EXCERPT FROM HOUSE DEBATE ON CONFERENCE REPORT ON HJ RES - 7, URGENT SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87B00858R000200180004-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 11
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 4, 2011
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: May 24, 1984
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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May 24, 1984 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Since last November the administra-
tion has been on notice that the House
was serious about the $24 million cap.
Two months ago 12 of the. 14 members
of the Intelligence Committee sent a
letter to Mr. Casey advising him to
adopt contingency plans for the safe
withdrawal of the Contras. They have
had more than enough time to develop
a reasonable plan for the safe and
swift withdrawal of every Contra that
wants out. And make no mistake about
it the Contras possess sufficient arms
and supplies to protect themselves on
the way out and the CIA has suffi-
cient financial resources available to it
to provide humanitarian aid to the
Contras once they withdraw. So, let us
not hear in this House today that we
are pulling the rug out, or setting up a
bloodbath, or letting people twist in
the wind. That is nonsense.
What we need today is a vote to
return commonsense and compassion
to this country's foreign policy. What
we need today, is a vote that reflects
the clear resolve of the U.S. House of
Representatives to end this senseless
war.
^ 1330
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
yield myself 7 minutes.
(Mr. ROBINSON asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, here
we go again, we have the Boland
amendment in different language.
I can recall very few instances where
a speech or a statement by a Member
has changed many votes on this House
floor and I am certainly not so naive
as to expect the minds of seasoned leg-
islators to be changed after hearing a
few comments on the Central Ameri-
can issue from a colleague.
But I would like to have my col-
leagues attention for a few brief mo-
ments to try to frame the issue as it
lies before us now.
A vote for this amendment will be a
vote against the bipartisan position of
the other body. The other body's
amendment continues the aid for the
Nicaraguan resistance to the extent of
$21 million.
There are no further funds current-
ly available to assist the Nicaraguan
resistance. A vote for this amendment
amounts to a termination of support
for Nicaraguan resistance fighters who
pursue democracy for their country
with their lives at stake.
The amendment before my col-
leagues is absolute in its effect. It is a
vote to reward the Sandinista regime
for its solidarity of purpose to subvert
every freely elected government in
Central America.
A vote for this amendment means
that the Contras will no longer have
the wherewithal to hamper the supply
of arms and other support the Nicara-
guans send to the rebels in El Salva-
dor. Its practical effect is to provide a
legislatively engineered victory to the
Sandinista regime.
The position of this administration,
the position of the Senate and the po-
sition of this side of the aisle has
always been clear. So long as the San-
dinista regime continues support for
the export of 'Communist revolution
and aggressively supports the over-
throw of the Government of El Salva-
dor and the other freely elected gov-
ernments in Central America, and does
not honor its commitments to the
OAS, we will continue to support the
Contras of the Nicaraguan resistance.
That is the policy and the position of
the administration and of the Republi-
cans.
There is no ambiguity in that posi-
tion. It is clear, it is distinct, and, as I
say, it supports the policy that has
been set forth by this administration.
Failure to continue it will make it
next to impossible to achieve the ob-
jectives of the U.S. policy in Central
America.
The President set forth very clearly
our policy in Central America on April
27, 1983, over a year ago, and it has
not changed.
We will support democracy, reform,
and human freedom. We will support
economic development. We will sup-
port the security of the region's
threatened nations and we will sup-
port dialog and negotiations.
The report of the National Biparti-
san Commission, the Kissinger Com-
mission, on Central America, issued
just 4 months ago, provided a clear
consensus for action to accomplish
these objectives and provide a clear
blueprint for doing so. Legislation to
put into motion the Commission's rec-
ommendations for a comprehensive,
effective program for. peace, stability,
and social and economic development
in Central America awaits congression-
al action right now.
The House has before it today- one
crucial element of our policy in Cen-
tral America-aid to the Nicaraguan
Contras.
The Nicaraguan resistance fights on
its native soil for the freedom of its
own country and aid to such resistance
serves not only the security interests
of Nicaragua's neighbors, but those of
the United States as well
.
The National Bipartisan Commis-
sion, again quoting from its report,
stated that U.S. strategic interests re-
quire the United States: "to prevent
hostile forces from seizing and ex-
panding control in a a strategically
vital area of the Western Hemisphere"
and "to ban the Soviet Union from
consolidating either directly or
through Cuba a hostile foothold on
the American continents in order to
advance its strategic purposes."
^ 1340
If this House terminates U.S. sup-
port for the Nicaraguan resistance, it
will be impossible to pursue U.S. inter-
ests in the region effectively.
In 1979 the Sandinistas made solemn
commitments to the Organization of
American States to hold free elections
H 4797
for a truly democratic government
that would guarantee peace, freedom,
and ,justice. Instead. they systematical-
ly began eliminating freedom in Nica-
ragua, repressing trade unions, civic
groups, and the press, and slaughter-
ing or interning thousands of Miskito
Indians. In the face of this Marxist-
Leninist effort to establish totalitarian
control of the Nicaraguan people, -
three Nicaraguan resistance groups-
the FDN. ARDE, and the Miskitos-
have engaged in armed resistance with
our assistance. The Nicaraguan resist-
ance preserves some chance that Nica-
raguans may know democracy.
Has America lost concern for the lib-
erties of people who are fighting for
democracy on our-own Continent?
Do we truly believe that it does not
matter if the Sandinistas enslave the
Nicaraguan people?
Ask the nine Catholic bishops of
Nicaragua if it matters to them if the
Sandinistas continue unabated in their
efforts to censor the church.
Do the American people really want
to turn their backs on the one remain-
ing flame of hope for freedom in Nica-
ragua?
Given the chance, they would say
no.
This great Nation should continue
aid to the Nicaraguan resistance fight-
ing Soviet-Cuban-Nicaraguan tyranny.
To those who would deny it, I say that
there is no honor in abandoning
friends in the heat of battle. There is
no honor in.leaving free peoples of
Central America as fodder for the San-
dinista military machine.
Fidel Castro has repeatedly warned
the nations of the American that they
should never aline themselves with
the United States because we are unre-
liable and will not support our friends.
I ask you to vote no on the amend-
ment to recede and concur which is
pending, the intended effect of which
is to terminate all aid to the Contras
in Nicaragua, to abandon our friends
who fight for democracy there. Such
action would be perceived as another
step in the direction of proving that
Castro is correct when he calls the
United States an unreliable friend.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker. I yield
such time as he may consume to the
distinguished gentleman from Ken-
tucky (Mr. MAzzoLu), a member of the
Intelligence Committee.
(Mr. MAZZOLI asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. MAZZOLI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in
support of the statement made by our
distinguished chairman and the posi-
tion which is to try to end the secret
war.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6
minutes to the distinguished gentle-
man from Indiana (Mr. HAMILTON), a
Member of the Intelligence Commit-
tee and also a Member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee.
7(-
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H 4798 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE May 24, 1984
(Mr. HAMILTON asked and was and duration of which no one can fore- cretion and ask for more when the $24
given permission to revise and extend see." million ran out.
his remarks.) Second, the war must stop because it The administration made its choice.
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, the has not worked. It spent the money at an accelerated
Congress has a unique opportunity to It has not: pace. The $24 million is nearly all
stop a war. Stopping the covert action Brought the Sandinistas to the bar- spent and 41/4 months are left in the
against Nicaragua would represent a gaining table; fiscal year. The administration made
significant step toward reducing ten- Stopped the now of arms to rebels in its choice, and it should live with it.
sions in Central America. El Salvador; - It intensified the war. Nicaragua's
The Congress has made clear that it Lessened Nicaragua's support for ports were mined by the CIA. Serious
' is prepared to provide the Govern- Salvadoran insurgents; attacks on the Nicaraguan economy-
ment of El Salvador with generous Forced changes in Nicaraguan poli- on dams, on oil and electrical facilities,
economic and military assistance. cies; and or agricultural cooperatives-were
However, providing assistance to a Turned the Sandinistas inward. stepped up. More Contras were armed
duly elected democratic government is It has: and sent into combat.
different from funding guerrillas Strengthened the Sandinistas re- Fifth, the war must stop because it
whose aim it is to overthrow a govern- solve; is not good for the CIA.
ment we do not like. Rallied people to the Nicaraguan The CIA is in the position of public-
We do not like the Sandinista Gov- Government; and ly running an undeclared war. CIA ca-
ernment, or its policies internal and Given the Sandinistas justification pabilities, CIA methods, CIA officials
external. for increasingly repressive policies;
debate,
But this war should stop for several ? Brought about an increased militari- have at is unhelpful, becomI topics both for the CIA
reasons: zation of life in Nicaragua, and greater that the secrecy for
Intelligence ac-
First, the war must atop because it Cuban and Soviet involvement in Nica- tne ldth and for of its h Nation.
