advance is evident everywhere, In Central XI:ropes In
Hungary -- where state and societA, are now in the midst of a
movement towards political pluralasm and a free market economy.
Where the barrier that once enforced an unnatural division
between Hungary and its neighbors to the West has been torn down
-- replaced by a new hope for the future -- new hope in freedom.
We see freedom at work in Poland ?- where, in deference to the
will of the people, the Communist Party has relinquished its
monopoly on power. And in the Soviet Union 4.- where the world
hears the voices of people no longer afraid to speak out, or to
assert the right to rule themselves.
But freedom's march lx not confined to a single continent -- or
to the developed world alone.
We see the rise of freedom in Latin America -- where, one by one,
dictatorships are giving way to democracy.
We ace jean the continent of Africa -- where more and more
nations see in the system,of free enterprise, salvation for
economies crippled by excessive state control.
East and West -- North and Southr on every continent, on every
tiorison, we can sii Ore olitibreir ireY of freediiii.
Of course, freedom's work;iimiins unfinished. The trend we see
is not yet universal. SON regimes still stand against the tide.
Some rulers still deny trt right of the people to govern
themselves. But now, thoapower of prejudice and despotism is
challenged. Never befOre have these regimes stood so isolated
and alone -- so out of"etep with the steady advance of freedom.
Today, we are witnessing an ideological collapse the demise of
the totalitarian idea of the omnisciento.all-powerful State.
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There are many reasons for this collapse. .2ut in the end, one
fact alone explains what we see today: Advocates of the
totalitarian idea saw its triumph written in the laws of history.
They failed to see the love of freedom written in the human
heart.
Two hundred years ago today, the United States Congress proposed
the Bill of Rights fundamental freedoms belonging to every
individual. Rights no government can deny. Those same rights
have been recognized in this congress of nations -* in the words
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, "a common standard
of achievement for all peoples and all nations."
From where we stand -- on the threshold of this new world of
freedom -- the trend is clear enough. If, for those who write
the history of our times, the 20th century is remembered as the
century of the State the 21st must be an era of emancipation
4.4. the age of the Individual.
Make no mistake: Nothing can stand in the way of freedom's'
march. There will come a day when freedom is seen the world over
to be, the universal birthright of every man and woman -- of every
race and walk of life. Even under the worst of circumstances, at
the darkest of times, freedom has always remained alive -- a
distant dream, perhaps, but always alive.
Today, that dream is no longer distant. For the first time, for
millions around the world -- a new world of freedom is within
reach. Today -- is freedom's moment.
You see, the possibility now exists for the creation of a true
community of nations -- built on shared interests and ideals. A
true community -- a world where free governments and free markets
meet the rising desire of the people to control their own
destiny: to live in dignity, and to exercise freely their
fundamental human rights.
It is time we worked together to deliver that destiny into the
hands of man and women everywhere.
Our challenge is to strengthen the foundations of freedom ..
encourage its advance, and face our most urgent challenges. The
global challenges of the 21st Century: economic health,
environmental well-being, and the great questions of war and
peace.
rirst, global economic growth. During this decade, a number of
developing nations have moved into the ranks of the world's most
advanced economies -- all of them -- each and every one
-- powered by the engine of free enterprise.
In the decade ahead, others can join their ranks, nut -- for
Meny.netiona.-. barriers stand in the way. 2n the case of some
Countries, these are obstacles of their own maxingt unnasamm
restrictions and regulations that act as dead weights on their
own economies and obstacles to foreign trade.
But other barriers to growth exist, and those too require
effective action. Too many developing countries struggle today
under a burden of debt that makes growth all but impossible. The
measure of control over their own economic fate, and build better
Y to achieve a
nations of the world deserve e,hetter opportunity
lives for their own people.
put forward .... the Brady plan a.... will
that debt -- and At the same time
reforms that will fuel growth.
The approach the U.S. has
help these nations reduce
encourage the free market
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In just two days Z will be speaking to the International Monetary
Fund and World Bank. I'll discuss there in more detail steps our
nations can take in dealing with the debt problem. But I can say
now: The new world of freedom is not a world where a few nations
live in comfort, while others live in want.
