THE HUNGARIAN STUDENT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80T00246A004000470002-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 16, 2011
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: October 23, 1956
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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On the Late Hungarian Massacre
By F. Mark Davis
THE BLOOD of our brothers cries out from the ground,
As Rachel our mother weeps over her slain,
Fallen at Kilian. Again we are bound;
And alone we tread out the winepress in pain.
In words, multitude, the nations now clamor,
Resolve, passing censure against the oppressor,
While thousands desert the dread sickle and hammer
At the frightful exposure. They seek a confessor.
But the foe, crafty, taunts us, "Men forget past events,
And your plea, `Come and help lest you suffer our fate,'
Will be drowned in the din of new world ferment."
Even now in our ranks some murmur, "Too late."
Is it nothing to you, all you who pass by,
That a people, a nation, for freedom now die?
as printed in Christianity Today, Volume 1, No. 19
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The Hungarian Student
October 23, 1956
"We Hungarians live in the purg-
ing fire of the times. Across our
thousand-year-old history flash the
deeds of our heroes, the bright words
of our poets. We cannot evade our
loyalty." (Tamasi)
THE CALL of our blood ranged us
with martyrs of bygone days. Tem-
pered by a decade of trials, we
launched a superhuman effort to save
our nation.
Only the Creator knows what force
kept life's flame alight through every
storm. On the black scrolls of crushed
revolts, history records in gilt letters
the names of our martyrs. Yet the
past failed to dismay us or sap our
strength and faith. Rising at the call
of Destiny to defend the rights of
nations and individuals, we again
manned Europe's outer ramparts.
"The aged tree of Time sheds its
leaves." (Arany) A lost generation
wanders, stumbling, across the sere
remains of the past, searching for
a straight path through the miasma
which for a dozen years has hidden
the wavering future.
For an instant our small nation
sent a ray of light into the dark,
revealing the true face of the mad-
ness threatening civilization, tearing
aside the veil of bland hypocrisy. But
alas, the ensuing holocaust reduced
our hopes to ashes. Still, we trust that
the flames at least will rouse the free
world from its slumber.
No longer can any man ignore our
monument to freedom, inscribed with
the unforgettable date-October 23,
1956-when we rose to wash clean
with our blood the sullied image of
human ideals, and proclaimed to the
dull ear of materialists that beyond
their earthly wallow is something
worth living and even dying for.
Ours is a time of unanswered
questions that block creative force,
clip the wings of thought, cramp the
will. What else could we have done
in that stifling uncertainty than to
reply for ourselves and the world in
our own way?
This reply has marked for us a
path from which we may not stray,
the path of human dignity. In letters
of blood it spells out the duty of
those who should have seen but
didn't, or wouldn't.
Now the light is snuffed out, and
again the old miasma chokes a riven
Europe. Terror grips our towns and
villages. For its valiant stand our
youth has earned prison or exile. The
dreams of our poets have been tram-
pled. A nation lies in chains for hav-
ing dared to claim its due.
For an instant let us stay the rush
of time and from this milestone view
the road ahead. True, our lives are
shorter by a year, our wounds still
bleed; but we do not vaunt our hurt.
We seek understanding, not pity. Re-
membrance of our heroic dead will
evoke, we trust, not just sorrow but
emulation.
Bearing embers of that October
pyre to the West, we speak in exile
for those who cannot speak. Our voice
is the voice of compatriots who met
doom with a song on their lips. Our
heart beats also for those who saw
death as a release from dungeons
and torture. Being one with them, our
goals have not changed, only our
methods. Speaking as friends to
friends, we try over and over to rouse
the world to a realization slow in
dawning.
Perhaps our speech and admoni-
tion still fall strangely on Western
ears. Yet would any man of honor
fail to warn his host against the
arsonist? And who knows better his
cruel visage than we who faced him
for a decade and hurled his own
torch in his face?
Recalling October, we hear the
blast of machine guns, the voice of
martyrs intoning our national prayer.
You remember the headlines and ra-
dio bulletins. We know that youth in
the West stood by us when we could
not ask this. Now we ask youth to
support us again, that our voice may
be strengthened. At stake is not only
the life of a small nation, but civiliza-
tion and human dignity.
Trams run now where barricades
stood, and the wounds of shelltorn
houses have healed. But our borders
are sealed once more with mines and
barbed wire. The rains have washed
away the blood of heroes. Thick pris-
on walls mute the screams of th~~
tortured. In Budapest people are for--
bidden even to remember.
Only we can voice the thoughts of
those back home; only we can pay
tribute to that autumn when our
youth's blood stained red the fields
and streets. In plighting our hearts
to the mission fate has assigned us,
we speak also for those who, under
the shadow of the knout, make their
vows in silence. We shall be true to
our martyred dead-nor will anything
ever still in us the clarion call of li-
berty !
by Joseph Takacs
Translated by Alex Harsanyi
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The Hungarian Student
Hungarian University Life, 1949-1956
ONE of the major demands of the
university students who set the Hun-
garian revolution in motion was the
restoration of the universities' au-
tonomy. Let us examine the meaning
of university autonomy in Hungary
and why and how the Communist
government has abolished this auton-
omy.
One of the essential facets of uni-
versity autonomy is the university
council's right and duty to make de-
cisions on all matters pertaining to
the university. The university profes-
sors are the members of the univer-
sity council. Every year the council
elects a rector and also the deans who
preside over the faculties. For the
duration of their mandates the rec-
tor and the deans represent the uni-
versity, or the faculties.
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The council commissions the uni-
versity professors to their positions,
and the rector appoints the assistants
and other employees to their positi-
tions on the basis of recommenda-
tions by the university professors.
The subjects to be taught as well
as the entire educational program are
determined by the university council.
Admissions to the university are
under the jurisdiction of the dean, or
ultimately, the rector, as are all dis-
ciplinary matters.
Prior to 1949 university autonomy
at the faculties of law and arts meant
students' free selection of lectures
and free attendance at lectures. At
the Technical University, where the
curriculum was more narrowly de-
fined, the time of examination could
be selected freely.
The students were at liberty to
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Schedule of Courses, 1937-1938
42 hours a week of Gcomctrc, Mechanics, Metallurgy, Chemist y, and
machine-shop work. 2 boors for gym are the only non-technical time
allocations.
establish associations, and every uni-
versity had its own completely in-
dependent sports club.
On the whole the university stu-
dent was free to pass examinations
at a time chosen by himself. Even at
the Technical University, where the
system of examinations was relative-
ly restricted, the student was not
compelled to pass examinations at
the ends of the semesters, or the first
university examination for a degree
before the beginning of the third ses-
sion.
One of the best known visible in-
dications of the university's auton-
omy consisted of the fact that the
police had no right to enter the
premises of the university, except
when it had been asked to do so by
the rector. However, such police in-
terventions occurred only in cases
where common crimes seemed to have
been committed.
All these practices had a long tra-
dition in Hungary and the teachers
as well as the students believed
in them. As, however, none of the
forms of autonomy are compatible
with the Communist system, the
Communist government tried to
put an end to university autono-
my for both teachers and stu-
dents. The government appointed
men to become professors of uni-
versities who had very little, if
anything, to do with science or the
universities. This was a clear viola-
tion of the principle of university
autonomy. Thus for instance Ferenc
Biro, Matyas Rakosi's brother, was
appointed professor of the Technical
University of Budapest. Rakosi was
the Communist dictator of Hungary.
The Communists interfered in the
election of deans and rectors and
several times they appointed men as
heads of universities or academies
who were actively disliked by profes-
sors and students and who owed their
positions exclusively to party mem-
bership. Owing to the fact that the
professors put up strong resistance
to the regime demands, some renown-
ed university professors were arrest-
ed on trumped-up charges, pensioned
ahead of time, or dismissed, in order
to intimidate the others. Some fa-
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The Hungarian Student
mous academies of old standing were
abolished completely. For instance,
all provincial agricultural academies
were abolished in predominantly
agricultural Hungary. The universi-
ties of economy and law were com-
pletely reorganized and major stum-
bling blocks were placed in the path
of theological faculties. A Commu-
nist governmental decree included as
members of the University Council,
in addition to the university profes-
sors,, the party secretary of the
university, the leader of the person-
nel department, the trade union pre;:-
ident (functioning under total party
control) and the representative of
the Communist youth organization
DISZ. Further, various "external ex-
perts," most of whom were party
men, were seated as members of the
university councils. Miklos Csillag,
who had been the leader of the chief
section for agricultural mechaniza-
tion in the Ministry of Agriculture
and who went to the United States in
this capacity last year as an official
government delegate (having no
knowledge of the mechanization of
agriculture), was a member of one
of the faculties of the university
council of the University for Agrar-
ian Science. His only qualification
was his colse relationship with Ma-
tyas Rakosi. Under such conditions
the university council was, of course,
unable to function properly. The
election of assistants and other em-
ployees was taken entirely from the
hands of the professors or deans.
This work was done by the heads of
the personnel departments.
The subjects to be taught were de-
cided upon not by the university, but
by the government. The number of
weekly hours was set at 36, maxi-
mum. Four out of these 36 hours con-
sisted of Marxism-Leninism, two of
Russian language, three of defense
and, during the first two sessions,
two of gymnastics. Thus only 25 or
27 hours were alotted to major sub-
jects. Apart from the weekly four
hours of Marxism-Leninism other
purely political subjects were taught
(planned economy, organization of
socialist enterprises, etc.)
The students suffered grave grie-
vances in the method of admis-
sions. In the past no admission
examinations were required at Hun-
garian universities, because the stu-
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Schedule of Courses. 1953-1954
38 hotus ttcekh, oniv 28 of which are devoted to regular studies.
The remaining III horns are: Marxism, I hours; national (1efense, 3
hours; Russian language. 2 hours; gent, I hour.
dents were selected on the basis of
the middle-school diploma. In 1949
the system of admission examinations
was introduced, which in itself would
not have been wrong. However, as
a rule admissions were not granted
on the basis of the results of the ad-
mission examinations, but exclusively
on the basis of the student's "origin."
The admission examinations were
conducted by the professors, but the
admissions themselves by a commit-
tee of party men. This committee
classified the students only accord-
ing to origin, and thus admitted a
great number of students who had
been rejected by the examining com-
mittee. Obviously, the great majority
of these students had to leave the
university during the first year. Des-
pite this the government continued
to admit third-rate students who suf-
fered the same fate one year later.
On the other hand the government
prohibited university admission to
many an intelligent, ambitious youth
merely because of "origin."
The "Categories of Origin" were
the following:
1) Worker origin (children of in-
dustrial workers. However, this
meant that the parents had been
workers originally. If they had been
clerks, craftsmen, merchants or sol-
diers and were now working as in-
dustrial workers, they were not con-
sidered workers.)
2) Pca,ant origin (primarily the
children of kolkhoz members, secon-
darily the children of the owners of
a few acres of land. Peasants owning
15 to 20 acres of land were clas-
cified "class-alien kulaks.")
3) Intelligentsia (academic back-
ground, or diploma from a teacher's
school.)
4) Employee (clerks, railway,
postal service and other public serv-
ants' children.)
((.onl'nuen on page 4)
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dents applying for admission from
party secretaries and other person-
nel departments. Small wonder that
students against whose parents per-
sonnel department chiefs had de-
veloped a grudge were forever barred
from the universities.
Certain percentage figures were
taken into consideration in admis-
sions to universities. Thirty to forty
percent of all students had to be of
worker origin, 15-20 % students
whose parents were classified as "in-
telligentsia," 25-30%/o students of
peasant origin, 10-15/% students
whose parents were classified as em-
ployees, 5-10 %/> students of other
origin and only very exceptionally,
students whose parents had been
"class-aliens."
The admittance examination cov-
ered four subjects. A maximum num-
ber of 26 points could be achieved.
Students who failed on every ques-
tion got a total of 4 points. Theoreti-
cally a total of 12 points was needed
to be admitted to the university. How-
ever, students of worker and peasant
origin were admitted with 9 or
even 8 points. Students whose parents
The Hungarian Student
5) Other (small-craftsmen, small
merchants, and independent occupa-
tions.)
6) Class-aliens (those whose pa-
rents ever had more than one em-
ployee, had been army officers or
state officials of rank during or be-
fore World War II, or had land ex-
ceeding 20 acres. Naturally children
whose parents had been imprisoned
or interned without a valid verdict
by a court were also listed in this
category.)
The children of party functionaries
were naturally placed in category one
with complete disregard for the orig-
inal profession of their parents.
This classification system has never
been made public. A confidential
decree, the details of which were
unknown to the public, contained
provision for this system of catego-
ries. The personnel departments a-
lone had copies of the decree and
the employees of the personnel de-
partments had exclusive jurisdiction
over the assignment of admitted
students to the various categories.
The university personnel depart-
ments obtained information on stu-
University Students' Demands
had been members of the intelligent-
sia had to have 15 points, "employ-
ees" and students of "other" origin
20-22 points. So-called "class-aliens"
were admitted only if they had scored
a total of 25-26 points on the admis-
sion examination. However, they had
to have a special Ministry of Edu-
cation permit to attend the universi-
ties.