keeps escalating. It is no longer what raagua:
it was initially intended to be. In De- Driven the Nicaraguans ever more CONCLUSION
cember 1981 it was limited solely to deeply into the arms of Cuba and the Ending the covert action against
the interdiction of Soviet and Cuban Soviet Union; and Nicaragua is a first, necessary step
arms traveling through Nicaragua to Increased the risk of a full=scale war toward reducing tensions in Central
insurgents in El Salvador. by Nicaragua against Honduras and America, and improving the climate
Now it includes efforts: Costa Rica. for meaningful negotiations. The fun-
To destabilize Nicaragua, to force in- Two and one-half years of war have damental problems of social and eco-
ternal political change; not brought us closer to peace in Cen- nomic deprivation in Central America
To mine Nicaragua's ports; and tral America. Two and one-half years can only be addressed in the context
To interfere with international ship- of war have not brought us any genu- of a regionwide peace.
ping. ine hope for promising negotiations. So let us end this war that just
Military forces, in excess of 15,000, Third, this war must stop because it keeps escalating;
are equipped, trained, and operating is against the law. Let us end the war that has not
against Nicaragua. There are reports It is against U.S. laws (the Boland worked;
that the Defense Department has amendment of 1982), and it is against Let us end the war that is against
been aiding the CIA covert action with article 18 of the OAS charter, of the law;
equipment and logistics support. which the United States is a signatory. Let us end the war that hurts the
There are reports of efforts to try to The article says: CIA, and hurts the United States; and
involve third countries in the funding No state or group of states has the right Let us end the war that brings no
and support of the covert action as to intervene directly or indirectly for any
well. reason whatever in the internal or external peace.
The covert action has escalated dan- affairs of any other state. Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
gerously over the last 3 years. This es- Today, the legal issue is even clearer, yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
calation is at the heart of the argu- The World Court has held unanimous- New York (Mr. Kam).
ment against the continuation of ly that the United States should Mr. KEMP. Mr. Speaker, with all
covert action. "cease and refrain" from unlawfully due respect to the fine speeches that
See what is happening in Costa Rica. mining Nicaraguan harbors. It has have been given on this subject by my
That democratic nation, which has no also rejected U.S. claims that U.S. colleagues on the left, let me say with
army, recently requested emergency action in Nicaragua is consistent with the same degree of sincerity on this
U.S. military assistance to strengthen international law. side of the aisle that I do not believe
its security forces. These forces have The administration tried to deny ju- that the resistance in Nicaragua will
clashed frequently with Nicaraguan risdiction to the Court. The United be terminated by a decision to shut off
forces on their common border. The States has been found guilty in an U.S. assistance to the democratic
source of the conflict is the attacks international court of law while trying forces or the Contras, whatever they
launched against Nicaragua from to flee the court's jurisdiction. When may be called.
Costa Rica by Contras supported by we fail to obey our own law or interna- Does anyone really think that you
the United States. tional law, it diminishes respect for are going to end the efforts of these
The result of U.S. policy is: the United States both at home and in people to win back some of the rights
A more aggressive Nicaragua willing the rest of the world. that they sought when they partici-
to attack an undefended neighbor; The President of Mexico warned pated in the original revolution and
Calls for U.S. arming of Costa Rica; against "interventiorfist solutions of the promises the Sandinistas made to
and any kind." Rather, he urged "let us the OAS to bring pluralism and de-
An increased U.S. military burden- apply the principles and rules of inter- mocracy and some degree of human
all directly caused by U.S. action national law." rights to Nicaragua?
against Nicaragua. Fourth, the war must stop because ^ 1350
The U.S. policy has split the govern- the bargain in the 1983 legislation was
ment and people of Costa Rica into that the administration had $24 mil- Does anyone think that the Sandi-
pro- and antimilitary groups and in- lion-and only $24 million-to run the nista regime of Nicaragua will stop the
creased, rather than lessened, tensions war for 1984. war against El Salvador? I say to my
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The administration had a clear distinguished colleagues on the Intelli-
The President of Mexico has stated choice: One, it could live within that gence Committee, does anyone really
that U.S. policy in Central America lirpit, two, it could end support for the think that the Sandinistas will stop
risks "A generalized war, the scope war, or three, it could spend at its dis- their war against little Costa Rica, or
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May 24, 1984 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Honduras, if we withdraw our sup-
port?
Some have suggested that the Con-
tadora countries do not support this; I
do not, know whether they do or do
not because frankly you cannot tell
what they support given the differ-
ences between their public statements
and their private understandings. But
I will tell you this. I believe in my
heart that our allies in Central Amer-
ica are desperately in need of support
for some effort to shut off the supply
lines to insurgents across their border
and the border of Honduras, and of
course into El Salvador.
It also disturbs me, Mr. Speaker, to
think that members of the Intelli-
gence Committee should support this
motion. I have high regard for the
gentleman from Massachusetts and
high regard for my friend from Virgin-
ia and those Members of this Congress
who serve on the Intelligence Commit-
tee, but it was not so long ago that
they identified the fact that the major
cause of war in Central America today
is not the United States of America; it
'is not the CIA; it is not the congres-
sional support for the Contras, it is
the support and the export of revolu-
tion from Nicaragua and Managua and
Havana.
Now to shut off support for the Con-
tras when we helped give them the
original encouragement to stop the
abuse of human rights in Nicaragua
seems to me to be pulling the plug on
people who came to depend on this
country. Instead, it was the Intelli-
gence Committee originally who gave
us the information upon which we
made the decision to give some sup-
port to the Contras.
I think to shut off assistance at this
point would be absolutely unmoral;
without morality. I know that we are
not supposed to use ad hominem at-
tacks, and this is not one. But, ladies
and gentlemen, please recognize that
we were the ones that helped start the
effort by the Contras to bring a? halt
to the export of revolution into Costa
Rica and El Salvador.
Let me ask a question: Would any-
body in this body shut off aid to the
Afghan guerrillas who are fighting the
Soviets in Afghanistan? Would any-
body want to shut off aid to Solidarity
if they had come to us for help in
throwing off the martial law regime of
Jaruzelski in Poland? How about Kam-
puchea?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The
time of the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Kzw) has expired.
(On request of Mr. Sxicerrok and by
unanimous consent, Mr. Kzmp was al-
lowed to proceed for 1 additional
minute.)
Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. KEMP. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. STRATTON. I Just wanted to
agree with the gentleman. I cannot get
time on either side of the aisle. I agree
with the gentleman that it would be
immoral for us to shut off this aid,
and I understood that Mr. Duarte said
that that was where his problem lay.
Mr. KEMP. Absolutely. How about
Albondo y Bravo, the Bishop of Nica-
ragua? How about the 100,000 Chris-
tians and campesinos who rallied
against Marxism and against the San-
dinistas in the central square of Mana-
gua on Good Friday? What are we
going to say to them, if we Just all of a
sudden shut off the money that is
going to those who want to bring some
degree of pluralism and freedom and
democracy to Nicaragua? I do not
think we could live with ourselves if
we pass this motion in the expectation
that decision will end this so-called
war, because it will not end. Those
brave people in Nicaragua will go on
fighting for democracy and freedom,
and I think the United States of
America should stand by them in this
hour of need.
Mr. Speaker, with the approval of
Congress, the administration has sup-
ported the activities of people in Nica-
ragua whose rights have been denied
by the Sandinista government. I sup-
port the President's policy in Nicara-
gua, because I believe it is morally
right for the United States to support
people who are fighting for democra-
cy.
The spirit of solidarity is growing in
Nicaragua, threatening the strangle-
hold of the Sandinistas over the free-
doms of the people. On Good Friday,
100,000 Catholics took to the streets in
Managua, in a demonstration of defi-
ance against the Sandinista regime.
And their ranks are growing. It is this
resurgence of the spirit of freedom
that our aid to the freedom fighters
helps keep alive.
. The Catholic bishops, in a display of
courage and leadership, are decrying
the abuses of the Sandinista regime,
and criticizing the control and guid-
ance it is receiving from Cuba. They
are calling for negotiations between
the Sandinistas and those opposed to
the regime, Just as the charter of the
FDN-one of the main contra organi-
zations-seeks negotiations to estab-
lish free and fair elections. Thus far,
the Sandinistas have rejected this
appeal, just as they repudiated their
promises to the OAS to hold free and
fair elections and to respect the rights
of the people of Nicaragua.
