ARRANGEMENTS FOR YOUR ADDRESS OF THE EVANS-NOVAK POLITICAL FORUM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90G01353R001900090025-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 33
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 30, 2012
• Sequence Number: 25
• Publication Date: April 7, 1988
• Content Type: MEMO

STAT
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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT:
(Optional)
carap.ments for Address of the Evans-Novak Political Forum
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,illiam M. Baker
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PAO 88-0126
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7 April 1988
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PAO 88-0126
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7 April 198E
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
FROM: William M. Baker
Director of Public Affairs Office
SUBJECT: Arrangements for your Address of the
Evans-Novak Political Forum
DCl/PAO/WMB
Distribution:
Orig. - DDCI
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1 - PAO Chrono
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1 - DCI Security
jam/2C:
1. This is background information for your remarks to the Evans-Novak
Political Forum on Wednesday, 13 April, 9:30 - 10:30 a.m., at the Madison
Hotel, 15 & M Streets NW. Phone: [phone]. I will remain with you
throughout the program.
2. Arrangements: You are asked to be at the main entrance of the Madison
Hotel on 15th Street where you will be met by the Administrator of the Forum,
Carolyn Donnelly. You will be escorted upstairs to Executive Chamber I, II,
and III to meet with Rowland Evans and Robert Novak who will remain with you
on the dais. (See biographies opposite.) Your remarks are scheduled to begin
at 9:30 a.m. and Mr. Evans will introduce you. The suggested format is
15 minutes of remarks followed by 45 minutes of questions and answers. Either
Mr. Evans or Mr. Novak will monitor the questions. A podium and microphone
will be available. DCI Security will tape your remarks for the Agency's
historical files. The meeting is off-the-record.
An audience of approximately 114 CEOs, business, financial and political
leaders from all parts of the US who subscribe to the EVANS-NOVAK POLITICAL
REPORT will attend. Several Japanese subscribers will be in the audience.
(See opposite for tentative list of attendees.)
3. Background: The EVANS-NOVAK POLITICAL REPORT now in its 21st year
provides its subscribers with inside political reporting and analysis. The
biweekly publication has a circulation of 2,000 and costs $125 a year. (See
copy of publication opposite.) Semiannually, a day-long seminar called the
Political Forum is held for the subscribers.
A member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Governor
Robert Heller, is scheduled to speak prior to your appearance and Evans and
Novak will speak following your address. (See program opposite.) Speakers at
the fall forum were Howard Baker, Jack Kemp Max Kampelman, and Tom Foley.
CONF TIAL
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INSIDE REPORT
Chicago Sun-Times
1750 Pennsylvania Avenue, N. W
Washington, D. C. 20006
ROWLAND EVANS JR.
March 1 , 1938
Mr. William Baker
Director of Public Affairs
Central Intelligence Agency
Was.hington, D.C. 20505
Dear Mr. Baker:
ROBERT D. NOVAK
We 2re deligntep at your deciion on tr. e appearanceof
!)frector Webster for tne Evans?Novak Forum on pril3
at the Madison ?Hotel.
We have tentatively scneduled him to spea at S:3C;a.
bu-: of course, given nis unusual responsibilities, we will so
anything we can to move the scneaule around to suit nis
convenience if another time seems better.
Please tell the -Director that the at at
the 33rd annual Forum will be Federal Reserve, Vice Cnairman
Manuel Johnson, Senator Robert Dole, Rep. Ricnard Gepnarct and
White House Deputy Chief of Staff Ken Duberstein.
On the day of the Forumwill meet Director Webster in
the lobby of the hotel just prior to the time of his speecn to
escort him to Executive Chamber I-, II and
The Forum is a day?long seminar attended by 120
subscribers of the Evans?Novak Political Report, comprises
largely of representatives of the business,. financial and
political communities.
We would like nm to deliver a brief talk, to be followed
by questions from the audience. The proceedings are totally off
tne?reCord.
We are delignted that Director Webster will be '.,,peaking
at the Forum. Please let me know if there are any special
-arrangements I can help you with..
Sincerely,
Carolyn Donnelly
Adminstrative Assistant
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EVANS, Rowland, Jr. 1921-
PERSONAL: Born April 28, 1921, in White Marsh, Pa.; son
of Rowland and Elizabeth Wharton (Downs) Evans; married
Katherine Winton, June 18, 1949; children: Rowland Winton,
Sarah Warren. Education: Attended Yale University, 1940-41,
and George Washington University, 1950. Religion: Episco-
palian.
ADDRESSES: Ilome-3125 0 St. N.W., Washington, D.C.
20007. Office-1750 Pennsylvania Ave. N.W., Washington,
D.C. 20006.
CAREER: Associated Press, reporter, 1945-55; New York Her-
ald Tribune, New York, N.Y., editorial staff, 1955-63; syn-
dicated columnist, "Inside Report," Washington, D.C., 1963?.
News commentator and j television panelist. -Military smite:
U.S. Marine Corps Reserve, active duty, 1942-44.
WRITINGS?All with Robert D. Novak: Lyndon B. Johnson:
The Exercise of Power, New American Library, 1966; Nixon
in the White House: The Frustration of Power. Random House,
1971, revised edition, Vintage Books, 1972; The Reagan Rev-
olution, Dutton, 1981. Articles on the political scene and other
topics have been published in Reporter, Harper's, Saturday
Evening Post, New Republic, Esquire, Atlantic Monthly, and
other national magazines.
SIDELIGHTS: In a New York Tunes Book Review article, James
Fallows wrote of Rowland Evans's and Robert Novak's The
Reagan Revolution: "What is best about Mr. Evans and Mr.
Novak, in contrast to many other newspaper columnists, is that
they still believe in legwork. Their column attempts to be
reportorial rather than oracular, even though its editorial out-
look is never difficult to discern.... When they stick to re-
porting in this new book, they produce a competent . sum-
mary of how the Administration developed and sold its policies."
BIOGRAPHICAL/CRITICAL SOURCES: Time, December 2,
1966; Washington Post Book World, August 30, 1981; New
York Times Book Review, October 4, 1981.
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NOVAK, Robert D(avid) 1931-
PERSONAL: Born February 26, 1931, in Joliet, Ill.; son of
Maurice Pall (a chemical engineer) and Jane Anne (Sanders)
Novak; married Geraldine Williams, November 10, 1962; chil-
dren: Zelda, Alexander Augustus Williams. Education: At-
tended University of Illinois, 1948-52. Home: 6417 Tilden
Lane, Rockville,.Md. 20852. Office: Room 1312, 1750 Penn-
sylvania Ave. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20006.
CAREER: Reporter for Joliet Herald-News, Joliet, Ill., 1948-
50, and Champaign-Urbana Courier, Urbana, III., 1950-51;
correspondent in Lincoln and Omaha, Neb., Indianapolis, Ind.,
and Washington, D.C., for Associated Press, 1954-58; Wall
Street Journal, New York City, Washington correspondent,
1958-63; New York Herald Tribune Syndicate, New York City,
author of column "Inside Report," 1963-66; author of column,
Publisher's Hall Syndicate, I966?. Member: National Press
Club, Sigma Delta Chi.