A middle-school graduation dip-
loma as a prerequisite for university
admission was required only for reg-
ular daytime courses, and this too
only during the two years preceeding
the revolution. For years students had
been admitted to the universities
without a middle-school graduation
diploma, or having passed so-called
"specialized matriculation degree"
courses lasting only a few months
after successful graduation from the
"general school" (6-8 years). The
universities also had evening and cor-
respondence courses. The great ma-
jority of students enrolled in these
courses had no middle-school back-
ground. Also the time spent on teach-
ing in these courses was shorter than
in the regular daytime courses. Na-
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The Hungarian Student
turally there were some outstanding
students among those attending
evening or correspondence courses
too, but the majority were unable to
hold their own at the university and
later, after graduation, in life. The
government's main interest in the
correspondence courses was to give
diplomas to persons who had been
given a high position but did not have
a proper educational background.
No matter how selective the regime
was in respect to university students,
it did not trust them. It forced the
Communist youth organization upon
them by making it compulsory to join
DISZ. The students were divided in-
to groups of 20-22 and each group
had a leader, a DISZ representative
and an "absenteeism trustee." The
various classes had separate DISZ
leaderships and the universities, or
faculties, had DISZ top committees.
This cell system paralyzed the stu-
dents completely. The DISZ leader, in
combination with the trustee in
charge of students' political screen-
ing cards and the party secretary,
awarded the insignificant amounts
paid to students as stipends. Until
1953 the awarding of stipends had
been based exclusively on "origin."
The amount of the stipends also de-
pended on these three party per-
sonalities.
The famous university sports clubs
were disbanded, and all universities
had a common sports club called Ha-
ladas, (progress). The leadership of
this club consisted mainly of party
functionaries.
Methods borrowed from the dark
ages were put into effect during
examinations. The old, well-function-
ing system of university examina-
tions was abolished and the system
of "state examinations" substituted
for it. The state examination's
most important subject was Marx-
ism-Leninism, the second most im-
portant subject Russian language and
the third (and least important) part
of the examination consisted of re-
gular subjects. Only the third part
was directly related to the qualifi-
cations needed for the diploma.
One of the most serious grievances
of graduated students was their in-
ability to choose a job freely. After
graduation they had to practice in
their profession for two years.
This meant that after graduating,
a student had to take up a job assign-
ed to him by the government. The
result of this was that the graduated
students had to work for very low
salaries in jobs which they them-
selves disliked.
The students as well as the profes-
sors always knew that this system
was wrong. Dissatisfaction grew in-
creasingly and in October, 1956, the
students put down their demands in
writing. On October 23 these de-
mands set in motion the revolution
of the Hungarian people against the
Communist system.
Imre Farkas, former Chairman,
Faculty of Mathematics and
Physics, University of Agrarian
Science.
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Youth Organizations and the Revolt
THE PARTY was never sure of the
allegiance of the youth. However,
open clashes did not occur in great
numbers before the end of 1955.
From then on the "chauvinism, na-
tionalism, political indifference, anti-
political attitude, clericalism, insin-
cerity, egotism and belittling of so-
cialist achievements" of the youth
had become staple topics of the news-
papers.
After the XXth Party Congress
the attacks upon the youth under-
went certain changes : whereas be-
fore the Congress the youth and its
educators had been made directly re-
sponsible for shortcomings, after-
ward the Communist Youth Associa-
tion was blamed.
On May 21 to 23, 1956, the Central
Leadership of the DISZ held a con-
ference. The resolution passed at this
meeting expressed the organization's
strong self-criticism:
"There are grave shortcomings in
the work of the DISZ organiza-
tions. .. .
a) The effect of the cult of per-
sonality on the work of our
Association has been our un-
derrating or disregarding the
role, creative force, opinion,
and demands of the masses of
youth....
b) We have restricted the spon-
taneous activity of the youth
organizations. ... In this at-
mosphere the initiative of the
masses of youth became al-
most completely submerg-
ed. ...
c) As a result of this policy of
holding aloof from the de-
mands of the masses, for-
malism became rampant in
the work of the DISZ.... The
covering up of errors and
shortcomings became a habit
as did the embellishment of
reality.
The Executive Committee of the
Central Leadership of the DISZ is
primarily to blame for this situa-
tion."
The resolution mentioned several
tasks whose fulfillment would lead to
the rectification of shortcomings.
However, it simultaneously upheld
the slogan: "Fidelity to the Party,"
which had been the source of all
"shortcomings."
During the summer, attacks were
directed against the "omnipotence"
of the Party in questions pertaining
to youth. The resolution of the Cen-
tral Committee of the MDP (Hun-
garian Workers' Party) on some
problems relating to the policy on
the intelligentsia (Social Review,
August, 1956) rehabilitated the in-
telligentsia living outside the confines
of the party. This freed pedagogy
from the dictatorship of party men.
Between October 1 and 6, 1956,
leading Hungarian educators held a
conference at Balatonfured. At this
conference they tore apart the Com-
munist educational policy in Hun-
gary. At the end of the conference a
resolution was passed. This resolu-
tion was entitled "The Platform of
Fured," and in it Hungarian edu-
cators came out courageously in de-
fence of freedom of culture:
"The participants of the debate
have unanimously come to the con-
clusion that the indispensable pre-
requisite of all further progress is
the freedom of pedagogical research,
the freedom of scientific criticism and
the inclusion on the broadest front of
all creative forces into education....
No power shall ever be able to divert
us from courageously serving truth,
the Hungarian people and the cause
of the Hungarian child." (Public
Education, October 15, 1956, p. 1.)
On September 28, 1956, the Petofi
Circle debated the problems of edu-
cation. Several participants of the
debate demanded that the education
of the youth be separated from daily
politics and that "general, objective
truths" be taught. (Public Education,
October 15, 1956).
Parallel with the educators' efforts
at democratization, the students too
demanded more freedom in studies
as well as organization. This move-
ment led to the famous students'
meeting at Szeged on October 16,
1956, in the course of which the uni-
versity students abandoned the Com-
munist youth organization, DISZ, and
formed an organization of their own,
the MEFESZ. The other university
students of the country followed their
example.
The MEFESZ started to organize,
or rather to re-organize itself, on
October 16, 1956. During the revolu-
tion several other youth organiza-
tions were established, but MEFESZ
maintained a leading role until the
end. After the revolution the univer-
sity students and their organization
unanimously opposed the Kadar re-
gime.
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The Hungarian Student
Youth Speaks
Excerpts from Radio Kossuth Broad-
casts, October 22, 1956.
1) "...Tonight the students of the
University of Economics in Budapest
have started their important general
meeting. The students of this Uni-
versity, as well as representatives of
other universities, professors and de-
legates of the workers' youth, parti-
cipated in the general discussion. The
main topic was a proposed proclama-
tion sponsored by the presidium of
the meeting, concerning political
demands which are supported by the
party committee of the university
and by the faculty.
The proclamation's preface points
out that the students wish to continue
in the spirit of constructive marxism,
but are oposed to stalinism. The stu-
dents have two tasks to fight for:
the demand for true democracy both
in the political and economic aspects
of life, and the annihilation of all
radical provocation and anarchism.
All the demands were summarized in
22 points. Several of these concern
problems on the national level, others
express the most urgent demands of
the university students. Political
questions center on the demand for
independant governmental policies
both at home and abroad relating
to the real interests of the country.
The students demand the reinstal-
lation of Imre Nagy to government
and Party leadership. The emotional
climax of the meeting was the ex-
pression of brotherly feelings and
solidarity with the Polish people in
their heroic fight.
An exciting debate developed a-
Revolutionary 11) Gard
round the question of whether the
students should maintain the old
framework of DISZ or should
join the new MEFESZ. The general
tendency was toward the new ME-
FESZ, supported by Professor Bela
Fogarasi, who emphasized the im-
portance of the continued unity of
the youth."
2) "... The leaders of the Petofi
Circle held a meeting tonight.
A full-scale debate developed on
the country's most important prob-
lems. A resolution was passed to
summarize the thoughts and demands
of the intellectuals and students as
voiced during this fall. Although the
final text is not yet available, the
resolution will request that due to
the extraordinary situation of the
country the Central Committee of
the Party be called to order as soon
as possible. Imre Nagy must be in-
vited. Another part of the resolution
asks that popular politicians who
fought for democratic socialism and
i+GAZO v N.Y.
A Magyar Fo n.-t-1M srnya
for the ideas of Lenin be invited in-
to the highest leadership of Party
and State. The resolution will also
call for a revision of the second five
year plan and a positive program to
solve the financial and social prob-
lems of the country."
A anento' nyilatkozata
Melyseges feihAborod5ssal este-
siiltu?nk a nemzetgyilkos AVH-nak
arr61 az alias merbnyleter6l, amely-
lyel az Orszagos Ment6szolgAlat be.
csiiletet es j6 hirneve t kfvAnta
sArbarAntani. Az a ment6g?pkocsi-
val Wiesen azonos kiilsej>i gepko-
csi, amelyen a RAdib ellen bekcsen
tuntet6 magyar ijjdsAgra ttizela
AVH-brigantik r e ldszert szfil-
litottak, nem az Oisthgos Ment6-
szolgalat g6pkocsija volt. Evek bta
tudtuk, hogy as.AVH-nak alias cll-
jai e1drdsire ment6gepkoesijainkkal
teijesen azonos. kit `!t jdrmdvei
vannak. Eveken at hI6uba emeltek
fel az Orszagos Ment6szolgalat ve-
zet6i es dolgoz6i tiltakozb szavukat
ez ellen, as akkori bi6nas felsb veze-
tes nem intEzlcedett. EzenkfvQI a
nemzeti felkel& elsb napJdn az
AVH pribbkjei k6t ment6gdpko-
csinkat elraaboltAk.
Az Orsz1gos Mei4 szolgAlatnak
odaadb szerepet mi sem bizonyftja
jobban, minthogy ket hasi halot-
tunk, Rbnafalvi Od6n ment6orvos
es Kecskcs SAndor *16, egy filet-
veszelyes Allapotbaan I6v6, tovAibbA
harom konnyel b sertilttink van,
akiket k6teless6g0k hosies teljesi-
tese k6zben 16ttek le, illetve sebesi-
tettek meg a ment6gA kocsira or-
vuI tuzelb AVH-brigautik.
Mbltbak leszAnk h6si halottaink-
hoz, a forradahn ifjtfs5.ghoz es
megvbdjflk HazSnkat minden kiils6
i s bels6 ellenseggel szemben.
Az Oros Mentgszolgl lat
Forrad M
Amb;danre Yorkers' ,Statement
(.tier /urge 8)
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The Hungarian Student
A Student Diary
u
?CTOBER 23, Tuesday. Many stu-
dents went downtown to the offices
and to the industrial sections to in-
form the workers about the 16 points,
and to ask their help to carry them
to victory. By 2 p.m., many factories
had reported their intention of join-
ing the planned demonstration. In
the meantime students of the other
universities met for the afternoon
demonstration. Just before we form-
ed our lines, the Ministry of Interior
banned the demonstration. The lead-
ership of the newly-formed MEFESZ
sent student delegations to the Mi-
nistry of Interior and to the Polit-
buro of the party. In their petitions
the students demanded the right to
demonstrate, and declared that they
would not leave the universities until
the permission was issued. Finally,
at 3 p.m., the permission arrived,
and we silently marched to the Bem
statue. [General Bem, who was Pol-
ish, was one of the leaders of the
Fight for Freedom in 1848-49 against
Russian-Austrian colonialism.] More
than 12,000 students were present
from the University of Technology
alone. As a result of this morning's
activity, ten thousand workers,
young and old people, came to the
square. The capital seethed.
At 5 p.m. we finished our planned
program. Then it was decided that
we would go to the Parliament to
submit our proposals and resolutions
to the government. About 300,000
people crossed the Margaret Bridge.
As we arrived in Pest, [the other
side of the Danube] somebody shout-
ed, "Let's tear down the Stalin sta-
tue, the symbol of our slavery!" At
this call a considerable number of
people went to where the statue stood.
At about 7:30 p.m., accompa-
nied by cheering and applause, the
statue of Stalin fell down.
In the meantime hundred of thou-
of people-students, workers,
women and children-sang our na-
tional anthem with tears in their
eyes : "Bless the Magyars oh Lord...."
The people wanted Imre Nagy to
come to deliver an address. The 16
points included his takeover of the
government and the Party. Someone
came to the balcony and said that
Imre Nagy would arrive in half an
hour. But the hated red star was
still lighted on the tower of Parlia-
ment. Everybody shouted his wish:
"Down with the red star!" In order
to disperse the crowd, the lights were
shut off in the square. Immediately
torches were made from the special
edition of the communist newspaper
Szabad Nep. Finally, at about 7
o'clock, the light of the red star was
turned off. After 3 hours Imre Nagy
arrived, and appeared on the balcony
at 8:30. The delay had made the
people impatient, and Imre Nagy's
calming speech was ineffective. Just
as he finished his speech, a truck ar-
rived from the radio station, saying
that the secret police had opened fire
on a group of unarmed students, who
wanted to broadcast their 16 points.
