ARTICLE ON THE NUCLEAR FREEZE MOVEMENT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87M00539R001001360023-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 3, 2010
• Sequence Number: 23
• Publication Date: September 12, 1985
• Content Type: MEMO

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ON-FILE NSC RELEASE INSTRUCTIONS APPLY
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
MEMORANDUM FOR
September 12, 1985
Executive Secretary
Central Intelligence Agency
SUBJECT: Article on the Nuclear
Freeze Movement
The President has asked that we provide
Director Casey with the attached for
hsi review.
William F. Martin
Executive Secretary
Attachment
Article on the Nuclear Freeze Movement
fue`f cmc
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The Nuclear Freeze Movement:
Conflicting Moral and Political
Perspectives on War and
Its Relation to Peace
Adda B. Bozeman
Sarah Lawrence College
Bronxville, New York
Introduction
Nuclear weapons are modern weapons, but the nuclear freeze
movement which has swept the land in recent
tones reminiscent reminiscent of earlier American movements to outlaw war,
bring about general disarmament, assure the peaceful settlement
of all international disputes, and institute a lasting worldwide
peace. The main themes discernible then as now are the belief
that war is abrorred by men everywhere and-thfidence that
war- a ing c e con ro e e ective y sy ec aratory corn-
mitmer?fUS? hrased in the language ot Western law. These as-
sumptions were nullified y contrary expenences in the -es
The "Make Peace Conference," convened by the National Episcopal Church, was held in
Denver, Colorado, April 29, 1983. The author was invited to speak in opposition to tht
Freeze Resolution the conference sponsored; this paper was written afte; the author's
participation in the conference.
Conflki, Volume 5, Number 4
0149-4,941/85/010271-00$02.00/0
Copyright 4.) 1985 Crane, Russak & Company. Inc.
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272
4dda B. Bozeman
immediately preceding the advent of the nuclear a ,e
I .
ey are reasserting t emse ves vi orousl in
private mini se s
? ? .1 e I nited States and Europe., Two
as ects of this henomenotrare noteworthy. Hist , the reasoning.
behin most nuclear freeze resolutions is far more simplistic and
ernotionai than that w ic in orme r c ? ? or peace
and disarmament. And second, the supporting arguments are
decidedly ethnocentric or isolationist in inception even ou h
the
?
ublic a
?
concern
o e surviva
of mankind.
No allowance is t us ? in ma e ? II ?I . ? ? . a
mankind is not allof one kind but rather a manifold of nati ns
that are not held together by a common language, a comnon
religion, and a common history; t at do not share the same
ial customs and traditions of political associatio ; and that
have not _roug e s n ica heals ofTife. Guiding norms o
what is right, what wrong, can there ?:x'-itot be presumed to be
alike. In short,world-spanning value system is not fathomable,
at least not if one takes valuestunslr-TIME707?ne of
the nations face similar pro-blems, but they perceive and manage
them differently, if only because ways of thinking are aspects of
different speech communities and moral orders. For example, if
-Ja4" is imbedded in religion as it is in Islam, and if a language
provides a word for "state" that also covers "power" and'ay:
noty' as it does in Arabic, it is unsale to assume that Western
as of secular constitutional rule, international law, or indi-
viduated po i ica i.er les can ever 'ecome congenial with such
concepts.
Likewise, itnjl impdent1 even n_wirrational to believe
that laws and conventions in restraint either of war-making or
the use of available weaponry would be res ected if war is
deemed the peak of religion or ideology, the su reme test of tile
maaplias_hfc?oLair,....absvlute?r.ecluirement for besting hated
enemies, safeguarding the homeland, or realizing_ designs for
......
empire. _
ther of these perspectives on war has been examine
r. ril e 'uclear re One looks in vain for
evidence t the drafting of position papers and resolutions on
the freeze theme was preceded by careful studies either of U.S.
vement.
The Nuclear Freeze Movement
national security interests or of non-Western and Communist
perspectives on war and nuclear weapons. Nor does it a ear
that serious attention is being Paid to the gin s ances in which
erre7-717errrer lated international accorsis _on the_ control of
war-making have become dead letters. Th orcs
agains e ? . e ity o any state?and this continues
to be the fundamental issue an the nuclear age?is after_ all,
s emnl ?ro i - d in a ra h 4, of the United
Nations Charter. Also on
- ? . e Jul 1968, is the
?
273
treaty on the no stnet-a0m1 of nuclear wejugas in which the
Unite a es and t e oviet Urtion commit themselves
to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to
the cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear
disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament
under strict and effective international control.
Forgotten too is the fact that the United States had unilaterally
frozen its nuclear program in the late 1960s--a policy of restraint
to which the Soviet Union responded with a greatly accelerated
buildup.
Shaped by an ahistorical and near-isolationist disposition, the
freeze mov t as come erilously close to a ositio ?
vocating unilateral moral and military isarmament. This ex-
Tins why few in the mement-s leadership or ran-rand tile are
prepared today to rethink their positions along the lines sug-
gested by Pope John Paul 11's New Year (1983) homily which
reminded us that the problem of peace in the world can never be
resolved in a unilateral manner; it requires the participation and
concrete commitments of all nations and governments.
l'tceoff point for this analysis is the recognition, elo-
quently rendered by the Charter ?I-UNESCO, that witaszir_ain
the minds of.araz, not in the wea onr men oss ? ?s. Otly._!ilts,c2r
one discovers how war an peace are conceptualized in the na-
tion's with which we coexi&I?i-17W1 e modern interdep- ende-nt
w1[ an and military programs?includi4
those relative to nuclear araapcpt5_?_-.be d ?Wpieciate
criticized on their merits.
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274
War and Peace in the Belief Systems
of the Orient and Africa
Adda B. Bweinan
No one wishing to understand the mental pioccsses of India's
thinkers and leaders can avoid studying the fikaavad C7t7r, a
compendium of Vedic doctrine composed sometime between the
fifth and second century ft .C. TILLS sacred text, the fucii.&...of
Hindu relon and the most popular Hindu e ic, has ro
irifi.ue:!cedindian spin na , i ua , and political life for cen-
turies and continues to do so. itsdominant theme is the moral
tjask to come to terms with wx.
The Bhagavad Cita recounts the story of two rival armies
gathered for battle on a sacred field. Prince Arjuna, leader of one
army, is sorrow-struck when he sees close kinsmen amon the
foe. e pleads with L1krishna, knower of all things, to allow
him to throw away his weapons and abandon his cause by de-
fault so that he may rejoice in the survival of his cousins. But
Loid Krishna sternly denies his plea. He reminds Arjuna that his
cause is just and that his sacred caste dut as warnor and king
reTlires im to fight an o o so wit out sentimental attach-
men .
-This metaphysical view of warfare inhabits all of India's litera-
ture, notably the arthasastras which are manuals for dealing
with the realm of artha?namely with economics, government,
and foreign relations?where only winning must count. yeLy
ktr& by definition a member of the warrior caste, was obid
to discipline his subjects with the aid of danda, the rod of punish-
ment, and to fight aggressively against adjoinin ingdoms..,War_s
werenot cb-Teaaretr-Tio-wea or-i-Was di-saIlowed, and ruses were
de rigueur n effective foreign an. I omes ic spy ne wor was
in'aVer?isable as were stratagems for conducting cold wars of
nerves, all designed to destabilize enemy morale in war and
peace. Indeed, peace emerges from India's literature and history
either as stagnation, or as a time for plotting military action, or
as a ruse of war meant to induce somnolence and moral disarma-
ment in enemy ranks.
uddhism, which arose in protest to the Hindu caste system,
did not ( islodge existing orientations toward peace an..1 war. The
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 775
Buddha taught that all life is sorrowful and that the human being
sliouTdexert himself in shedding?not developing?his ego so as
to gain release from life. In this great religious tradition, war was
just another life situation in which man, by doing his dm:747MT-
but attachment, Contd-aMiTTTOser to Ni amMTerent sects
pr7CireEreriliT etr7alrixit is toward this goal, but they viewed war-
fare neither as immoral nor abnormal. Tibet, a Buddhist theoc-
racy in the Tantric tradition, had been historically renowned for
its steadfastness in warding off foreign?mainly Chinese?
invaders until it succumbed to the totalitarian onslaught of Mao-
ist statecraft in the mid-twentieth century. In Japan meanwhile,
Zen Buddhism combined with Shinto to establish a solid martial
tradition of mental and moral disciplines as the core of that
country's cultural identity, a fusion of religion and politics that
Americans have had a hard time understanding.