WRITINGS: The Agony of the GOP. /964, Macmillan, 1965;
(with Rowland Evans, Jr.) Lyndon B. Johnson: The Exercise
of Power. New American Library, 1966; (with Evans) Nixon
in the White House: The Frustration of Power. Random House,
1971; (with others) The Mass Media and Modern Democracy.
edited by Harry M. Clor, Rand McNally, 1974; (with Evans)
The Reagan Revolution: An Inside Look at the Transformation
of the U.S. Government, Dutton, 1981.
Contributor to Saturday Evening Post, Reporter, New Repub-
lic. Esquire, National Observer, Economist, and other publi-
cations.
SIDELIGHTS: The Reagan Revolution: An Inside Look at the
Transformation of the U.S. Government, written by newspaper
columnists Robert D. Novak and Rowland Evans, Jr., is a
study of the administration of President Ronald Reagan. It
argues that Reagan's economic policies will change the United
States as dramatically as did the policies of President Franklin
D. Roosevelt.
In flattering terms, Novak and Evans outline Reagan's career
and discuss the development of his conservative economic and
political ideas. Charles Kaiser of New Republic takes exception
to the authors' assertion that Reagan's "string of roles in B-
movies is actually the best possible preparation for the most
dangerous job in the world.? Because of such assertions
throughout the book, Kaiser believes that The Reagan Revo-
lution "provides powerful evidence of the- authors' determi-
nation to transform themselves from journalists into official
publicists for their newest hero."
James Fallows of the New York Times Book Review agrees.
The authors "suggest in every possible way that the changes
instituted by the new administration were long overdue," he
writes. "What is best about Mr. Evans and Mr. Novak, in
contrast to many other newspaper columnists," he continues,
"is that they still believe in legwork. Their column attempts
to be reportorial rather than oracular. . When they stick to
reporting in this new hook, they produce a competent if unex-
citing summary of how the administration developed and sold
its policies."
BIOGRAPHICAL/CRITICAL SOURCES:. Time, December 2,
1966; Christian Science Monitor, September 14, 1981; New
Republic. September 30, 1981; New York Times Book Review,
October 4, 1981; National Review, November 13, 1981.
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?tilANb-NUVAK ruulitAL ['thrum!
WHAT'S HAPPENING. . . WHO'S AHEAD . . . IN POLITICS TODAY
1750 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W. ? Room 1312 ? Washington, D.C. 20006 ? 202-393-4340
REFERENCE COPY
DO NOT REMOVE
To Our Subscribers
From: Evans-Novak
March 1, 1988 - No. 632
0 9 MAR 1988
"Staying alive" is Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole's (R-Kan.) theme for the 1988
Republican Presidential primaries on Super Tuesday, March 8. His New Hampshire primary debacle
eliminated any chance of stopping Vice President George Bush in the Southern-accented 20
primaries next week. Now he hopes to hold Bush to around 500 delegates out of 840 elected that
day, then try to stop the V.P. in Illinois and, particularly, Wisconsin.
The Democratic Presidential primary race threatens to turn into a two-man marathon
between Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis (D) and Rep. Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.), with Sen.
Albert Gore (D-Tenn.) in danger of falling by the wayside on Super Tuesday. If Dukakis beats
Gephardt in both Texas and Florida, he could become the clear front-runner.
Federal Reserve Board Governors breath a sigh of relief over the condition of the economy
and markets. There is now no prospect for an immediate cut in the discount rate.
The Reagan Administration's Panamanian strategy against Gen. Manuel Noriega, long overdue,
counts on turning top National Guard officers against him and forcing him out. But that may
take a month or more, and has elements of high risk for the U.S. Ex-C.I.A. Director William
Casey is again seen as the villian in previous policy-making.
Sec. of State George Shultz surprises in the Mideast, playing some real hardball with
Israeli Prime Minister Itzhak Shamir, using the American Jewish lobby as his shield, and
making genuine efforts with the Palestinians. Politicians here remain amazed that anti-Israel
American public opinion bars the usual election-year anti-Arab noise from Presidential
candidates.
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's Iranian army has run out of recruits to the point that
once-crack army units are mere shells, weapons are harder and harder to procure, and the
U.S.S.R. is giving nothing but sweet talk.
The Nicaraguan Contra aid vote in Congress this week may restore House Speaker Jim
Wright's (D-Tex.) plan for aid, but in a way that all but assures steady Contra attrition, and
the end of the Reagan Doctrine in Central America.
PRESIDENTIAL, '88
GOP Super Tuesday: There is no doubt that Bush will do well Super Tuesday; the only
question is how well. These points about what to watch for on the biggest Primary Day:
1) Bush now figures to finish first in every Southern state. In the March 5 South
Carolina preview, he has a clear lead. Florida was thought to be a battleground, but polls-now
show Dole at least 20 points behind. North Carolina is the last Southern state where Dole has
some faint hope of making it close. Pat Robertson trails badly throughout the South.
2) Dole must concentrate on trying to win some of the non-Southern Super Tuesday states:
Missouri, Oklahoma and Washington. He must also hope to make it surprisingly close for Bush in
Rhode Island and Maryland.
3) That George Bush will get a huge boost out of Super Tuesday is beyond doubt. His aides
will try to spin it out as the clincher, but it probably won't be. The point is the number of
delegates. The Dole people hope they hold it to around 500, certainly under 600.
4) That will set the scene for a series of Midwestern and Eastern primaries where Bush
has the clear lead in the polls, but not by his Southern margins, and where Dole will
concentrate to change the momentum. His most important test will be Illinois on March 15, the
week after Super Tuesday, where Dole must make a showing. His hope is to keep it going right
into California June 7, while Bush will try to avoid risking the winner-take-all showdown.
Copyright ?1988 by the Evens Novak Political Report Company
Issued every other week at $125 per year or $200 for two years.
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' Dole: How bad the disarray? Not quite as bad as it looks, but much worse than it ought to
be. The blame has to be put not on the candidate for his old sin of interfering with his
campaign managers, but on Campaign Manager ex?Sen. William Brock (R? Tenn.) for not managing
well enough.
A greatly abbreviated version of what went wrong: Dole understandably was brooding over
his New Hampshire defeat, caused in no small part by the campaign's failure to get late TV
spots on the air rebutting Bush's anti?tax barrage. Yet, no senior adviser was aboard the
plane to talk to and reassure the candidate.
It was in that mood that Dole summoned his two conservative advisers aboard the plane --
David Keene and Donald Devine. The candidate's spfrits soared, but the wheels came off the
cart when they started to make airborne scheduling decisions without consulting Washington
H.Q. Word circulated in D.C. that Brock might quit; instead he fired Keene and Devine.