At first we thought these people
might be provocateurs, and nobody
moved. At this time it was hard to
believe that the AVO would kill un-
armed students.. . . But we had to be-
lieve it when another truck came
from the radio station carrying the
body of a 15-year old girl....
When we arrived at the radio sta-
tion, the narrow street was already
covered with bodies, and machine-
guns spit death from the windows.
We stood there without any weapons.
Finally the workers of the largest
industrial district, Csepel, arrived on
trucks with weapons. They could ob-
tain them, because many war-indus-
trial factories were in their area. And
so it happened that by midnight
thousands of students, workers and
soldiers fought against the most
hated of men, the secret police, and
their helpers, the Soviet army. . .."
Proclamation: Revolutionary Workers' Council,
National Ambulance Service
"We are greatly shocked to learn of
the heinous assault of the AVH by
which they attempted to sully the
reputation and name of the National
Ambulance Service. The car looking
exactly like an ambulance, which
transported ammunition to the AVH
bandits who fired at the peacefully-
demonstrating youth in front of the
Radio building, was not the property
of the National Ambulance Service.
We have known for years that the
AVH has in its possession motorcars
which are the exact copies of am-
bulances, to be used for their ques-
tionable purposes. For years the driv-
ers and workers of the National Am-
bulance Service have objected to this
Furthermore, on the first day of the
National Revolt, the henchmen of
the AVH stole two of our ambulances.
Nothing proves the devoted role
the NAS plays more than its loss in
action of Odon Ronafalvi, ambulance
doctor, and Sandor Kecskes, orderly,
and that one member of its staff was
critically wounded and three mem-
bers injured. All of them were killed
or wounded by AVH bandits who
fired at the ambulances while our
members were heroically fulfilling
their duty.
We will measure up to our dead
heroes, to our revolutionary youth,
and we will protect our country a-
practice in vain. The guilty leader- 5rainst all internal or external ene-
ship of those days took no steps. I mies.
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The Hungarian Student
Hungarian Youth's Sixteen Demands
Resolved at the Meeting of the Students of the University
of Technology, Budapest, October 22, 1956
1. We demand the immediate with-
drawal of all Soviet troops from Hun-
gary, in accordance with the peace
treaty.
2. We demand new secret elections
of the leaaers of the MJJP (Hun-
garian Workers' Party) on both
the local, the intermediate, and
the central levels, proceeding from
the local levels upward; those elected
shall urgently convoke a congress of
the Party and shall elect a new Cen-
tral Committee.
3. The government shall be reor-
ganized under the leadership of com-
rade Imre Nagy; all the guilty lead-
ers of the Stalin-Rakosi era shall
forthwith be dismissed.
4. We demand public trial of the
case of Mihaly Farkas and his as-
sociates. Matyas Rakosi, who is pri-
marily responsible for all the crimes
of the recent past and for ruining
the country, shall be brought home
and tried before the court of the peo-
ple.
5. We demand general, equal, and
secret elections to be held through-
out the country, with the participa-
tion of several parties, for the pur-
pose of electing a new National As-
sembly. We demand that the right
of the workers to strike be safeguard-
ed.
6. We demand that Hungarian-
Soviet and Hungarian-Yugoslav po-
litical, economic, and intellectual re-
lations be re-examined and regulated
anew on the basis of full political and
and economic equality and non-inter-
ference in each other's internal af-
fairs.
7. We demand the reorganization
of the entire economic life of Hun-
gary. Our economic system-based on
a planned economy-shall be reexam-
ined by our experts, keeping in mind
the resources of the country and the
vital interests of the Hungarian peo-
ple.
8. Our foreign trade agreements
and the actual data on the never-
completed reparations payments shall
be published. We demand open and
truthful information on the uranium
supplies of the country, their exploi-
tation, and the concessions given to
the Russians. We demand that Hun-
gary be enabled to sell uranium ore
freely, at the prices of the world
market, and for hard currency.
9. We demand the complete revi-
sion of the norms applied in industry,
as well as the immediate settlement
of the wage demands of workers and
intellectuals. We demand the fixing
of a subsistence wage level for the
workers.
10. We demand a reorganization of
the system of deliveries on a new
basis and the rational use of agri-
cultural products. We demand the
support of individually-working far-
mers on the basis of equality.
11. We demand the re-examination
of all former political and economic
trials by an independent court of
justice and the liberation and rehabi-
litation of all those condemned un-
justly. We demand the immediate re-
patriation of all prisoners of war and
civilians who have been carried
off to the Soviet Union, including the
prisoners sentenced outside the coun-
try.
12. We demand full freedom of
opinion, of speech, of press, and a
free radio, as well as a new daily
with wide circulation for the ME-
FESZ (Association of Hungarian
University Students). We demand
the publication and destruction of the
existing cadre material.
13. We urgently demand that the
symbol of Stalin's tyranny and po-
litical oppression, the statue of
Stalin, be demolished. In its place,
a befitting memorial shall be erected
in honor of the heroes and martyrs
of the 1848-49 fight for freedom.
14. We demand the restoration of
the old Hungarian Kossuth coat-of-
arms in place of the present coat-of-
arms, which latter is entirely foreign
to the Hungarian people. We demand
new uniforms for the Hungarian
army, befitting our national tradi-
tions. We demand that March 15 be
declared a national holiday and holi-
day for workers, and that October 6
be declared a national day of re-
membrance and school holiday.
15. The youth of the Technical Uni-
versities of Budapest declares un-
animously and with enthusiasm its
solidarity with the workers and the
youth of Poland and of Warsaw in
connection with the Polish movement
for independence.
16. The students of the Technical
University of Architecture urgently
establish the local organization of
MEFESZ, and have resolved to call
together a parliment of youth in
Budapest for the 27th of this month,
with the entire youth of the country
participating by means of delega-
tions.
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A Student Remembers
October 25, 1956
461T WAS a cloudy, wet October
morning. The 25th of October, the
day which was registered in Hunga-
ry's history as `bloody Thursday.'. . .
The city was deadly quiet. The upris-
ing of the 23rd seemed to be defeated.
One could even taste the fear of the
city. Cruel Mongolian faces appeared
through the fog, sitting on the tur-
rets of Soviet tanks, and the tommy-
guns of the secret-police officers
guarding the streets were like excla-
mation-marks of the regime of ter-
ror.
I was on my way to see whether
my sister and her family were alive
or not. The last thing I remembered
was my brother-in-law's furious face
handling a sub machine-gun at the
radio-station battle. As I made my
way through the ragged streets,
blocked and guarded by tanks, the
people I met were silent and severe.
There was no smile on their faces,
only a flaming hate in their eyes.
One could never feel more clearly our
shameful situation, the humiliation
of slavery, where the enslavers are
cruel barbarians, and the slaves are
the people of a freedom-loving na-
tion with a thousand-year-old culture.
I arrived at the Hotel Astoria. The
windows were broken, wires were
tangled on the streets, huge shell-
holes yawned at me from the walls
of the University of Science. The
books from the Soviet Information
Center were still smoking on the
street, and a half-burned picture of
Stalin smiled sarcastically at me, as
though he were saying: `Well, you
wanted to overthrow my yoke? Now
you've learned that is better to live
in communist "freedom" than to be
the slaves of the capitalist-fascist
imperialists! You know in com-
munism the greatest value is human
life!' Suddenly the silence was
broken. A demonstration march ap-
proached, with black and national
flags, shouting: `We want freedom!
Russians go home! Long life to the
independent, free, democratic Hun-
gary!' I hesitated for a moment,
then with a sudden jump I joined
the march. A student was beside me
and a young mother with her three-
The Hungarian Student
Gyula Hay Speaks...
October 25, 1956
?v
1 DUNG PEOPLE, my friends-
I was with you and marched a-
mong you, arm in arm through the
streets of Budapest. The national
colors and the sign of Kossuth were
with us from the statue of Petofi to
the statue of Bem, and back to the
Kossuth Square, but I have been
fighting along with you for years for
a new, young literature, for honor,
for youth, for truth and for the peo-
ple. I know you and I know you are
honest patriots, that every breath
you draw is true. If necessary I would
stand at any bar of world justice to
say: do not punish these young peo-
ple; they are not the criminals. But
this testimony will not be necessary.
There are basic changes in the leader-
ship of the State and the Party. Our
most important demands are ful-
filled. Imre Nagy is our man; his
program is our program. Janos Ka-
dar learned in Rakosi's prisons what
the Hungarians must be protected
against. The fateful forces against
which you had to be protected have
left the Government with the dismis-
sal of Gero. Your patriotic feelings
were met with understanding. You
don't have to fear revenge, but you
don't have much time to lose either.
We must revert immediately to
peaceful means, and stop the armed
fighting instantly. Even the quiet
demonstrations are not useful now,
because they might be misinterpret-
ed. The time has come to fight with
thoughts and ideas, without fear, and
the representatives of the new-the
young people and the younger spirit
-will achieve a worldwide victory.
Now you have to guard your lives;
our country will need you badly in
a new Hungary freeing itself from
tyranny. This is the message your
loving old friend has for you...."
year-old son. As we marched through
the streets, people came out of their
houses and joined us. There were
perhaps 10,000 men and women,
mostly students and young workers,
marching stubbornly to the Par-
liament. As we arrived at the square,
the march stopped for a moment, for
the Parliament was surrounded by
Russian tanks. But then the 12 year-
old girl who carried the flag stepped
forward, and with solemn, slow
steps walked to the front of the
building, and we surrounded her. We
sang the national anthem, and then
the girl wanted to pose the Hungar-
ian flag on the tank. Instantly, like
the heralds of hell, machine-guns
and tank-cannons shattered our song.
From the roofs dozens of machine-
guns opened fire on the unarmed, ex-
posed mob. The Russians followed
their comrades and fired their can-
non from 12 feet into the living wall
of people. I threw myself on the
ground. I wanted to dig myself into
the cold stone, but there was no es-
cape. Bodies fell on me, the blood
ran in streams on the stones, the air
was filled with screams and cries of
the wounded and dying. A woman
fell before me, dropping her crying
baby on the street. Over the horrible
sound of the machine-guns and can-
non sounded the steadily louder mu-
sic from hundreds of loudspeakers,
the `Egmont' overture by Beethoven.
What a diabolic idea! I don't know
how long the massacre lasted, it was
eternity-I became older by years
during this one short hour. And sud-
denly there was silence; the shrill-
cries of the wounded strangely hurt
my ears. I crept through bodies to
the side of the square, and begin to
run, weeping with fear, fury and
shame. I ran madly through streets,
and finally I found myself in the
arms of two Hungarian soldiers,
who were asking me: `Brother,
what's the matter with you?' Stut-
tering, weeping, I told them. I knew
only that I wanted to fight, I wanted
a gun in my hand, to pay with the
lives of Russians and communists for
the innocently killed."
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The Hungarian Student
The Writers and Poets Address the Youth
"I am tired out, old and have seen
much in the course of my long life,
but never anything comparable to
these events. I want to express here
my amazement to you, my friends. I
want to speak of the unheard of dis-
cipline of this revolt. This discipline
lay not only in the fact that no rob-
beries were committed anywhere-it
is a known fact that no merchandise
was touched behind the broken shop
windows-which alone would deserve
our greatest admiration. This alone
did not constitute the miracle which
shook me to the depth of my being
and whose memory I want to take
with me to the grave. The miracle
which ressurected in my heart all
my love for my compatriots was the
political consideration and wisdom,
the political moderation, as well as
the heartfelt goodwill and helpful-
ness of the revolutionaries to their
fellow-men.
These boys and this whole nation
did not ask for the big landown-
ers, for clerical dominions. It did
not want to grab riches, it did not
try to recall the dronelike princes of
a defunct dynasty, it did not demand
the return of the aristocrats. In this
honorable and honest and disciplined
revolution not a single selfish or
fascist voice was heard. And this is
what I am proud of and never will
forget.
0, this revolution was modest in-
deed from a material point of view,
sadly modest, and still, it was sub-
lime, because materially it fought
only for a modest living, while fight-
ing for the most valuable goods of
the spirit. And what are they? True
democracy and true freedom!"
Biir(ivy Tamris:
"Beloved young brothers, youth of
today, about whom so much evil has
been said, who have been called friv-
olous and cynical, it is you who have
given an everlasting example that
there can be no hesitation when the
moment comes, that an answer has
to be given when Fate and Time
question. And you have engraved in
the consciousness of the nation for
centuries to come the lesson that life
is impossible without morals, that in
moral conflicts life ceases to be hu-
man life. All that has happened in
these tragic days, all that you did,
was inspired by the noblest of all
human emotions: moral indignation.
Never has there been a more beauti-
ful, purer, more moving revolution.