Other syncretic belief systems of far-reaching significance for
a cross-cultural study of war arose in South-East Asia, where
Buddhism mingled with a caste-less Hinduism, complex local
cults, and, in several instances, with Confucianism and Islam to
supply sturdy cultural infrastructures for a multiplicity of states
and several distinct state systems, all renowned for their longev-
ity. In this vast region?specifically perhaps in Indochina where
American notions of the stakes and demands of war were to
prove so tragically out of place?conflict has been traditionally
accepted as a natural expression of the efhat
underlies religion as well as politics.
The pivotal principle here is the recognition, first, that polit-
ical power emanates not from concrete material possessions,
secure state frontiers, or a unifying Western-type legal system
but from the God-King and the magical symbols of his office,
which include the royal capital;' and second, that the devaroia
cannot be presumed to do wrong in exercising his powers as long
as he complies with the cosmic "constitution" and succeeds in
his undertakings. The convergence of pre-Communist regional
histories on a heavy incidence of princely rivalries, royalist re-
bellions, monk-led violence, plots to unseat rulers, subversions
across boundaries, and interstate wars should therefore he ana-
lyzed in the context of this comprehensive norm-setting world
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276 Adda B. Bozeman
view rather than in that of Occidental values. For peac(...._Liub,p
Western meaning of the term simpl could not have evolved in
South-East Xira aimffihLjdeaI in the conduct orforeitt
reknlilinr-Wav, by contrast, was condoned, even exalteg?a
truth persuasively relayed to successive generatio:-W-bv shadqw
plays, epic literature, architecture, and ahoy I h the s
friezes of t e i -r en ent temple worlds of Angkor in
Khmer- an Itorcihodur in Java:
the possible exon 'f cliral (rec,
have war and peace been subjected to such keen and sustained
?i I
? a ysi ?s in ma. na now ere ave t eorists ? 1uuss___
iTnV r more itecisivelj_throughout-thr,4ges
tErht ere..
Today everyone talks about methods of government and there is not
a family that does not possess a copy of the laws of Shang Tzu and
Kuan Tzu. But despite this the land grows poorer and poorer. . . .
F.syslyone talks about the art of warfare and there is not a family that
d ot ossess a copy of Sun Tzu and Wu Tzu (treatises on the art
of war), but our armies grow wea er and weaker. . . .=
This is one of Han Fei Tzu's succinct commentaries on the social
mood in China during the third century B.C. The author, who
had first been aligned with Taoism and Confucianism, made his
decisive mark on Chinese history as a renowned representative
of the "Realists" (also known as the "Amoralists" and the
"Legalists.TT,Taool of thought called into being by the sages to
whose texts he refers. Chief among them are Sun Tzu author of
the martial classic The irr7" -War (date: between 400 and 320
}Lc.). and Lord Shang whose manual on government (Shang
flu, The Book of Lord Shang) revolutionized statecraft in the
fourth century B.C. Taken together, the Realist theoreticians?
and they included precursors as early as the seventh and sixth
centuries B.C.?may be said to have shaped China's identity
during the long eventful period of The Warring States. This wit-
nessed the methodical expansion of the Ch'in state, the con-
comitant extinction of all other states, the cessation of interstate
war, and the un ? 'cation of China in 221 B.C. under an em eror
who- was himself ? ?
ist philosop1 ers.
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 277
The major norms of China's Realist statecraft issue tharnihe
rec.? mtion that government must be based on kn w d ,e_of.the _
. -
actual facts o
e wo s in a given moment, not on
ublic ethics; that -
the s a e a 9 ? 9 a y m control of all thought and
action ii-"---"T?OZIEr.)77That the Middle Kingdom must be-superior to-
a -1::?therli states; and that its rvIva requires expansionTThe
cluef agetu? in-gait-mg and maintaining these ilorms were -a
centralized bureaucracy, different policing units, a Cariprehen-
ivg.sode o pena aw, a orces. a fniniStrative
. ...
services were conditioned to accomplish their tasks.b_ yinapipu-
I tin human nature, instillirmIngs.ulikv and fear among the
people, in ictin_g severe_punishment for infractions of law, and,
al e all, b mobilizing the entire countryside for war. Thi- fOl-
owing guidelines corn the martial classics are ditgtrative of
standing Chinese orientations toward war and peace.
j
A country that devotes itself to ploughing and warfare will not 'nave
to wait long before it establishes hegemony or even complete mas-
tery over all other states.
Concentrate the people upon warfare, and they will be brave. . . . A
ruler who can make the people delight in war will become king of
kings.. . . .
The sole aim of the state is to maintain and if possible expand its
frontiers.
It is a misfortune for a prosperous country not to be at war; for in
peacetime it will breed "the Six Maggots," among them, Rites and
Music, The Songs, and the Book; the cultivation of goodness, filial
piety and respect for elders, detraction of warfare and shame at
taking part in it. In a country which has these things, the ruler will
not promote agriculture and warfare, with the result that he will
become impoverished and his territory diminished.
trust in tradition, supernatural powers, and
r, then, is an all-encompassin reference het e. This may
it so skiiffully twenty-
three undred years ago in philosophical, scienti c, an artistic
terms of timeless si nifica War,4,1 introducedti.tr-
work as t e road to survival or ruin which should not he traveled
explain w
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278lcla B. Bozeman
recklessly. Indeed, since war is presented here as a recurrent act
rather than as a transitory aberration, it is to be fought con-
sciously and continuously on nonmilitary ground. Sun Tzu thus
advises that costly battles may be avoided and the enemy state
taken over intact if generals rementher that all warfare is based
on deception. Therefore, it is the commander's task to anger and
confuse the adversary in peacetime as well as in war; to manipu-
late the adversary's basic values and perception of reality while
dissimulating his own intentions; to cover enemy terrain with
networks of spies and agents, all engaged in sowing dissension
and subverting morale. In short, the mission is to encircle the
enemy's mind so that he'will contribute to his own destruction.
Realism w. I b Confucian after China
had been successfull unified. H wever there has never been n
age in whic the works of Sun Tzu and an Fei zu have not
ban-7=o eth-Trre-recardsr-arEintar-alg ynasties show, first,
that Realist and Confucian guidelines were not found to be in-
congruous when war and its relation to peace were in issue, and
second, that Chinese governments returned deliberately to Real-
ist wisdom whenever they felt uneasy about their nation's des-
tiny. The last instance of such a turn backwards c ? ao
T5e-tung_ for as students o is writings and of Maoist China's
history know well, Cgaummist China is cradled secureljth the
traditions of Realism.
Judaism and lsra'm are closest to Christianity in the sense that
all three religions issued from "The Book" (the Old Testament).
Yet in th ??? on war and peace, Judaism and Islam
are greatly distanced from the Christian aith. In the vast s amic
rea n--1-77ar is idealized and institutionalize, niihly it is
foEI as a jihad (holy war
?ak o ic igion. Koranic sacre aw?and no secular law of
equiv-aTent importance exists?instructs believers that they must
preTiare theirwartbli5c_by exerting all their powers, in-
'chiding that of the sword, in the service of Allah and the faith. In
this way, a Muslim's entire life becomes a continuous process of
warfare, psychological and political if not strictly military.
Peace, by contrast, is conceptualized in international telations as
a tzce, or as de-f?ns. war Tn the context of Muslim theology,
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The Nuclear Freeze Movement
27Q
peace remains an ideal, albeit one that will be realized only when
all mankind is encompassed by Islam.
The political histor 1 nc eo les reflect the force
of this se ief system. Wars with unbelievers and within the Dar
al-IsianTherand continue to be common occurrences.
Indeed, as illustrated by the recent fiercely violent conflict be-
tween ran, martyrdom iirraTat are passionately
sought in the service o the cause. Human su erfrinr7viltrth-Fr- of-
-ccIdiers or civilians verlkt-d in such a'rernstetatirm -of
bilisk and so are armnjc that"ii-aireinia resources ought to be.
spoiLia.behalf of economic development, social welf??.
cation rather than for the cause ofERBTa Wenemy.
e Old Testament which has been ventie- pera-
trar7sZeni ent divine ma
tion-ForoTri histo and as a time-
r e establishment of?an
exclusively Jewish state, is mo-re-tvarspo en nr?iiiThEffrierence
thatTiirWeia texts including the -Koran. Sections in
Deufxrananu_lashuarludges.. Kings. andlsaialiare thus found
to give overwhelming prominence to the subject of righteous
offensive warfare. The thesis here, in contrast to that underlying
the orat?Riaid-1 the New Testament, is that only Jews are God's
Chosen People. Since all others are expressly identified as sub-
servient breeds, subject if necessary to extermination in obe-
dience to divine instructions, war simply had to be accepted as
both a value and a norm.
