AL-QADHDHAFI VIEWS AGENDA OF PEOPLE'S CONGRESS
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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430004-4
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Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
11
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
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Sequence Number:
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Case Number:
Publication Date:
January 1, 1988
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001,
Est'
FBIS-NES-88-002
5 January 1988 - 8
`Abd al-Majid, Southern Sudan Official Confer
NC311421 Cairo MENA in Arabic 1335 GMT
31 Dec 87
[Text] Cairo, 31 Dec (MENA)-Samuel Aru, head of the
Political Grouping of southern Sudan [name and title as
received], has expressed appreciation for President
Husni Mubarak's policy and role in preserving Sudan's
independence and in resolving the'problem of southern
Sudan.
Dr `Ismat `Abd al-Majid, deputy prime minister and
foreign minister, received Aru and the delegation accom-
panying him on his current visit to Cairo. After the
meeting, Aru affirmed that both Sudan and Ethiopia
have responded to Egypt's views with satisfaction.
Therefore, he added, Egypt is the party that is capable of
resolving the problem. peacefully. .
Ghali Returns From African Tour 31 Dec
NC312017 Cairo MENA in Arabic 1855 GMT
31 Dec 87
[Text] Cairo, 31 Dec (MENA)-Dr Butrus Ghali, min-
ister of state for foreign affairs, returned to Cairo tonight
from a 3-day African tour. Dr Ghali visited Ethiopia,
Uganda, Kenya, and Sudan, conveying messages from
President Husni Mubarak to the heads of states of these
countries. Dr Ghali said that he will brief President
Husni Mubarak on his talks.
Discovery of Illegal Arms Factories Reported
NC041106 Cairo MENA in English 1043 GMT
4 Jan 88
[Text] Asyut, Upper Egypt, Jan 4 (MENA)-The Asyut
security forces uncovered three factories for non-li-
censed arms and ammunition, inside caves in the eastern
mountain of the Al-Badari region. The factories included
locally made spare parts of various categories, of weap-
ons.
Twenty defendants, who had escaped life sentences with
hard labour, were also discovered as well as a stolen Fiat
car with Cairo license plate, which was discovered in the
caves region.
Information on these factories had been gathered by
Asyut's security director, and security forces stormed the
factories and arrested their owners.
Libya
Al-Qadhdhafi Views Agenda of People's Congress
LD021125 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
2003 GMT 1 Jan 88
[Speech by leader Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi; date and
place not given-live or recorded]
[Text] Good evening. It is expected that one says happy
new year, but since last year, when we spoke about 1
January, we said that it only marks the.anniversary of the
circumcision of Jesus Christ. There is no year starting on
1 January. The birthday of Christ was on the 24th of last
month. We said that the names of these months, Janu-
ary, March, April, etc.. are the names of Roman and
Greek gods, and of Roman emperors. We have nothing
to do with all these, neither with their gods nor with their
emperors. Even the Arabs are not in agreement about the
names of the months in the Christian calendar. One says
Yana'ir, another says Janvier, while yet another calls it
Al-Kanun al-Thani.
Generally, this is a cultural invasion and a violation of
the pan-Arab, Eastern personality. We should have
adopted our own calendar. Also, there is no calendar like
the lunar one, since at least we can see the crescent with
the naked eye. But as for this date that begins with `Ayn
al-Nar [Libyan name for January], who would know it if
we had not learned it in our heads; who would know
when this month ends and when it does not end? But our
months are the lunar months, where one can see the
crescent and one then knows when a month begins or
ends, as well as its middle. If we lose the calendar, we
would not be able to know all this. In response to this
violation, a lunar calendar should be issued. It should
start with the month of Al-Ashura or Al-Muharram as
the beginning of the lunar calendar.
These are general, transcient things, but I am going to
speak briefly, on the occasion of the convening of the
people's congresses tomorrow, about the agenda. I will
stress, as I did in the past, that there is no need for
someone to present an agenda or to speak on one for the
people's congresses. It is from a revolutionary point of
view and to enable the masses to achieve self-determi-
nation that I contribute to the agenda. I am going to
speak briefly and focus on matters that are on my mind,
so that people can know their responsibilities.
I am going to begin by reading from a memorandum, as
a prelude, on the revolutionary program that has been
jointly formulated. I did not prepare it on my own. It
includes some of my own ideas, but it was formulated
jointly with others. I think I should read it aloud to you.
The Great Al-Fatih Revolution is a declaration of free-
dom. The masses must live this freedom in a practical,
tangible manner, one without fear, doubt, or hesitation,
and without patronage, representation, or middleman-
ship. Freedom has triumphed with the declaration of
popular revolution and the outbreak of people's power.
This historical triumph has ended the contradiction
between revolution and power. Revolution is by the
masses, and power is for the masses. Change must occur
democratically by the masses on any decision, its imple-
mentation, and control.
The emergence of the state of the masses means that the
masses should assume their responsibilities in every-
thing. For this reason, the people's congresses, which are
rulers in practice and not in theory, actually and not
falsely, find themselves ,in a serious position, one away
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from fear, hesitation, and irresponsibility. They debate
in complete awareness because there is no one, instead of
themselves, who decides what they want. From tomor-
row, from tomorrow, Saturday, God willing, let the
masses define what they want and what the practical
programs and methods to achieve this are. Let them
decide what the desired objectives and the dangers that
might result from this are. Let them decide what the
priorities are; what should be done first; what issue
money should be allocated to first; and what should have
our attention first.
What the masses desire is the revolutionary program. I
have said this many times, and I said it at the (?10th)
meeting. This is the point that I am going to discuss.
There is something that the masses want and there is the
revolutionary program. The masses may want the revo-
lutionary,program, or they may not. In the end, we side
with what the masses want, even if this means sacrificing
the revolutionary program, for change must take place
democratically.