What a bloody revenge was taken
through you and by you for that hyp-
ocritical cynicism which mornings in
your schools taught you an almost
mythical reverence for the most
beautiful ideologies, because they are
the most humane, and then after-
noons and evening threw before your
amazed and dazzled eyes the horri-
ble, inhuman truth.
Mornings your blushing, poorly
clad teachers exulted to you about
human equality, about a society free
from exploitation. Afternoons you
had an illustration of this equality
in the curtained, luxurious cars whiz-
zing past the throngs hanging off
the trolleys. Mornings in school you
heard about shining examples of hu-
man helpfulness and kindness, after-
noons and evenings the many thou-
sands of intrigues, the elbowing and
fighting of a society debased in the
scramble for the meager, everyday
bread and 50 forint raises, sputtered
around you.
Mornings in school you parrotted
the blessings of increased production,
nights the atmosphere in your homes
was heavy with your mother's sighs,
worrying about how to budget the
money. This you could not under-
stand; the country really produced
more and more, except that your
share never increased.
Then you realized that they were
lying to you.
You did not realize this all at once.
The awakening was slow, because
human beings are made so that they
do not want to relinquish their
dreams once they have dreamt them.
First you just rubbed your eyes, not
wanting to believe them. You told
yourselves that there were not as
many luxury cars but many more
trolleys than you saw. You believed
that while your neighbors, the Blacks
and Whites, had become corrupt
climbers, obsessed by the wish for a
career, other people were good, true
and honest. You believed it was only
your poor mother who was no good
at budgeting, as even the papers
wrote about the rising prosperity of
the people.
But then came the time when you
could no longer disbelieve your eyes.
Then you saw clearly how the sinful
tyranny of a narrow-minded guilty
clique abases the beautiful struggle
of one class towards progress by
forcing it to run the gauntlet of an-
other class.
By then you had learned to be en-
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The Hungarian Student
"The greatest virtue of the achieve-
ment of our national revolution for
freedom and independence is its mor-
ality.
The Hungarian writers have hail
their part in the preparation of the
Revolution and it is their duty to
watch over its purity. They demand
that all those who have commited
crimes against the people be made re-
sponsible. And just as firmly they
demand that the guilty answer be-
fore a free Hungarian tribunal. The
people are not to pass sentence in
the streets but in the courtroom.
We call on everyone to hand over
the guilty to the national militia or
army patrols. Personal revenge does
not befit us. We are convinced that
the Hungarian people agrees in this
too with its writers.
The world's eyes are upon us.
They admire the purity of our revolt.
Don't let it be sullied."
The Writers' Manifesto
A Magyar Irak SAvets6gonek ny latkozata
Budapest, x956 november z.
A Magyar frGk Sz6vets6ge
Nemze ti fturadabnunk, szabadsil tk is f iggetlensigiink ki-
vfivisiuak t*wgyabb erinye az erkiiwlcsi txsztasig.
A magyar ink kive ttik risz iket a forradalom el6k6szites6b6l
Kfdelessig k, bogy 6rkiidjenek a forradalom tisztasagan is.
Kov , bogy vonjek feleli ssigre mindazokat, akik a nip ellei
vetkeztek. Ugyaa ren hatirozotts k6ve telik azt is, hogy a biino-
sak a szabad magyar blr sig a liitt feleljenek. A nip ne az utcan
it62kezz6k, harem a tiirgysl6teremben!
Felszilftunk'mind kit, bogy a vitkeseket bfintatlanul adjik at
a namzetdrsig vagy a honvidskg jftrliireinek. A szemilyi bossz> mil-
tatilan boxxitdc- Meg iz fin`k, hogy a magyar nip ebben is egyet-
irt frdival.
A vft am* rajtunk. Csodilja forradalmunk tisztasagit. Ne
elk tajtatTfolti
The Hungarian Writers' Association
Budapest, November 1, 1956
thusiastic about the freedom-move-
ments of colonial and semi-colonial
people, but you were not allowed to
speak of the freedom of your own
people, of your own country and of
its urgent problems. In the mean-
while you greeted each other with
the word `Freedom.' Even in your
sleep you could recite, `the greatest
value is man,' but all around you
you saw how the blinded representa-
tives of that tyrannical clique treated
the people here-the old ones who
had worked all their lives as well as
the young ones just starting in life.
Then you shrugged your shoulders
and went to search for new ideals to
replace those you had heard about
in school. You began to run; from
yourselves, from the anxieties ham-
mering at your brain, from the
thoughts chasing each other. All this
could be borne no other way. And
then for many came the zoot-suits,
platform shoes, dancing and rum,
passing loves, the what's the use at-
titude-anything, only no more medi-
tation, only no more brain-wracking
thoughts that drive toward madness.
And then the sanctimonious hypo-
crites, who had spun this terrible,
devilish kaleidoscope of truth and
fancy before your eyes, stood up and
without batting an eyelash dared tell
you; you are cynical! What have
they done to your souls, good God....
But now you have answered the
poisoners of your souls, and what a
reply you have given. You have made
this October more glorious than
March of '48 for many centuries to
come [Kossuth's Hungarian Freedom
fight began on March 15, 1848]. You
have shown that despite the times in
which you grew up you matured into
men, you grew to be the most stal-
wart of all generations, yes, you grew
into symbols in the eyes of your fa-
thers and your future sons.
We, your older brothers, who are
wiser because we are more cowardly,
are moved to tears when we think of
your brave deeds, your dead and liv-
ing heroes. We bow our heads before
you because you have accomplished
what no one else before you has : you
have sparked the truly Hungarian
revolution. Its flames are welding our
people into a true nation."
"The miraculous sight of the nation
welded together so in its suffering
and humiliation, the unanimous de-
termination of the workers, students
and soldiers to become organized
without any previous preparation-
this uprising without a leader has
surpassed not only my hope, but my
imagination."
"The era of horror only steeled our
children and made them good politi-
cians and brave fighters."
Dory Tibor:
"For years I have desperately
watched Hungary's youth ; it was
deadly silent. On October 23 it arose
and cleared the nation's honor. I
raise my hat to it in awe and rev-
erence. As I had wished, asked and
hoped, our country now has a youth
of '56 to match the youth of '48."
"We are all praying-workers, pea-
sants, youth and poets-for a better
future, we who are always and stead-
fastly true to our country."
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The Hungarian Student
Violations of Human Rights
The Kadar Regime's Record Since November 4, 1956
DURING THE revolution which broke
out on October 23, 1956, the Hungar-
ian people fought for human rights
and for the country's independence.
These aims were essentially achieved
on October 28, 1956, because at that
time the Hungarian people were in
a position to express their views free-
ly, to publish newspapers, to hold
meetings without restrictions; politi-
cal parties were formed, labor coun-
cils and revolutionary committees
were created in a democratic fashion,
churches functioned without distur-
bance, the principle of private prop-
erty was not violated and above all
the will of the Hungarian people
gained expression in matters of pub-
lic interest.
In other words, before the Soviet
Union launched its attack against
Hungary and her legal government
in the small hours of November 4,
1956; before the Soviet lords placed
the power in the hands of Janos Ka-
dar; the Hungarian people enjoyed
complete personal and organizational
freedom. Beginning with the Soviet
attack and the installation of the Ka-
dar regime all these rights were
gradually withdrawn; in the follow-
ing text we shall show, step by
step, how the reign of terror has
taken over in Hungary.
Immediately after the so-called
"Revolutionary Worker and Peasant
Government" assumed power, the to-
tal liquidation of Hungarian revolu-
tionary resistance was launched with
an extermination campaign unequal-
led in Hungarian history and with
the deportation of Hungarian youths
to the Soviet Union.
A front-page article in the Nov-
ember 20, 1956 issue of the New
York World Telegram and Sun is de-
voted to the heroic deeds of the resi-
dents of Cegled. The people of Cegled
have stopped a train taking depor-
tees to the Soviet Union and set the
prisoners free. The entire world is
proud of this deed and the names of
the people of Cegled will never be
forgotten by humanity. The only ray
of hope amidst the plentiful bad news
is the slowing-down of the pace of
deportations. This resulted from the
desperate protests of world public
opinion. A secret ham radio station
operating in the County of Szabolcs-
Szatmar reported that between Nov-
ember 14 and 16 a total of 10,000
Hungarian deportees passed through
this area on their way to the Soviet
Union. The same radio station an-
nounced that 2,500 deportees rebel-
led against their Russian guards near
Kisvarda on November 15, disarmed
the guards and escaped.
According to reliable information,
approximately 10 to 15 thousand per-
sons, mainly young boys and girls,
have been deported to the Soviet
Union. Both "the Hungarian and
Soviet governments denied that de-
portations have taken place."
However, the regime was unable
to solve the Hungarian question by
deportations alone. Despite the fact
that Stalin termed the Hungarian
question a question of boxcars
-in a statement made after World
War II-the national unity shown by
the Hungarian people and the indig-
nation of world public opinion have
made it impossible for the reds to
solve the Hungarian question by de-
portations alone. They could not very
well drag 9 million Hungarians to the
steppes of Siberia, and so Hungary
had to be kept in a state of intimida-
tion with the most radical methods.
The following decree serves to bear
out this contention:
Section I of Decree No. 4/1957,
with the force of a law, rules:
" ... those who deliberately dis-
turb the functioning of public util-
ity services, water, gas, electrici-
ty, or obstruct the activities of or-
ganizations declared essential for
the public by the government, are
punishable by death."
All these measures and the steady
grip of the harsh and unmerciful
Russian military intervention were
unable to break the resistance and de-
termination of the Hungarian peo-
ple. The official newspaper of the gov-
ernment and of the party, Nepsza-
badsag, had been forced to admit
that the second 48-hour strike was
one of the biggest in the history of
the workers' movement. The workers
resisted any attempts to break the
strike, caused shop-managers to close
open shops, forced trolleys and bus-
es to stop, attacked Russian tanks
with hand grenades and the police
with their bare fists. On December
4, 1956, one month after the Soviet
invasion of Hungary, 30,000 women
marched to Heroes' Square to deposit
wreaths under the monument of the
unknown soldier. On December 6,
1956, Soviet tanks fired upon unarm-
(Continuied on page 14)
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The Hungarian Student
ed masses. Demonstrators collapsed
by the dozens as they marched up the
streets silently with the national
flags in their hands and clashed sev-
eral times with police units and Rus-
sian units deployed against them.
Later the demonstrators rallied
again in front of the Western Ter-
minal and several demonstrators
were killed and injured in clashes
that occurred there. The news of the
bloody demonstrations spread quickly
all over the city and more demonstra-
tions and clashes occurred. The dem-
onstrators demanded Kadar's immed-
iate ouster and the withdrawal of all
Russian forces from Hungary. On
December 9, 1956, a huge, bloody
clash occurred in Miskolc, which was
briefly commented upon by the world
press. The Communist version of this
event was published in the Decem-
ber 14, 1956, issue of Neps:abadsay
and reads as follows: "Early in the
afternoon smaller groups rallied in
the streets. The crowd advanced
shouting: `Hungarians march with
us.' They stopped the trolley cars and
finally succeeded in creating a shuf-
fling around the immobile buses and
trolleys at the corner of Szemere
Street. Immediately the crowd start-
ed agitating; shouting anti-democra-
tic and anti-Soviet slogans. The ped-
estrians-about 400 of them-immed-
iately converged upon the group.
Texts of leaflets appeared immed-
iately : anti-Soviet poems, which the
crowd wanted to have printed. Hun-
garian policemen and Soviet soldiers
were posted in front of the printing
house. Now the counter-revolution-
aries were no longer satisfied with
diatribes. A depraved gang opened
fire on the Soviet soldiers, the Hun-
garian police and the crowd from the
roof and the basement of the build-
ing located opposite the publishing
house. One soldier died immediately
and two others were injured. Panic
gripped the crowd. Many ran in the
direction of the Szinva bridge, the
bridge broke under them and many
fell into the rocky bed of the brook.
The counter-revolutionaries upheld
their fire. The Soviet soldiers were
forced to return the fire. The coun-
ter-revolutionaries set fire to the
look-out on top of the Avas moun-
tain. A group of about 60 counter-
revolutionaries broke into the bar-
racks of the Tenth Infantry Regiment
through the back entrance and de-
manded that the commander of the
police forces [Kadar militia] be hand-
ed over to them. Instead of comply-
ing with the demands of the counter-
revolutionaries, the members of the
police force pushed the group out of
the yard of the barracks with rifle-
butts. Not a single shot was fired.
The policemen inside the barracks
closed the entrances and returned to
their quarters, when two shots were
fired. One of the leaders of the police
force, Comrade Alexander Oprendek,
collapsed dead, struck by one of the
bullets fired by the counter-revolu-
tionaries."
The January 12, 1957, issue of
Nepakavat, Budapest, had the follow-
ing to say on the workers' demon-
stration in Csepel in which a few
workers were killed: "Several work-
ers of the Csepel Steel Works de-
clared that they were unwilling to
continue to work under their former
leaders. These workers published
provocative leaflets. A demonstration
started and the state forces ordered
the demonstrators to disband. Sev-
eral groups of demonstrators attack-
ed the armed state forces. The latter
withdrew into the building of the
central administration and fired some
warning shots. The demonstrators
sent a delegation consisting of ten
persons to negotiate with Direc-
tor Hegyi and the governmental com-
missioner. A rebellion broke out and
shooting occurred. Later people also
shot in self-defense. Bullets ricochet-
ing from the ceiling injured Imre B.