In short, religions and ideologies in the.great literate civitiza-
tisirori-Watern world converge on the proposition that
_
the s nothing morall or oliti wron with war. Peace h.
contrast, is n essentially metaphysical concern. It does not
emerge e recor s as a para ? s us lc va tie.. .
-Sitze rrau tionarXrica has not produce all Qraniziittu1iQ
form cOmparable to the Occidental st4e, "foreign___mtatiolu:'
hEiLuLuiteraction among knumber of differently. Qr
ganized but self-sufficient units: tribes, clans. villages, and other
sub- roups or ? ? To the extent that so-called empires,
hieratic c iefdoms, and kingdoms were merely conglomerates of
these communities, they were also the scenes of "foreign rela-
tions" in which each socially cohesive group was .:t_pt to pit itCell
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Adda B. Bozeman
against the o ? h the "other wo a spear to have
keen part_of the "self" from the non-A ncan point of view. This
state of affairs, along with the absence of writing and other reli-
able communications, explains why the radius, of intercommu-
nity relations has always been very limited. Furthermore, no
wy shared, regionally valid Pan-African institutions for co'
ductiniimmutilty relations along the lines of the mo ern
Euro earl MILTS ?system, coma devclup nere, tortn smafr
community projecte its own social order onto the stage of what
we call foreign relations. Black Africa, however, is unified by its
culture and a mode of thinking not foqnd elsewhere in the world,
and it should therefore not be surprising that we can identify
cvtain uniquely African dispositions with regar
ace.
Ethnographers have found that warfare was endemk_ in. all
regions oi sub-Saharan Africa and that it did not e Is .1
?qualms.
n act, reso ? tf as ogica and necessary io
terms of certain eeply held -BUieTs. War, -r--at organization for
wsired the continuous idiity of the group as it had co-
alesced around its own ancestors, origin myths, customs, and
rites. Moreover, warfare contributed to continual displacements
and migrations, resulting in a lack of interest in strictly territorial
jurisdiction and thus inhibiting the evolution of a reliable polit-
ical structure on the order of the European state. War and mar-
tial activities embodied the meaning of manhood in trib
life and
ed
sym
In
s of the
universe w
11141
Si
thr
I
ut the continent as the abode of efttending,
essentially malevolent forces.
e)T1C17T,M77-7Z-eco TrorAiricl's multiple societies reveal a com-
mon pattern of institutionalized hostilities and *nte ? . . For
xamp e,
single heir, rubs...circles were rent
were expected to erupt in dynastic
was wage
rial ?mains in order to uel
subordinate regimes, just as it was
ponent units of communities. Peace. then, was not re .arded as bass-ic poli Ica norms and values?and t speCifically,
necessary for the maintenanc( Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/05/03 : CIA-RDP87M00539R001001360023-3 ?itutional law, individual rights,
nd rules that indicated a
by succession tuarlisulult
or civil wars. Likewise, war
jah the art of
common also between corn-
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 281
tioned by value and belief systems, violence provided, in one
form or another, the structural principles for the education of
men and the administration of society.
Relations between traditional states or other politically united
societies naturally reflected the same fundamental dispositions.
War has thus been ongoing in Africa throughout recorded tiTe?
a histor which ma ex lain why coups d'etat, revolutions,
gyssdllaaedatic_sns, and inters a e 4? . so in-ofir
times.'
'Thele orientations toward war and its relation ISLOCiiiC.C.-0.-
p14,Ervhv non-Western societies have not been associated with
determined movements _to outlaw war, disband armies, and
fjgrzgamanons.,_ why their peoples are not known o suffer rOm
glacomplexes about the wars they -fight; and-goe'i, *On-
ragiss in farther Asia, the Middle East, Latin Amenca,Thigr
Black Africa.
War and Peace in the Occident
T e moral and political orders that have arisen in Europe and
North America t er rom non-Western systems in certain fun-
airenta resects. pAyagl been s apes secisive oa_ong nd
by the Classical civilizations of Greem_aiiii_EaueAnd_suLthe
other by Christianity, they accentuate the principle of individua-
tion?quite in contrast to the Orient, Africa, and the American
Indian world where family, ethnicity, caste, or some other grotip
has traditionally re decisive unit. The measure of ihe
West's deviation from the norm is this: where the individual is
recognized as the primary active element in life, developments
are not easily predictable, and freezes in thought are dis-
couraged. Here, therefore, it is harder to maintain constancy in
public systems than in cultures in which human beings are pro-
grammed to play the roles assigned them in virtue of the stations
they occupy in society.
The other but related measure of the West's distinctiveness in
wof istory is t e ts cu tura heritage. giisT-OT our
282
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Adda Ii. Bozeman
war and eace?derive from ou -? ritage. Our moral
an re igious frame of refecru4s, by contrast, issues mainly (orri
Christianity. The noteworthy principle here isin7777=74/ s-
tarsliniTreaks to man the individual and to his search for inner
peace an sa vation. Contr r exam e to the sacred teach-.
in70rral an I aism no claim is made to regu ate domestic
politicsd direct crFeiVi policies in respect of peace and war.
The arguiiiiij stridenTty proclaimed irt_Lagoes 1Vrarxiaslgu-
dotheology of liberation, that Christ was actually a revolution-
ary guerrilla who cared for the poor and was rightly commit-
ted to class hatred and warfare, is therefore a capricious fabrica-
tion.
In short, the moral-religions .And_ the political-secular spheres
in society do not coincide in the Christian t as therdb-in the
non- es ern ms o e wor . With us the juns ictions of
God and Caesar are-meant to be distinct, and Christians are
therefore expected to -kiii5W-Viv iat they owe to one authority,
what, by contrast, to the other. It goes without saying, then, that
an
alapa, and that moral- c1 ohtical commitments are re-
relations between state and church have not always been
s
ntl conflicted
No people know this better than Americans. After all, the
United States was formed by streams of immigrants from Chris-
tian Europe who chose to escape the political pressures of state
religions. Further, the federal Constitution insists upon the sep-
aration of church and state so as to secure on one hand the
citizen s rignt to the Yaith Or -fig choice, and on the other the
citizen's obligation o maintain the ublic constitutional order or
the state. It is in this context that the
going too
vti me o instruct those who are rightfully in c arge
o the nation s e ense and survival as to "List what
n c ear force levels should be; in which fashion the Administra-
tEm should negotiate arms control arrangements with the Soviet
Union; and how it ought to cope with Communist revolutionary
warfare in Central America.
%y?Lif does not present such dilemmas in Asia and Africa. In-
deed, 11 -has not con TM-EMMY- Eropeans and
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C inte rit
are
of the faith
nen tney pres
The Nuclear Freeze Movement
Americans. Rather, history teaches clearly that ecclesiastical
and secular authorities were usually at one in affirming the pro-
priety of war for a variety of circumstances. For example, in the
morally and politically unified medieval world, Christian armies
were called upon as a matter of course to defend as well as
extend t e ream o rIS ? 6 ? ? o cope wit Mongol
invasions and ceaseless Mtislim chafleflee East and the
Sr 1_2XL. Christian Europe was dislodged from its possessions in
the Near East and North Africa by force of arms, and the armies
of Christian (Greek Orthodox) Byzantium were unable to pre-
vent the fall of Constantinople to the Thrks in 1453. However,
resolute warfare kept the Islamic adversaries from sweepu*-7g-Trao
the continent s ea an nort o t e ? renees. n ee , e e
would have been no nstian Western civilization and therefore
no United States had it been otherwise. What is perhaps even
m r me of the problems we face today, the Is-
lamic intruders could eventua y ?e expelled from t e erian
peninsula beca - .-a- a. est 1st ristian , rds
knsw how to engage in a determined, albeit greatly protracted
war of nerves.
The reference here is to a contest which a tt__m!iL__-teeL_n 11,11-ce ry
S sanisolar called thegjrrafrIa. an ongoing cold war te-
6,74.9iTTEiel'saf- belief systems?in this instance Christianity
andl
Iberian peninsula frow the eiehth to the fifteenth century. Had
Christians in those trying times not kept their cool in opposiiii,
tfi-E=1 Frert51"17-eligion and defendin$ the integrity of their own:
drireconquista of ssibl have occurred. Now
this "col war" was very different in conception and practice
from the conflicts espoused by the Hindus in the context of artha
politics and by the Chinese in that of Realist/Legalist statecraft.
However, it affinities with the on n C Id War
Sipthgl_Thion an e est They
bc.4zinstructi-ve as they were it the le fact that
AD:Isl.:leans today siminot understand the coldwar The-
nqQ_enon in international relations and therdore find it just too
iricp-M1Wcfilre.
Next, it TSTrOuld never he forgotten that the legitimacy and
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morality of war was firmly institutionalized in Christian Europe
aftet Hugo Gro . . ?