We have stood by in anguish over
our inability to help the cause of soli-
darity in Poland. Are there any in this
Chamber who would have refused to
help, if we had the means to do so?
Today, in Nicaragua, a country so
close to our borders, we do have the
power to help. Will this Congress vote
to turn our backs on these people
struggling for their basic human
rights? And if we do turn away, how
will we erase our callousness from our
conscience?
If you speak with members of the
Contra movement, as I have done,
they will tell you that they are not
seeking a military victory; they only
ask that the Sandinista Government
H 4799
hold free and fair elections, as it prom-
ised when it came to power, and re-
spect the human rights of the citizens
of Nicaragua. But until the Sanidinis-
tas honor their word, the opposition
which their totalitarian policies have
spawned will continue to fight for
democratic goals with whatever means
it has at its disposal. '
U.S. policy has a similar two-fold
thrust. First, we have strongly sup-
ported the Contadora process, to find
a peaceful solution to the violence in
Central America. But our diplomatic
overtures have been rebuffed. So long
as the Sandinista regime continues to
scorn its promises to the OAS, and
continues to work for the violent over-
throw of neighboring democratic gov-
ernments, we must help El Salvador
and Honduras and Costa Rica and
others in the region defend themselves
by continuing to bring pressure to
bear on the Sandinistas.
We need to put the debate in per-
spective. Support for the forces of de-
mocracy in Nicaragua is an integral
part of our support for stability and
independence for all the countries in
the region. All our efforts to bring
peace and democracy to El Salvador
will come to naught if we create a
sanctuary next door-guaranteed by
congressional legislation-for those
who bring war and totalitarianism to
El Salvador.
Nicaragua continues to be the source
of regional subversion and instability.
As the House Permanent Select Com-
mittee on Intelligence concluded
(May, 1983) "the Sandinista govern-
ment of Nicaragua is transferring
arms and financial support from and
through Nicaragua to the insurgents.
They are also providing the insurgents
bases of operations in Nicaragua.
Cuban involvement-especially in pro-
viding arms-is also evident."
The facts of Nicaragua's war against
its neighbors, of the Sandinistas' per-
secution of its own people-such as the
repeated attacks on thousands of Mis-
quito Indians who have fled for sanc-
tuary across the Honduran border-
are well known.-Uncertain allegations
about U.S. activities, selectively leaked
and taken out of context, which
cannot be addressed publicly for fear
of compromising people who risk their
lives to help carry our policy forward,
do not negate the fundamental right-
ness of our support for the Nicaraguan
freedom fighters.
We have vital strategic interests in
maintaining the security and stability
of Central America. And we have a
deep and abiding interest in seeing de-
mocracy flourish in our own hemi-
sphere. Having visited Nicaragua,
having met with many who have fled
for their lives, and with others who
have remained to fight. I can attest
that the people of Nicaragua, like
people elsewhere in the region, desper-
ately want the freedoms and quality of
life guaranteed only by a democratic
form of government-_
L ecutiye ie su
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H 4800
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE May 24, 1984
I support the President's policy in
Central America, including support for
the freedom fighters in Nicaragua.
And I endorse what Secretary Shultz
and Secretary Weinberger and Direc-
tor Casey and Mr. McFarlane said in
their Joint statement of last month:
The real issues are whether we in the
United States want to stand by and let a
Communist government in Nicaragua
export violence and terrorism in this hemi-
sphere and whether we will allow the power
of the ballot box to be overcome by the
power of the gun. There is no doubt that
the Soviet Union and Cuba want to aee com-
munism spread further in Central America.
The question is: Will the United States sup-
port those countries that want democracy
and are willing to fight for their own free-
dom?
Mr. Speaker, our support should be
beyond question and it should be dem-
onstrated by a strong vote in favor of
the Contras.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4
minutes to the distinguished - gentle-
man from Georgia (Mr. FOWLER) who
serves on the Intelligence Committee.
(Mr. FOWLER asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FOWLER. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to take up where the gentleman
from Indiana (Mr. HAMILTON) left off.
This motion by the Intelligence
Committee ought to be supported, be-
cause by any discernable means of
military achievement, it has been un-
successful.
By any measure of military achieve-
ment, this operation unilaterally fi-
nanced by the United States of Amer-
ica, unilaterally organized by the
United States of America, has been a
failure. The Contras have seized no
territory; they have taken no Jurisdic-
tion; they have grown; they have esca-
lated; they have cut off no arms. It is a
failure by any discernable military cri-
teria.
We have also done something far
worse, unfortunately. If there is one
thing that we have had bipartisan
consensus on the Intelligence Commit-
tee, it is that the Central Intelligence
Agency should be built as the most
crackerjack intelligence-gathering and
analytic operation in the world. That
the CIA is our first line of defense. Be-
cause it gives us warning of enemy ac-
tivity. Warning of enemy intentions.
Unless you have a crackerjack, clan-
destine collection operation, an anayl-
sis operation, then, yes, our Nation's
national security in days of missiles
and threats is in jeopardy.
We on the Intelligence Committee
and your votes have spent billions and
billions and billions of dollars over the
last 7 years improving that capability.
But now in Nicaragua, we have politi-
cized the Central Intelligence Agency.
We have made them the instrument of
policy when they are prohibited by
their charter to be a policymaking arm
of our Government. As a result, we are
doing under the table, I say to my
friend from New York and others, we
are doing under the table what.we are
not brave enough to go to the Ameri-
can people and say, "We in concert
with our allies if the threat is so great,
want to do openly."
As a result, our allies in Central
America, our allies in Europe are
saying your policy is not only a failure,
you are compromising your Central
Intelligence Agency and help put it
out of business, not only in Central
America, but other parts of the world,
and losing the support of our own citi-
zens who deserve the best, who de-
serve the best from our intelligence
operations.
Oh, my friends, I am in no support
of those people who wring their hands
and say, "We shall never send Ameri-
can troops anywhere to defend our na-
tional security." The question that is
belied by this operation, that question
that we failed to address in this Con-
gress, is how is our national security
threatened at this time in Central
America? And if it is threatened, if it
is threatened, then we ought to use
our forces for what we have forces for:
To defend our Nation, to defend our
country; and not to be under the table
with hired mercenaries under any
circumstances.
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. BROOMFIELD).
(Mr. BROOMFIELD asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. BROOMFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I
am incensed at this procedure which
prevents the offering of a substitute
and cleverly blocks any effort at
reaching a compromise short of a total
cutoff of funds for the freedom fight-
ers in Nicaragua.
This action, together with the hasty
and ill-advised language the House
adopted last night, reinforces the clear
message to our adversaries around.the
world that we are not serious about
keeping our commitments or protect-
ing our interests in Central America.
Our action last night and today, we
are saying again that we will give our
friends in Central America Just
enough to help to prolong their agony.
But if they slip up, we are ready and
waiting to pull the rug out from under
them.
What good does it do to approve $62
million to support the cause of free-
dom and democracy in El Salvador on
the one hand, when with the other
hand we require that they leave the
backdoor open to those in Nicaragua
seeking to subvert freedom and democ-
racy?
What good does it do to embrace
President Duarte before the TV cam-
eras on Wednesday and then by stat-
ute, create a sanctuary for his enemies
in Nicaragua the next day?
This congressional action, is hypo-
critical, contradictory and counterpro-
ductive.
The simple truth is that aid to El
Salvador and aid to the freedom fight-
ers in Nicaragua are not separate
issues. They are both integral parts of
what we are trying to accomplish.
The $21 million we are debating here
is not enough to permit the overthrow
of the Nicaraguan Government, and
that certainly has never been our pur-
pose. But it is enough to help frustrate
Nicaragua's efforts to export Marxist
warfare outside its borders. It is
enough to provide our friend, Presi-
dent Napoleon. Duarte, with an in-
creased margin of safety in his strug-
gle to save his nation and build democ-
racy in El Salvador.
The steps we are taking this week
give comfort to President Duarte'sen-
emies and make this task much more
difficult.
The action last night in announcing
to the world that Congress will prohib-
it the President from sending troops
to El Salvador or Nicaragua, regard-
less of the provocation, must be send-
ing Communist-Marxist military strat-
egists back to the drawing boards all
over the world today.
The Cubans, the Soviets, the PLO,
the North Koreans, the Bulgarians-
all of those who we found actively
working against our interests in Gre-
nada-have been put on notice that
Nicaragua and El Salvador are off-
limits to U.S. troops. We have handed
them a guarantee, that Nicaragua may
be used as a. sanctuary free from U.S.
intervention for whatever mischief
they devise-and we have given it in
writing.