By taking that course instead of achieving a more reasonable settlement, Brock created
more publicity and deprived his candidate of two innovative politicians and two links to the
conservative movement.
At this writing, Brock is aboard the campaign plane, along with other aides. Ex?New
Hampshire Attorney General Tom Rath has taken over media strategy, and negative anti?Bush
spots finally started appearing on Miami television Sunday night.
On the Atlanta debate Sunday that may have been the last GOP Encounter for the forseeable
future, Dole intended to come out strong against Bush, but didn't quite make it. Throughout
the long Debate season, he has fallen between the two stools of trying to damage the
frontrunner without embellishing his own hatchetman's image.
The one new arrow in Dole's quiver at Atlanta was his sudden move to protectionist
rhetoric, repeated the next day in addressing the Georgia legislature. It is an unexpected
move that may help a little in the South Tuesday, but may burden him in the weeks to come.
Bush: Back to the bunker: In contrast with his studied feistiness against Dan Rather,
James Gannon, and in recent debates, he was laid back in Atlanta. Also he has returned to the
Vice Presidential bubble after his excursion to save himself in New Hampshire.
Whether this is a risk or not depends upon: 1) Whether Dole survives Super Tuesday, and
2) Much more importantly, how he fares in the post?Super Tuesday primaries in Illinois,
Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York.
Robertson: He has clearly declined as a candidate in the last month -- coming out with a
succession of wild swings. As we have been reporting for weeks, he still has not broken out of
his evangelical base -- as shown by opinion polls as well as primary results.
He has brought his circumscription on himself. At Atlanta, he tried his hardest to avoid
any more goofs, but came off distant and disconnected.
Kemp: By any measurement, Rep. Jack Kemp (R?N.Y.) was the clear "winner" of the Atlanta
debate. Perhaps it wasn't "too little," but it surely is "too late." He is running a poor
fourth in South Carolina, where he has invested all his remaining marbles. How Kemp could,
with increasing brilliance, take the Reaganite position and not score with it is something
that will take lots of analysis. The simplest, perhaps best guess is that he never could block
out the better?known Bush and Dole.
Democratic Super Tuesday: What can be said without fear of contradiction is that the
nomination will not be decided this day. These points:
1) Dukakis and Gephardt clearly will survive Super Tuesday. But will Gore? He seems to be
in a three?way tie for first place in the South, but that does not take into consideration his
massive lead in his home state of Tennessee. Having finessed Iowa and New Hampshire, Gore must
actually win somewhere, and that may not be easy. He has concentrated on signing up
Establishment Democrats -- legislators and Party leaders -- and they may not be of much use
for Super Tuesday.
2) Dukakis could score a real triumph, if he finishes first in Texas to add to probable
wins in Florida, Rhode Island and Massachusetts. The Texas?Florida combination would display
his strength out of the Northeast, and give him a substantial edge going into the Midwestern
and Eastern industrial states.
3) Thus, it is incumbent on Gephardt to slow down Dukakis, not because he is nearing the
magic number of delegates but because of momentum for post?Super Tuesday states. Gephardt's
principal goal: Beat the Duke in Texas while scoring wins, in addition to Missouri, in
Oklahoma and perhaps a stray Southern state or two.
Dukakis: Like Bush's, his campaign's mnjor problem in the candidate. He has money and
excellent organization. But he still has trouble sounding an effective message, other than
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bi-agging about his Massachusetts Miracle. His attack in the Atlanta debate on Gephardt and
Gore was out of frustration. But he has yet to sound a consistent message.
Gephardt: In contrast, he has refined his populist message, adding an anti-tax component
to it. His problem for now is lack of funds to get his message before the public. That
shortage is an impediment to his breaking past Dukakis.
Gore: His campaign may be in deeper trouble than is generally realized. Like Dukakis, he
has had trouble sounding a focused message and his posture as a Born-Again (Sen.) Sam Nunn (D-
Ga.) just is not working.
Jackson: Jesse Jackson has done better than expected, running a surprising second in
Minnesota and Maine. Unlike '84, he is picking up white liberals who always support the
candidate farthest to the Left. The importance is that it is building up a modest but growing
collection of delegates for him over and above those he will collect on a bloc basis from
Southern delegates. Even so, it is considerable less than an even chance that Jackson will
exercise a blocking vote at the Convention.
THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION
FRB: There may be disagreements on details, but compared to the recent past, the Federal
Reserve Board of Governors is in relative agreement on this score: No policy is needed to
avert a downturn in the economy or in markets. These details:
1) Not many weeks ago, several Governors privately were concerned about the possibility of
another market free fall. No longer. Furthermore, there is widespread optimism about the
unlikelihood of a severe economic downturn. Bear in mind that Fed Governors certainly have
been wrong before, but that's what they think now.
2) As Chairman Alan Greenspan indicated in his Congressional testimony last week, the Fed
did ease -- a little bit -- in the last FOMC meeting. Governor Wayne Angell was not all that
happy about it, but did not dissent. There were no official dissents.
3) There seems no immediate prospect for a discount rate cut. The Fed funds rate would
have to come down a lot more before that happened.
4) The spanking Greenspan gave Treasury Asst. Sec. Michael R. Darby in his testimony for
prodding the Fed to ease should not be taken too seriously. Greenspan was trying to preempt
Democratic Congressional criticism of Fed susceptibility to Election Year pressure from the
Administration, and he succeeded admirably. On the next day in a speech to the Cato Institute
by Vice Chairman Manuel Johnson, he welcomed suggestions from all sources -- including the
Treasury -- but not on the eve of the FOMC meeting, as Darby did.
5) In the Cato speech, Johnson said for the umpteenth time that the Fed is no longer
tracking the money supply, but a variety of economic indicators. It was still news to a lot of
people, and probably not believed or understood by others.
U.S.-Panama: One of the most gripping pieces of Latin theatre since ex-President Lyndon
Baines Johnson sent the Marines into the Dominican Republic is built upon a careful strategy
that eschews any and all force -- and perhaps wrongfully -- as follows:
1) The underlying theme, with Defense and State in full accord: do nothing that would
offend any of the Latin states. True, they are now wholeheartedly behind President Ronald
Reagan's policy of victory through economic strangulation -- but what if it doesn't work?
2) The key is secret U.S. polls showing that every single segment of Panamanian society is
against Noriega. But are they reliable? And if the U.S. boycotts Panamanian exports and
squeezes off credit -- from any international and most commerical lenders -- can Noriega get
access to other funds -- drug money, for example, to meet his payrolls?
? 3) Another admittedly remote threat: Soviet machinations. These have already started, in a
small way, with the first Panamanian accord ever to permit Aeroflot to bring in fresh crews
for Soviet fishing fleets, land them in Panama, and return with the old crews. Is it a foot-
in-the-door? Probably not, given Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's multitudinous problems, but
who knows for sure?