The object is not the realization of achievements as
much as it is the realization of freedom for the masses.
The general framework and the goal at the local level of
the revolutionary program focus on moving toward work
and production; the maximum utilization of all capabil-
ities through the reorganization, retraining, and redirec-
tion of productive forces toward the production fields;
and making Libyan men and women realize that the
solution to all problems lies in creating an abundance of
goods.
All the problems society faces can be solved with an
abundance of goods. Once society has an abundance of
goods, it will then have no more problems, unless there
are foreign. threats. There should be enough goods to
satisfy needs, which is the objective of the socialist
society. The objective of the new socialist society is to
satisfy needs.
But how do you satisfy these needs? You do so by
creating an abundance of goods. Thus, the major ques-
tion that poses itself is: How can we achieve the desired
production? The answer is by moving toward produc-
tion. The problem then becomes: How can we address
ourselves to production? If we want to create an abun-
dance of goods, we must then produce. Our problem is
thus how to move toward production.
The revolutionary program tries to provide the answer to
this question. The masses are required to provide a
decisive answer to this question through their study of
the revolutionary program; they must decide whether to
adopt, defer, cancel, or reject it. We have placed the
revolutionary program before them. As of tomorrow it is
up to you: You are free to adopt the revolutionary
program, and you are also'free to annul it in its entirety
and draw up another policy, perhaps a nonrevolutionary
program, a policy that has nothing to do with the
revolutionary plan. You are likewise free to defer it. You
are free to amend it.
But we must first understand the revolutionary pro-
gram. The task of the revolutionary command and the
revolutionary committees' movement is to explain
things truthfully to the masses, and to make them
assume their responsibilities. You cannot hold one
responsible if he is ignorant of the facts. It is our duty,
as revolutionaries, to make the masses know things,
and then to hold them responsible. Beyond that, every-
thing rests with the masses.
What is this awful handwriting? I asked for a hand-
written copy, but there are no commas, no periods, etc.
Beyond that, everything rests with the masses. All the
masses-men and women-are required to attend the
popular conferences and to study the revolutionary pro-
gram conscientiously and seriously. The popular com-
mittees should circulate working papers on the revolu-
tionary program to all elements in a practical,
programmed form. It will then be successively submitted
to the popular conferences, provided that the masses are
prepared to implement what they adopt, stemming from
the following facts:
Oil revenues no longer meet the needs of the masses; thus
the transformation to work and production is the solu-
tion for liberating ourselves and our economy from oil's
control. It is inevitable that an alternative for oil should
be found by way of oil-that is to say, to use the revenue
from oil, which is available to us every month and every
year, to liberate ourselves from oil. The revolution did
not promise the masses that the sky will rain benefits and
that it will provide money. But the revolution gave the
masses the declaration of freedom, and it released the
masses from their shackles to enable them to decide on,
work for, and produce what they wish. The sole and
decisive solution for us is to prepare to mobilize all
production capabilities with maximum energy by way of
work and production, after defining our nonpetroleum
natural resources and defining our economic policies.
People's authority does not mean evading duties. Free-
dom is responsibility, and responsibility means duties-
duties of work and production. Work and production is
the gauge of income and consumption. He who produces
consumes. Your income should be according to your
effort, and your effort according to your needs. You
make an effort according to your needs. Let us suppose
that there is a person who is required to work 4 hours.
Let him work for 10 hours and then spend another 20
hours sleeping or at leisure-he is free. If you need 4
hours, alright. Your income shall be according to your
effort. There must be no person who makes no effort, yet
receives an income. This is socialism.
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Your income should be according to your effort. Do any
work, and you will obtain an income in return for your
efforts. No one shall profit from your effort; there is no
exploitation. Exploitation means profiting from the
efforts of someone else. If a worker works for 10 hours, is
paid for 5 hours, and has what he deserves for the other
5 hours he worked taken away from him-this is exploi-
tation. If he works for 10 hours and has what he deserves
for 2 hours out of the 10 taken away from him, this then
is exploitation. If you work 10 hours, you get what you
deserve for 10 hours, and so on. Your income should be
according to your labors, and your labors according to
your needs.
However, there are some beneficial sentences, such as
developing the spirit of commitment and discipli'ne,'and
creating the efficient revolutionary administration that
is able to organize capabilities and use them in the best
possible manner. Other sentences refer to putting an end
to complacency and carelessness and other such things.
The revolutionary program is represented by the follow-
ing: We will divide the revolutionary program, which
you will be discussing. What the masses want, as from
tomorrow, as from Saturday, is that the people's con-
gresses begin their meetings, and then continue these
meetings until they decide their destiny. This is one
thing. The revolutionary program is the other thing. The
people's congresses could opt for the revolutionary pro-
gram and approve it, or they might cancel it, or disregard
it, or take something from it and leave something else. At
the conclusion, what the masses want will be decided.
But we should understand what the revolutionary pro-
gram is. When we refer to the revolutionary program, we
must then explain what it is.
The revolutionary program is a program for organized
collective work, as I have explained in the' past. Some
memoranda may be issued to explain it. The organized
collective work, alternative voluntary work, mobiliza-
tion of the masses, self-management, self-sufficiency,
productive families, productive institutions, and the
productive and fighting city-these are some of the
points of the revolutionary program. Freedom of educa-
tion, education at home, the new educational structure,
scientific research, teaching employees, field studies,
universities, and vocational courses-all these are points
of the revolutionary program.
We have explained why we should do these things: to
mobilize our abilities and to save our wealth. Partner-
ships, collective ownership, nonexploitive private own-
ership, and public ownership in which the workers are
partners, not employees. What we said about grain,
palm, and olive planting programs. We said palm and
olive trees are sacred trees, and we were not giving them
attention. We said that this country is suitable for
breeding camels, sheep, and chicken-primarily sheep.