We seem determined to fight our
battles with one hand tied behind our
back and both eyes closed to our past
disasters. Is Nicaragua to become for
Central America the sanctuary for our
enemies that Cambodia and Laos were
in Vietnam?
The President has indicated, that
without some continued support for
the Nicaraguan democratic forces, he
will veto this legislation, including the
funds for El Salvador.
His logic in doing so is clear. We
have to make a choice. Either we have
the courage to stand by our policy, our
President and our friends in Central
America, or we stand aside and watch
El Salvador, Costa Rica, Honduras and
the others go it alone.
Throughout the history of this
House there have been moments that
not only decide issues but define the
very character of this. body. This is
one of them. We stand before history
and the American people-and, yes,
the world-and what we decide will say
as much about us as it does about the
Contras.
We don't let down our friends-that
is a basic truth of the American char-
acter. Are we going to forget that
truth?
If we do, history will never forgive
us. And we will never forgive our-
selves.
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I urge a "no" vote on the Boland
amendment.
^ 1400
Mr. LAGOMARSINO. Mr. Speaker,
will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BROOMFIELD. I yield to the
gentleman from California.
(Mr. LAGOMARSINO asked and
was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. LAGOMARSINO. Mr. Speaker,
I rise in support of the position of the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
BROOMFIELD), and I rise in opposition
to the motion offered by the gentle-
man from Massachusetts, and in sup-
port of the continued funding for
covert assistance to the freedom fight-
ers in Nicaragua.
During the visit of President-elect
Duarte, he made it clear to us that
Nicaragua is the center for command
and control and for supplying the
guerrillas operating in El Salvador.
Without the pressure of the counter-
revolutionary groups operating in
Nicaragua, President Duarte says the
Sandinistas would have free reign to
devote their entire military effort in
support of the Salvadoran guerrillas.
The House Intelligence Committee
has told us that supplies, support for
El Salvador guerrillas in El Salvador
comes from the Sandanistas in Nicara-
gua.
The question is clear: Why should
we provide a sanctuary to the Sandi-
nistas so they are protected while at-
tacking their neighbors?
As Ambassador Kirkpatrick says:
There can be no question by reasonable
persons that Nicaragua is engaged in a con-
tinuing, determined, armed attack against
its neighbors, and that under the charter of
the United Nations, ... those neighbors
have the right of individual or collective
self-defense.
It is clear that progress in achieving
peace in El Salvador is clearly linked
to stopping the Sandinista support for
the Salvadoran insurgency. As much
as we all, wish to see progress on the
diplomatic front in Central America,
the Contadora Initiative has not yet
achieved peace. Even the Los Angeles
Times accuses Managua of dragging
its feet. The Times editorial states:
The Nicaraguan Government is not bar-
gaining in earnest with its neighbors about
reducing the size of its army, eliminating
foreign military advisers from the region
and giving more freedom to political dissi-
dents.
With the evidence clearly against
the Sandinista regime, it is the wrong
time to reduce the pressure on them. I
urge my colleagues to reject the
motion of the gentleman and to con-
tinue funding of covert assistant to
the counterrevolutionaires in Nicara-
gua.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1
minute to the distinguished gentleman
from California (Mr. MINrrA) a
member of the Intelligence Commit-
tee.
(Mr. MINETA asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. MINETA. I thank the gentle-
man for yielding this time to me.
Mr. Speaker, the time has come to
once and for all end our ill-advised, il-
legal and unproductive adventures in
Nicaragua.
I urge my colleagues to uphold this
House's position, and to refuse any ad-
ditional funding for covert activity in
Nicaragua. ,
Some ideas are born of noble goals,
are advanced by people of good inten-
tions, but turn out to be mistakes none
the less. The covert program in Nica-
ragua is one of those tragic mistakes.
Let us. end it, right now here today.
This administation responds to all
international events with the same
pattern: Threats and provocative ac-
tions. Let us-even if it is only just
once-make clear that we in the Con-
gress still have the independent judge-
ment to see a path of a calmness,
reason, and diplomacy.
Please join with us in our efforts to
end this war. Join with us in our effort.
to support a regional solution to this
problem. There is no reason for us to
try and impose our will upon these na-
tions. Let us support their efforts to
find a regional solution.
And most of all, let us end this war
today.
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
yield 3 minutes to a member of the In-
telligence. Committee, the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. YouNG).
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. I thank the
gentleman for yielding this time to
me.
Mr. Speaker, since just over 4 years
ago this Member had the opportunity
to present to the House, In a secret
session, information that proved
beyond a doubt that the Sandinistas
were Communists and were associated
with Cuba and the Soviet Union, and
since that time there has been a lot of
debate on the subject, I had not in-
tended to be involved in this debate
today because I have been involved
in that debate for 4 years now, con-
stantly.
But some of the things that I hear
coming from some of my colleagues I
think bear response. For example, my
friend and colleague on the Intelli-
gence Committee, the gentleman from
Indiana (Mr. HAMILTON), said in his
debate that our actions in Central
America have driven Nicaragua closer
to the Cubans and the Soviets. I would
say to my colleagues that during the
time that the United States was pro-
viding $130 million of aid to the Sandi-
nista forces, that was when they made
their deal with Cuba, that was when
they signed the agreements, that is
when they got closer and closer with
the Communists. Not now, and not be-
cause there was a covert activity under
way, but back then while we were
giving them $130 million.
My distinguished chairman, a man
for whom I have the greatest respect,
H 4801
the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. BOLAND), in his comments said
how we were being criticized because
we wage a war that has turned Central
America into an armed camp.
I would say to my friend, Mr.
BOLAND, and to my colleagues on the
floor, it is not any activity of the
American people or the American
Government that has turned Central
America into an armed camp. We had
nothing to do with the creation of a
130,000-man force in Nicaragua, far
beyond its needs to defend itself. The
Americans had nothing to do with the
introduction of Mig-23's into the Car-
ibbean/Central American area. We
have had nothing to do with building
runways that are capable of handling
Soviet intercontinental bombers. We
have not oreated submarine bases.
To the contrary, thode things were
done by the other side, by the Soviet-
Cuban axis, with the help of their
friends in Nicaragua, the Sandinistas.
I have no objection to the debate.
what comes from this side of the aisle
or that side of the aisle. The debate is
good, because we have a major issue
before us and we have to make a deci-
sion. We have to decide what we are
going to do about the Communist ex-
pansion in Central America, our front
yard. In my district in Florida, we are
closer to a good portion of Central
America, Nicaragua and El Salvador
than we are to many parts of the
United States.
We are concerned about what hap-
pens in Central America, but in all
these debates--and I say again, debate
is good-I hear so many times the im-
plication that the United States is the
bad guy, that we Americans are the
aggressor, that we are the threat to
world peace.
I would say, Mr. Speaker, that is not
true. We have never been the aggres-
sor and we are not and have never
been a treat to the peace of the world.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. I yield to
the gentleman from Nebraska.
(Mr. BEREUTER asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I rise
in opposition to the motion offered by
the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. BOLAND).
Mr. Speaker, we have known this
vote was approaching for several days,
and yet I have noted that many of our
colleagues on both sides of the aisle
are uncomfortable with the choice
facing them. The Intelligence Commit-
tee took us down this road when 3
years ago when no objections were of-
fered to covert operations in Nicara-
gua. Today it is once again recom-
mending to us a total cutoff of all aid
to the Contras, giving us no other
choices but to vote "yea" and "nay."
This Member is opposed to funding
covert operations in Nicaragua. Cer-
tainly it ham caused the Sandinista
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 1t ay 24,1 9S4
reghne to reduce its aggressive exter- met with many people. I am not happy
nal actions including time aid to Salva- with the Sandinista government. I do
doaa-n guerrillas flowing through Niea- not support them. I do not like many
ragua-a fact stipulated by the Horse of the things that they do.
Select Committee on Intelligence. But But I spoke to some Nicaraguan
covert aid is counterproductive is people. I met a man who presented me
changiauag. Nicaraguan Internal policies, with this mass card from the funeral
particularly in a country invaded by of his son. a son who was kilted by the
the Armed Forces of the United States Contras. He buried the boy just a week
twice in the last century.. The actions
of the contras have served to
strengthen the hand at a. Sandinista
regime which has tightened censor-
ship and repression in. their country.
The Nicaraguan people almuld not be
forced to choose between an American
backed armed ?coup which iceclndes
some civil guards of the hated Soanoza
regime and a government which grows
everyday heavier handed, but which
claims to be authentically Nicaraguan.