4) The please-the-Latins course is a worthy goal, but it could cost a lot. The U.S. could
have deposed Noriega quickly, although at the risk of some lives, had the Administration
decided to move swiftly with overpowering force. Dragging out week after week to the hopeful
end of a policy that a Super Power could have imposed at once always entails risk: Consider
the difference between Grenada and Panama. That shows the decline of quick, decisive action by
an Administration running out of steam.
5) Nevertheless, our bottom line: Noriega will be gone within a month, possibly a lot
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' 6) That leaves open the truly dangerous situation the U.S. now faces, from Columbia and
other Latin state, through Panama and into Florida -- a burgeoning drug trade reputed to be
worth many billions of dollars that.is gradually transforming the face of America.
The Mideast: George Shultz appears to be bent on a very serious mission. Although no one
here gives it a chance much higher than 2 on a scale of 1-to-10, the fact that he is clearly
trying to do more than simply defuse the anti-Israeli rioting and stop the killing of
Palestinian children seems beyond debate at this point. That is a Big Plus, throwing new light
on these major factors:
1) Contrary to published reports in the West, Syria's leader, Hafez Assad may not be all
that unsympathetic to Shultz's grand design. The truth of that will emerge more clearly after
Shultz sends his top aide, Asst. Sec. Richard Murphy, back to Damascus to decide whether
Shultz himself should return there.
2) Pressure on Prime Minister Shamir is high and rising, but Shultz still has precious
little leverage. Shamir secretly warns Shultz that if he calls elections today, the U.S. plan
would be killed off.
3) The best of what pressure Shultz does have is the American Jewish community, which is
showing its smarts by warning Shamir that Israel cannot have it both ways any longer. Likud
Rightwingers figure that if the Palestinians kill a few Israelis, the Laborites of Foreign
Minister Shimon Peres would be devastated in any election that turned on the territory-for-
peace formula of Shultz -- and U.N. Resolution 242. But that is the last thing American Jewish
leaders want because it would polarize Israeli politics on a fault line exactly opposed to
their own -- and the U.S.'s.
4) What Shultz virtually begs for: A switch in PLO doctrine flatly accepting Israel's
existence. That would clear away the no-talk, no-see, no-hear U.S. policy toward the PLO --
without which no serious negotiations can possibly succeed.
5) And another end-of-the-Reagan-era note: The President's press conference blame on
outside agitators as a major factor in the riots showed the towering Oval Office disinterest
in almost everything these days -- save arms reductions and the glittering Moscow Summit.
6) Finally: not one Presidential candidate has dared support Israel's bone-breaking
policy in their campaigns. No criticism, either, but the lack of support for embattled Israel
show how deeply politicians fear the reactions of Americans, both Jewish and non-Jewish. They
won't touch this one, if they can avoid it.
Iran-Iraq: New reports that Khomeini's army is truly in desperate shape, unable to mount
another offensive, look persuasive to U.S. intelligence agenicies, leading to the following
analysis:
1) Khomeini is being forced to take much closer personal direction of all political and,
government events in Iran.
2) Running out of cannon fodder, not fear of the U.S.A. or the U.N., explains the failure
of the offensive that his officials have been protesting since last Fall.
3) His crack Guards batallions have lost much of their leadership, with no replacements.
The former guarantee of easy diplomas and degrees to Iranian youth who joined up no longer
does the trick. And weapons are becoming scarcer, partly because even Israel and China are
loathe to run guns into the strong opposition of the U.S. and most of the rest of the world.
4) What this argues for: A possible winding down of the war, or at least a failure for it
to heat up. Soviet policy may be moving toward going along with the U.N. victory to pair with
the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan.
U.S.-Contras: Speaker Jim Wright has recovered from his bout of nerves over his Contra
aid package, with a vote now expected later this week, but many uncertainties remain, to wit:
1. Wright's minor concession to reality -- having the non-lethal aid distributed by
the Pentagon instead of, under his original plan, by international agencies -- will not
deliver the aid. It must be done by the CIA, as Republicans insist.
2. Even if the CIA's infrastructure is allowed to continue, attrition of the Contras
seems absolutely predictable. Since mid-January, the Contras have diminished from 15,000 to
10,000, signalling the end of an effective Reagan Doctrine.
3. The assumption by Wright's forces that ending arms aid would stimulate the
Sandinistas on the negotiating front has proved false. To the contrary, that regime has become
much harder to deal with.
This Report is copyrighted end prepared for the confidential information of our clients. &Ai IA?
PauffuX YOSettd
Reproduction or quotation without specific permission is prohibited,
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PAGE 1
LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 1 STORY
Copyright to 1987 The Washington Post
April 18, 1987, Saturday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE Al
LENGTH: 2766 words
HEADLINE: News Media's 'Buckraking';
Moonlighting Proves Lucrative, Controversial
BYLINE: Eleanor Randolph, Washington Post Staff Writer
BODY"
... Fridays and Mondays. Novak is a regular on "The McLaughlin Group" and
appears frequently on CNN's "Crossfire."
They put out two newsletters -- the Evans-Novak Political Report with 1,500
subscribers ($ 125 each for one year or $ 200 for two years) and the Evans-Novak
Tax Report, with about 375 subscribers ($ 200 or one year or $ 350 for two
years).
And twice a year they stage the Evans-Novak Political Forum for 75 to 125
subscribers to the political report newsletter. Past forums have drawn speakers
from Vice President Bush to Sen Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.).
This time the forum participants were Baker, presidential hopefuls Rep.
Richard A. Gephardt (D-Mo.) and Senate Minority Leader Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.),
Federal Reserve Vice Chairman Manuel H. Johnson, Defense Secretary Caspar ...
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STAT
STAT
STAT
Distribution:
Orig - DCI
1 -
1
1
1
1 - ean
1 - ER 88
1 - PAO Registry
1 - Ames (Hold)
1 - (Chrono)
You will be addressing -we LV.-Novak Political Forum at 9:30 a.m. on 13
April in Washington, D.C. The audience will consist of 120 business,
financial, and political representatives who subscribe to the Evans-Novak
Political Report.
JUDGE:
6 April 1988
This group may be interested in remarks similar to those that were so well
received by the American Business Conference. Those remarks, delivered 23
March, were titled, "CIA, Congress, and Foreign Policy."
I have included a quotation by General Vernon Walters -- which you have
used in several previous speeches -- as part of your introduction. It reads:
"Americans have always had an ambivalent attitude toward intelligence. When
they feel threatened, they want a lot of it, and when they don't, they tend to
regard the whole thing as somewhat immoral." I think this comment represents
a general view of intelligence that is likely to be shared by this audience.
The thesis for your remarks is similar to the American Business Conference
speech and is on page 2: "I want to talk to you this afternoon about the role
the CIA plays in supporting and implementing foreign policy -- which is not
the same as making policy -- and I want to discuss how the CIA's relationship
with Congress has changed since the days before legislated congressional
oversight. I also want to discuss some of the changes that are occurring in
intelligence and the challenges we will be facing as we provide intelligence
to the policy community in the future."