Libya could be a chicken farm at the international level.
ARAB AFRICA
As for building a network of dams and reservoirs-every
house should have a water tank for collecting rainwater.
Dams should be built in the valleys. There should be
reservoirs, and we also have the Great Man-Made River.
We should work for desalinating seawater and to estab-
lish the industries we mentioned-the engineering
industries and the oil and gas industries. We have the
raw materials-oil, gas, and chemicals-and we should
concentrate our industries on them.. We should attend to
vocational training. We have illiterate people who
should be trained. This lies within the revolutionary
programs.
Libyans-males and females-should be trained.' Every. -
body should know how to repair a vehicle. Libyans
should be taught how to do things-repairs and manu-
facturing, as well as agricultural work. We should, learn,
for without knowledge, we cannot do anything.
Vocational training is a goal, and popular committees for
it should be established. A General People's Committee
should be set up for vocational training. The replace-
ment of men by women in basic and administrative
work-I mean office work, teaching, working in hospi-
tals, driving cars inside towns-all this should be done
by women, and men should be used elsewhere. As we
said, we have 400,000 women who should work. When I
speak about the use of energy-sea energy; wind energy,
and solar energy, as well as atomic energy and laser
energy-all these are new fields. Funds and 'efforts
should be made available for them in order to exploit
them.
This is the revolutionary program that requires the
exploitation of all types of energy, as well as the exploi-
tation of the sea and the industries we discussed. Within
the revolutionary program there are some items that
concern the revolutionary professional, the jamahiri
sport, and the local people's security. We said that there
is nothing free and that you should receive money in
return for your services. If you render your services free,
then you shall have everything free. If you render a
service and receive money for it, then nothing is free.
You will then pay from the wages you receive. Exploita-
tion and wages-as long as there is someone whose
services are hired, then he is exploited. The revolution-
ary program concentrated on abolishing wages. Every
person should produce for himself.
The revolutionary program deals with fortifying the
coast-this is a great historic task equal to the work on
the Great Man-Made River. When we come to consump-
tion and people's markets, the revolutionary program
insists on the establishment of people's markets that sell
goods without making a profit. The program also insists
on the consumption booklet, which says that no one
should exceed his needs. The program additionally
insists on the establishment of consumers' professional
societies, in which all those of the same profession can
establish their own society to abolish the role of distrib-
utors.
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The revolutionary, program calls for bartering-if you
have something, you can exchange it for something else.
It assumes that money does not mean anything. In actual
fact, money does not mean anything, for it comes from
oil, not work.
We have made efforts to obtain these monies. Bartering
shows whether you need something and have something
else. If you bring barley, wheat, oranges, olives, sheep,
camels, milk, or dates, then you can exchange these
products and exchange them for clothes, gold, rice, sugar,
tea, and so on. If you bring me a printed piece of paper-
a Libyan dinar-and ask me to give you rice-where did
you get that dinar from? They take the dinar from the
banks and give it to you. There are people who do not
work-their names are registered but they do not work
and get money.
That is it-it is a defunct currency that has no value. The
money that you have does not correspond with produc-
tion. The money is a receipt for production. When you
have a dinar, this should mean that you have a product
equal to the value of a dinar. Here, take this dinar, for at
home I have wealth equivalent to it. This is the theory.
The fact remains that at home you have nothing. You
have the dinar that you took from the bank without work
or sweat. What is the value of money-such as this-that
is in circulation? It will be better when such money is
changed. If this change takes place tomorrow, all the
money you have will then be worthless.
Money has no value. What value does it have? There is
no production to match it. The money comes from oil;
you have not worked for it. The revolutionary program
requires tourism to be exploited so that it will bring a
fundamental income of hard currency to a country
situated on the Mediterranean, one with a coastline that
extends for 2,000 km.
Marine wealth is now neglected-a country such as
Libya that has a 2,000-km coastline on the Mediterra-
nean Sea should not import sardines and other fish from
abroad. What kind of laziness is this? The revolutionary
program calls for the establishment of a company-that
is to say its owners are partners-for public and private
cleaning. The occupiers of a house should service their
own house and clean it; but even this house can be
serviced by such a company.
You contact the company and ask them: Please send me
someone from 0500 to 0700 to clean my house. The
person will come to you-he is not your slave or servant,
since he works for the company-and clean your house.
You may leave your keys with him and go out, or you
may stay while he is cleaning. When he finishes, he will
leave. You may ask the company: Please send me some-
one for an hour to cook my meal. He will come to cook
your lunch and then leave. You do not pay him; you pay
the company. Is there a problem in this?
ARAB AFRICA
What is the problem if all Libyan cleaners or cooks, and
so on, get together and set up a company for themselves?
Such companies also include general and private repair
companies, as well as public and private cleaning. Who is
going to prevent 50 Libyans, say, from setting up a
company for building houses, and so on?
The revolutionary program insists that Libya is a state of
Arabs-any Arab can enter Libya with his own personal
identity card to reside and work in Libya; he is free to do
so. He is free even if he wants to fight for Libya, out of
his belief that Libya is his land.
The parts of the revolutionary program relating to the
true transformation of production have been discussed
with awareness and responsibility and its thoughts were
formulted in a programmed, practical framework and a
spirit of responsibility. The masses in the popular con-
ference have begun to implement them. The masses of
the Basic People's Conference of tomorrow are called
upon by virtue of their responsibility to debate all the
issues, from those relating to ordinary life to the most
serious political, economic, and social issues, and to get
solutions for them.
The discussion of all that requires the continuation of
the covening of the popular conferences for a long
period. Naturally they should give priority to these
issues, as they are most important, so that actual imple-
mentation shall begin according to your decisions.