Mr. Speaker. we are giving the Sandir
nfatas a way out of their own wrongdo-
ings by our policy of supporting the
Contras.
But all of us here today must ask
ourselves whether a total cutoff of all
aid-suddenly-will not leave the situ-
ation worse than before. During the
last debate on this issue, both the gen-
tleman from Florida Mr. Mss and
this Member offered a "symmetry" ap-
proach amendments or substitutes
which would assure the Sandinistas of
a cutoff in our assistance to the Con-
tras If they. in turn. discontinue their
assistrance to the Salvadbran guerril-
las. This would be monitored by an
international organisation such as the
CkgsnftLtiGn of American States or
the United Nations. Would this not be
the Snore responsible approach? why
are we not given that choice today? Is
it wrong to disallow a pragmatic third
option?
There have also been press reports
about the possibility of a phaseout of
over backing of the Contra m T1tst ap-
preach too would also have been
better than the drastie choices we
lmve before us today. although it has
very significant defects:
If today's vote would result in the
total cutoff of funds, I can usly hope
that the "symmetry" approach or a
phaseout proposal will reappear in
conference with the other belly, for
there are far better altersatflres for
moving the United States away from
the funding of covert operations in
Nicaragua.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2
mints to the gentleman from Maaua-
cbusetts (Mr. SHANM o k
Mr. SHANNON. I thank my col-
league, the gentleman frog Mad ism
setts, for yielding this time to one.
Mr. Speaker, we have heard a lot of
discussion today about the interests of
the United States in this matter and,
of course. that is the central gsestion
that needs to be addressed. What are
oat teterests to Central America?
What are our interests in Nicaragua?
I mud say that I think these inter-
eats we being too narrowly defined by
some who are speakdne from this. spot.
I visited Nicaragua lad summer and
before. He said to me, "Congressman, I
would not have this printed just to de-
ceive you. He was killed by the Con-
tras.,'
is this what we have come to repre-
sent to Nicaragua? Is this what we
have come to represent in the Third
World? We are the greatest democracy
in the history of the world. We have
been relegated to this? I hope not.
That is what this question is all
about. That is what this issue is all
about.
What would yon have us dot Should
we be willing to invade Nicaragua.
send troops, overthrow the Sandi
tat? I have not heard anybody urge
that, and that is. not what we should
be doing. And we should not be
launching secret wars. We do not have
to do that. We do not have to be
threatened by Sandinistas. We ate not
threatened by them.
So what we are saying here today is,
not what we think about the Nicara-
guans; but rather what we think about
the United States and the role that we
are going to play in the world. That is
what this issue is all, amt. If we have
an interest here, it Is in making sure
that the country represents the right
values around the world, values of
peace and justice and freedom and
self-determination. This policy that we
have launched In Nicaragua fifes In
the face of those values and that tradi-
tion, and that is why the Howse mast
cite the U.S. insalrement with the in-
surgent forces and in fact, instead,
urged the Sandinistas to sit down and
negotiate with the Contras to form a
government and to end the violence.
This, of course, means that some-
thing good is happening from our ef-
forts with Contras. They are a moder-
ating force. The nine Catholic bishops
have unanimously said that they are a
factor to be reckoned with and the
Sandinistas ought, to sit down and talk
with them.
Now, what was the response from
the Sandinistas? Daniel Ortega said
that the bishops were a minority that
wants to sell out the, country. Car-
toons have been written in the official
press in Nicaragua portraying the
Catholic bishops as fashioning a swas-
tika from the scenes of a cross.
What does the veiled threat mean
from the Minister of Agrarian Reform
Jaime Wheelock, who said that the
time has now come to take stronger
measures, against enemies of the revo-
lution who are trying to turn back the
people's conquest?
Those veiled threats against the
Catholic bishops, Mr. Speaker, are
very important to what we are doing
today. A vote against the Boland
amendment, I suggest, is a vote that
says the United States will not stand
idly by and allow these challenges and
criticisms against the Catholic Church
to continue.
Mr. Speaker; the Contras are fight-
ing for freedom fez their people, they
are fighting for rights, they are fight.
ing for freedom of the press, they are
fighting for freedom of religion, and I
suggest that we stand up with the nine
bishops who stood up in Nicaragua
? Mr. COUGBL,IN. Mr. Speaker, after
personally meeting with President-
elect Duarte of El Salvador as well as
the Nicaraguan Ambassador to Wash-
ington, I am convinced that totally
abandoning the Contras in their strug-
gle with the Sandinista government.of
Nicaragua would adversely affect El
Salvador, precipitate a bloodbath, and
stamp the United States as unwilling
to maize and stand by the tough deci-
sions forced upon us in our own hemi-
sphere.
President-elect Duarte. who is put-
ting his life on the line to try to insti-
tute real democracy in El Salvador,
said that stopping the aid to the Con-
tras would mean an unchecked flow of
arms by way of Nicaragua. He said
there are many ways to funnel arms
into El Salvador, but that the presence
of the contras impeded the direct ac-
quiesence and help of the Sandinista
government and interdicted by far the
most direct route for smuggled arms.
Nicaraguan Ambassador Antonio
Jarquin told me Wedneaday in my
Washington office that his govern-
ment had "no control" over the flow
of arms to revolutionaries battling the
dilly-elected government of Ili Salva-
dor and declined to offer to attempt
such control. For a government which
stick by its position.
131410
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Missouri (Mr. Coamsax).
(Mr. COLEMAN of Missouri ad;ed
and was given permission to revise and
extend his rte)
Mr. COLEMAN of Missouri- W.
Speaker, we just gave $62 million to
the country of El Salvador, and I sug-
go* it will not be worth a plugged.
niahel unless we do something to
inure that the illegal continuation of
terrorist activities from Nicaragua will
ceaoe.
The Sandinistas in Nicaragua have
said, no. they are not interested in do-
mocracy, and, no, they are not inter-
ested in ending their illegal fight
against the pee of El Salvador.
The people we call the Contras, the
freedom lighters. are not the only
ones with dissenting opinions. On
Easter Sunday the nine Catholic bish-
ops of Nicaragua cause out with a pas-
toral letter in which they criticised
the close ties of the Sandinistas with
the Communist government of Cuba
It Height be pointed out at the same
time that these bishops did not criti-
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has yet to honor its commitment to the world for the cause of human free- Central America helpful, or is it harm-
free elections, the Nicaraguan Ambas- dom, they mean it. ful?
sador's statement is a flat-out decep- And that is why the United States Everybody in the United States be-
tion. must continue its support to the free lieves. and certainly President Reagan
While I regret that the United people of the Nicaraguan resistance.? says he wants to support the Conta-
States embarked on a covert operation Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 dora process. I have heard so many
of this type-unlike the Soviets, Cuba, minutes to the distinguished gentle- speeches from both Republicans and
and their allies, we find these methods man from Maryland (Mr. BARNZS), Democrats here that I do not know of
repugnant to our sense of fair play-I who chairs the Subcommittee on the anyone here who does not want to
believe that our abandonment of the Western Hemisphere of the Commit- support the Contadora process. We all
Contras at this time would stamp us tee on Foreign Affairs, say we do.
an unreliable ally. I also believe that (Mr. BARNES asked and was Oven go I asked the President of one of
to deny the Contras even the means of permission to revise and .extend his re- the Contadora nations: Is this project
self protection would be disastrous. marks.) of . the United States, supporting the
This does not mean I condone, nor will Mr. BARNES. Mr. Speaker, I thank Contras, helpful to the Contadoras, or
I support, such actions as the mining the distinguished. chairman of the In- is that harmful?
of Nicaraguan harbors. telligence Committee for yielding me
I am chagrined by human rights vio- this time. His answer was very direct, that this
lations in both El Salvador and Nicara- My friend and distinguished col- is part of the problem the Contadora
gua. At least, a president has been league, the gentleman from Michigan has in trying to find a peaceful resolu-
elected in El Salvador who has pledged (Mr. BROOMFIELD), said a few minutes tion of the problems in Central Amer-
to eliminate death squads and bring ago that history, the American people, ice'
justice to that country. In Nicaragua, and the world will judge the decision Last week the President of Costa
not only have democratic elections that we make on this issue that con- Rica, President Monge of Costa Rica,
been cast aside, but the government fronts us now, and I agree totally with made a very tough statement, particu-
persecutes the religious, harasses and that comment of the gentleman from larly coming from that position, de-
censors the news media, and has Michigan (Mr. BROOMFIELD). History nouncing the United States for the
slaughtered or driven into exile thou- will judge the decision we make this way it is increasing the military ten-
sands of Miskito Indians. afternoon as to whether or not the sions within Costa Rica. He singled
Neither country has the market cor- United States wants to continue to out our Secretary of Defense, Mr.