, awyer, poe , an sip o-
mavt, had brought forth TheRTh7T-orVatir=4-thd Peace in 1625, a
volume that has ever since viewed asme
so,jirct jn international law.4
Grotius admonishes his fellow Christians that "war is not the
wor o estimes, o . - r y and
the fatal weakening or destruction orthe state, which he views
as t e in ispensable shie ? o mei. .1 i e. n uring interna-
tiona p D n e. y e father of interna-
tional law" as a remote condition. The frophesy of Isaiah that
the time shall come "when nations shaneat their s=111.s..i44o
plowshares and turn their spears into pruning hooks," when na-
tions shall- not "learn war any more," is it..,.)_atqtius' view irrele-
vant in so far as the justice of war is concerriglillnarely
&scribal t e state of the world that would come abgaiLall
Rations_ wraild mlInnitto the law of Christ. Temporary peace is
attainable but it is always limited; it can be maintained only
when the state's armed forces are in readiness.
Grotius also notes that wars are often interrupted by truces,
an "hat truces may go on for as Is . , - ? . ? ? 4 years. In
other wor s, es a eo belligerency may at times be muted into
a state of "cold war" that one may just as well call "peace.'
These passages contribute greatly to a clarification of that "no
war, no peace" syndrome with which modern Americajass4-
dentl cannot come to terms.
Basic es ern, perhaps specifically European, understand-
ings of war were thus not wholly irreconcilable with those domi-
nant in the non-Western, non-Communist world. However,
Occidental thought has always deviated from the norms sub-
scr?7-"x7--1)1 y the majority of nalions in that it has been marked
up to this very moment by a determined search For "A inoins
peace al'elt trirequlute attempts to subject war and con-
flicts s ort o war to lona aw an eth-
an ITTA ingu allowance for the strengt ot is ent of
mind, Clausewitz concluded rightly that "peace seldom reigned
over all Europe and never in all quarters of the world."
The Nuclear Freeze Movemem
285
War and Peace in Marxism-Leninism
Anew epoch began in international and intercultural relations
when all existing civilizations and all political and moral orders
ware called into question by mankind's first
totalitarian ideology. The creed-Ts well known, having been set
out clearly by generations of protagonists, beginning in the
nineteenth century. According to Yuri V. Andropov, the late
gene -ecretar ? Communist Party in Moscow " arx-
ism-Leninism is the textbook or ac ieving ocialist world,revo-
luteein-Aad_ ? - ng o a_ne_w_society in every country Jrnii:
Next, as stated authoritatively byshiffa?II-K.?r A.
Grechko,.the Soviet Union's Minister of Defense from 1967 to
121L:No ,compromise is_possibTe 15797FErThe Communist afid
d
1.221)-yeois ealcigiase_aa conflict between the two is inevita-
ble.
The aspects of the ideology that chiefly affect established
Western norms of war and peace are these. First, Communism is
a combat doctrine rooted-in uncompromising enmittLay_d_all
that exists outside its own rm y set contex nd second, unde-r
thZiEral ing auspices of economic determinism, scientificThrite-
xlalig,n, and the theory of class warfare it denies-like-Wilidiil of
religion, riOralify, and law on the ground that these normative
s Itiere-toOls-eir oppression in the service today of
bourgeois capitalism.
l'EFFnindate to free people from their religion
them lo come over to t e Communist camp is thus being carried
outifiEtroMEWFTTRE-Cor?Inmunis -eiTiclaced
LIiiL revo-
lt ions, an. wars, as well as by the practices of established
KaLxi - systems,Thrtemntsran t e empires OrThe
Sovier1=7,? mainland China, and North Vietnam.n tr-Tgrons
icia-nrcznirarATTIMILT-t_abri ean where Catholicism is
de-eply ensconced, the task calls first for softeraigTfiT. "Frielital
terrain by "Liberation Theology" andLacrIJETC3%
TAT257- r-rtreiatter a new mask for the politically bankrupt old
Leninist precept that imperialism is an evil associated exclu-
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sively with Western capitalism. Elsewhere, the commitment to
Marxism-Leninism calls for discrediting Western constitutional
and criminal law so as to undermine the indispensable sub-
stratum for democracy and individuated liberties. Ttel_le,...skch
Co 1st state is dressed up in Western-type "constitutiorp"
apdx,diklis a re ng-ofrnes oerirs7Fows convinc-
inged to camoufgge
th4y of lawless. c_leamjsm.
Leninist government is conceived as a monolithic power
structure, heavily dependent on political police contin
e mi itary. leo t e Communist
Party whose members are distributed over several select Com-
mittees where deliberation and decision-making take place in
ond. es II nall representa-.
tiLe_gLahr_stair: However, a Marxist-Leninist state as essen-
tialy tactical significance, and that mii?1'T in the context of
diplomacy, international organization and with non-
Communist states. Aut....wily, the state is outranked in ids.ojagyju
w .1 S n 17011.1s.sly_3
the apparatus of the Communist Party in its
local and international dimensions.
No value is att
auLtea4aher4rr4.iwmg4Lor_zhg.
actualityto t
individual as such. He is not viewed as an autonomous thinking
person; he has no 'tights as a citizen in relation to the ?,tate; and
he does not even count Tor much as a consumer. In fact, if he is
not totally compliant in thought and deed he isat7Eo7-7.
ofTTlly as the political system s implica-
tions of totalitarianism were projected poignantly in the 1920s by
the great Russian writer Zamiatin in his novel WE where human
beings slave and die as numbers only, and they have ever since
been borne out in the Soviet Union by countless autobiog-
raphies, biographies, and uncontested records from gulags,
slave labor camps, criminal trials, and psychiatric detention
wards.
The mindset responsible for the well-documented on oin
proi,ram orphysicai, mena,anu psychological coercion within
Soviet socie v C e ? ? 11111.101d111 -
trine - ? - I ?
ensions of the
k2,rmer. Here as there, tho
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commitment to expand and co
as the ower o e oviet motherland of socialism. Likewise we
ould recog e u y cra te ong-range designs for the
attainment of victory?the ultimate strategic aim. What is strik-
ing in this system?especially when contrasted with that of the
United States?is the continuity and stability of foreign policy-
making and the lucidity with which it is openly set forth. Further,
no one is left to doubt that Soviet doctrine and stri2lely_put a
premium on military power, and that military thought and policy
rom t e ideolo_gy adrninisteredThy-the
PaPv-State. Soviet perspectives on war and_peace are th-ge-Fre
radically differelin. 1--o-m those commonly accepted in the United
&dates as the following statements by authoritative sources
tilp-u=n War and Peace: Soviet Russia Speaks illustrate:
287
?1 Any war waged by the imperialists on the USSR or other Socialist
states will be unjust and reactionary. When waged by the USSR or 1
other Socialist states against imperialism, any war is just and pro-
gressive, for it would be the continuation of revolutionary policg?.
?Marshal A. A. Grechko, 1974
_
,
Violence in itself is not an evil. It depends on what its purpose k. In ...1
the hands of Socialists, it is a progressive force. ?Communist Party
Secretary Boris N. Ponomarev, 1977
We seek to paralyze the forces of imperialism in Europe and to
smash their aggressive plans. This means not only to contract the
radius of activity of imperialism but to inflict on it such defeat that it
will be felt everywhere throughout the world. ?Leonid I. Brezhnev,
1970
In the present era, the struggle for peace and for gaining time pre-
sumes, above all, the steady strengthening of the military might of
the Soviet Union and of the entire Socialist camp. ?Marshal V. D.
Sokolovsky, Chief of the Soviet General Staff (1952-1961), 1964 '?
D?nte in no way, however, means the freezing of the objective
processes of historical development. In no way does it eliminate the
existence of class antagonisms within capitalist states, between the
people's interests and those of world imperialism, and between the
two social systems, nor does it reduce the ideological confrontation.
,,L,,, I 0714
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E. ... detente, in fact, creates favorable conditions for the struggle
between the two systems and for altering the correlation of forces in
favor of Socialism. ?Leonid I. Brezhnev, 1970
Neither of these fundamental orientations toward war and
peace has been compromised or modified by thought about nu-
clear arms and nuclear war, as the following pronouncements
indicate:
. . . on the Communist side, nuclear war will be lawful and just . . .
the natural right and sacred duty of progressive mankind to destroy
imperialism. . . . It will resolve not specific limited political interests
but a crucial historical problemAme that affects the fate of all man-
kind. ?Colonel B. A. Byely et al., eds., Marxism-Leninism on War
and Army, 1968
. . . the armed forces, the population, the whole Soviet nation, must
be prepared for the eventuality of nuclear rocket war. ?S. S.