These are parts of the revolutionary program. What I
would like to say is that beginning tomorrow, you should
continue for 1, 2, 3, or 4 months or maybe a year while
discussing your fate-your fate is not difficult. It is
simply an income and expenditure-revenues and
expenditure; these are defined and written here. There is
a possibility that during the next 12 months-if we take
this month as the beginning-that you will get 900
million to I billion dinars from oil.
There are other revenues from the sale of chemical and
petrochemical industries, taxes, dues, custom duties, and
so on. That is to say, you will have 1.5-2 billion dinars
during the next 12 months. You-Libyan males and
females-sit down and manage that sum; decide and say:
With this we shall buy arms, dates, spices, henna, rice,
and so on. Everything will become clear: Then after that
listen to the Voice of America, Radio Monte Carlo,
London radio, and the radio of the Israelis, the radio of
treason in Egypt, the French radio, and so on, and read
the hostile press, and then say to all of them: To hell with
all of you; we know everything! What can they tell you?
They tell you that your budget [words indistinct].
Then,you laugh at them and shrug your shoulders, and
say: We ourselves have decided the budget. One alloca-
tion goes this way, and another allocation that way; there
is a committee to monitor it, and we hold it responsible.
Who can spend 1 millim [small currency unit] without
you knowing?
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From now on we will not accept anyone talking about
others. Who are the others? The others are you! There
are no other others. This is you budget. I have told you.
It is not a secret. It is not a secret any more. It is known.
The Americans know and the Europeans know that
Libya's oil income is 1 billion dinars every year, about
100 million dinars every month. Let us divide this
among salaries, iron and steel, agriculture, health, edu-
cation, parks, buying footballs, buying [word indistinct],
and buying wine. You are free; there is no one to stop
you if you want to get drunk and play. There is no one to
stop anyone. There is no freedom better than this one.
But after that you start saying: This is not right,, we
cannot accept this. Decide your destiny. If you want to
buy clothes, then tomorrow decide that they would be
worth such and such money, and deduct from that I
billion dinars. We deducted 100 million. Then, if some-
one comes and says they did not get clothes for you or
says they got you clothes from another country which is
not suitable, then you laugh at him and say: You are
speaking nonsense. Listen to the world's radios after
that, and there will be no questions asked about you.
You would say: This is nonsense; these clothes we have
decided on are from Korea, the Philippines, Austria, and
Yugoslavia, and they are here; they were made in the
Philippines, in Thailand, in Korea, and in Yugoslavia.
We said 100 million, and 100 million definitely was
spent. Tomorrow we will make the committees which
spent 100 million account for it. You are talking non-
sense when you come to us and ask: Where is your
economy? You will laugh at them; there will be no
questions asked about you if you know about your
money and how it is spent.
When a government is oppressing its people, it wants to
bar them from listening to radios. Do not listen to hostile
radios. But if the people are governing, then why should
they not listen to the radio? Listen to them: Some
governments ban importing radios which can pick up
foreign stations. Radios are only for listening to internal
stations. In Egypt they cannot listen to anything except
their own station, only vanquished stations. In other
countries of the world they are not allowed. In the
United States, American citizens cannot buy radios that
allow them to listen to Libyan radio station. Americans
can never find a shortwave radio unless he comes to
Libya, buys one from Libya, and takes it to America.
Americans have no shortwave radios. They only have
medium-wave radios for their own stations. They know
nothing about world radio stations; they listen to noth-
ing. If you say Moscow,, Tripoli, Al-Bayda, or Tirana, an
American has not heard of them. Why? Because they are
afraid. When Gorbachev and Reagan met,. they first of
all discussed radio stations. Do not jam my stations; let
your people listen to our radio; and they agreed on
programs. They were jamming each other by using
satellites. The Russians did not hear U.S. radio, and the
Americans did not hear Russian radio. Why is that?
Because there are governments and there are-parties that
rule on behalf of the people, and there are people sitting
in offices behind closed doors who make decisions until
someone comes along to expose these decisions.
While you are here you can buy any radio you want. You
decide. You might say that you want a radio that can
allow you to listen to artificial satellites, and even listen
to Mars if there was a transmitter station there. All you
have to do is to bring the money and buy. But tomorrow
you will begin to shout: Where are the spare parts? You
must think from now on about spare parts.
You want to buy cars; go ahead, no one will stop you.
Calculate how many cars are needed, how much each of
you needs a car, and how much the, .car costs, and then
allocate the necessary funds for this:.'
From now on, I do not want to hear anyone say they are
being deprived of things. Who deprives you? I do not
want to hear anyone say they no longer bring us this or
that commodity. Who failed to bring you them?
As of tomorrow, you can sit in complete freedom and
you will find everything you want in these papers: You
can see how much revenue you get from oil. Where is the
memorandum on oil? Here it shows the expected reve-
nue. Let them hear it. Oil industries. And here are items
pertaining to the expected situation in the international
oil market. A considerable improvement is expected in
the oil market during the coming year. This means
continued production and export of crude oil above the
rate in 1987. These are expected to provide funds
estimated at 800 million dinars for the 1988 develop-
ment budget.
Oil revenues are expected to reach 1 billion dinars during
the next 12 months. That is, you will sell oil and obtain
1 billion dinars for it.
The expected revenue'from non-oil sources: 600 million
are expected from the'municipalities, and 600 million
from other central sectors.
I mean you get, approximately [figure indistinct] dinars,
1 billion from oil and 1 billion from other non-oil
sources. That is it; you know for how much to sell the
barrel. For anyone who wants to buy tomorrow and asks
for how much you sell the barrel-996, a test [as heard].
For how much do you sell the barrel? Nine hundred
ninety-six million barrels of oil daily are worth 1 billion
in 12 months. How much do you get from the other
sources? About 1 billion from other sources. How much
is the total? Two billion. [passage indistinct]
Do not say we want this, do that for us, or put that here.