The power of commerce is a force for progress. Open markets are
the key to continued growth in the developing world. Today, the
United States buys over one-half of the manufactured exports that
all the developing nations combined sell to the industrialised
world. It's time for the other advanced OCO4ottal. to follow suit
-- to create expanded opportunities for trade.
I believe we'll learn in the century ahead that many nations of
the world have barely begun to tap their true potential for
development. The free market and its fruits are not the special
preserve of a few. They are a harvest everyone can share.
Beyond the challenge, of global growth lies another issue of
global magnitude: the environment. No line drawn on a map can
stop the advance of pollution. Threats to our environment have
become an international problem. We must develop an
international approach to urgent environmental issues -- one that
seeks common solutions to common problems.
The United Nations is already at work. On the question of global
warming. In the effort to prevent oil spills and other disasters
from fouling our seas and the air we breathe.
And I will tell you now: The United States will do its part.
We've committed ourselves to the world-wids phase-out of all
chloroflourocarbons by the year 2000. We've proposed amending
our Clean Air Act to ensure clean air for our citizens within a
single generation. We've banned the import of ivory to protect
the elephant and rhinoceros from the human predators who
exterminate them for profit.
And We have begun to explore ways to work with other nations
with the major industrialised democracies, in Poland and in
Hungary -- to make common cause for the sake of our environment.
The environment belongs to all of us. In our new world of
freedom, the world's citizens must enjoy this common trust for
generations to come.
Global economic growth -- the stewardship of our planet -- both
are critical issues. But as always, questions of war and peace
must be paramount to the United Nations.
We must move forward to limit and eliminate -- weapons of mass
destruction. Five years ago, at the UN Conference on Disarmament
in Geneva, I presented a U.S. draft treaty outlawing chemical
weapons. Since then, progresa has been made -- but time is
rimniTs Tho throat is entwine. more than 20 nations now
possess chemical weapons or the capability to produce tnem. fliaW
these horrible weapons are now finding their way into regional
conflicts. This is unacceptable.
For the sake of mankind, we must halt and reverse this threat.
Today, I want to announce steps the U.S. is ready to take --
steps to rid ths world of these truly terrible weapons -- towards
a treaty that will ban, eliminate, all chemical weapons from the
earth ten years from the day it is signed.
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This initiative contains three major elements:
First, in the first eight years of 4 chemical weapons treaty, the
U.S. is ready to destroy nearly all di... 98% -- of our chemical
weapons -- stockpile -- provided the Soviet Union joins the ban.
I think they will.
Second, we are ready to destroy all of our chemical weapons --
100%, every one -- within ten years, once all nations capable of
building chemical weapons sign the total ban treaty.
And third, the U.S. is ready to begin now. We'll eliminate more
than aca of our stockpile -- even as we work to complete a treaty
-- if the Soviet Union joins us in cutting chemical weapon:: to an
equal level, and we agree on inspections to verify that
stockpiles are destroyed.
We know that monitoring a total ban on chemical weapons will be a
challenge. But the knowledge we've gained from our recent arms
control experience -- and our accelerating research in this area
-- makes me believe we can achieve the level of verification that
gives us confidence to go forward with the ban.
The world has lived too long in the shadow of chemical werfare.
Let us act together -- beginning today to rid the earth of
this scourge.
We are serious about achieving conventional arms reductions as
well. That's why we tabled new proposals just last Thursday at
the Conventional Forces in Europe negotiations in Vienna %-
proposals that demonstrate our commitment to act rapidly to ease
military tensions in Europe, and move the nations of that
continent one step closer to their common destiny: a Europe
whole and free.
And the United States is convinced that open and innovative
measures can move disarmament forward and also ease
international tensions. .That's the idea behind the Open Skies
propose' the Soviets have now indicated they are willing to
pursue. It's the idea behind the Open Lands proposal --
permitting, for the first time ever, free travel for all Soviet
and American diplomats throughout each other's countries.
Openness is the enemy of mistrust and every step towards a
more open world is a step towards the new world we seek.
And let me make this comment on our meetings with Soviet Foreign
Minister Shevardnadze over the past few day.. I am very pleased
by the progress we made. The Soviet Union removed a number of
obstacles to progress on conventional and strategic arms
reductions. We reached agreements in principle on issues
from verification to nuclear testing. And of course, we agreed
to a summit in the spring or early summer of 1990.