nered on human rights violations. Our engage in a covert war against the Weinberger, by name for specific criti-
only, hope is that El Salvador-with Government and the people of Nicara- c. The Costa Ricans are panicked
our aid which is 80 percent economic- gua. by what is happening around them in
can make the transition to real democ- Certainly the American people will Central America.
racy and prevent a well-orchestrated judge the decision we make here this If we want to help Costa Rica, if we
subversive drive to turn it into another afternoon. I do not think there is any want to help the Contadoras, there
surrogate of the Soviet Union in our question where their judgment lies on are ways to do it that are lawful, there
hemisphere.* this. We are all familiar with the sur- are ways to do it that are overt, and
? Mr. STUMP. Mr. Speaker, aid to the veys and the polls which indicate that there are ways to do it that are con-
Nicaraguan resistance now is essential the American people are very strongly sistent with the values of our Nation.
if political pluralism is ever to have a opposed to the policy of the Reagan We are a signatory to the Rio Treaty;
chance in Nicaragua. administration carrying on a covert we are a member of the Organization
Aid to the Nicaraguan resistance war through the CIA against another of American States. They provide
now is essential -If Nicaragua is to be government with which we have diplo- mechanisms for the international com-
dissuaded from its extensive efforts, matic relations. There is no question munity to deal with this kind of prob-
under Soviet and Cuban guidance, to how the American people will judge lem.
subvert the governments of the region, the vote that we take this afternoon, It is not the answer for the United
If the United States abandons the and there is no question how the States unilaterally to hire a lot of
Nicaraguan resistance, it will seal the world will judge the vote that we take guerrillas and send them off to invade
fate of' the Nicaraguan people in this afternoon. The world is very clear another country. That is not the way
Marxist-Leninist totalitarianism. on it. There is something called the to behave in the international commu-
We are not simply deciding today World Court, which rule about 2 nity. This is certainly not the way the
whether to provide a small amount of weeks ago unanimously that the United States has historically said
assistance to a few resistance groups United States is violating international people should behave. We have said
who need our help. law by engaging in precisely the kind that people should abide by the deci-
No, make no mistake about it, we are of activities we are talking about this sions of the World Court; we have said
really . deciding whether the United afternoon. that people should abide by their
States cares whether the Nicaraguan There are also lots of other ways to treaty obligations.
people are enslaved by the Marxist- judge international opinion and the Mr. Speaker, I ask the Members to
Leninists Sandinistas who seized view of the world on what we are vote for the Boland proposal.
power in Nicaragua. doing. One of them is to talk with The SPEAKER pro tempdre. The
I believe that the American people world leaders. Many of us in this Chair wishes to announce that the
have the political will-the courage- chamber have the opportunity to do gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
to put their money where their mouth so regularly. Last week we had the op- BOLAND) has 8 minutes remaining and
is. portunity to talk with the President of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
We talk all the time in America Mexico, one of the Contadora coun- ROBINSON) has 10 minutes remaining.
about how important personal liber- tries that is engaged in the effort to The Chair recognizes the gentleman
ties and rights are. We tell the world try to bring a peaceful resolution to from Virginia (Mr. ROBINSON).
that we stand for freedom in the world the crisis in Central America. Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
and believe that all oppressed peoples I had the great privilege of . attend- yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
ought share the freedoms we enjoy. ing a private luncheon over in the Georgia (Mr. GINGRICH).
But, I guess we do not really mean it other body with the President of Mr. GINGRICH. Mr. Speaker, let
after all if we, abandon the Nicaraguan Mexico, and I was able to ask him the me say first of all to my friends on the
resistance-if we abandon the last question: Is what the United States is left that this is not a test of patriot-
chance for a future free Nicaragua. doing in this covert war, providing as- ism. This is a test of common sense, of
Well, that is not where the Ameri- sistance to the Contras, helpful to the realism, of learning from the behavior
can people stand. When Americans say effort of the Contadora nations to find of our opponents and the results of
they stand tall with their friends in a peaceful resolution to the crisis in our policies.
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Today we face the resins that On
Nicaraguan Communists are oppress-
ing the Catbome: Citutck. and the bisD-
opa an now flshtftrg back- Today we
face the reslit.y that the Nicarasusn
Ceannaardsta have expelled all. Jews
and tuned the sanaga m into a Pa)-
estk w Liberation, Orgsniarion beam
gvurtszs.
The Nicarapae Commounkft balmy
have 20 Libyan pilots and meekasics
and 5G Palestine Liberation Organiza,
tion pilots and nom.
The Nicaraguan Conominiata today
nave 100 Soviet military advisers. 100
advisers from Czechoslovakia, Bulgar-
ia. and Poland. The Nkaaagean Cons,
monists today have its East German:
secret police advisers establishing a
Comnsnanist police stake.
Our friends on the left responded to
this reality with a letter to Commanr
dante Ortega, the Communist Nicara-
guan dictator. Now we loose his answer
to their letter. I have here his answer.
This seven-page letter is a cynical
propaganda attack on the united
States. It reelects every request of the
"Dear Commasdaate'' latter. It specif-
ically rejects the Deaoosrais' appeal to
let the freedom fighters' leaders cam-
paiia In the election.
finally, the Communist dictator
cynically and contemptuously cites the
Speaker of our own House in a letter
to; Members of our House.
I ask my colleagues an the left, how
can you read this caves. cynical, insult-
ing, letter which offers no hope and
vote to cut oil aid to the freedom
fighters?
Will you never learn about the reali-
ty of Soviet power, about the reality of
the Palestine Liberation Orgaaization-
Libyan assault on Israel. about the re-
ality of Consmwsist dictatorship.
Comm today's vote. After an
honest and internationally observed El
Salvador election, after a trial which
brings Into court the people who killed
the Americans, you can still vote
against aid to El Sanrador and you can
excuse anyth1bg the Nicaraguans do
and vote against aid to the freedom
fighters. And you wonder why we sug-
gest you are blind to the realities of
Soviet power.
01420
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker. I yield 2
minutes to the distinguished gentle-
man from Wisconsin (Mr. Osrr).
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, the gentle-
man from Georgia suggests that an
unsatisfactory letter from Mr. Ortega
means that we should continue to
fund covert military attacks In Nicara-
gua. I think that makes no more sense
then saying that we ought to fund
covert military attacks on the Soviet
Union because the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Gnrgaren) has not yet
received a satisfactory response from
the Soviet Government on the letter
that he and I both sFgned. If the gen-
tleman from Georgia (Mr. Griecrtxox)
objects to sending a letter asking Nica-
ragua to allow Contra leaders to par-
ticipate to electissas, that says more gaerviEas to go into another country
about the gentleman than it salds and you give them sdeaetasary, then
about us. your a ffoeig are domed to fao'are and
The issue is not whether we should all the money that we have just voted
defend our Interests. The issue is for in Salvador will go down the drain
whether we ought to do it smart or if we g maetasary to the Micara-
whether wed a] - to do R stupid guess Qasezrnaeat, wPeh by the judg-
I ass tired of self-styled hued-liners ment of or own Intelligence C7ommit-
who bangle into policies whieh are In- tee is supplying, arming, training, and
effective and enable 1611rw std and So- equipping the guerrillas In El Salvs-
viets to exploit those policies to put
the United States an the defensive
even with our own allies in that
region, and then who divert attention
from their own bungling by innuendo
riddled attacks on our dedication to
U.B. Interests and our understanding
of the seriousness of the sickness of
Soviet Marxism.
Do what makes sense for America.
Vote for the Boland amendment. That
is how you.stand up for America and
what it really stands for.
Mr. ROBINKW. Mr. Speaker, I
yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Hmns).
(Mr. HYDE asked and was given per-
mfssion to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker. I heard the
distinguished gentleman from Indiana
say we have a unique chance to haft a
war. May I correct him. It is half a
war, just a war in Nicaragua. The war
in Ei Salvador goes on and on even as
we speak.
I heard the gentleman from Mary-
land say, "Hire guerrillas, hire guerril-
las and send them into Nicaragua."
Commander Zero is not on our pay-
roll, has never been an employee of
the United States, and the Misklto In
diana live in Nicaragua. That is their
home that the Sandinistas are driving
them out of.
Now. why legitimize the Sandinistas?
They came Into power on a lie, an
fraud in the inducement to the Orga-
nization of American States and they
stay in power through repression.
Turn your political geography book
to Afghanistan and then ask your-
selves, where is the high ground?