Here is the money and this is what you need. Exactly as
if you were a father of the family,.and you had 2 billion
dinars; let us forget about 2 billion, and say you had
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2,000 dinars. I mean 1,000 dinars plus 1,000 dinars; you
have 2,000 in your pocket, and you have to spend them
in 12 months for your family.
Can anyone direct a hostile radio and try to deceive you
and say to you: Your family, your money is wasted. What
can they say about our money, as we know it is 2,000
dinars per year, and we spend it in 12 months on sheep,
sugar, tea, flowers, clothes from Turkey, [words indis-
tinct]?
We know the situation and that is it. As for them, let
them talk from morning till night. Everything is known
and exact. How much is this? This is for such and such
money. That is it; deduct it. How much is that? Such and
such. Deduct them. These 2,000 we have spent on those
things. Any Libyan now knows for how much a barrel of
oil is sold. I do not want a free people and then for a
hostile power to deceive them. From tomorrow, after
you know the things and decide them, I would like you to
buy the radio sets by which you can listen to the Voice of
America radio, so that the United States understands
that this propaganda will not work against a country like
Libya, which is a Jamahiri state, and propaganda will not
work against it. Listen to all the cheap Egyptian stations.
Read all the leaflets which are hostile to us. If there is
anyone who stole anything from these 2 billion dinars,
then we really would like to know him. I wish there were
a leaflet saying that such and such a person has stolen
such and such a sum, 100 million dinars for example. We
are looking very hard; this will help us. By God, they
would be part of our intelligence system, those hostile
leaflets which are published in Egypt or the United
States. The hostile leaflets would be serving us as a kind
of administrative monitoring, and we would make them
part of our auditing department, and they would tell the
department that there are sums of money stolen here or
there.
What we want is, if someone stole something then we
want him out. We are revolutionaries, and if there is
anyone who steals from this people or these people's
committees or congresses or men or officers, then we
want him out. Show us anyone who took a commission.
We have 2 billion dinars which we spend in 12 months,
and at the end of the 12 months we make those who
spent it account for their actions.
Therefore you must understand and decide your destiny.
You have 996,000 barrels of oil which you sell every day,
and they earn you I billion dinars every year. And you
have about 1 billion dinars which you get from other
industries, agriculture, taxes, and customs, which we told
you about and they are here in this memorandum. We
add them together, and we get 2 billion.
Tomorrow you sit down and rid us of this problem.
Distribute the 2 billion. If you want cars, get cars with all
of it. If you want tanks, get tanks. Distribute it among
yourselves and go and spend it in Tokyo, Syria, and
Saudi Arabia. It is up to you. What really concerns me is
that the people should freely meet without intermediar-
ies, without representatives, and without forcing them
against their will, to decide what they want. Abolish
anything you do not want. I am not here to govern you.
[words indistinct].
Praise be to God, I finished what I wanted, which is one
thing: that the people should rule. The people should
become free. What really was breaking our necks as
revolutionaries was that these people ruled as sheep; the
others used to rule the people without the people know-
ing their destiny. Now you can decide your destiny. This
is enough for us. It is enough for us that these people
have the right to decide their destiny. There is nobody to
lie to the people or deceive the people or represent the
people or force the people. Now you can laugh when they
say that there is a dictatorship in Libya. Laugh. [words
indistinct]
Now anyone hostile to you managing a hostile newspa-
per or radio station-I allowed it, and it could now be
sold in the market. At the end they will stop and save
their breath, because they will realize that the weapon by
which they tried to fight these people has failed. These
people have decided their destiny and rules themselves.
What will happen when we given them a newspaper
which tells them lies? They know that these are lies.
When they ask: Where is your money? Or when they ask:
Why did they not get you the goods? Who are those
bringing you the goods? You the Libyans as from tomor-
row [words indistinct] any goods you want. These are
your money and your things.
I told you about the revolutionary program. If you want
the revolutionary program, if someone gets enthusiastic
and says we want the revolutionary program and we
want a revolution and we want production and we want
to roll up our sleeves, then here is the revolutionary
program. As for organized collective work, go and carry
out organized collective work, do alternative collective
work, mobilize the masses, establish self-sufficiency. Let
families start producing and become self-sufficient, let
every institution become self-sufficient, the city become
productive and fighting, and education become liberat-
ed. Ensure promises for primary education, and imple-
ment the new educational structure that will give you
technicians. Advance scientific research and allocate
some millions for it.
Let the employees teach, apply field studies, [words
indistinct] those in agriculture prepare a field, a nursery,
or an' agricultural project. Those in economics could
prepare a bank or a company, or a vocational curricu-
lum. Curriculums should include a vocation other than
the opening of Andalusia, the life of Musa bin Nusayr
and what he did, India and Pakistan, grammar; things
other than these. It should contain a vocation. A woman
studying at a secondary school, a college, or university
should attend courses on a vocation [words indistinct].
This is the vocational course. The same applies for men.
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5 January 1988
A man must study these things, but when something goes
wrong in his house, he should be able to fix it. He should
be able to fix electricity and a water faucet instead of
calling a stranger and giving him 10 dinars and asking
him to fix them. How much would all of us save if we
saved on all these things? This is the vocational course.
What is the problem if you include a vocation in the
course? This is a vocational leaflet. Study, but have a
vocation. All the girls learned knitting. They are studying
medicine, but they have knitting, too. She is studying
medicine, but perhaps at home she can knit.
Partnerships: All Libyans are free to form partnerships.
Partnerships for construction, roads, tanks, industry,
and agriculture-all of these are partnerships. The
important thing is that your work is for yourself. In the
past, the benefits of your work went to someone else, to
some foreman who employed workers and took their
work.