Each of these achievements is important in its own right -- but
they are more imnortant still aa 'tans of a new attitude that
prevails between the U.S. and USSR. aerie:la astserenuma ac4$$a4.6
-- but the willingness to deal constructively and candidly
with those differences is news that we -- and indeed the world --
must welcome.
We have not entered an era of perpetual peace. The threats to
peace that nations face may today be changing -- but they have
not vanished. In fact, in a number of regions around the world,
a dangerous combination is now emerging: Regimes armed with old
and unappeasable animosities ? and modern weapons of mass
destruction.
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This development will raise the stakes whenever war breaks out,
Regional conflict may well threaten world peace as never before.
The challenge of preserving peace is a personal one for all of
you here in this hall. The United Nations can.be a mediator -- a
forum where parties in conflict come in search of peaceful
solution..
For the sake of peace, the UN must redouble its support for the
peace efforts now underway in regions of conflict all over the
world. And let me assure you: The U.S. is determined to take an
active role in settling regional conflicts. Sometimes, our role
in regional disputes is and will be highly public. Sometimes,
like many of you, we work quietly behind the scenes. But
always -- we are working for positive change and lasting peace.
Out world faces other, less conventional threats -- no less
dangerous to international peace 4nd stability. Illegal drugs
are a menace to social order and a source of human misery.
wherever they gain a foothold. The nations who suffer this
scourge must join forces in the fight. And we are. Let me
salute the commitment and extraordinary courage of one country in
particular -- Colombia -- where we are working with the people
and their President, Virgilio flame), to put the drug cartels out
of business, and bring the drug lords to justice.
Finally, we must join forces to combat the threat of terrorism.
Every nation -- and the united Nations must send the outlaws
of the world a clear messages Rootage taking and the terror of
random violence are methods that cannot win the world's approval.
Terrorism of any kind is repugnant to all values 4 civilized
world holds in common. And make no mistakes Terrorism is 4
means that no end no matter how just ? can sanctify.
Whatever the challenge, freedom greatly raises the chances of our
success. Freedom's moment im a time of hope for all the world.
Because freedom -- once set in motion -- takes on a momentum of
its own.
As 2 said the dal I aseumed the Presidency: "We don't have to
talk late into the night about which form of government is
better." We know that free government -- democracy -- is best.
/ believe that is the hard-won truth of our time -- the
unassailable fact that still stands at the end of a century of
great struggle and human suffering.
And this is true not because all our differences must give way to
democracy -- but because democracy makes room for all our
differences. In democracy, diversity finds its common home.
At the very heart of the democratic ideal is respect -- for
freedom of belief, freedom of thought and action in all its
diversity -- for human rights. The world has experienced enough
of the ideologies that have promised to remake man in some new
and better image. We've seen the colossal tragedies and dashed
hopes. we know now that etudes and democracy NIA saanzal
What men and nations want is the freedom to live by their own
lights, and a chance to prosper in peace.
When 2 began today, I spoke to you about peacekeeping. I want to
speak to you now about peacemaking. We must bring peace to the
people who have never known its blessings.
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There's a painting that hangs on the wall of my office in the
White House. It pictures President Lincoln and his generals,
meeting near the end of a war that remains the bloodiest in
American history. Outside, at that moment, a battle rages. And
yet what we see in the distance is a rainbow a symbol of hope,
of the passing of the storm. That painting is called "The
Peacemakers." For me, it is a constant reminder that our
struggle -- the struggle for peace -- is a struggle bleseed by
hope.
do remember sitting in this hall. I remember the mutual
respect among all of us proudly serving as representatives. I
remember the almost endless speeches, Security Council sessions.
The receptions and receiving lines. The formal meetings of this
Assembly -- and the informal discussions in the Delegates'
Lounge.
? And I remember something more. Something beyond the frantic pace
and sometimes frustrating experiences of daily life here: The
heartbeat of the United Nations -- the quiet conviction that we
could make the world more peaceful. More free.
What we sought then, now lies within our reach. I ask each of
you here in this hall: Can we not bring a unity of purpose to
the United Nations? Can we not make this new world of freedom
the common destiny we seek?
I believe we can. I know we must.
My solemn wish today is that here -- among the United Nations --
that spirit will take hold, and that all man and all nations will
make freedom's moment their own.
Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the work of the
United Nations.
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