Nagy, who died later in the after-
noon in the hospital. A woman was
also injured. The
after the warning
fired."
crowd dispersed
shots had been
Moscow and the puppet Kadar reg-
ime did not waste much time before
applying stronger methods. They
tried the participants of the Miskolc
demonstration. In the course of these
demonstrations Communist newspa-
pers were burned and revolutionary
songs recited. Bela Barta, a 30-year
old worker, who initiated the dem-
onstrations with two colleagues of
his on December 10, 1956, was men-
tioned by name by the Kadarist au-
thorities. The court sentenced Bela
Barta to 14 years' imprisonment,
(Coll fill1wel u? /)n,g(' 15)
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The Hungarian Student
whereas the other participants of the
demonstration were sentenced to pri-
son terms ranging from 3 to 9 years.
The regime also began to arrest the
members of the revolutionary work-
ers' councils established in the first
clays of the revolution. Sandor Racz
and Sandor Bali, two leading mem-
bers of the workers' councils, were
arrested. According to a dispatch
from Belgrade at that time, 3,000 in-
tellectuals and workers were ar-
rested by the Kadar bloodhounds
within a period of only three days.
The extraordinarily harsh measures
against the workers and against the
freedom fighters were directed by the
Russian General Serov, who is also
the head of the Soviet secret police.
After the crushing of the revolu-
tion, the MEFESZ and the university
students unanimously opposed the
Kadar regime. On November 29,
1956, the representatives of 22 uni-
versities and academies elected an
All-University Revolutionary Council
which published the eight-point de-
mand of the Hungarian university
students in cooperation with the
provisional executive committee of
the MEFESZ.
This is a summary of the eight
points:
1) The university students stand
on their program of October 23,
1956. There is nothing "counter-rev-
olutionary" in this.
2) We want an independent, dem-
ocratic and socialist Hungary; we re-
ject any leftist or rightist attempt at
restoration.
3) We repeat the national demo-
cratic revolution's demands: the with-
drawal of all Russian troops from
Hungary.
4) The university youth will par-
ticipate in the rebuilding of the coun-
try.
5) The members of the new police
force should be drawn from among
the workers, the youth, the former
members of the police (regular po-
lice) and the soldiers of the regular
Hungarian army.
6) A new economic program should
be worked out without delay.
7) University autonomy and re-
forms should be re-established and
carried out. University students un-
der arrest should be set free.
8) The MEFESZ should be allow-
Russian Soldiers! Don't Shoot! ...
ed to organize freely and to publish
its own daily paper.
None of the above demands were
realized, and the regime continued to
urge the MEFESZ to withdraw its
demands. The provisional merged
MEFESZ committees of the Techni-
cal University of Budapest and of
the Construction, Industrial and Com-
munication Technical University of
Budapest made an appeal to all uni-
versity students in the middle of De-
cember, 1956. This appeal, however,
no longer contained the demands. All
it did was to urge the regime to un-
dertake reforms in the universities.
However, this appeal did not fall in
with the official party line in brand-
ing the revolution a "counter-revolu-
tion" and also urged the regime to
"set free the university students who
have been arrested innocently." The
appeal still contained references to
the beginning of the organizational
work of the MEFESZ.
The debating organ of the ME-
FESZ, consisting of the university
students of all universities and aca-
demies of Budapest, accepted the
above-mentioned appeal by the two
universities of Budapest in its De-
cember 20, 1956, session. At this ses-
sion a MEFESZ provisional national
executive committee was elected.
Thereafter the MEFESZ began its
organization on a national basis, and
an executive committee session was
planned for January 5, 1957, to which
the representatives of all provincial
universities and academies had been
invited in addition to the represen-
tatives of the universities and aca-
demies of the Hungarian capital. The
topic of discussion was the drawing
up of a MEFESZ program on the
basis of the appeal made by the two
technical universities of Budapest.
The executive committee, however,
went much farther, as planned, and
in addition to the above-mentioned
demands also asked for the with-
drawal of all Soviet troops, "the free
functioning and inclusion in the gov-
ernment of all parties functioning on
the basis of socialism," the abolition
of the death sentence, and in general
espoused the ideals of the revolution.
At the session several delegates de-
manded that the student association
refuse to recognize the government
and that the organization go under-
ground. No decision was made on
these two problems and discussions
were therefore adjourned to January
12, 1957. According to an article
which appeared in Nepszabadsag, the
session of the MEFESZ scheduled
for January 12 was postponed be-
cause of "technical difficulties." In
reality the political police had arrest-
ed eight university organizers when
they had heard that the famous stu-
dent demands of October 23 were to
be on the January 12th agenda. Sud-
denly the Kadar regime created a
counter student organization, which
was not known to anybody, but whose
statements were and are published in
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The Hungarian Student
the Communist papers contradicting
the stand taken by the real students.
The resolute political stand taken
by the young Hungarian intellectuals
has caused the Kadar puppet regime
serious headaches. Youth wanted to
establish real democracy in Hungary,
a thing diametrically opposed to the
teaching of Muscovite Communism,
and the government did its best to
terrorize and break the university
youth. The youth was not frighten-
ed by Minister of State Marosan's ar-
rogant, threatening speech made in
Pecs on January 23, 1957. Therefore,
the government resorted to stronger
measures in the first days of Febru-
ary, 1957. The police searched the
students' hostels during the night
and also raided their apartments. Ac-
cording to official reports, many sub-
machine guns and rifles were found
and "inciting" leaflets confiscated.
Anti-Russian slogans are heard in
lower-grade schools almost every day.
On February 8, 1957, the police ar-
rested seven middle-school students,
because they had wanted to escape
to Yugoslavia. Had they succeeded in
their plan, the rest of their class
would have followed them.
In January, 1957, the government
launched its final assault on the
youth. It stifled the resistance of the
youth organization with the arrest of
the MEFESZ leadership. Demonstra-
tions in schools were followed by ar-
rests. Educators were arrested or si-
lenced with threats. Official reports
announced that youth organizations
had been "purged." At the beginning
of February, 1957, "the youth organ-
izations existing without a member-
ship" fell completely in line with the
official party policy. "They support
the government and the construction
of socialism and join the so-called
`Democratic World Youth Organiza-
tion.' "
The third phase started on March
17, 1957, when the resolution of the
provisional Central Committee of the
MSZMP (Hungarian Socialist Work-
ers' Party) "proposed" the establish-
ment of the Communist Youth Asso-
ciation (KISZ). Since then the other
youth organizations have gradually
withered away, either merging with
KISZ, or discontinuing their activi-
ties. At the present time only KISZ
and the Pioneer Association are func-
tioning. However, their membership
is much below the membership of
their parent organizations, the pre-
revolutionary DISZ and Pioneer As-
sociation, and their existence is
largely a formality. In their attempts
at political re-education of the youth,
they have not been able to achieve as
much as their pre-revolutionary pred-
ecessors.
The government no longer consi-
ders the "counter-revolutionary" at-
titude of youth an indication that
youth has been "led astray." Accord-
ing to the usually well-informed New
York Times correspondent, John Mc-
Cormack, in the period between the
crushing of the national revolution
and January 28, 1957, the Commu-
nists arrested seven thousand per-
sons. Eighty percent of these were
students, and the majority of all pres-
ently arrested Hungarians also are
youths. The Russians have extorted
confessions from Hungarian students
deported to the Ukraine according to
which the students wanted to help
the imperialists with the "counter-
revolution" of October 23, 1956. In
his threatening letter addressed to
the students of Pecs, Minister of
State Marosan announced that Marx-
is.m will again be made compulsory
in all Hungarian universities and
academies. According to Marosan
the university students misused the
concept of university autonomy in
the interests of the counter-revolu-
tion. At the end of January, 1957,
middle-school and university students
demonstrated in favor of an indepen-
dent Hungary by wearing rosettes of
Hungary's national colors. At the
end of May, 1957, the Ministry of
Public Education announced that it
had re-introduced the teaching of
Marxism-Leninism at the universities
and middle-schools as a compulsory
subject. Commenting editorially on
the decree, Nepszabadsag stated that
"it was the unalterable intention of
the Communists to foil the attempts
of counter-revolutionary elements.
These elements still try to sabotage
the correct education of our chil-
dren." Emphasis is again on the so-
cial origin of the students at the uni-
versities, and their abilities are given
secondary consideration.
The rectors appointed by Kadar
to head Hungarian universities do
their best to please their benefactor.
Endre Reuss, dean of the Technical
University, and Imre Sandor, an as-
sistant professor, made the following
statement on the conditions of ad-
mission to the universities before the
beginning of the fall term : "The num-
ber of points achieved (at the ex-
amination of admission), social orig-
in and the `class situation' are the
decisive factors as far as admission
is concerned. Symbolically, the crite-
ria for students whose parents were
members of the intelligentsia has
been raised. Foreign and domestic
reaction both accuse us for applying
yardsticks, but a student of intelli-
gentsia origin starts middle-school
with a certain advantage. For in-
stance, the son of an engineer is im-
bued with intellectual interest at
home which he brings to school....
The principle of applying the same
rules to every case is wrong, un-
healthy and a yardstick torn away
from reality. Qualifications for ad-
mission are also influenced by cer-
tain political criteria. We are disin-
clined to accept reactionary, class-
alien elements to the universities and
those who have fought with arms on
the side of the counter-revolu-
tion.... "
During the revolution, revolution-
ary councils were established spon-
taneously, and democratically in al-
most every phase of life; in factories,
kolkhozes, among intellectuals. They
were the first steps toward a new,
free way of life. During the first days
of November these councils control-
led the most important phases of life
in Hungary. Decree No. 17/1956 of
the Kadar regime abolished these
democratic organizations:
"Experience has shown that the
activities of revolutionary councils
did not serve in any way the inter-
ests of the people. On the contrary,
in each instance where they are still
in existence they adversely influence
and hinder state and economic reor-
ganization and consolidation. For
this reason the Hungarian Revolution-
ary Worker-Peasant Government
hereby dissolves and abolishes all
revolutionary councils and their exe-
cutive committees ...... (Magyar
Kozlony [Hungarian Gazette], De-
cember 8, 1956.)
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The Hungarian Student
The bolshevik reign of terror crush-
ing human rights could not by-pass
its strongest enemy-the churches.
Church activities have been placed
under government control. "In the
Hungarian People's Republic all ap-
pointments to Roman Catholic church
positions and titles, as well as assign-
ments which under the Roman Cath-
olic church laws come under the jur-
isdiction of the Pope, and the carry-
ing out of duties entailed by such ap-
pointments, require the previous ap-
proval of the Presidium of the Peo-
ple's Republic. The same applies to
transfers and dismissals." (Magyar
Kozlony [Hungarian Gazette], March
24, 1957.)
The Communists have arrested sev-
eral members of the Central Priest
Seminary of Budapest. According to
the official report, "counter-revolu-
tionary" leaflets and other propagan-
da material were published in the
seminary, revolutionaries were pro-
vided with food and several armed
revolutionaries were hidden in the
seminary. A senior seminarist, Ist-
van Tabodi, and several Roman Cath-
olic priests, including Imre Varju
and Antal Kukla, published a pam-
phlet in December and January en-
titled "Dear Friend," which has been
distributed in various parts of the
country. According to the accusation
the pamphlet "glorified the `counter-
revolution' and encouraged the ene-
mies of the people to further resist-
ance." The alleged leader of the group
of priests was Albert Egon Turcsan-
yi, a retired pastor, and Joseph Mind-
szenty's former secretary.
As its power increased, the Kadar
government re-introduced all those
decrees which had been the direct
causes of the October 23 events.
The Kadar regime has given a le-
gal form to deportations, the expul-
sions going on ever since 1950. The
latest decree of the Minister of the
Interior, threatening deportation and
expulsion, conjures up the worst days
of the Rakosi regime. Bela Biszku,
the Minister of the Interior, who is
of Ruthenian origin, issued a decree
in the Official Gazette on March 19,
1957. Under the terms of this decree,
persons considered dangerous to the
state and to state security from poli-
tical and economic points of view can
be put under police surveillance, and
expelled from their present place of
residence. Such expellees are compel-
led to choose a new domicile within
two weeks after receipt of the ex-
pulsion order. This latter decree
means in practice that the Commu-
nist regime may confiscate the apart-
ment of any person whom it dislikes
may expell the owner of the apart-
ment, and if the latter is unable to
find a domicile with the help of pri-
vate connections, he will be deported
by the police as a vagrant without
a job and possessions, as was done
by Rakosi in the pre-revolutionary
days.