Freedom of education: Anyone who wants to become a
blacksmith, even if he did not want a certificate from a
preparatory school or a primary school, even if you want
to become a carpenter from the fifth of sixth grade, then
you go to the carpentry workshop, pay the shop owner,
and he will make you into a carpenter. It is not necessary.
If anyone said that that primary and preparatory educa-
tion teaches them patriotism-on the contrary, it is not
beneficial. Our ancestors who never studied were patri-
ots. They say dogs are the ones with doctorates who
studied and went to universities [words indistinct]. No,
education does not teach you patriotism. Patriotism is
taught by teachers that we bring in; they come for
money. Can this one teach us patriotism? Patriotism is
taught at home by our grandfathers and history. It is not
necessary.
I do not insist on making education compulsory. It is not
necessary. From primary schools, everyone should go
and become a carpenter, a blacksmith, a panel beater, a
composer, or a painter. Who will stop him? Why should
we force him to study at primary school and at prepara-
tory school? Let thousands of people go to the workshops
as they wish. Half or perhaps three-fourths of the stu-
dents do not want to continue their studies, but you force
them to do this. Every morning you make them go to
their schools. They are not successful in the schools. If
you sent him to the agricultural sector he would succeed.
If he [words indistinct] he would succeed. But send him
to school; he does not like mathematics, he does not like
to sit in the classroom for several hours. That is right.
Let him be free to choose what he wants to be, whether
a shepherd, a fisherman, a gardener, a painter, or instead
to open a workshop. As far as the freedom of education
is concerned, the revolutionary line says-I am telling
you about this in case you are interested in what it
asserts-every town should be a producer and a fighter
town at the same time. It should be able to defend itself
ARAB AFRICA
like the occupied Israeli towns. At the same time, it
should also be able to produce, not like now when the
inhabitants of towns are importing their food and drink
from outside.
Every house in the town should have one or two hectares
outside the town. There should be two, three, or four
circles of jointly producing allotments around the town.
Some of them would be production units, while others
would be farms; that is, some of them would form a
technical group and others would form a farming group.
Some would have cows, sheep, bees, or even donkeys.
Some would have murseries for flowers, and some would
have workshops, joineries, or any other vocational occu-
pation. This is to not to allow the towns to be a burden
on the countryside and the peasants, as far as production
is concerned.
You should produce for yourself and stockpile your
production for export. This is so that the peasant can see..
that the inhabitants of the towns are producing their own
vegetables and food. Therefore, the peasant would say to
himself: My produce will only sell outside and thereby
bring in hard currency,. for Libya will be an exporter of
oranges, olives, and even wool.
As far as the idea of a civil servant-teacher is concerned,
any civil servant should also teach. Why can't we have a
civil servant who also teaches in our junior and second-
ary schools, or even at the university? Such an idea
would allow us to save on the thousands of teachers that
we are hiring from abroad and paying thousands [cur-
rency not specified] to. You should discuss should an
idea; you have 2 billion dinars at your disposal. There-
fore, you should discuss what should be spent on salaries,
on factories, on farmers, on health, on teachers, and on
those thousands of nurses as well as those doctors that
you have brought in from outside.
You should also discuss whether you are only imagining
some of your illnesses, whether you really have a short-
age of nurses and hospitals, and whether you can teach
yourselves, thereby getting rid of thousands of teachers
so you can use these funds on other things. You can use
the difference to increase your salaries, save it, put in a
bank, or invest it abroad so that it will earn interest for
you.
I am determined that this Jamahiriyah, as well as the
people's authority, will not be a joke, a fairytale, a lie, or
merely a subject for ridicule. I am determined to see it as
a reality. I can put my fingers in the eyes of anyone who
says that it is not a reality. As proof of this, I challenge
every Libyan, male and female, to sit down and decide
from this point in time his or her fate, as well as the way
you want these 2 billion dinars to be spent. You can
count it, and you know from where it has come from.
Tomorrow they will explain to you from where it has
come from, if you are not already aware of this, since all
of you pay taxes and revenues.
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5 January 1988
As far as oil is concerned, you know how many barrels
per day there are, as well as what oil prices are. They tell
you about it - all on the radio-not the Libyan radio'.
Radio stations around the world day in and day out
provide the price of oil; today the price of oil is $18, $15,
or $14. There are 10 million barrels on the market today.
Where did all this oil come from? It has come from
Libya, Iraq, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Venezuela, the
North,Sea, and so on. It is known, throughout the world
how much oil is sold each day, whether it is 16, or 14
million barrels per day, as well as the price of oil,
whether $15 or $18. The radios tell you about this. You
are told that Libya is selling 996 barrels per day [as
heard], and if you multiply this number by the price of
oil you heard on the radio, you will find your income for
this month. ? .
And they tell you where to sell it. They might even tell
you that they have imposed an embargo on you and are
therefore no longer buying oil from you. (?I hope they
will do so).
As far as I am concerned, we should boycott all Western
countries. Look at France, which has been waging a
secret war against us in accordance with an agreement
with.the United States. Everything you hear from France
is a lie; France is in total agreement with the United
States. It has boycotted our oil and even its airlines were
not allowed to fly to and from Libya. It has fought us
standing at the side of the United States, and it has been
very hostile toward us [word indistinct]. If our oil sales
depend solely upon such a country, we would rather not
sell at all but instead prefer to eat (?dust).
Britain is also a very rancorous country; it has sold out
Palestine and it will sell out the Arabs. The planes took
off from there in order to destroy and strike us. Italy is
the same. On that eventful day which should be noted as
a day of mourning-26 October 1911, a day which will
always be marked as a day of grief and mourning every,
year until we take our revenge-4,000 Libyans were
taken to the Italian Tremiti Islands. Their fate remains
unknown to this day.