The speech incorporates some of the extemporaneous additions you made to
the American Business Conference speech. One addition is on pages 7 and 8,
when you discuss national intelligence estimates: "They are carefully
assembled in an objective way. Dissenting opinions are not cast to the back
of the report in small-print footnotes, but are carefully reflected in the
text or in clear footnotes below the text so that those reading the estimates
-- particularly the President -- will know the differences of opinion wherever
they may exist. We do not seek the lowest common denominator of opinion, but
try to reflect the best judgment of the Community as a whole."
Another addition is at the bottom of page 8, when you discuss the Agency's
dealings with Congress: "My top executives tell me they spend about 25
percent of their time dealing with Congress, while I estimate about 15 percent
of my time is spent testifying on the Hill and meeting with members of
Congress."
Your proposed remarks are attached.
Attachments:
As Stated
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PROPOSED REMARKS
BY
WILLIAM H. WEBSTER
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
BEFORE THE
EVANS-NOVAK POLITICAL FORUM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
APRIL 13, 1988
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GOOD MORNING.
IT'S A PLEASURE TO BE HERE. I WILL SOON COMPLETE MY FIRST YEAR
AS THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE, AND IT IS A VERY
INTERESTING JOB. I THINK VERY FEW PEOPLE HAVE A JOB WHERE THEY
COULD WEAR A BUTTON THAT SAYS: "MY JOB IS SO SECRET THAT EVEN I
DON'T KNOW WHAT I'M DOING."
SECRECY IS A NECESSARY PART OF EFFECTIVE INTELLIGENCE
COLLECTION. BUT IT IS, HISTORICALLY, THAT PART OF INTELLIGENCE THAT
HAS GENERATED THE MOST SUSPICION AND DISTRUST. MY GOOD FRIEND,
GENERAL VERNON WALTERS, FORMER DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE CIA AND NOW
AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED NATIONS, DESCRIBED THE VIEW MANY HAVE NOT
ONLY OF SECRECY, BUT OF INTELLIGENCE IN GENERAL. "AMERICANS," HE
OBSERVED, "HAVE ALWAYS HAD AN AMBIVALENT ATTITUDE TOWARD
INTELLIGENCE. WHEN THEY FEEL THREATENED, THEY WANT A LOT OF IT, AND
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WHEN THEY DON'T, THEY TEND TO REGARD THE WHOLE THING AS SOMEWHAT
IMMORAL."
I WANT TO TALK TO YOU THIS AFTERNOON ABOUT THE ROLE THE CIA
PLAYS IN SUPPORTING AND IMPLEMENTING FOREIGN POLICY -- WHICH IS NOT
THE SAME AS MAKING POLICY -- AND I WANT TO DISCUSS HOW THE CIA'S
RELATIONSHIP WITH CONGRESS HAS CHANGED SINCE THE DAYS BEFORE
LEGISLATED CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT. I ALSO WANT TO DISCUSS SOME OF
THE CHANGES THAT ARE OCCURRING IN INTELLIGENCE AND THE CHALLENGES WE
WILL BE FACING AS WE PROVIDE INTELLIGENCE TO THE POLICY COMMUNITY IN
THE FUTURE.
THE CIA'S PRIMARY ROLE IS TO PROVIDE SUPPORT TO OUR NATION'S
POLICYMAKERS. WE DO THAT BY PROVIDING INTELLIGENCE THAT IS USEFUL,
TIMELY, AND OBJECTIVE.
TODAY OUR GOVERNMENT DEPENDS HEAVILY ON USEFUL, ACCURATE
INTELLIGENCE. INTELLIGENCE TO FORMULATE AND IMPLEMENT OUR FOREIGN
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POLICY, INTELLIGENCE TO VERIFY THE ARMS AGREEMENTS THAT WE HAVE
SIGNED, AND INTELLIGENCE TO UNDERSTAND BOTH THE MILITARY
CAPABILITIES AND THE INTENTIONS OF OUR ADVERSARIES. INTELLIGENCE IS
VERY IMPORTANT TODAY AS WE APPROACH AN INF AGREEMENT, AND WILL
PERHAPS BE EVEN MORE IMPORTANT IN VERIFYING A START AGREEMENT. NOT
TOO LONG AGO I TESTIFIED BEFORE CONGRESS ON THE INTELLIGENCE
COMMUNITY'S ABILITY TO MONITOR THE SOVIET UNION'S COMPLIANCE WITH
THE PROVISIONS OF THE 111F TREATY. WHILE I CANNOT DISCUSS DETAILS
HERE, I CAN ASSURE YOU THAT INTELLIGENCE IS VITAL IN THIS AREA.
INTELLIGENCE MUST ALSO BE TIMELY. LAST SUMMER I VISITED NORAD
IN COLORADO SPRINGS, WHICH IS ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL EARLY WARNING
SYSTEMS FOR OUR COUNTRY'S NATIONAL DEFENSE. A DAY THERE CAN'T HELP
BUT MAKE ONE AWARE OF THE CRITICAL IMPORTANCE OF EARLY AND ACCURATE
INTELLIGENCE FOR OUR NATIONAL DEFENSE. GIVEN THE SPEED AT WHICH
NUCLEAR MISSILES ARE ABLE TO TRAVEL, WHEN WE THINK IN TERMS OF
SURVIVAL WARNINGS, WE THINK NOT IN TERMS OF DAYS OR WEEKS, BUT
MINUTES.
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NOT ONLY MUST INTELLIGENCE BE USEFUL AND TIMELY, IT IS IMPORTANT
THAT THE INFORMATION THAT IS COLLECTED BE DEVELOPED IN AN OBJECTIVE
WAY. THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AND THE PEOPLE WHO
ANALYZE INFORMATION MUST BE SEEN AS GIVING THE BEST ESTIMATES, NOT
TO "COOK THE BOOKS" OR TO SHAPE OR INFLUENCE POLICY, BUT TO PROVIDE
POLICYMAKERS WITH THE KIND OF INFORMATION UPON WHICH THEY CAN MAKE
WISE DECISIONS IN THE INTERESTS OF OUR NATIONAL SECURITY.
BECAUSE THE QUALITY AND OBJECTIVITY OF THE INTELLIGENCE WE
PROVIDE IS SO IMPORTANT, I HAVE TAKEN A NUMBER OF STEPS TO ENSURE
THAT THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY PRESERVES ITS OBJECTIVITY AND
PROTECTS ITS INTEGRITY. WE HAVE AND WILL CONTINUE TO "TELL IT LIKE
IF IS." AVOIDING BIAS AS MUCH AS WE CAN. ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE
COIN, POLICYMAKERS MAY NOT LIKE THE MESSAGE THEY HEAR FROM US,
ESPECIALLY IF THEY HAVE A DIFFERENT POINT OF VIEW OR HAVE ALREADY
ACTED BEFORE RECEIVING OUR INFORMATION. MY POSITION IS THAT IN THE
PREPARATION OF INTELLIGENCE JUDGMENTS, PARTICULARLY IN NATIONAL
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INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATES, WE WILL PROVIDE THEM FOR THE USE OF
POLICYMAKERS. THEY CAN BE USED IN WHOLE OR IN PART. THEY CAN BE
IGNORED, TORN UP, OR THROWN AWAY, BUT THEY MAY NOT BE CHANGED.