The independent Viennesse paper,
Die Presse wrote in its June 6, 1957,
issue that "the new Iron Curtain is
much more dangerous than the old
one was." In a special report from
the border, Die Presse said that some
of the barbed-wide entanglements
along the border were charged with
high-tension electricity. The old Iron
Curtain consisted of two barbed-wire
fences with mines between them.
Now three mine fields have been es-
tablished parallel with the two exist-
ing barbed-wire fences, and the mines
are deposited in such a manner that
the slightest disturbance, even that
of a domestic animal, causes them to
explode.
After the prohibition of the uni-
versity students' organization, Kadar
considered the time ripe to throttle
the voice of the writers. A Reuters
dispatch from Budapest on April 22,
1957, stated : "The Communist Min-
istry of the Interior announced that
the Hungarian Writers' Association
had been disbanded." The Hungarian
press explained this in the following
way:
"By order of the Ministry of the
Interior, the Hungarian Writers'
Association has been temporarily
suspended." (Nepszabadsag, Janu-
ary 18, 1957.)
"In the course of the investiga-
tion which followed the order of
temporary suspension of the activ-
ities of the Writers' Association,
the Minister of the Interior deter-
mined that a segment of the Writ-
ers' Association used the organ-
ization to carry out their attacks
on the social order of the People's
Republic. For this reason the Min-
ister of the Interior ordered that
the Writers' Association be dis-
solved." (Radio Kossuth, April 21,
1957.)
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The radio also announced the ar-
rest of outstanding public personali-
ties:
"According to an announcement
by the Ministry of the Interior,
Tibor Kardos, Domokos Varga,
Gyula Hay, Balazs Lengyel and
Zoltan Zelk, writers, Sandor No-
vobaczky and Pal Locsei, journal-
ists, have been arrested." (Radio
Kossuth, January 25, 1957.)
"Tibor Dery of Budapest has
been taken into custody on suspi-
cion of subversive activities."
(Radio Kossuth, April 21, 1957.)
The Supreme Court confirmed the
sentencing of two men and a woman
to death because of "counter-revolu-
tionary sins." Simultaneously it com-
muted the relatively lighter sentences
imposed by the Lower Court on three
condemned to death. The three con-
firmed verdicts were those of the 25-
year-old medical student, Ilona Toth,
the former lieutenant, Ferenc Gonc-
zi, and the 28-year-old Miklos Gyon-
gyosi, who had been a former politi-
cal prisoner freed from prison during
the revolution. All three admitted
having killed an AVH soldier. The
Supreme Court commuted the sen-
tences of the journalist Gyula Ober-
sovszki and the playwright Joseph
Gali from three and one year impri-
sonments, respectively, to death. The
two had been accused of having writ-
ten and distributed anti-regime leaf-
lets. The third and most recent death
sentence was imposed on Ferenc Ko-
vacs, who had originally been sen-
tenced to ten years imprisonment.
The Supreme Court increased the
sentences of the two men who had
followed Kovac's orders from eight
years to 14 years, and from one year
to eight years. All six persons sen-
tenced to death have applied for
mercy. Of these six persons only
Gyula Obersovsky and Joseph Gali
have actually been pardoned. Owing
to world-wide protest the court was
forced to commute its own verdict.
Two groups of French writers call-
ed upon the UN committee on the
Hungarian revolution to prevent the
execution of the death sentence on
the two tried Hungarian writers.
"The association of writers seeking
truth" sent a telegram to Prime Min-
ister Kadar. They wrote the follow-
ing: "In the name of democratic free-
dom and humanity we beg you to
prevent the execution." The same
group sent a message to Tito, Pres-
ident of Yugoslavia, to Mao, leader
of Communist China, and to Vladi-
slav Gomulka, the Polish Party chief,
asking them to intervene on behalf
of the writers. The telegram was
signed by such well-known writers as
Francois Mauriac and Jean Paul
Sartre. The French Socialist Party
sent a telegram to Kadar "express-
ing the feelings of the workers" and
asking him to spare the lives of the
two writers. The telegram was sign-
ed by Robert Verdier, the President
of the Social-Democratic Party's par-
liamentary faction.
The Association of French Pedago-
gues, with 230,000 members, also sent
a similar telegram to Kadar. Two
leading French Communist artists,
Ives Montand and Simone Signoret,
were among the masses of French
protesting against the verdict. The
Norwegian Press Association re-
minded Kadar of the German writer
Carl von Ossietzky, who had been
awarded the Nobel prize during the
Nazi regime. Ossietzky had been Hit-
ler's sharp opponent. Goering visited
Ossietzky in his prison cell to try to
persuade him to refuse to accept the
prize. Then the Norwegians noted
that a failure by the Hungarian au-
thorities to spare the two writers'
lives would lower them to the same
The Hungarian Student
level, in the minds of all humans, as
those who had sentenced Ossietzky.
The Spanish-born Pablo Picasso,
the world most celebrated painter,
who is a member of the French Com-
munist Party, also sent a telegram
protesting the persecution of Hun-
garian writers and artists. He asked
that Obersovszki and Gali, who had
been sentenced to death, be given
clemency. Louis Aragon, the cele-
brated French Communist poet, join-
ed Picasso in this demand.
The Hungarian-Soviet agreement,
signed on May 27, 1957, serves as
the legal authority for the above-
mentioned measures and repressions.
The text of the agreement reads as
follows :
"The number of Soviet troops tem-
porarily in Hungary, as well as the
places at which they are to be sta-
tioned, will be determined by a spe-
cial agreement between the govern-
ments of the Hungarian People's Re-
public and the USSR." (Nepszabad-
sag, May 29, 1957.)
By permitting the Soviet troops to
stay on Hungarian soil, the Kadar
regime went even further along the
path of illegal action than the Rakosi
group because, from a legal point of
view, this is not allowed for either
by the Hungarian-Soviet Friendship,
Cooperation and Mutual Assistance
Pact (Act XXI/1958), or by the
Warsaw Pact (Act III;1955) or by
the regime itself. The true picture is
much darker than the possibilities
implied by any of the above. The
continuous harrassment, arrests, de-
portations, dismissals of persons who
had participated in the revolution,
the revival of the notorious AVH and
the inclusion of the lowest type of
individuals in its ranks are all phe-
nomena clearly showing that the
Hungarian people are presently sub-
jected to the most terrible reign of
terror and oppression.
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The Hungarian Student
In Exile, We Are More
WHEN WE crossed the Austro-Hun-
garian border in despair and frozen
to death, the rattle of Soviet tanks
resounding in our ears, we remem-
bered the women in tears searching
for the remnants of their posses-
sions amidst the ruins of houses
blown apart by the Soviets, and our
minds were haunted by the spectre of
Siberian cities, clustered around lead
mines, composed of hundreds of thou-
sands of deportees. The heroes have
died, and the courageous have been
imprisoned because they have stayed
at home. The desperate have escaped.
Some at home may even accuse us of
cowardice. We have felt this, and the
chocolate emerging from the gift par-
cels made us think of our loved-ones
standing in line for hours for a
loaf of black bread. We have been
aware of this when we were honor-
ed as the idols expressing the hero-
ism of a nation, though in most cases
the merit should go to the many thou-
sands of youths lying in unmarked
graves at home, whose memory it is
prohibited to honor.
Anybody coming from Hungary
cannot become just a peaceful found-
er of a new home, "just" a student.
We have other duties besides our stu-
dies. We have to make it clear to the
world that in the Twentieth Century
a slave-holding power, more ruthless
than anything produced in antiquity,
Than Just Students
has drowned in blood a small nation's
desire for freedom. Never in history
have so many of a nation's students
exchanged the pen for arms, and the
arms for traveler's canes once arms
had been torn from their hands.
Though our opportunities are few we
have the strength and the honor to
fulfill our duties. Even during the
first weeks of their exile, students
visited every part of the world, to
study; to ask for help; to acquaint the
world with the Hungarian cause, with
one of the most significant revolutions
of world history, with Communism
and with everyday life under Commu-
nism. In many parts of the globe peo-
ple perhaps heard of Hungary for the
first time in their lives, and learned
of a small people whose task for cen-
turies has been to defend the West,
Christianity and civilization from the
barbarians.
At the end of December, 1956, the
Association of Free Hungarian Uni-
versity Students was founded in
Vienna. It became the successor of
the MEFESZ liquidated by Kadar.
Some university students managed to
smuggle out to the West their ros-
ters, their jealously-guarded revolu-
tionary passes and their letters of
accreditation in gift parcels or wrap-
ped in newspapers. Thus in spring,
1957, Hungarian student organiza-
tions were founded all over the world.
We are proud of the fact that we have
not been infected with the "emigra-
tion bug." We were imbued with one
task: to arouse the inactive West.
Istvan Laszlo lectured at 56 univer-
sities, and his collections netted $90,-
000. This money was made available
to the various charity organizations
helping Hungarians. One of the lead-
ers of the Association of Free Hun-
garian University Students traveled
to Scandinavia, and as a result of his
lectures the countries' youth protest-
ed against the events in Hungary.
Our representatives have also vis-
ited the Far East to bring the news
of the emergence of a new type of
colonialism home to the Asians and
to help them to gain a picture of the
true nature of the Soviets. The result
of their trips may best be illustrated
in terms of the declaration made by
the Indonesian students' association.
As a result of our work the youth of
many nations have sent their protests
to the Kadar government, and to its
Soviet masters.
We are gradually facing greater in-
difference all over the world, and in
the UN building the traitors, bred by
the Soviets, are trying to make the
world believe the opposite of what
they did in Hungary. They will not
succeed, however, for their deed is
written on history's pages with the
blood of 35,000 Hungarians.
T6l4gramme adress4 le Lundi 24 juin 1957 - Ref. 542/413
Janos Kadar - Budapest
EXPRIMONS VIVE EMOTION ETUDIANTS FRANCAIS DEVANT CONDAMNATION A MORT
INTELt,ECTUMLS HONGROIS
DEF TDONS,,i)ROIT POUR INTELLECTUELS 1Z TAUS PAYS D'EXPRIMER LEUR OPINION
DEMAI ]30NS TIEVISION 'DU JIJGEMENT
UNION NATIONALE IES
ETUDIANTS DE FRANCE
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The Hungarian Student
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el;K Ir,
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The Hungarian Student
Activities
ANEW call for help has been made
by Hungarian refugees still living in
Yugoslav camps. We must do our ut-
most to remove from refugee camps
those who fought up to the last mo-
ment, or who did not give up hope
until all hope vanished. ... Swedish
students have put together their re-
sources to pay the tuition of a Hun-
garian colleague of theirs. . .. Bel-
gians have sponsored 80 Hungarian
students in Yugoslavia and brought
them to Belgium. ... A collection of
funds for Hungarian students in Yu-
goslavia is under way in America,
Canada and in all parts of the world.
... The U.S. Senate accepted a me-
morandum presented by the Hungar-
ian students in America asking that
50 Hungarian students now in Yugo-
slavia be allowed to come to the
United States.
Our student colleagues in Italy col-
lected money to be spent on Salk an-
ti-polio vaccine for the small children
in Hungary now exposed to a raging
polio epidemic.
Our representatives are already
negotiating in Nigeria with the in-
ternational student organization of
the Free World, COSEC. They are
negotiating at COSEC's seventh Con-
gress for recognition of the exiled
Hungarian student organization.
What we have accomplished so far
is only a small fraction of the duty
we owe to those who have remained
in Hungary. The task of the second
Hungarian student delegation sched-
uled to go to Africa in the near fu-
ture will be to remind the African
peoples of the Hungarian fight for
liberation, and to win the recognition
and sympathy of the African stu-
dents.
In recalling what may have been
the happiest hours of our lives, Oc-
tober 23, 1956, we now must take
stock of our work, our tasks. Quite
possibly we are facing the most diffi-
cult year in exile, but we are going
to take up work with the hope that
the time will come when Free Hun-
gary will need a great many engine-
ers, physicians and economists train-
ed and graduated in the West.
Language Course in Sweden
OBSERVATION POST - City College, New York
Offer
20 Scholarships
To Hungarian Students
Twenty scholarships to the c_ty's municipal colleges have
been made available to qualified Hungarian students, the Board
of Higher Education announced on Monday.
The full-tuition scholarship will' Tuttle, who has been on the
allow students coming to this Board since 1913, pointed out
country under the Refugee Relief that this is the first time, to his
Act to attend City College, Hunt-
er, Queens, Brooklyn, and the
Staten Island Community Col-
lege.
Arrangements for the choice
and placement of individual stu-
dents will be made by World
University Service, according eto
President B?u.ll G. Gallagher, na-
tional chairman of the organiza-
tion. It is not yet known how
many of the twenty will come
to the College, Ir. Gallagher said.
The motion to create the full-
tuition scholarships was made by
Charles H. Tuttle, senior BIER
member, at the body's monthly
meeting at Hunter College. Mr.
knowledge, that such scholarshpis
have been offered.
Although attendance at the
:Municipal Colleges is normally
restricted to students living id
the city, the usual residence and
citizenship requirements
been waived in the case
Hungarian refugees.
have
of the
"We all have deep sympathy
for these people, who have been
ready to give their lives and
blood for freedom," Mr. Tuttle
said in proposing the resolution.