They are unwilling to do anything, even with regard to
the civilian aircraft that are needed for the ambulance
service and which we.-had bought from them. We bought
and' paid for them. We used them and sent them back for
repair. But the Italian Government impounded them on
the orders of the United States. All these are conspiring
with the United States.
This is a Western Crusader alliance which hates Semit-
ism. It'is the Arabs who are Semites, not the Jews; it is
not a Semetic Israel that they have taken from you. To be
anti-Semitic means to be anti-Arab. The Arabs are the
ones who are the sons of Sam and Noah.
This is a black hatred. They mounted the Crusades
against us. In World War I they occupied our country,
and they have not stopped destroying our country. They
are still colonizing us.
The French president was a member of a government
which said that Algeria is part of France. Today they say
that the Mayotte Islands are part of France. The Mayotte
Islands are part of the Comoro Islands-the other side of
Africa. And what about Reunion near Madagascar?
Imagine. It is, part of France and has a deputy in the
French Assembly. They say that Martinique in the
Atlantic is part of France, and that Caledonia in the
Pacific is also part of France. Just see what imperialism
and colonialism are. There is no logic between us and
those people.
These are the people whose companies we must prevent
from working in our country. We should their goods
from being imported even if we have to do without. We
should not wear clothes made in Britain, Italy, or France.
We should have some self-respect and patriotism. The
clothing we wear is available here. What we drink is
prohibited by religion. What sort of people is it who no
longer have self-respect and patriotism? There are 4,000
bodies in Italy, and it is their blood that goes into what
you get from Italy. We should prohibit their canned
goods, their foodstuffs, their drinks, and their cars. They
will be the losers. European companies make billions in
profits from Libya. All this, and you sit scratching your
heads and worrying, as if you need these things. We do
not need them. We do not need them. By God, we can
boycott them till the Judgment Day, and nothing unto-
ward will happen to us.
If they blockade Japan, it would not be able to export its
radio equipment and electronics, or its transistors. Japan
needs the U.S., European, and other markets because it
makes all that software. Everything is marked made in
Japan. And you? What do you make? We do not make
anything, not even wool. The hell with the world. Boy-
cott it, by God, I do not care. I want every Libyan family
to start breeding poultry, to build a farm, and then it can
say: the hell with America. If we can ensure our food and
water, we will not need anything else. All this industry
and steel are all for ensuring food and water. They are for
man to live ,a good life. As long as we can survive, then
that is fine.
We can plant palm, olive, and orange trees, and other
things, as well as barley. We can breed poultry, breed
rabbits, catch fish, and eat eggs. All these things do not
need the United States. There are no electronics' or
transistors in them. Why do we not see to them our-
selves? This is the thing that I have been telling you. I
have been telling you to be independent. Each one of you
should head for the Libyan soil, the soil we have fought
Europe for for 2,200 years; the Europeans have been
trying to occupy this land for 2,200 years since the Punic
Wars. All the struggle is for the territory which, we have
erected a fence around.
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5 January 1988
A Libyan builds a fence, puts some pieces on it, and then
he comes and says: This is my farm. Your farm? Either
you produce and live on its produce, or we will take it
from you. Any ownership not in the socialist land
register is not valid. These things are basic elements of
the revolution, and we fight for them. As for the other
things, you are free. If tomorrow, for example, you
wanted to buy intoxicants with these 2 billion dinars, I
will not object. I would say: Thank God, the people have
become free. Like Danton, who was one of the leaders of
the French revolution; he was brought before the French
people-a mob-for execution.
They asked him what he wanted to say. He told them:
Thank God, I am happy. They asked: How can you be
happy? He then replied: The French people have become
a free people because they can execute Danton. This is
what I want. I want the French people to be free. As long
as they are free, they have the right to pass a death
sentence and execute me. This is fine.
Even now, if the Libyan people pass the death sentence
on Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi and execute him, fine; as
long as they are free. We are not going to be afraid of
(?one official's shadow) [words indistinct]. I want the
Libyan people to be free. If not, try something else; you
have 12 months and 2 billion dinars, and you can invest
them in something useless. You buy anything that is
useless. Choose anything that is useless. You can go and
buy from Turkey or Saudi Arabia. Spend the 2 billion
dinars. Try it for 12 months.
Afterward, you will see the result of your policy. You will
say, God is my witness, we are wrong, and that if we have
2 billion dinars we will not buy the unnecessary things
that we bought last year. This is fine. To me this is a gain.
The will of the people becomes stronger. They want to
find out. Try it. It is not necessary for me to tell you: buy
this and make that; economize; and as for these 2 billion
dinars that you have, save 1,000 and spend only 1,000,
or spend less on this and more on that. No, no, no. I say
to you: Try it. I want the people to try and be free. This
year-1988 under the Christian calendar-you can
spend your money as wish. Let us try. You will learn. In
1989 you will have learned more. Thus, in 3, 4, or 5
years, the people will be more aware and more knowl-
edgeable.
Then, I will not worry if you listen to any radio or to any
hostile radio station. Except for us, the different coun-
tries listen only to their own radio stations. Let him buy
any radio. What are they going to say to you? You should
investigate anything that is hostile the following morn-
ing. If a hostile radio station tonight told you-the
Libyan people-that there is this and that, and you have
no knowledge of these things, then tomorrow morning
hold a session of the congresses or a specific congress.
Bring the committee, fetch the documents, and investi-
gate the case. You will find that it is lies; and you will spit
in the face of the dogs who told you lies.
ARAB AFRICA
I do not know. See this pen. I want the Libyan citizen to
know where this pen has come from and how much it
cost. Or take stationery; we will give 10 million [currency
not specified]. That stationery consists of pens and
paper, and so on, and we buy them from whatever
country. The mark says: made in Hong Kong.