You moral surveyors,, is the high
ground helping the people of Afghani-
stan defend themselves against their
Soviet oppressors?
I know they are using rocks. sticks
and stones, but the high ground con-
sists of helping them.
Now turn your geography books to
Nicaragua. Where is the high ground
there? Helping those people who live
there defend themselves and their
freedom.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to my friend.
the gentleman from Arizona (Mr.
McCAIN
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman from Illinois.
der.
I thank the gentleman.
Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, this
amendment proves we cannot define
our own vital interests, we cannot
identify them, and we sure do not
know how to protect them.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1
minute to the chief deputy whip on
this side, the gentleman from Arkan-
sas (Mr. ALzxANnsa).
6Mr. ALEXANDER asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. Speaker,
while we might disagree on the nature
of the threat is Central America, all
of us will agree that there is a prob-
lem. I suggest we, recall the words of
our friend and neighbor, President de
is Madrid who gave us a clue to the so-
lution. He sai4 and I quote:
A democracy cannot use the arms of tyr-
amw. Reason and understanding are superi-
or to the Illusion of the effectiveness of
force.
We have heard that our military
strategy has failed in Nicaragua. Presi-
dent de la Madrid said that the solu-
tions in Centeral America lie In eco-
nomic and social development along
with political dialog-not in weapons
and military advisers.
What -we have done in this country
in supporting, Mr. Reagan's war is to
be perceived in Central America as
supporting the. old order of poverty,
malnutrition, hunger, and ignorance.
These are not the values of this coun-
try. They should not be the values of
our foreign policy.
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Rrrrzx).
(Mr. RITTER asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. RITTIit. Mr. Speaker, let us
not make any mistake about what we
do here today if we pull out the rug
from under the Nicaraguan resistance
fighters. We betray them. We betray
the people who went into the field,
put their lives on the line, because in a
bipartisan fashion this Congress, this
administration, has supported their ef-
forts because of the findings of our In-
telligence Committee.
pane military aspect of this. If we con- miles, we betray the populations that
tissue to provide arms and equipment have given them refuge. We betray
to the Contras, we will have an oppor- the Nicaraguan people and when they
tunity to slow that flow of arms. Any decide to come to the United States, I
n Itary expert will tell you that if you would hope that those Members who
provide sanctuary to an enemy so that vote against aid to the Contras wel-
they can arm, supply, train, and equip come them to their congressional dis-
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May 24, 1984 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
tricts when they seek refuge from solve. If we abandon the Contras
Communist repression. today, whose turn will it be tomorrow?
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr Speaker, I Korea's? Israel's?
yield the remaining flew an our side to It is geostrategically wrong. The
the Republican leader, the; gentleman Moscow-Havana-Managua - axis wants
from Illinois (Mr. Mrcrw. nothing more than to see the Sandi-
(Mr. MICSEL asked and was given nistas gain a victory by default. This
permission to revise and extend his re- will only whet their appetite for more
marks.) adventuriem.
Mr. HURTER. W. Speaker, will the It is diplomatically wrong. We will
gentleman yield? lose whatever leverage we have with
Mr. MICHEL. I am happy to yield to the Sandinistas if we turn away from
my friend. the gentleman from Cali- the Contras.
fornia. Finally--and most important-it is
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank morally wrong to cut off funds. What
the leader for yielding. kind of moral foreign policy is it that
I would simply quote lines from the suddenly cuts off aid to those we have
inaugural speech of John F. Kennedy urged to fight tyranny?
regarding our commitment in Central We have a precedent in this case.
America, when he said. In early 1975 there were 50 Cubans
Let all our neighbors know that we shall
join with them to oppose aggression or sub-
version anywhere in the Americas. And let
every other power know that this hemi-
sphere intends to remain the master of its
own house.
The question I would ask my friends
on the other side is, are you at this
time abandoning the policies that were
laid down by John Kennedy with
regard to Central America?
I thank the leader.
Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman for his very valuable
contribution.
Mr. Speaker, in the House there are
always what seem to be two realities.
One concerns what we do. The other-
equally important- concerns what we
are perceived as doing.
That is what worries me about the
amendment introduced by my good
friend, the gentleman from Massachu-
setts (Mr. BoLArm).
Its effect would be clear-cut and
simple-it would cut off funding for
the Contras. But the perception of
what we do in cutting off funds is
something we should also consider. Its
ramifications could be far-reaching
and profound.
What we do today effects not just
Nicaragua, but the entire world.
If we cut off funds for the Contras,
our allies will perceive us as weakening
in resolve in the fight against the
Moscow-Havana-Managua axis.
Our adversaries will perceive us as
lacking both the will and the endur-
ance for the long twilight struggle
John F. Kennedy spoke about.
The people of El Salvador will per-
ceive us as giving aid with one hand-
and taking away with the other. Jose
Napoleon Durate will certainly feel
that way.
To provide aid to El Salvador while
cutting off aid to the Contras is like
plugging one hole in a dam while you
open another.
The unintended consequences of leg-
islation often outlive-and outweigh-
the best of motivations.
So it is with this amendment.
There are four reasons why it is
wrong to cut off funds to the Contras.
It is geopolitically wrong. Our allies
can only wonder at our sense of re-
in Angola. In June 1976, the Clark
amendment forbade any covert aid to
anti-Marxist forces in Angola.
A steady climb of Cuban forces then
began. By the end of 1977 they num-
bered 19,000. By 1981 it was 23,000. By
the end of 1983 it was 30,000 Cuban
troops in Angola.
In July 1979 there were 50 Cuban
advisers in Nicaragua. Today we esti-
mate some 9,000.
Do you want more of them? I can
guarantee you that is what you will
get if we repeat the folly of the Clark
amendment.
It happened before in Angola. From
50 troops to 30,000. It can-and will
happen again in Nicaragua if we make
the same mistake twice.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, the New
York Times on Tuesday carried a
story about the recent pastoral letter,
issued by all nine bishops in Nicara-
gua.
The letter, says the Times, "did not
contain any condemnation of the
United States or the insurgent forces
it is supporting in Nicaragua. Instead
it urged peace- talks with the rebels.
Sandinista officials have repeatedly
vowed they will never agree to such
talks."
The bishops of Nicaragua and the
people they serve know who the
enemy is in Nicaragua.
Why is it so difficult for us to see
the light, and learn from history?
I would urge my colleagues to vote
against the Boland motion.
0 1430
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, I yield
the remaining time on our side to the
distinguished majority leader, the gen-
tleman from Texas (Mr. WRIGHT).
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The
gentleman from Texas (Mr. WRIGHT)
is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, what we
address in our vote within a very few
minutes goes to the very heart of U.S.
foreign policy. By this vote we will be
determining, in connection with the
vote which we earlier had, what kind
of country we want to be, what kind of
a role we feel that we have a right to
play and ought to play in our hemi-
sphere.
H 4805
terry Member of this House knows
where I have stood on aid for El Salva-
dor. I believe that it in a shatter of
principle. I believe we are committed
by international law ash as signatories
to the R o Treaty to.assist a friendly,
constitutionally ehctod government,
at its request, to defend its right to
local nonviolent self-determination.
But if we believe in the right of self-
determination for El Salvador, then
niiist we not believe in the right or
self-determination for other coon tries,
in lading Nicaragua, with which we
disagree?
Are we consistent In our prrirniples?
We state the high principle as a sig-
natory to the Rio Treaty that we will
respect and protect the right of every
country in the hemisphere to territori-
al integrity. For that.reason I have
suggested that we have a right and a
duty to assist the Government of El
Salvador to respect and protect its ter-
ritorial integrity from invasion.
My friends, if we really believe that,
do we have any right to invade and
violate the territorial integrity of the
Government of Nicaragua? Do we
have a right to invade their borders?
I think this is a test of what our role
is in this hemisphere. Throughout the
hemisphere friends are looking. Do we
regard ourselves as the good neighbor
or do we regard ourselves as the hemi-
spheric bully? Do we think it is our
right to dictate to others under pain of
our financing third parties to shed
their blood, to bring down their Gov-
ernment if they do not agree with us?
How do we look upon others in the
hemisphere? Do we look upon them as
equals or do we look upon them as
subordinates, to whom we may Issue
orders and ultimata?
In July President Reagan wrote a
letter to the Presidents of the Conta-
dara nations, Panama, Colombia,
Mexico, and Venezuela. In that letter
in July President Reagan said as fol-
lows:
There must be respect for the principle of
nonintervention, including a ban on support
for subversive elements that seek to destabi-
lize other countries.
I have to say, Mr. President, our
words ring hollow in the hemisphere
when we do not practice what we
preach.