The presence of Hungarian
students on the college campuses,
he asserted, "would be an inspira-
tion for all students and faculty
members."
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The Hungarian Student
The Djakarta Meeting
AFTER visiting Indonesia for four
weeks and having friendly meetings
with Perserikatan Perhimpunan Ma-
hasis u'a Indonesia (P.P.M.I.), its
member organizations and other stu-
dent organizations in several univer-
sity centers, such as Djakarta, Jogja,
Bandung, Surabaja and Malang, the
Delegation of the Union of Free Hun-
garian Students-Szabad Magyar
Egyetemistar Szovetsege-has met
with the Executive Committee of the
P.P.M.I. and discussed cordially cer-
tain common problems. Among them
were:
1. the statement of the Sixth In-
ternational Student Conference in
Ceylon, September, 1956, on coloni-
alism and totalitarianism, which rec-
ognises that students are involved in
the struggle for national independ-
ence, and deplores that in many coun-
tries dictatorial and totalitarian re-
gimes are endeavouring to distort the
freedom of acces, study, teaching and
administration of universities, mak-
ing them political instruments for
the strengthening of particular
groups rather than autonomous com-
munities devoted to free inquiry;
2. the Constitution of the Interna-
tional Union of Students (IUS)
which, among other things, aims for
a better standard of education, full
academic freedom and students'
rights, the promotion of national cul-
ture, appreciation of the culture of
all peoples, and the love of freedom
and democracy;
3. the Final Communique of the
Asian-African Student Conference in
Bandung, 1956, which condemns and
resists colonialism in all its mani-
festations and recognises the right
of peoples and nations to self-deter-
mination;
4. the statement of the P.P.M.I. on
November 4, 1956, concerning East
Europe, which declares solidarity
with the struggle of the Hungarian
students in their striving for national
independence and freedom for their
country, and condemns every military
intervention which suppresses the
fulfillment of the right of self-deter-
mination;
5. the principles of the Hungarian
Revolution:
a. withdrawal of foreign troops
and full national independence
b. multy-party system based on
free elections
c. neutrality
These constitute the UFHS' basic
demands which were re-confirmed by
the UFHS Conference in Lichten-
stein, May 30th-June 2nd 1957;
6. The aim of the Indonesian Re-
volution for full national Independ-
ence including West-Irian which is
still, now, under Dutch colonial rule;
7. the statement of Indonesia's min-
ister of Foreign Affairs on Novem-
ber 12, 1956, before House of Re-
presentatives on the situation in
Hungary, which expressed regret
over the intervention of the Russian
Army in Hungary.
Both side agreed to the following
points:
1. to cooperate with each other and
recognize the UFHS as the represent-
ative of the 6,000 Hungarian students
living in 14 different countries out-
side of Hungary;
II. to exchange information and de-
legations;
III. on the request of the UFHS
Delegation, the PPMI agreed to ask
all the member-organizations of the
IUS and the National Union of Stu-
dents associated with the Interna-
tional Student Conference to take
more interest in the situation of the
students in Hungary, to make their
stand on the events in Hungary
known, and to protest the trial and
the imprisonment of Hungarian stu-
dents by their Government.
The P.P.M.I. expressed its hope
and desire that the Hungarian stu-
dents now living abroad will soon be
able to return to a free and demo-
cratic Hungary.
We express our hope that the
friendship and cooperation between
our organisations will strengthen the
freedom and peace-loving peoples in
their struggle for democracy and na-
tional independence.
Djakarta, June 17, 1957
For the Delegation of the
Szabad Magyar Egyetemistak
Szovetsege
(Alpar Bujdoso)
Sz. M. E. Sz. Vice-President
For the Badan Pekerdja
P.P.M.I.
(Augusdin Aminoedin)
PPMI President,
tahasisiva ilougaria thdepall
Mahasiswa Bandung
Delegasi Mahasiswa Pelarian Hongaria. ? Dari kiri kekanan
adalah Karoly Derecsky, Balaas Nagy, Separ Busdosodan,
Tainas Vaci. (KI. A.I.D.)
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The Hungarian Student
From Newspapers and Broadcasts
"A Salute to the Revolutionary Stu.
dent Committee of the University!
We have joyfully learned that the
youth of Budapest University has
created its revolutionary organiza-
tion. We know that you have many
things to think about now. In spite
of this we are asking you to take part
in the defense of public order and
of public safety in addition to the
other things you have to see to. The
semi-annual examinations are still
far away but you have now passed
the sublime examination in patriot-
ism and in ready devotion summa
cum laude! If life is to be led back into
its normal path public order is a
primary need. Afterwards you can
lay down your arms and take up your
books again. Your arms, your intel-
ligence and your fairness are badly
needed now in the defense of revolu-
tionary legality and in the safeguard-
ing of public order. Join the National
Guard, strengthen our lines! That is
what we, policemen of Budapest,
ask you to do now.
Best wishes to the work of the
Revolutionary Student Committee of
the Universities !"
Revolutionary Committee of
the Headquarters of the
State Police.
Magyar Rendor, special un-
dated edition
**
*
Monday evening a seven-member
delegation of the insurgents of Hay
Square visited the Revolutionary
Committee of University Students.
The leader of the delegation, E. B.,
reported that the delegates of the
insurgents (Revolutionary Federa-
tion of Budapest) deliberated Mon-
day morning with Prime Minister
Imre Nagy and that in the most im-
portant questions agreement had been
reached. The first demand of the
Hay Square insurgents-the immedi-
ate withdrawal of all Soviet troops-
is identical with the wishes of all of
us. The insurgents agreed to deliver
their arms to the Hungarian army
simultaneously with the withdrawal
of the Russian troops and to join the
militia. Imre Nagy promised that
soon the other demands of the in-
surgents wi:l also be negotiated and
fulfilled.
In the parts of the city which the
insurgents have conquered (between
Bem barracks and Hay Square),
order has been restored. On Rose
Hill scattered units of the security
forces are disturbing the peace here
and there but they are, according to
the insurgents, of small importance.
The Revolutionary Committee of
University Students has decided to
dispatch material to the district and
to support the incorporation of the
insurgents into the National Guard."
Fuggetlenseg, October 30, 1956
*k*
An Englishman in Budapest:
"Terrific! Wonderful !" he be-
gan, then he added: "Never in my
life have I heard of such a formid-
able revolution! But be careful now
to be able to enjoy the fruits of your
wonderful heroism also! What I am
going to say now may sound out-
moded, but I shall say it neverthe-
less: Let us pray that after a trium-
phant revolution you are able to win
the peace too. And just a few words
more: From now on if I hear Hun-
gary mentioned anywhere, I am go-
ing to take off my hat!"
Izazsag, November 1, 1956
***
Berlin Students want to help in Re-
construction of Hungary:
Berlin, November 1
"The students of Berlin declared
Wednesday evening that they are
ready to do volunteer work in the re-
construction of Hungary. The Feder-
ation of German Students forwarded
the offer by cable to the universities
of Budapest.
In the great hall of Berlin Free
University Wednesday evening,
hundreds of students expressed their
solidarity with the Hungarian Free-
dom Fighters.
Willy Brandt, the speaker of the
West Berlin parliament, pointed out
that the revolt in Hungary proves
the superiority of the power of the
spirit above the spirit of power. Re-
garding conditions in the Soviet
Zone of Germany he declared that
in Germany too an end has to be put
to the policies of force against peo-
ple who want only to be free. The
time of the removal of the Stalinists
is approaching."
Kis Ujsag, Norember 2, 1956
*
From Hungarian Students in Moscow:
"The following message was receiv-
ed in Budapest from Hungarian stu-
dents in Moscow:
-We, the Hungarian students in
Moscow, support the appeal of the
Revolutionary Committee of the stu-
dents of Budapest University which
was transmitted on October 31, 1956
by Radio Free Kossuth. We feel that
in these fateful days we should not
remain far from our beloved coun-
try. We wish to fight shoulder to
shoulder with you for an independent
Hungary."
Kis Ujsag, November 3, 1956
*k*
They do not want to remain in Mos-
cow :
"We have learned from young men
studying in Moscow that the com-
petent Soviet authorities are trying
to intercept the return home of
youngsters living there, in spite of
the fact that the these young people
wish to return to an independent
Hungary and to their families. In
the name of the revolutionary youth
of Hungary we protest against these
actions and demand that the neces-
sary conditions for the return of
these young people be immediately
created."
Valosag, November 2, 1956
**
*
Students of Poznan University to the
Hungarian People:
"On October 31st the students of all
Poznan Universities held a mass
meeting in Poznan. The meeting a-
dopted a resolution in which the
solidarity of the students with the
Hungarian people is declared and it
is resolved to give collective aid to
help the victims. In their speeches
the students appealed to young peo-
ple to donate their blood for the
wounded."
Nepszabadsag, November, 1956
(Coninned on page 24)
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The Hungarian Student
1 It I~mt v.r{r11A1~n... .r.lrk,'lN?n AltulAU?.?
?*tttljhnt h nl..tuhk
a .ldri~k k..d.a. 1980 .kl. 244.
/ .1>til . klvsi.IM
NM.suMN,
Mad,?& ? Ilyly?r Kgyetenu 1(pi.AK
I anczos Gabor, Secretary of the
Petofi Circle:
"Fellow Hungarian Young Men
and Women,
I speak to you in the name of the
Petofi Circle, the organization
which has done so much in the past
months to fight for a true democracy
and to eliminate the shameful dic-
tatorship of Rakosi. The enthusiasm
you have shown in the last few days
is very highly valued by us; we res-
pect your true patriotism. We are
certain you had nothing to do with
the few cruel robberies. We know
that the mistakes committed in the
past, the mistaken leadership of Erno
Gero, have filled many with bitter-
ness and led to actions which were
not originally intended. But now our
leaders are the right ones. Janos Ka-
dar, who has suffered prison, has be-
come the First Secretary of the Par-
ty, and the Council of Ministers is
headed by Imre Nagy, for whose
rights we fought so hard. We must
start to work and study again. No
more precious human blood must be
lost. We shall prepare ourselves for
great deeds, for the building of a
truly democratic Hungary, Socialist
in a Hungarian way and equal with
any other nation. We must achieve
a democratic school system, universi-
ty reform, and improvement of stu-
dent hostels. But we cannot build,
give accomodation, raise the standard
of living and educate while the guns
are roaring. Return to your homes,
to your parents, to your student
quarters. Give your confidence to the
Government of Imre Nagy, who will
soon make reality of the will of the
patriotic youth."
**
*
Proclamation to the youth
of Gyor-Sopron County:
"Young people, young workers,
young farmers, students!
The National Council of Free Re-
volutionary Hungarian Youth has
been formed in Budapest. The uni-
versity students and the young work-
ers have joined the council.
Your fight is just! Thousands of
young workers and students have
taken up arms against the dictator-
ship of Rakosi. All your demands
are justified! . . . We removed the last
representative of Rakosi's clique,
Erno Gero, from the leadership of the
party in accord with the demands of
the entire people of the country. Our
demand for the formation of a new
national government, consisting of
true Hungarian patriots, has been
fulfilled. In Imre Nagy, we have a
government leader who has relent-
lessly fought for the independence of
the Hungarian nation.... The party
is led by Janos Kadar, who has been
imprisoned by Rakosi.... Order, dis-
cipline, calmness are necessary so
that the government can fulfill every
point of our just demands. Our youth
has taken part in heroic fighting, fol-
lowing the example of the Budapest
youth. The youth of Gyor, too, gave
martyrs to the cause. Young people!
Take the lead in the restoration of
order!
Do not allow yourself to be misled
by irresponsible persons. Support
the government which is a result of
our fight and which will fulfill our
demands. Help the work of the Na-
tional Council of Gyor-Sopron county
with all your might. Participate in
the activity of the workers' councils
in the factories.... Fight for the rea-
lization of the demands of working
youth. We will soon publish the
names of the council of free revolu-
tionary Hungarian youth in Gyor-
Sopron county. Let our watch-word
now be : Order and calmness in
Gyor!"
Excerpts from Gyor-Sopron
County Radio Broadcasts:
"Last night the leaders of the Gyor
youth council held a long, vehement
discussion and an organizational
meeting.... The youth representa-
tives support the program of the
temporary national council. . .. We
wish to create a unified youth organi-
zation ; this, however, shall not re-
semble the formal and impotent ac-
tivities of DISZ (Union of Working
the youth support the program of the
temporary national council.... We
Youth).. .. A youth rally will prob-
ably soon be held.... The youth
cil calls on organizations and in par-
ticular trade enterprises to request
the help of youth if they need trans-
portation facilities or other assist-
ance. The workers will return to their
jobs on Monday in their own inter-
est; schools, of course, will stay
closed."