Lototsky, The Soviet Army, a 1971 Soviet military text
Marxists have always noted the primacy of the offensive type of
military operations over those of defense. . . . The idea of vigorous
offensive actions acquires decisive importance under present day
circumstances. ?General-Major A. S. Milovidov et al., eds., The
Philosophical Heritage of V I. Lenin and Problems of Contemporary
War. 1972
Marxists-Leninists decisively reject the assertions of certain
bourgeois theoreticians who consider nuclear missile war unjust
from any point of view. ?General-Major A. S. Milovidov and Dr.
Y A. Zhdanov, in Questions of Philosophy, a Soviet journal, Octo-
ber 1980
We cannot be intimidated by fables that in the event of a new world
war, civilization will perish. ?Pravda, the Communist Party news-
paper, 1955
Under conditions where nuclear rockets are used.. . that side which
manages during the first days of the war to penetrate more deeply
into enemy territory naturally acquires the capability for more effec-
tively using the results of its nuclear attacks and disrupting the
mobilization of the enemy. This is especially important with respect
to European theaters of operations with the relatively small opera-
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 289
tive depth. ?Marshal V. D. Sokolovsky, Soviet Military Strategy, a
major military text, 1908 ed.'
This self-confidence has informed Sovici projections of vic-
tory throughout the last decades. Premier Alexei Kosygin thus
announced in 1978 that -Russia and its allies will control the high
seas, space, and most of the world's landmass by the early
1980s." Leonid Brezlinev inspired the faithful ja_19,73 .with the
following promise:
.---(Trust us, comrades, for by 1985, as a consequence of what we are
achieving by means of d?nte, we will have achieved most of our I
. objectives in Western Europe . . . a decisive shift in the correlation 1
of forces will be such that by 1985 we will be able to exert our will
whenever we need to.
And Marshal Nikolai V. Ogarkov, Chief of the Soviet General
Staff, proclaimed in 1979 that:
The Soviet Union has military superiority over the United States.
Henceforth, the United States will be threatened. It had better get
used to it."
In short, there is no equivalence or symmetry either between
Marxisral-unist and ChnstiairtErrwe-en Vin.eri-
peace E2.fid war. ThiTa--uth has been borne out
year in, year out ever in t our roliTted
"&iluessor ger-" ence-of aggressive
war and _Ipeacetime" terror that has attended the steady expan-
sn of the Soviet empire in the world. III Europe?the pRze for
which Leninist Russia has been contending from the First World
War onward?takeover has followed takeover, usually by the
deployment of massive military force and the adjunct appara-
y
tus eonfdethnecieKs GwBhean. d, its earlier incarnations. All the .once-
dent states of Eastern Europe have in th_s_n been
yther annexed outright or reduced to heavily policed colonial
dcp
vrnmnt must ?
Soviet dictates of what is "correct" in ideology and political
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action, and where revolts and manifestations of nonconformist
thought are ruthlessly crushed.
F4L-ther, and in regard to Asia, we have been polite sp_e_Ltators
sip1979 o t e Soviet Union-b-i-0-1-Tni itar ? subuati of
tan. This nation is now isestablished as a sovereign
stau, its government replaced by Moscow's stooges. Its land
has been reduced to ruins and its tiercely independent citizenry
is eirb---miriTire="1- n 7errtintrfligh=u e.9
RiiiFid conduct provide dai1Vdence that these Soviet
,din's of the function of war and of its inte enetratum
t we continue to call
MaLxist-Leninist regimes. Ever since the so-called end of the
Vietnam War, we have sat. by, cawing the period known as d?
tente, witnessing on. one hand the methodical eti_ jssille_tuns-
acted in Cambo ? ime, a prot? of
Ma ? ist ma, and on the other the agonies 00er_l? icte upon
qctu- th. Vietnam, Laos
, and Cambodia by oh Vetnm
Sovim Union's i?mpenalist ofrspring and main client state in that
area.
-linbe Western Hemisphere, meanwhile, we have spent over
two decades watching C a, a small island state adjacent to our
southern coastline, ev,sky_e into a full-fled .ed Marxist-Leninist
society, j_Lpowerful, international influential surrogate of the
Soviet tiJnion TFe?c-hier eolo nd ilitar trainin
sc ool or t e irs wor a s revolutionary elites. Here, as in
Europe and IBTAT-tactics call tor Torting insur encies and
civil wars in politically weak but sover...:sisn states so as to reduce
them, ottr157711?tle, o captive agyans_ar_Canuraugg_lauffer_
sA-aiiiban statecraft thus succeeded in transforming
Nicaragua into the advance military bastion and nerve center of
(fiat ongoing -revolution without frontiers" which is at present
etemirrgitr un--Ei-Salvaciar and-ttEIT InfZl'a-rris well as on Surinam
and other small but geopolitically vital base points in the area.
The ultimate ? a fere is to turn Central America and t
bean into into another Eastern urope, t us en ?
Brezhnev Doctrine (1968) which stipulates that the Soviet Un-
ion-;;7"-a-r) alftarian-rantrol must comprise all nominally indepen-
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 291
dent "socialist" states which are deemed vital for the sut-cessful
completion of the Soviet Union's grand design.'"
Black Africa is encompassed by the same genetal Soviet -
spggjiyes on international relations. As the recent histories of
V.abiapia,-,4440,cila...Muzambiue, and severarotVirAffic?an states
show convincingly, the focus here too is decidedly on furthering
the twin causes of wor socitilism ic
r4 lance ? '? ? ? .cefur
settle-
m?.LQf disputes, or on assistance for purposes of economic-and
social development. TaQics have gins called for exploiting and
exacerbating traditional ethnic hatreds as well as modern social
caZIErr7fS?HuMing represst e single-partyr-----.-F--.'--"-----eprnes; radi-
calig,rTiiiionaryJervnri en m s manifesta-
tions and sup ortin "the eo le's struggle for national
ation" once the "right" people were
enti e
-OU
I?
tary support was openly given in this context not only to the
Ethiopian Dergue's violent overthrow of the state's ancient
imperial regime but also to the mass killings of civilians in all
sectors of the population. Indeed it was the success of this final
Soviet-type revolution which induced the tightening of interstate
and inter-Communist Party relations between Moscow and Ad-
dis Ababa. However, here as elsewhere in Black Africa, Cubans
are serving successfully as main advisers and tacticians of strife,
a record lends support to the view that Cu677F5TaTthe
nucleus of an ocean-spanning Communist hegemonic design
linking Central America and Africa.
The Nuclear Freeze Movement:
Moral, Intellectual, and Political Misperceptions
War, then, is accepted in all Communist and numerous non-
Communist, mostly non-Western societigs. In light of this incon-
te;Tabie reality, one should expect prononents of nuclear freeze
resolutions to answer the following questions:
? WliTfili-there been no resolution to freeze the non-nuclear
ki i a error t at is em e a lib LICIY ii -so
_
much of mankind's civilian population?
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? Why is it that clergymen, laymen, and scientists, concerned
with the mere existence of nuclear weapons, have not pro-
tested the well-documented chemical/biological warfare
which showered death upon the defenseless Hmong tribe
of Laos and the Afghan nation?
? Why does an American "conference to make peace" such as
the one convened by the National Episcopal Church in Den-
ver in 1983 not attack the death-dealing foreign policies of
the Soviet Union and other Communist states in the same
strident tones which it employs in attacks on the defense
policies of its own national government?
Answers to questions have not hn fnrthqQ, from
th-me establishment_churches universities,
sci a ? mmunities, and me metttlir WITIFfillie nuclear
freeze movement is seing nurtured. But in t e voi
silence or evasiveness,lnissible for disconcerted fellow
citizens to probe other evidence in search of the underlying
? caussijcigallis stratutelxirrational, comonless approach to
? war.
"Tro'm their speeches, exhortations, and ljteratmotago-
Inists Of the nuclear ill'arieTyrrne i is ?en that tl----ie?E3Tiot
know ow re ities. A e ? e t at
m_n ft-TJT-STMILra'reraneralized conception of life
mi?ame to an end in a nuclear holocaust, they see no longer
a o ee compassion or the su enng, sying millions and the
extinction o w o or ear and hostility for those who
i Zed The non-nuclear violence responsible for these destinies.