If that is a principle to be abided by,
by others, is it not a principle to which
we also must commit ourselves, and by
which we must live?
There is much in the Nicaraguan
Government's policies with which I
find disagreement. I have said so there
as well as here. I have said it directly
to the heads of the Nicaraguan Gov-
ernment.
But that does not give to us or to me
the right to dictate their form of socie-
ty. Itdoes not give us a right to start a
war. It does not give us the right to
mine their harbors in contravention of
internatior inter,
national laly an act of war. you know.
0a
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H 4806 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
It does not give the administration The vote was taken by electronic
the right to violate the laws that this device, and there were-yeas 241, nays
Congress has passed. In the Boland 177, not voting 15, as follows:
amendment in 1982 we provided that [Roll No. 1911
none of the funds might be used by YEAS-241
anyone for the purpose of overthrow- Ackerman Ge)denson Obey
ing the Government of Nicaragua. Addabbo Gephardt o1114
That was unequivocal. That was not Akaka Gibbons Ortfi
subject to misunderstanding. It was Albosta Glickman ottodker
the law. Alexander Gonsales Oakns
Then the CIA disengenuously ex- AAnndrewa NC) Gore Patterson
plained that while overthrowing the Andrews (Tx) Gradleon Paul
Government may have been the pub- - AAnnrnu nr Gray Pease Penny
licly avowed purpose of those whom Applegate Guarini Pepper
we recruited and trained and supplied Aspin Gunder m Perkins
and put into the field, it was not really Aucoin Hall (IN) MAW
our purpose nor that of the CIA and Barnes Hall (OH) Prime
therefore nobody was violating the Bedell Bates Harkin kin Hamilton Pu a
Putaell
law. Bellenson Harrison Rahall
My friends, people in Latin America Bennett Hawkins Rangel
are not deceived. They understand the Berman Hayes Regina d
difference between a forthright posi- Booeeh el rt Aeftel Reid
tion and a surreptitious attempt to Boggs Hertel Richardson
evade the law. Boland Horton Ridge
Boner Rodirw
So clearly it is a question of whether Bonior Royerd Roe
we practice what we preach, whether Bonker Hughes Rose
we are consistent in the principles we Borski Jacobs Rostenkowski
proclaim. Bosco Jeffords Roybal
Boucher Jones (NC) Russo
If you wonder why there are people Boxer Jones (OK) Sabo
in Nicaragua who are fearful of the Britt Jones (TN) Savage
UnIbif States and susceptible to anti-. Brooks Ka Schneid
Brown (CA) Kasten ten meier Schneider
U.S, opaganda, you just have to look Bryant Kennelly Schroeder
at the history of U.S. intervention Burton (CA) Kildee Schumer
there for a century and more. In 1855 c Carper weezim k Shannong
a Tennessean named William Walker Chandler Kolter Sharp
raised a private army and installed Clarke Kostmayer Stkorskl
himself as Emperor of Nicaragua. Clay Lantos Simon
_ From 1911 until 1933 a contingent of Coe Le Slattery
Coleman (TX) Lehman (CA) Smith (FL)
U.S. marines occupied Nicaragua Collins Lehman (FL) Smith (IA)
almost continously. Then for 43 years Conte Leland Snowe
the three Somozas ruled the country Conyers Levis solars
and were widely regarded, rightly or Cooyner Lipinski St Germain
wrongly, as our surrogates. Crockett Long (LA) Staggers
It is against this backdrop that our D'Amours Long (MD) Stark Stokes
mining of their harbors and financing deDaaOarza LIuken(WA) Studds
of some 8,000 or more troops to invade Dellums Lundine swift
their land gives credibility among Derrick MacKay Synar
their citizenry to the most provocative Dicks Markey Tauke
Dingell Martin (IL) Torres
propaganda against our country. It Dixon Martinez Torricelli
feeds the fires of nationalism and anti- Donnelly Matsui Towns
Americanism, not only in Nicaragua Donny Mavroules Valentine
but elsewhere in Latin America as Durbin McCloskey Vento
well. Dwyer McCurdy Volkmer
Surely that is not the image we seek Dymally McHugh Walgren
to reflect, nor the policy we seek to Early McKernan Waxman
Eckart McKinney Weaver
pursue. So I suggest that, true to our Edgar McNulty Weiss
own finest principles, we should sup- Edwards (CA) Mikulski Wheat
port the Boland motion today. Evans (IA) Miller (CA) Whitley
Mr. BOLAND. ?Mr. Speaker, I move FFzzzio (IL) Mineta Williams (MT)
the previous question on the motion. Feighan Mitchell Wilson
The previous question was ordered. Ferraro Moakley Wirth
The jgpF.AKFR. Fish Mollohan Wise
pro tempore. The Florio Moody Wolpe
question is on the motion offered by Foglietta Morrison (CT) Wright
the gentleman from Massachusetts Foley Mrazek Wyden
(Mr. BOLAND). Ford (MI) Murphy. Yates
Ford (TN) Natcher Yatron
The question was taken; and the Fowler Neal Young (MO)
Speaker pro tempore announced that Frank Nowak Zschau
the ayes appeared to have it. Frost Oakar
Garcia Oberstar
Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Speaker, I
object to the vote on the ground that NAYS-177
a quorum is not present and make the Archer Bliley Chappell
point of order that a quorum is not Badharn Breaux Chappie
present. Barnard Broomfield Cheney
Bartlett Brown (CO) Clinger
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evi- Bateman Broyhill Coats
dently a quorum is not present. Bereuter Burton (IN) Coleman (MO)
Bethune Byron Conable
. The . Sergeant _at4rms will notify Bevill Campbell Corcoran
absent Members. i Bilirakis Carney Coughlin
May 24, 1984
Courter
Johnson
Quillen
Craig
Kasich
Ray
Crane, Daniel
Kasen
Rinaldo
Crane. Philip
Kemp
Ritter
Daniel
Kindness
Roberts
Dannemeyer
Kramer
Robinson
Darden
Lagomarsino
Roemer
Daub
Latta
Roth
Davis
Leath
Rowland
DeWine
Lent
Rudd
Dickinson
Levitas
Schaefer
Dowdy
Lewis (PL)
Schulze
Dreier
Livingston
Shaw
Duncan
Lloyd
Shelby
Dyson
Loeffler
Shumway
Edwards (AL)
Lott
Shuster
Edwards (OK)
Lowery (CA)
SilJander
Emerson
LuJan
Sisisky
English
Lungren
Skeen
Erdreich
Mack
Skelton
Erlenborn
Madigan
Smith (NE)
Faicell
Marlenee
Smith (NJ)
Fiedler
Martin (NY)
Smith, Denny
Fields
McCain
Smith, Robert
Flippo
McCandless
Snyder
Franklin
McCollum
Solomon
Frenzel
McDade
Spence
Fuqua
McEwen
Stangeland
Gaydos
McGrath
Stenholm
Gekas
Mica
Stratton
Gilman
Michel
stump
Gingrich
Miller (OH)
Sundquist
Gregg
Molinari
Tallon
Hall. Ralph
Montgomery
Tauzin
Hall Sam
Taylor
Hammerschmidt Moorhead
Thomas (CA)
Hansen (UT)
Morrison (WA)
Thomas (GA)
Hartnett
Murtha
Vander Jagt
Hightower
Myers
Vandergriff t
Hiler
Nelson
Vucanovich
Hillis
Nichols
Walter
Holt
Nielson
Weber
Hopkins
O'Brien
Whitehurst
Hubbard
Oxley
Whittaker
Huckaby
Packard
Winn
Hunter
Parris
wolf
Hutto
Pashayan
Wortley
Hyde
Patman
Wylie
Ireland
Petri
Young (AK)
Jenkins
Porter
Young (PL)
Gramm
Lewis (CA)
Sawyer
Hance
Marriott
Sensenbrenner
Hansen (ID)
Martin (NC)
Traxler
Hatcher
Rogers
Watkins
LaFalce
Roukema
Williams (OH)
The
pair:
On this vote:
Mr. LaFalce for, with Mr. Hance against.
Mr. GOODLING changed his vote
from "nay" to "yea."
So the motion was agreed to.
The result of the vote was an-
nounced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider the votes by
.which action was taken on the confer-
ence report and the several motions
was laid on the table.
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
AUTHORIZATION ACT; 1985
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu-
ant to House Resolution 494 and rule
XXIII, the Chair declares the House
in the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union for the fur-
ther consideration of the bill, H.R.
5167.
IN THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE
Accordingly the House resolved
itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the
Union for the further consideration of
the bill (H.R. 5167) to authorize ap-
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