I THINK THIS KIND OF INSISTENCE ON OBJECTIVITY MAY BE ONE OF THE
MOST SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTIONS THAT I COULD MAKE IN GALVANIZING A
COHESIVE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY WITHOUT COMPROMISING THE INTEGRITY
OF THE INDIVIDUAL ANALYSTS OR PROGRAM MANAGERS.
IN ADDITION TO PROVIDING INTELLIGENCE THAT IS USEFUL, TIMELY,
AND OBJECTIVE, THE CIA PLAYS A ROLE IN IMPLEMENTING FOREIGN POLICY.
THIS IS DONE THROUGH ITS COVERT ACTION PROGRAMS. THESE MAY INCLUDE
POLITICAL WORK THROUGH COMMUNICATIONS -- GETTING THE MESSAGE OUT
TRAINING, SUPPLYING IMPORTANT MATERIALS FOR THOSE WHO NEED SUPPORT,
AND GIVING ADVICE. ALTHOUGH COVERT ACTION IS NOT DEFINED BY LAW,
THE TERM HAS COME TO BE UNDERSTOOD TO REFER TO ACTIVITIES CONDUCTED
IN SUPPORT OF NATIONAL POLICY IN SUCH A WAY THAT THE ROLE OF THE
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT IS NOT APPARENT.
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COVERT CAPABILITY, ESSENTIAL IN OUR FOREIGN POLICY, PROVIDES
NEEDED SUPPORT FOR LIBERATION MOVEMENTS, OFTEN PROVIDES SUPPORT TO
GOVERNMENTS, AND ALLOWS US TO WORK IN COLLABORATION WITH THOSE
GOVERNMENTS WHO DO NOT WISH, FOR LEGITIMATE POLITICAL REASONS OF
THEIR OWN, TO HAVE THE U.S. ROLE AND INVOLVEMENT PUBLICLY KNOWN.
FROM PRESIDENT FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT FORWARD, EVERY PRESIDENT IN MY
LIFETIME HAS ENDORSED AND USED COVERT ACTION TO SUPPORT THE FOREIGN
POLICY OF THIS COUNTRY. ALTHOUGH COVERT ACTIONS TRADITIONALLY CLAIM
ONLY A VERY SMALL PORTION OF THE CIA'S RESOURCES (LESS THAN 3%) THEY
ARE THE FOCUS OF THE GREATEST CONGRESSIONAL AND PUBLIC ATTENTION.
AND CONGRESS IS VERY INTERESTED IN WHAT THE CIA DOES. I
RECENTLY ADDRESSED A GROUP OF RETIRED INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS, AND
THEY RECALLED THE DAYS WHEN NO CLASSIFIED PAPERS WENT FROM THE CIA
TO EITHER BRANCH OF CONGRESS AND THE ONLY CLASSIFIED BRIEFINGS TO
CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES WERE GIVEN BY THE DIRECTOR HIMSELF, OR WITH
THE DIRECTOR PRESENT. AT ONE TIME, THE SENATE APPROPRIATIONS
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COMMITTEE HAD ONE CLEARED STAFFER, THE HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS
1
SUBCOMMITTEE ONE OR TWO. TODAY, FOUR CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES
CLOSELY EXAMINE THE AGENCY'S ACTIVITIES, AND THE NUMBER OF
INDIVIDUALS WHO SEE CLASSIFIED MATERIAL FAR EXCEEDS THE ONE OR TWO .
OF THE PAST.
FIFTEEN YEARS AGO THE CIA GAVE 175 BRIEFINGS TO CONGRESS: LAST
YEAR WE GAVE OVER 1,000 BRIEFINGS ON A VARIETY OF TOPICS. THESE
TOPICS INCLUDED ARMS CONTROL, SOVIET WEAPONS, THE PERSIAN GULF
SITUATION, THE CONFLICT IN CENTRAL AMERICA, AND EVEN THE SPREAD OF
AIDS IN AFRICA. WE PROVIDE INFORMATION ON TOPICS OF CURRENT
INTEREST TO CONGRESS, BUT WE ALSO LIKE TO ANTICIPATE THE INFORMATION
CONGRESS AND THE POLICY COMMUNITY WILL NEED IN THE FUTURE. WE
PROVIDE SUCH INFORMATION IN THE FORM OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE
ESTIMATES. THEY ARE CAREFULLY ASSEMBLED IN AN OBJECTIVE WAY.
DISSENTING OPINIONS ARE NOT CAST TO THE BACK OF THE REPORT IN
SMALL-PRINT FOOTNOTES, BUT ARE CAREFULLY REFLECTED IN THE TEXT OR IN
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CLEAR FOOTNOTES BELOW THE TEXT SO THAT THOSE READING THE ESTIMATES
-- PARTICULARLY THE PRESIDENT -- WILL KNOW THE DIFFERENCES OF
OPINION WHEREVER THEY MAY EXIST. WE DO NOT SEEK THE LOWEST COMMON
DENOMINATOR OF OPINION, BUT TRY TO REFLECT THE BEST JUDGMENT OF THE
COMMUNITY AS A WHOLE.
VIRTUALLY ALL CIA ASSESSMENTS GO TO THE TWO CONGRESSIONAL
INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEES. MOST ALSO GO TO THE APPROPRIATIONS,
FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEES. EIGHT
CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES GET THE CIA'S DAILY NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE
REPORT. IN THE LAST YEAR THE CIA SENT MORE THAN 5,000 INTELLIGENCE
REPORTS TO CONGRESS.
IN ADDITION TO BRIEFINGS AND PAPERS, WE ALSO TESTIFY BEFORE
CONGRESS. I HAVE SPENT A FAIR AMOUNT OF TIME ON THE HILL, LATELY,
MYSELF. MY TOP EXECUTIVES TELL ME THEY SPEND ABOUT 25 PERCENT OF
THEIR TIME DEALING WITH CONGRESS, WHILE I ESTIMATE 15 PERCENT OF MY
TIME IS SPENT TESTIFYING ON THE HILL AND MEETING WITH MEMBERS OF
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CONGRESS.2 BECAUSE I KNOW OF THE NEED TO BE ABSOLUTELY CANDID
WITH CONGRESS, AND THE RESPONSIBILITY INTELLIGENCE PROFESSIONALS
HAVE TO PROTECT SOURCES AND METHODS, I HAVE ESTABLISHED GUIDELINES
GOVERNING OUR DEALINGS WITH CONGRESS. AND I HAVE MADE IT ABSOLUTELY
CLEAR THAT IN DEALING WITH CONGRESS THERE IS NO EXCUSE FOR
DECEPTION.