' AN in such a condition of ignorance and aloofness from realjly,
th c ilrfiolty11ger4lvirric- elteralliribout the need for
fdrei n licies t a all t ?es or armament and
. .
w ? e unt an. illieMill I- a. .4 n, and induce
a grpzumaimarasace than we have right now. Increersuch
perspectives are openly discouraged, at times even disallowed,
as the propataribrTaia a2itation in behalf of the freeze coalex
,beccup_e_i_u_Erno ?..abldujaaadjklaligig.,. To.(2 many semi-
nars and .stuily.gr.upsz not to mention mass meetings, have thus
degenerated into open advocacy assemblages where not even
The Nuclear Freeze Movement
293
token opposition is accommodate 4 lest it obstruct the communal
conseqsus of the like-minded and its readiness to be mesmerized
by code-wQrslliiailiescallar.tuarausIf a nuclear war to ume.
Prs_saenks for this kind of auctyzig,..Etar.-Laue-swg-boan
la king in the West's recent intellectual history. James Finn re-
min s us in a lucid essay on "Nuclear Terror: Moral Paradox"
that Jonathan Schell was preceded by Bertrand Russell, who
wa re eiied by his private vision of an atomic exchange
between t e two superpowers at Se-advocated, IICTOrt ttfe
S Is a a mossesse e new ? . .onry, a preemp ive men-
cap strike at Soviet atomic facilities. Movesby the same vision
after the Soviets a actuallydevelopedb
atomic ombi-,-Ite
called, by contrast, tor a unilateral nuclear disarmament on ths
paasithe tiialaCLbiates. L. E snow invoked his scientific ex-
pertise to predict a nuclear conflict on such and such a date
unless we reduced the world's nuclear forces. That date, Finn
adds, has come and gone. Tod4zsducated Americans of pacifist
per,suasion seek to perpetuate the "Angst mood possessing
therif irjr shaping younger generations of citizens in their likeness
sirgallreTrarvinif become arm-nuclear activists, ignorant of
lifers real challenges.
A ior hi :h schoo si .. ? a' .1'1 s he
Uujon of Concerned Scientists and the National Education As-
speation, both hrm supporters of a freeze on nuc ear wea ns,
is disTiiiUy bla o ec ese views. Youngsters are being
Wire?dar?"-igers implicit in the existence of nuclai
a es . so ? I ? a ? a ? . much about the nature and inci-
dence of war, .ast or .
'secutity interests of their nation Reading assignments include
nothing ot the nch Soviet literature on these subjects, material
with which young Soviet 'pupils are fully familiar?and which is
readily available to us in translation. The sole counter-context to
lessons inculcating fear of future superpower nuclear war relates
to the need for conflict resolution on the simplistic premise that
cooperation is better than war. However, here too the assump-
tion prevails that American norms and values governing peace,
cooperation, and negotiation hold sway also in the Soviet Union.
These misperceptions?namely, that foreign affairs are in es-
resen
. S 4 417311711-"MiVIVIIiim441'
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sence not different from domestic affairs, that interstate or inter-
cultural - relations are rightly understood as mere extension of
interpersonairetrattnn-rtrreTtrarAttte can norrild va ues an
there or e viewe as
ps,r1g o in ei_zpAt_i_o_rIal affairs today. Whet er t ey
originate in i!norance willed iTiless, or wis u t g,
S.
ta
? ? II ?
en education in the United Stat
thocrit t at has ove
the ne lect o
; Is
m' tics, science, and English which has been forcefully ad-
dresse y several investigative commissions in recent times.
Here as there, then, it is imperative to improve processes of
gathering, imparting, and utilizing knowledge if coming genera-
tions of this country's politically active citizens are to overcome
the fear of life that has been heaped upon them recently and to
recover, in its stead, the traditional American will to cope effec-
tively with the multiple challenges of peace and war in their
world environment.
U.S. Foreign Policy Versus the Nuclear Freeze Movement:
The Meanings of War and Peace Today
As suggested earlier in this paper, the foremost task for U.S.
policy today consists in persuading the nation that mankina is Al(
not o one in er, is n so es among 'verse moral and
political orders. Perspectives on war n s re a ion to peace
--strotild. therefore be expected to differ?a trulFZUFF5657--ated
daily by chronicles of world events.
By way of apology for the confusion that has become so wide-
spread in respect of war-related realities, one can admit that
nip-Western perspectives cm_the conduct of international rela-
tiQuitly.sualinaland non-nuclear a e of
tVezbeteenth and early twentieth centuries, dunng w ich West-
ern orientations toward government an in encr?figi=ner
gai ? ascen ancy in most of the wor e as - c a es,
however, de-Westernization has defin e y overtaken Westerni-
zation er opments: tfi-e-T-
si,6Qation of traditional beliefs and institutionsi
after societies evolved into sovereign na-
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 295
tions; the decline of Euro-American influence and power; and
rise to prominence of Marxist-Leninisty,
? ?
I ?
?
?
ar.
WEatenrviewromesrf _VVFi'3F.lornena were thus eclipsed, in
some cases even assigned to irrelevance, as a resat of these
ch-g-aRirTIFFEWEPStiiii?Tt o conceptual forces.
his reversal ort"Vritern and Eastern prestige
roes in the so-called third wor a is e ai UTrAm-e-rican
policy-makers to come to a close understanding?oriRe cultural
grastructure of non-Western, non-Communist-societies arid- the
Concomitant disposition to be uncompromising in the expecta-
tion that each of these states must "develop" an American-style
democracy if it wishes to qualify as a worthy ally deserving of
protection and support."
Another, perhapsoirtLilignificant reason is the deniable
fast that Communistiotalitarian regimes and-non-Western, non-
Communist societies?wholly different as tTley areTrom each
otIledii all other respects?are et at oneirthey
at conceptually and practically at ease with political conflict
and war whereas the modern West is not. Muscovite statecraft
is a ni y. s it has been successful in
aettrat g rtir-ra-dir5=--ta y latentbelligerence in inter-e me and in-
terstate relations; training ideological and military cadres in the
ranks of local elit;Mai are knownto thrive on martial advert-
.
tures; organizin Communist "vanguard" arties? an.Fiasing
e-pa y sespotism in Leninist mo ds. Numerous regimes in
once-in epen ent states have come to serve
ihir....syav. usually in return for heavi_milita-Lance, solid
protection in local conflicts, and growing prestige in world poli-
tics. What.2,,Ye are witnessing here are vivid demonstrations of
that new Leninist "de elidat?theor ": conceived ostensibly as
an i eo ogically o ensive weapon against "capitalist imperial-
ism," it is actually being used exclusively for promoting Commu-
nist imperialism.
These policies and developments provide the general back-
drop for an appreciation of several recent tabulations revealing
that there is hardly a region in the world which is not convulsed
by....1._vk AcCOIdiFig to The Center for DefenSe-Infoiiiiiition's
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"World at War" report, 40 violent conflicts were in progress in
spring 1983: 10 in Asia, 10 in the Mideast, 10 in Africa, 7 in Latin
America, and 3 in Europe. In accordance with standard norms of
political science and international law, 5 wars are classified as
"conventional wars," 35 as "internal guerrilla struggles" or "civil
wars." (Wars within wars, so common in the Middle East and
Africa, are not counted here.) Further analysis of available data
shows thatanost of the wars whatever their official denomina-
tion, have been a?17reWfought with the overt and/or covert
partici ation o ovie $
beon4upte or reso $ ?s s . e "est calls peace. In light
of these circumstances, then, it is warran cab rccpjile Pope
John Paul II's judgment, namely, that it is difficult to imagine
how e pro n e we 5 .1 se resoM7-7"?~i a
uirgiTral manner?the one so ardently espoused to ay y pro-
__
ponents of e---ar freeze in the West.
'?.1The further, perhaps ultimate questions are these: Just what is
meant today by references to "world sea 9" Is it a condition
mr es sy a war everywhere? B the absence
only?of nuclear _ war?__Or just_12y_tnon articioys o he
r? Is world peace a credible and viWe
political and moral concept w en most of the world-is catiacjib
we-Fs-O-1 war? Can it be defined in ob'e ? ? ? I MS
a
when moral an lea perspectives on war and its relation to
przcz,..ar.e_a.s_widely_thyp_22_e_n_t as they are today; or when the
connotations of war and peace are reversed in the sense that
"we" believe something is "peace," whereas "they" identify that
something as "war"; or when war and peace are meant to merge
as they are in all Marxist,Leninist-pelitielid-syst,e_
r-1.Orthrig-fir answers to questions such as these have been
evaded in CreeTtlentaf-s$64e44es,114ett?strretylrisiirOonger either
possi e o con mue taking refuge in texts of Western
international law which instruct the reader that war exists where
war has been legally declared. The callousness of s ch 'npiut
emerges clearly when one follows e thoughts of Manuel
ObaThIMITEG----Th-avo, t e Roman Catholic Archbisholagua,
N icTiPagua:
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 297
Nowadays everybody everybody talks about peace But false forms of peace
are very much in vogue. It is common to impose peace, to "pacify" a
country with a formidable army, with executions, persecutions. But
peace ciin never be imposed by anyone. Peace should create joy, not
fear. . . . Peat:e is also often confused with a certain order sonic
regimes claim to maintain. Opposing the established order of such
regimes is considered either seditious or reactionary. In short, delin
quent. This is the typical peace in countries ruled by a minority
j
trying to pass off its own interests as those of the nation's, but in a
sense more deadly, because it is under the guise of law and order."