Message of the Revolutionary Student
Committee:
"...All armed University Stu-
dents must return to their posts im-
mediately.... "
Leaflets of the Revolutionary Stu-
dent Committee:
...... We give our confidence to
Imre Nagy. That was our slogan on
Tuesday October 23, and although we
had our doubts for one or two days,
now our confidence in him is restored
and is stronger than ever. It now ap-
pears that he was a prisoner of the
AVH for two days, and also that he
made his first radio speech while the
AVH kept him at gunpoint.
It is clear from his latest declara-
tion that the proclamation of mar-
tial law is not his responsibility. Even
the request for the intervention of
Soviet Troops was made without his
knowledge, and the Rakosi-Gero
bandits wanted to undermine his po-
pularity by tying his name to the
intervention.
We believe in Imre Nagy, and beg
him not to lose the confidence of the
people. He must separate himself
from the traitors. He must clean out
all the old dirt remaining in his Gov-
enment, those persons who really
deserve the anger and hatred of our
people. He must induce the complete
withdrawal of all Soviet Troops from
the entire country, and see that the
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The Hungarian Student
AVH members do not infiltrate the
newly-organized police force. Nagy's
good faith has been proven by many
of his actions, and we urge him to
continue in the right path. His com-
pliance with the will of the people
will increase the confidence of the
people in him ......
Proclamation of the Revolutionary
Committee of University Students:
"We regard today's political leader-
ship as provisory. We support Imre
Nagy, but only as far as he and his
Government comply with our de-
mands. We will use all possible
means to keep him away from the
influence of the old `Stalinists.'
That is the reason we insist on the
ousting of all old Stalinists, like An-
tal Apro, Erik Molnar, Ferenc Nez-
val, Janos Csergo, Mrs. Jozsef Nagy.
But we would like to see Anna
Kethly in the Government, Gyorgy
Lukacs as Minister of Education, and
Gyula Illyes as Minister of Culture.
We wish to see representatives of
the youth in the Government. We de-
mand immediate action of the Gov-
ernment to withdraw all Soviet
troops from Hungary, and that this
operation be terminated by Novem-
ber 30, 1956. If we get a decisive and
sincere response to our demands
from the Government within three
days, we will cooperate to restore
national production in order to stop
further financial losses of our peo-
ple.
Our demands are in accordance
with the will of the people and the
newly elected revolutionary organ-
izations. We want neither Stalinism,
nor capitalism. We want a truly dem-
ocratic and truly socialistic Hungary,
independent of all other countries.
Finally, we demand that all serv-
ants of the treacherous Stalinist-Ra-
kosi clique be dismissed immediately
from the Radio. These weaklings
shamelessly denouced the glorious
freedom fight of our people only a
few days ago. We insist that the Re-
volutionary Council of the Hungar-
ian Radio effecting these dismissals
be assisted by the youth who initiated
the fight for freedom. The Revolu-
tionary Committee of University Stu-
dents should be invited to the radio
"We Trust Imre Nagy..."
de most er6aebb, mint vala..!
Kiderilt, bogy Nagy Imre M nspig aw
iii legy-s aO1if.
yokkal a bite
Qppiwa
miigistt mondta el e66
Leg6jabb nyilatkozatibbl kideritlt, bogy a
atatiriumot Is a ezovjet caapatok beavatkoziait
nem 6 rendelte el. Ez caak a Rikoai-Ger6.fEle
6azemberek fogtik A. bogy megbuktas.ik.
Mi tebit hiszfnk Nagy ImrEnek.
De feltve intjtik, v' Amu a nep bizalmira!
Azonnal kii!Snftae el maglit a bazairul6kt61!
Azonnal takeritaa ki a korminyb6l a r6gr6i itt-
maradt saemetet, azokat, akiket joggal vet meg
eagy d1o1 a nip.
Intezkedjek, bogy a ezovjet csapatokat'vonjik
ki az obbl!
Intezkedjek, hogy az kv6sok ne furakodjanak
be az {ij rend&rsegbe!
Nagy Imre belytilliait mir eddig is sok belyea
intkzkedes igazolja!
Surgetve virjuk a tobbit is. Amilyen mErtek-
b-'n Nagy Imre teljesiti a nep jogo. kbveteiEseit,
lzalmunk oly mertekben fog benne n6veke(lai.
EGYETEMI Fi)R1f,:D.4L.1l1
Df iKB1i!I,riS4G
station and be permitted free passage
in the studio and the Council."
Signed by : Istvan Pozar,
Janos Varga, Jozsef Molnar,
Janos Pap
Meeting at the Technological Univer.
sity :
" `To defend the achievements of
the revolution and to maintain public
order.' Under this slogan the stu-
dents and teachers of the Technolo-
gical University met Wednesday
afternoon. Among those assembled
were many who had fought under
the heroic leader of Hungarian youth,
Lieutenant Colonel Marian, in the
noble fights of the national revolu-
tion.
The resolution thus adopted soon
was implemented. University Batal-
lions were formed within the Na-
tional Guard.
We hail the noble decision and the
action of the teachers and students
of the Technological University and
we ask them to take part in the work
of the National Guard in the greatest
possible numbers. They are badly
needed in maintaining order in our
capital and creating the feeling of
safety which is necessary in order
for work to start again."
Kis Ujsag, November 1, 1956
(Continued on /)age 21)
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The Hungarian Studenf
11uu/,r%(Ir in('rni kok ('8 I1I1isZaaki(I/ .'
Nagy Im-e u) kurmanya u nemtrtl rus,eKet krp%i*eh \. or-
*tag 00rtt at ul kurmanr mrg log)a ltirg'alni a nbppel .% nFp-
gatda.aK stuer%rtr.rt r. a lonlo% mu .ski ke rd, . krt melt
totja targ)alni a mernokrikkel r. md.takiakkal %rm Iurdul-
hat luhhe rlo, hogs .takkrrdr*rkhrn ?tArrteiem nelkUI dent.
.rnrk! A 'izakemtwrrk .ta%anak etrntul nag- ulna Ir.t ha-
tankhan! .rmmi cm tuKja h,ii.rhr /,.tiiani a *takluda.
rr%ensr*Ulr*et e+ meglwr.ulr.rt
T6moguntuitok ttz u j kortu i,i 0!
!
Hungarian Engineers I1(1st the New Gmernntent and Loire Nagv
"Hungarians!
We, the young freedom fighters of
Corvin Square (Kilian), have fought
till now and have not spoken.
Now that we are able to speak
again our first very serious words
are addressed to all brother Hungar-
ians, asking them to preserve the
most complete public order every-
where or to restore it wherever this
be necessary as soon as possible.
By doing this we do not give the
Russians the excuse to remain in our
country under the pretext of safe-
guarding order.
To preserve public order is the
first national task now preceding
any other point of view and any in-
terests of any party.
To stir up trouble is treason today!
We beg everybody to listen to us !"
The young freedom fighters
of Corvin Square (Kilian)
Igazsag, November 1, 1956.
Meeting; of the Smallholder Party
Unit of Roland Eotvos University:
"The Smallholder Party Unit of
Roland Eotvos University held a
meeting Friday morning at which
problems concerning the university
students and the people of the coun-
try were debated. The resolution ac-
cepted at the meeting took joyful
notice of the liberation of Archbishop
Cardinal Joseph Mindszenty and of
the fact that he had once more taken
over his bishopric duties. At the same
time the resolution states that Cardi-
nal Mindszenty is a martyr of the
whole Hungarian people with no
distinction as to religion, and that
owing to his high ecclesiastical posi-
tion his person should not be dragged
into political disputes as has been
wrongly done in the last few days
by certain persons."
Kis Ujsag, November 3, 1956.
Autonomy for the Universities! the
Rector, the Deans and the Professors
of Roland Eotvos University sum up
their Demands in a Very Important
Statement:
"The management and the body of
professors of Roland Eotvos Univer-
sity have issued the following state-
ment explaining that they were from
the beginning in full agreement with
the demands of the students.
The doors of the university should
be open to all who have received the
necessary basic training for higher
education and who wish to study.
Freedom of teaching is demanded,
which means that the teacher should
be in a position to express his scienti-
fic opinions according to his convic-
tions freely in word, as well as in
writing. Further, complete freedom
of learning is demanded, which means
that every student should be able to
attend lectures on those subjects
which he or she wishes to study with-
in the framework of the regulations
for examinations. For this purpose
parallel courses should be created. It
is necessary to create and to assure
the autonomy of the university and
to secure the autonomous decisions
of the university itself in scientific
and educational questions as well as
in nominations for offices at the uni-
versity. The complete and independ-
ent competence of the university and
the faculty boards must be restored
and a real representation of the stu-
dent body must be assured. The re-
moval and transfer of university pro-
fessors should be made impossible.
Unjustly removed professors should
be reinstated immediately. The grant-
ing of decrees should be the exclusive
privilege of the universities. The
Committee of Scientific Qualification,
whose activities are contrary to scien-
tific opinion and demands, should be
dissolved.
Furthermore, the creation of a free
youth organization is deemed neces-
sary. The present wretched accom-
modations and supplies must be ur-
gently improved. The body of profes-
sors has no confidence in either the
present chief of Hungarian educa-
tion, Albert Konya, or the present
chief of higher education, Deputy
Minister Istvan Soter.
Nepszava, October 30, 1956.
October 31, 11:35 u.m., Radio Mis-
kole (operated by the Worker's Coun-
(il of County Borsod):
"Summary of the demands made by
the October 26 general session of the
student parliament of the Miskolc
secondary schools.
1. We support the resolutions and
the demands of the youth of Dimavag
[Machine Factory, Diosgyor] and of
the universities.
2. We demand the immediate and
unconditional withdrawal of Soviet
troops from Hungarian territory.
3. We demand the immediate re-
patriation of Hungarian prisoners of
war and other prisoners from Soviet
Union.
4. We demand that all persons who
have been serving the Rakosi dicta-
torship be dismissed immediately and
be called to account.
5. We demand that all persons
guilty in the intervention of Soviet
troops and in the declaration of mar-
tial law be tried by a people's court.
6. We demand the immediate ter-
mination of the Warsaw pact and of
all other secret military pacts.
7. We demand a rejection of the
Soviet loan.
8. Our country shall be a member
of a Danubian Confederation as plan-
ned by Kossuth.
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The Hungarian Sfudent
9. We demand the modification of
the constitution and the restoration
of the Kossuth coat-of-arms.
10. We demand the return of the
natural resources of our country to
Hungarian ownership.
11. We demand the examination of
all trade agreements disadvantageous
to our country.
12. Our country shall not side
with any foreign power; we shall be
neutral.
13. We demand that the members
of the AVH [Hungarian Security
Police] and the police, who have killed
innocent Hungarians, be placed be-
fore a court immediately.
14. We demand the reorganization
of our agriculture in a profitable way,
and the abolition of compulsory de-
liveries.
15. We demand that instruction in
the Russian language be made an
elective subject.
16. We demand the abolition of
norms and a more just wage settle-
ment.
17. We demand that March 15 be
declared a national holiday and Oc-
tober 6 a memorial day.
18. We demand that October 23,
the starting day of the freedom-fight
of our country, be declared a nation-
al holiday.
19. The instruction of history in
the schools should be independent of
daily politics."
The student parliament
of the Miskolic secondary schools
Miskolc, October 26, 1956
"The above points were declared
by the parliament of the secondary
schools on October 26, but ... persons
did not provide for forwarding them.
Therefore the resolution is being
broadcast by radio."
The patriotic students and teachers
of the former College of Foreign
Languages sent us the following
protest: "We are protesting against
the appointment of director Joseph
Hermann to the Revolutionary Coun-
cil of the Intelligentsia. Director
Hermann was a subservient lackey of
the Stalinist system, which he tried
to force upon everybody, and he has
always oppressed every patriotic
movement at the college. His appoint-
ment would soil the honor of the re-
volution.
Igazsag, November 1, 1956.
Nnu i rgtanb IniurrBity ?tuhrnte." Assariatinn
IRCOR/ORATR,
(OAW UALAWE NATIONAL ONION OF AT.O.OTA)
AO.OOY ALL C000900 "DUCK ?
M0 YCUTAOT
P.O. BOX sf? 11"
WELLINGTON. CI.. N;Z.
His Excellency Mr. Janos Radar,
Prime Minister of Hungary,
Prime Minister's Office,
Buddapest,
HUNGARY.
Your xcellency,
1st. il'J.,......._.... 194 5 7
This Association wishes to record a strong protest
aLainst your Government's action in arresting students
without justification, imprisoning students without proper
trial and in sentenoin~; students in trials where they
have no opportunity of obtaining a fair and impartial
hearing. The actions of your Government in this regard
are contrary to the accepted standards of free and en-
lightened democratic Governments.
We would ask you in all humanity to reverse your
present policy of subjugation in so far as it affects
students who may have participated in an uprising to
overthrow a Government which had neither the respect nor
the confidence of the citizens it purported to govern.
Yours faithfully',
(J.D. DalgetyT)
PRF3ID T, GUSA.
TELEPHONE
46.772
NORWICH CHAMBERS.
155-155 FEATHERSTON STREET.
WELLINGTON. CI.. N.Z.
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..?tPaLa*Lilaera(au}?6~,. aw'bT he