THERE MAY BE SOME QUESTIONS ON WHICH AGENCY OFFICIALS WHO BRIEF
CONGRESS WILL HAVE TO REFER BACK TO ME. I WILL TAKE THE HEAT OR
WORK OUT ARRANGEMENTS WITH CONGRESS. BUT WE WILL NOT GIVE
HALF-ANSWERS OR AROUND-THE-CORNER ANSWERS. IF THERE IS A PROBLEM,
WE WILL SAY THERE IS A PROBLEM, AND WE CANNOT ANSWER THE QUESTION AT
THIS TIME. WE MAY ULTIMATELY HAVE TO PROVIDE AN ANSWER, AND IT MAY
MEAN NEGOTIATION. BUT WE WILL NOT LEAVE THE CONGRESS FEELING THAT
IN SOME WAY ANYONE IN THE CIA HAS BEEN DISINGENUOUS IN DEALING WITH
THEM.
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I FIRMLY BELIEVE THAT THE OVERSIGHT RESPONSIBILITIES EXERCISED
BY CONGRESS ARE BOTH NECESSARY AND BENEFICIAL. THERE MUST BE A
DEPENDABLE SYSTEM OF OVERSIGHT AND ACCOUNTABILITY WHICH BUILDS,
RATHER THAN ERODES, TRUST BETWEEN THOSE WHO HAVE THE INTELLIGENCE
RESPONSIBILITY AND THOSE WHO ARE THE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES OF THE
AMERICAN PEOPLE.
AS PART OF MY EFFORT TO ESTABLISH AN OPEN RELATIONSHIP WITH THE
CONGRESS, I MEET WITH THE LEADERS OF OUR OVERSIGHT COMMITTEES AT
LEAST MONTHLY. THE MEMBERS OF CONGRESS SHARE WITH THE INTELLIGENCE
COMMUNITY THE RESPONSIBILITY OF PRESERVING THE NATION'S INTELLIGENCE
SECRETS.
I'VE BEEN TALKING A GOOD DEAL ABOUT DISCLOSURES IN THE OVERSIGHT
PROCESS. NOW I'D LIKE TO SAY A FEW WORDS ABOUT SECRECY.
IT SEEMS QUITE CLEAR TO ME THAT IT WOULD BE IMPOSSIBLE TO CARRY
OUT CLANDESTINE ACTIVITIES -- EITHER TO COLLECT INFORMATION OR TO
CARRY OUT COVERT ACTION -- WITHOUT SECRECY.
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BOTH CONGRESS AND THE JUDICIARY HAVE RECOGNIZED THE NEED FOR
SECRECY IN MATTERS OF NATIONAL SECURITY. THE MAIN PURPOSE OF
SECRECY IS TO PRESERVE AND PROTECT SOURCES AND METHODS. IF WE
CANNOT PROTECT OUR SOURCES, WE WILL NOT GET THE INFORMATION THAT WE
NEED. IF WE CANNOT PROTECT THE SENSITIVE METHODS BY WHICH WE
COLLECT THE INFORMATION, BOTH IN TERMS OF INDIVIDUALS ON THE GROUND
AND SATELLITES IN SPACE, WE WILL CEASE TO HAVE THE MEANS OF
COLLECTING INFORMATION.
I MENTIONED EARLIER THE NUMBER OF BRIEFINGS AND DOCUMENTS THAT
WE PROVIDE CONGRESS YEARLY. WHAT I DID NOT DISCUSS WERE THE LAWS
DEFINING THE NATURE OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CONGRESS AND
INTELLIGENCE -- THE LAWS THAT TELL US WHAT TO PROVIDE AND WHEN TO
PROVIDE IT. I WILL SUMMARIZE THAT FOR YOU NOW.
IN 1.976 AND 1977 BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS ESTABLISHED
INTELLIGENCE OVERSIGHT COMMITTEES TO MONITOR ALL SIGNIFICANT
INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES AND EXPENDITURES. MANY OF THE RULES WHICH
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GOVERN OUR ACTIVITIES ARE FOUND IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY ACT, THE
HUGHES-RYAN AMENDMENT, AND THE INTELLIGENCE OVERSIGHT ACT. THE
OVERSIGHT COMMITTEES, OPERATING UNDER THOSE ACTS, HAVE FORMALIZED
THE REPORTING OF INTELLIGENCE AND COVERT ACTIONS TO CONGRESS. THE
INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY IS NOW REQUIRED BY LAW TO KEEP THE
INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEES FULLY AND CURRENTLY INFORMED OF ALL
INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES. UNDER THE HUGHES-RYAN AMMENDMENT, THE
PRESIDENT MUST FIND THAT EACH COVERT ACTION IS IMPORTANT TO THE
NATIONAL SECURITY BEFORE THE OPERATION CAN BE INITIATED.
UNDER LAW IT IS OUR DUTY TO NOTIFY THE COMMITTEES OF ANY
SIGNIFICANT INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES. THIS INCLUDES ANY ACTIVITIES
REQUIRING A PRESIDENTIAL FINDING. WHEN NECESSARY, THE PRESIDENT CAN
LIMIT THAT NOTIFICATION TO THE CHAIRMAN AND RANKING MINORITY MEMBER
OF THE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEES, TO THE SPEAKER AND MINORITY LEADER
OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY
LEADER OF THE SENATE -- REFERRED TO, IN TRADE PARLANCE, AS THE "GANG
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OF EIGHT." AND THERE IS ANOTHER STATUTORY REQUIREMENT. THE
INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEES MUST BE FULLY INFORMED IN A "TIMELY FASHION"
OF INTELLIGENCE OPERATIONS FOR WHICH PRIOR NOTICE WAS NOT GIVEN --
AND THE PRESIDENT MUST STATE THE REASONS FOR NOT GIVING PRIOR NOTICE
IN THOSE INSTANCES.
JUST WHAT CONSTITUTES "TIMELY" IS A MATTER OF CONCERN. THE
HOUSE IS CONSIDERING AND THE SENATE HAS APPROVED LEGISLATION THAT
WOULD REQUIRE NOTIFICATION OF A SPECIAL ACTIVITY TO CONGRESS WITHIN
48 HOURS OF A PRESIDENTIAL FINDING. I OPPOSE THIS, BECAUSE I
BELIEVE SOME ALLOWANCE MUST BE MADE FOR THAT RARE CASE WHERE LIMITED
DELAY IN CONGRESSIONAL NOTIFICATION IS CRITICAL TO PRESERVE THE
ABSOLUTE SECURITY OF AN OPERATION -- WHEN. FOR EXAMPLE, LIVES ARE AT
STAKE. IN ADDITION, SUCH LEGISLATION IS UNNECESSARY BECAUSE A
NATIONAL SECURITY DIRECTIVE ALREADY REQUIRES THE NATIONAL SECURITY
PLANNING GROUP TO REEVALUATE. AT LEAST EVERY TEN DAYS, A DECISION TO
DELAY CONGRESSIONAL NOTIFICATION OF A GIVEN FINDING.3 I'M SURE
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YOU'VE HAD SIMILAR PROCEDURES IN YOUR OWN BUSINESSES. PERHAPS YOU
MAKE A THRESHHOLD DECISION, BUT YOU KNOW THAT IT'S IMPORTANT ENOUGH
TO BE RETHOUGHT, AND AT THE EARLIEST OPPORTUNITY, YOU DO SO. AND
THAT'S WHAT THE NATIONAL SECURITY DIRECTIVE PROVIDES.