As matters stand today, then, and in light of the overwhelm-
ingly concrete reali v of war, wolli_pl eace must be judged as an
abstraction w not control the making of foreignol-
re-Tatte.T6---war in the context, first, of our nation s
icy anywhere. Unless we in t e resarve TO rethink?the
s- /'00? ,
secunty, an secord----ri ossible wor or we
cannot avois agreeing wit Oswald Spengler w o ad this to say
on the subject in the first half of the twentieth century:
World Peace involves the private renunciation of war on the part of
the immense majority, but along with this it involves an unavowed
readiness to submit to being the booty of others who do not re-
nounce it. It begins with the state-destroying wish for a universal
reconciliation, and it ends in nobody's moving a finger so long as
misfortune only touches his neighbor."
It cannot be denied that the Occidental s stem of eace-and-
law-re a e norms an va ues is eclipsed today by the neo-
nenta artiftZr.w.--1----77-7r.--E----'et'%v er jy winning counts. However,
pT anu law continue to be stra .1 vital Come ts and
commitments in Euro- mericaa.pialaic&anAsulture. There ore
it is imperative to review and rethink these principles in The?Res-
ent context ofTh-e?- multi-cultural world in which we must it?Tad
tnrvjiby retaining?Ur cu1(rafThT?iy.------ -
The challenge is not unprecedented, as preceding references
to the Grotian revolution illustrate. As then, so also today: peace
cannot be projected persuasively until one has come to terms
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with war, and this has not been done as responsibly by our
po ua e ites as . e seven eenth cen-
t time, go Grotius ThFwar has its le 7E11
arr7rmora ng s as toe owl. ? . an war are not
always e s a ? OBS osites they appear to be; that states were
the units of interaction, and that Europe was the spatial orbit.
It was as legitimate as it was revolutionary in the seventeenth
century to recognize the sovereign independent state as the
norm of political organization in the West. Being sovereign, the
state was expected to determine its form of government and its
national interest. Therefore it was generally presumed free to
decide when to resort to war. It was thus the conduct of war with
which the European law of nations was chiefly concerned. In our
century, by contrast, it should have been evident to Western
sclacilars_apd statesmen long ago t at the f..!Tna_of_i_nternation4I
pialiEs is the world, not?trieTuro-Amencan Atlantic commu-
nity, and that the sTareas coliceiv-ed in the West e
gsriFlaly accepted norm in International decision-making, hay-
in been effec n ed h contra-state traifftigis,
id command structures. Or
th odern European states sys em?still officially the core con-
cept of the ni aislations?and for the international law of X )(X
peace and war was thus imperceptibly un etcririffe , IltrTaal in-
validated, quite some time ago.
true s ecificairFaThe law which consists officiall of
commitments by terntona net ma f. le ? I ? rules
of cons uct in internationa or interstate wars. Today, however, it
is ardly ever possi suc wars apart ro ar,/k
revaiiTai7cot'etat, insur ency, countennsurg_ency, and that
vast conglomerate of different species of guerrilla warfare in
which recent generations of ineiiiilAllinoyincts of the world
sem to find political, professional, and ideological fulfillment.
Some of these allegedly internal wars are actually conceived
and conducted as organic aspects of an international war strat-
egy aimed at the destruction of a state. As a U.S. inter-agency
task force noted recently in connection with its analysis of the
Central American situation:
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 299
The essential strategy of Cuban/Soviet surrogates is to use terrorism
and economic destruction to polarize the target countries, encourage
repression from the violent right and governments, and then use
propaganda/political action to isolate the target regimes from their
populations and from the regional and democratic community of
nations."
Others, among them many of Black Africa's coup d'etat wars
and some of the sub-wars between religious sects fought in
Lebanon under the umbrella of interstate wars, are primarily.
private wars between power-seeking personages and their ethnic
or religious retinues. All are irregular and formless by compari-
son with traditional interstate wars. Neither can be analyzed or
controlled effectively by reference to rules of international law
which stand in counterpoint to the moral and military code im-
plicit in guerrilla and other irregular warfare.
Warfare, then, is fluid today. It does not commence with dec-
larations of war or wi n ac o aggression t a can e
itted in terms of timeand space.
Studies of modern
internationally relevant wars as planned and executed by Marx-
ist- eninist regimes in EastFrn Europe, Southeast Asia, istat_h-
east Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America _ihow
ra
ars are meant to begin as a series of intercon-
ifected covert actions within targeted societim?uTaled as
"illternal wars,- they can__then_bednisteirtojer-nain outside the
bounds of the traditional international law t:If war as well
outside the bounds of29Iitical concern set by influential groups
of policy analysts in the resehrda.
"Such expectations have been borne out in large measure, most
recently by well-publicized commentaries on the war situation in
Central America. After indicting the U.S. Lovernment for wag-
ing war against Nicaragua without having previously declaied
atg"--S"--Trau o eimitittitTra Policy Studies advises:
Congress should declare war on the Government of Nicaragua and
thereby preserve the Constitution. . . . The warmaking power is the
most important power Congress has. It is still not too late to call for
a declaration of war. If a majority of members decide that Nicaragua
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has not provided a (aSUS belli, they will 'dote against declaring war.
Perhaps then and only then will they exert their constitutional powei
and stop the covert war.'"
The intent here is to punish the American (not the Nicaraguan)
government arra- a. ate or deTe.
Leninist) foreign policies by playing wantonly with the sepLu-a-
tio " actraushimii Ike federal Constitution of?the
Unite. tates. Similar objectives are sought by Morton H.
a pfrrers"su 1, a former official in the Defense Department and the
National Security Council, who inveighed against the American
President in the following terms:
II
0 ? ?
Stop the illegal war in Nicaragua. . . . The covert operation that the
C.I.A. launched at the direction of the President is also a clear
violation of international law and of numerous American treaty obli-
gations. . . . We may not overthrow governments. . . . The way to
promote respect for international law is to obey the rules ourselves,
seek to punish those who violate the law and, at the least, try to
counter the effects of their illegal acts."
No such strictures are leveled against those whose covert war
acs broug u ea o nuifiraiRrnh?rilon- orninuinstRov-
..?--
ra !Leak democratic. others authoritarian?and con-
duced to the swift installation of law-defyilig Commupist
refines. In fact, the impression deepens, as one goes on reading
commentfiries of the kind referred to, that top many Americans
in positions of political authority and intellectual leadership, and
they include Congressional representatives of the ave
sing="aarEtritnitst-77r e rZrtnp exities o . writ
large with w ic t is nation is con ronted.
One set oftisconcerting new realities includes the substitution
throughout the world of protracted military operations for the
"regular" norm of an all-out war that has a beginning and an end.
In this new context, covert political and military action is of the
essence. The greatly varied forms of masking intentions, move-
ments, and FrTratirreflharare-s_mpl re-hencfC(rn,
arTADsst highly-deVelbred-tOday in the statecraft of Our totali-
tarian i-i-direTgariesJor in their-CI5S'ed despotisms where dissimu-
isx
XIS
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 301
lation, disinformation, and secrecy combine to supply the name
in must proceed cove y. And yet, it
is important to point out that cover ness is a pronounced feature
also of non-Communist non-Western societies. Hete the tradi-
tionally preferred style of communication, including that pro-
jecting conflict and hostility, calls not for openness but rather for
indirection, allusiveness, and coded signals?in short, for cover-
ing the truth that is conveyed. Indeed, there could not have been
and there cannot be a successful anti-Communist or anti-
government guerrilla war or counterinsurgency if it were other-
mise.'
The United States, by contrast, has alw rideiLitself on
being_ALL22.srja,1 soci me, the art ul feign or dissimulation of
intended moves,iLftjily_acssaited in_games likepoker or chess,
on athletic playing fields, and in business circles. In international
politics, however, ditlerent norms are said-to prevail. Here ruses
and dissimulations are allowedbill y as war stratagems on the
b
acetime commerce and diplomatic relations,
? -
they are considered unethica an in practica terms count_sr-
productive. Everything, then, depends upon how one answers
the questions: What is peace? What is war? In the absence of
authoritative advice to the contrary, the view is 6eing p`fesSed by
rep eseiresT-Erar--1 Ttre?EhirrcheViiid the
r-iiEtflnnat the United-Sfates is at peace since it has not declared
reTeRreeDise argumetmues, !hc.goyctri-iMeni-is
forbjclan lminimAii2p_al law to_give_savfx. military aid, how-
ever legitimate its concern with the destinies of friendly or allied
nalions which are unable to conTesTtak-eaVers-by Military forces
under international Communist command without receiving out-
side assistance.