FURTHER, THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY BELIEVES THAT IT IS NOT
ENOUGH JUST FOR THE PRESIDENT TO MAKE A FINDING AUTHORIZING AND
DIRECTING US TO TAKE SOME COVERT ACTION. BEFORE SUBMITTING THE
PROPOSAL 10 THE PRESIDENT, WE IN INTELLIGENCE HAVE A RESPONSIBILITY
TO DETERMINE THAT IT CAN BE DONE. AND DONE IN A LAWFUL WAY. AND WE
MUST BE SURE THAT THE INDIVIDUALS WHO ARE OUT ON THE FIRING LINE,
OUTSIDE THE PROTECTION OF OUR CONSTITUTION AND OUR LAWS, IN MANY
INSTANCES, CAN DO THEIR WORK WITH THE FLEXIBILITY THAT THEY NEED,
AND WITH THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF THEIR RESPONSIBILITIES TO THE
CIA AND TO THE COUNTRY.
ALTHOUGH IT IS DANGEROUS TO PREDICT ANYTHING IN AN ELECTION
YEAR, I WILL SPEND A MOMENT CONSIDERING THE CHANGES THAT ARE
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OCCURRING IN INTELLIGENCE AND THE KIND OF INFORMATION WE WILL BE
PROVIDING CONGRESS AND THE POLICY COMMUNITY IN THE NEAR FUTURE.
THERE HAS BEEN A DRAMATIC INCREASE IN THE NUMBER AND DIVERSITY
OF SUBJECTS THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY IS REQUIRED TO ADDRESS.
WHILE MUCH OF OUR EFFORT IS STILL FOCUSED ON THE SOVIET UNION, WE
ARE SPENDING MORE TIME AND RESOURCES COLLECTING INFORMATION ON THIRD
WORLD NATIONS. WE ARE INTERESTED IN BOTH THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC
STABILITY OF COUNTRIES FROM BRAZIL TO BANGLADESH, FROM MEXICO TO
MALAYSIA, AND FROM TURKEY TO TANZANIA. WE ARE ALSO CONCENTRATING ON
INTERDISCIPLINARY PROBLEMS SUCH AS INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM,
NARCOTICS TRAFFICKING, AND TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER.
WE BELIEVE THE SOVIET UNION'S APPETITE FOR AMERICAN TECHNOLOGY
IS GROWING, PARTICULARLY IN THE AREA OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY. THE
SOVIET STRATEGY APPEARS TO BE MODERNIZING THE ELECTRONICS-BASED
SECTOR OF THE ECONOMY BEFORE MOVING TO INVEST MORE HEAVILY, IN THE
1990'S, IN MILITARY PRODUCTION FACILITIES. WE HAVE EVERY REASON TO
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BELIEVE THAT SOVIET INDUSTRIAL ESPIONAGE WILL INTENSIFY IN THE NEXT
DECADE. AND THE SOVIETS WILL CONTINUE TO DEVOTE WHATEVER RESOURCES
AND MANPOWER ARE NECESSARY TO FULFILL THEIR MOST CRITICAL MILITARY
COLLECTION REQUIREMENTS.
ISSUES LIKE TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER HAVE CHANGED OUR OWN COLLECTION
REQUIREMENTS. THAT'S WHY WE MUST CONTINUE TO ATTRACT TOP PEOPLE TO
HELP US. WE ARE FORTUNATE IN THAT LAST YEAR, OVER 100.000 MEN AND
WOMEN EXPRESSED AN INTEREST IN WORKING FOR THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
AGENCY. YOU HAVE NO DOUBT READ ABOUT THE PROTESTS ON SOME COLLEGE
CAMPUSES WHEN CIA RECRUITS. INTERESTINGLY ENOUGH, THESE PROTESTS
AND THE PUBLICITY THEY GENERATE OFTEN WORK IN OUR FAVOR. OUR
RECRUITMENT CENTERS ARE INUNDATED WITH RESUMES AFTER CAMPUS
DEMONSTRATIONS. BUT WE'RE NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CAMPUS
DEMONSTRATIONS.
I HOPE THAT WE CONTINUE TO ATTRACT THOSE BEST SUITED TO CARRY
OUT OUR MISSION-THOSE WHO ARE RISK TAKERS BUT NOT RISK SEEKERS,
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PEOPLE WHO ARE DEDICATED AND RESPONSIVE TO OUR LAW AND DISCIPLINE,
PEOPLE WHO UNDERSTAND AND PLAY BY THE RULES. PEOPLE TO WHOM FAME
AND FORTUNE IS NOT PARTICULARLY A NECESSARY PART OF THEIR LIFE, BUT
WHO CAN FIND IN OUR WORK AN AVENUE TO PURSUE THEIR HIGHEST
ASPIRATIONS FOR A SAFER AND BETTER WORLD.
WITH SUCH PEOPLE WE CAN CONTINUE TO PROVIDE THE INTELLIGENCE
THAT POLICYMAKERS NEED, OBSERVING THE RULES OF OVERSIGHT AND
ACCOUNTABILITY THAT BOTH THE CONGRESS AND THE MEMBERS OF THE
INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY HAVE A RIGHT TO EXPECT. THIS IS WHAT YOU
WOULD WANT OF US, WHAT ALL AMERICAN PEOPLE WOULD WANT OF US, AND WE
ARE DOING OUR VERY BEST TO SUPPLY IT.
THANK YOU.
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? ? ,
FOOTNOTES
1 This information on the very limited access Congress once had to
classified information is from a letter Ambassador Richard Helms sent to the
Central Intelligence Retirees Association (CIRA) on 22 January 1988. Judge
Webster used this information in his remarks to CIRA and, most recently, to
the American Business Conference on 23 March 1988.
2 The amount of time the DCI and his top executives spend dealing with
Congress was first mentioned by Judge Webster during his speech to the
American Business Conference.
3 Remarks concerning the House and Senate bills on congressional
oversight were drawn from Judge Webster's testimony before the SSCI on 20
November 1987 and the HPSCI on 24 February 1988.
Statistical information on the number of briefings the CIA gives to
Congress and the topics covered, and on congressional recipients of CIA
assessments and reports, is unchanged. Judge Webster has included this
information in three speeches to date: A.B. Laffer, the American Business
Conference, and the American Society of Newspaper Editors (11 April).
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