It is difficult to take this renvoi to the law of nations seriously.
Aftergr:Irterrral Tturratoes not, and never did, sum up the
national security interests of states. It can therefore not be
treated either as a synonym or as an alternative for foreign pol-
icy, least of all in times such as ours when there is no transna-
tional or transcultural consensus on the validity or purport of
this Occidental legacy of norms. The real reason for the current
strenuous objections to their own country's intelligence opera-
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tions, specifically to covert action, and for the retreat into the
cocoon of what these "contra" spokesmen fathom to be interna-
tional law, is fear?the same kind that presides over the nuclear
freeze movement. Oblivious of the profound chan ave
ovectaken the states. is century, unwilling to analyze
ideologically new approaches to war an icnie-a-Feuna le
theraTtnttsttngtristr frteTTrorn --termqs in the conduct of
for n affairs, these eo le Ion for the dependable situation of
yesteryears and simply cling to what they imagine ad then been
a elia
ful
er cc or po itica ecision-ma in
ear-
any in o arme un erta ing? e i a
cull:L=015_ a gueriIlrwar a conventional war, or a nuclear
war?they lack tfiTiviil and courage to think and act realisticalry
to, the interes s o t eir nation s secunty and future, and on t at
thcir counselil e heeded. For were it to prevail, the
United States vi.roild-i begin to resemble Don Quixote. Like the
Knight of the Mournful Countenance, it would be perceived
everywhere as fighting windmills and losing its bearings in the
real world. Modern Indians would recall the Mahabharata and
the arthasastra, which teach the uncompromising lesson, "If
men think thee soft, they will despise thee." Chinese contem-
poraries would view such weakness as confirmation of Mao Tse-
tung's dictum?this one as so many others borrowed from Sun
Tzu?that the enemy, whoever or wherever he is, must be
moved "to help in his own encirclement."' The Soviet Union,
meanwhile, would rightfully conclude that it had succeeded in its
strategy of subduing the West through psychological warfare.
The way out of the freeze ofjgtirance and fear into which
muc trirThe nation has recently rus e begin-with the
acceptanc
c. ions o war and peace. t s ould then lead to the realization
t at war an ac are interpenetrating in i*-7357T7511?1717167137TEr
vrario1ess Man peace has law and jtice on its side.
UpSjiarzig.n po icy cannot be effective in shielding the moral and
p91tUgal integrity of the renuhlic_iLiids_arbitrarilv restranieny
setrarsLabglagliaits-iwan-mtaglern texts on Occidental interna-
tional law.
at
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 303
In this general international context, we ought to accept the
spgitea7E17?nt e o 0f nerves, values, and ideas
whi ovtet nion s against tfil of
the democratic West, an we ougnt ro-a-ti mpt to wiri. The con-
test eganTheanmcemen ot the Leninist combat doc-
trine at the beginning of the century; it was cradled carefully and
covertly in Moscow's military strategy and war diplomacy dur-
ing the Second World War; and it has been waged overtly ever
since "peace" was declared following the official end of the war
in 1945. In other words this war between two incompatible
mindsets is a protracted vvar an its atrirTTOTIW-iighTlii all
(hese respects then the cold war can be likened to the medal
guerra ria between Christendom and Islam as well as to the
indefinite truce om at o w ic irotius wntes in De 11 CC
Belli ac Pacis. To put it di erently, what we call cold war may
just_a?--7----.5 a be called cold neacx. And this, it is here suggestcd,
mAy_v_LeInts_the c22122s4ss_yys_arsjarly_ALhave, provided of
course that we can hold our own.
tile uhIimire stage t7beater ot our conflict with totalitarian-
ikm?the one, namely, cin...which...vicugy and defeat will be de-
cided for centuries to come?is the Western, more particularly
th American, mind. The stakes for which we do or-0-60r d con-
tend in t ese imes o unprecedented peril thus merit the conclu-
sion that we are now engaged in the last phase of what we should
openly identify as the Third World War. For if this is won by our
adversaries there-will be no other war, atTd-The nuclear freeze
pro onents will have had their way.
Notes
I. It should be noted that the notion of the God-King (devuruja) is
unknown in Hindu India, which had colonized and Indianized many of
the Indochinese and Indonesian kingdoms.
2. Han Fei Tzu, "Basic Writings," trans. Arthur Waley, in Three
Ways of Thought in Ancient China (London: George Allen & Unwin,
1953), p. 228.
3. For a comprehensive analysis of the issues here discussed and for
source materials and bibliography, see Adda B. Bozeman, Conflict in
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304 Jidda B. Bozeman
Africa: Concepts and Realities (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Universio?,
Press, 1976).
4. The 4(X)th anniversary of Hugo Gicnius was celebrated in April
1983.
5. See Adda 13. Bozeman, "On the Relevance of Hugo Grotius and
De Jure Belli ac Pads for Our Times." Grotiana 1(1): 65-124, for an
analysis of this work.
6. For these quotations, see Albert L. Weeks and William C. Bodie,
eds., War and Peace: Soviet Russia Speaks (New York: National Strat -
egy Information Center, Inc., 1983), pp. 22-32.
7. Ibid., pp. 12, 13, 14, IS, 17. For additional Soviet sources on the
subject, see Harriet Fast Scott and William F. Scott, eds., The Soviet
Art of War, Doctrine, Strategy, and Tactics (Boulder, Colo.: Westview,
1982); Graham D. Vernon, ed., Soviet Perceptions of War and Peace
(Washington, D.C.: National Defense University Press, 1981); and
John J. Dziak, Soviet Perceptions of Military Power: The Interaction of
Theory and Practice (New York: Crane, Russak & Company, 1981).
'8. Ibid., p. 18f.
9. It is relevant to note that the Soviet Union used poison gas against
local resistance, thus shattering "the grand-daddy of all arms control
treaties." For as The Wall Street Journal, May 14, 1982, noted in the
first of a series of editorials on "Whither Arms Control?", the Geneva
Protocol banning use of chemical weapons as negotiated in 1925 has
been the most widely observed of all disarmament measures. Even
"Hitler went to his pyre without violating it."
10. Mr. Fred C. Ikle, the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy,
noted in March 1983 that, if we close our eyes and deny military aid to
those opposing Cuban intervention, and if we force those who wish to
build democracy to share power with those bent on destroying it,
Soviets and Cubans as assembled in the region are quite adequate to
turn Central America into another Eastern Europe. He added that
Soviet military advisers in Cuba outnumbered American military ad-
visers in all Latin American countries. by a ratio of 25 to I, and that
Soviet arms assistance to Cuba is about ten times the total of American
military assistance to all of Latin America. See The New York Times,
March IS, 1983, "Soviet Imperial Expansion." See the same paper
March 20, 1983, to the effect that then-Secretary of State Alexander M.
Haig, Jr., had stated early in 1981 that the Soviet Union and Cuba were
sending arms and other aid to guerrillas in El Salvador.
II. Published in America. February 19, 1983, p. I26ff.
1,2. I have developed this theme in "The Roots of the American
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 305
Commitment to the Rights of Man," in Rights and Responsibilities:
International, Social and Individual Dimensions, Proceedings of a
Conference Sponsored by the Center fur Study of the American Expe-
rience (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1980), pp. 51-103:
"Foreign Policy and the Problem of Understanding 'The Other,' " Book
Forum (in press); and "Human Rights and National Security." Yale
Journal of World Public Order 9 (1984): 40-77.
13. The New York Times, April 25, 1983, Op-Ed page.
14. Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West, trans. Charles Fran-
cis Atkinson (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1926-28), vol. 2, p. 434.
15. See The New York Times, July 17, 1983.
16. The New York Times, March 28, 1983, Op-Ed page.
17. The New York Times, July 19, 1983, Op-Ed page.
18. See Adda B. Bozeman, "Covert Action and Foreign Policy," in
Roy Godson, ed., Intelligence Requirements for the I980's: Covert
Action (Washington, D.C.: National Strategy Information Center,
1981), pp. 15-79, for several case studies of such "covert societies."
19. For an extended analysis of some of the issues in this section,
see Adda B. Bozeman, "War and the Clash of Ideas," Orbis 20 (Spring
1976, 20th Anniversary Issue): 61-102; also "Intellectuals and the War-
fare State," a review essay in Book Forum 3 (1977): 345ff.
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