This is right. Someone comes along and says to you:.I
have bought this pen from your market. Where does it
come from? And you would say: This is from Hong
Kong. Why? And you would tell him: We have ear-
marked 10 million for stationery, and we decided to buy
it from Hong Kong. Then it is fine. The people know
everything. They must not come and judge us and
quickly ask questions without giving us one moment to
think: How much is the price of bread, and how much is
the price of a bus ticket?-as they do to Mitterrand.
Mitterrand is the ruler of his people, and he makes the
decisions. He says: Increase this and cut and change that.
[words indistinct]
Here is the revolutionary program. It includes self-
sufficiency and efficiency. It tells something about bar-
tering, the freedom of education, the reservoirs, and the
self-sufficiency of families, the state, and organizations.
Your freedom is something else. You are free. I will not
let you off: As of tomorrow, you must decide everything.
I do not want to hear one word from anyone saying that
he has not decided his own destiny.
After tomorrow, you will meet for even up to a year and
debate.
I do not care. No one can decide anything on behalf of
these people. That decision is not difficult. You can buy
things with a handful of money. You do it at home. Each
of you draws a salary or income from your farm, pro-
duce, or (?camels). You have money in your pockets and
have a family. You can buy candy, rent a car, go to a
boutique, or purchase a farm with the money. You can
buy clothes or manage a workshop. You deal with these
things every day.
The state is a big family. This is its income and these are
its expenses-your annual or monthly salary.
Your monthly income is 100 million dinars; how do you
want it? Do you want it as a salary or in agriculture or
industry? You are free. You should start debating it
tomorrow, and decide it by Saturday. Continue for a day,
2 days, or a week, 2 weeks, a month or 2 months until all
these things are decided. But, above all else, you must
ask for an accounting of these companies and their
income, whether in Africa or abroad, the joint compa-
nies, the external bank, the foreign investment company.
Ask what they have brought you.
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.5 January 1988
However, if the foreigners are the ones who even build
your homes and roads, and work' in' nursing and teach-
ing, they will even defend you. Therefore, you must not
ask for a salary. You have given up your salary by not
doing this kind of work.'
Why should you demand a salary if your home was built
by a foreigner, the school was built by a foreigner, the
teacher is a foreigner, and the nurse is a foreigner? That
is it; that is your salary. Do not ask for a salary. Why
should you request a salary? You have given up your
salary in favor of those foreigners. Take their place, and
you will get their salaries.
The arms budget is the final point. No one will keep this
from you. If there is anything that has not been referred
to you, do not leave this hall until it has been. The budget
for the Jamahiriyah's security, the budget for the Armed
Forces, the budget for factories and foreign advisers in
the Armed Forces-none of this is secret. Secrets are
things that are not broadcast over the radio or published
in the press. If people are sitting in halls listening to these
things, they are no longer secret. When we discuss them
only within the people's committees, that means they are
secret. When they are no longer secret, we will broadcast
them over the radio., If we are sitting in a hall and the
proceedings are not being relayed by the radio, come and
ask us to show you the budget for the Armed Forces.
What are you doing with it? How many foreign experts
do we have in the Armed Forces-from the Soviet
Union, and so on?
They tell you: You have thousands of foreign advisers,
and your Army is under the control of this or that
country, your security forces are under East Germany,
and so on. Tell them: Come and show us how many East
Germans there are. Know the facts, and then tell them:
To hell with you and those who say such things.
We will tell you how many Soviet advisers we have in the
Armed Forces and why we brought in any particular one.
We brought him here to repair the MIG's. One of you
will come and say: No, I will repair the MIG's. Very well,
take the test. If you pass, we will ask the Russian: Can
this Libyan now do your job as efficiently as you? If he
says yes, then we will tell him goodbye. We will tell the
Libyan to replace him. If a Libyan comes and asks what
this Russian does, we will tell him that he repairs the
MIG's. Can you do that? The Libyan will answer: No.
Then the Russians will stay until you are trained. The
Libyan will ask another question: For how long?
He will be told: Until your training is completed. The
Libyan will be trained. Very well. The Libyan will then
ask to see the training schedule. He will be told: This is
the schedule, this is'the number of students, this is the
number of officers, and this is the number of technicians
who have been trained. The Libyan will then ask: How
much does this cost us? He will be told: So many
millions. Deduct that from this budget, from this year's
revenue, and we will consider that the budget for the
Armed Forces.
There is no need for new weapons. You have accumu-
lated enough weapons to last a while. You do not need
planes, submarines, ships, missiles, machineguns, rifles,
artillery pieces, or ammunition. You need maintenance
and spare parts; they should be made here. We should
not buy arms. Weapons have piled up, and continue to
do so. What is the result? We bought everything for the
battle to liberate Palestine, and the Arabs are recognizing
Israel. It would be realistic and logical for you to aim
your weapons at those Arabs who recognize Israel. That
is another policy you should decide.
This is a summary of your will and revolutionary pro-
gram. If you are to adopt a revolutionary program, then
do so, as it is here in writing. Here it is. If you want to
tear it up, then do so. If you decide to tear it up, then do
so and to hell with it. You are free. The struggle contin-
ues. Peace be with you.
REUTER Version `Deception'
LD041608 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 1445 GMT
4 Jan 88
[Text] Tripoli, 4 Jan (JANA)-REUTER has reported a
statement that it claimed was part of the speech deliv-
ered by the brother leader of the revolution at the
opening of the meetings of Basic People's Congresses in
the Great Jamahiriyah. The agency fabricated state-
ments, which it then falsely attributed to the brother
leader of the revolution. For example, in a story carried
on Sunday, 3 January, under the headline "Al-Qadhd-
hafi Calls on Libyans To Turn Their Weapons Against
Arabs Who Recognize Israel," it alleged that the brother
leader said: The world can go to hell if we cannot get our
food. ..and so on.
We at JANA can only interpret REUTER's behavior as
ill-intentioned. It is part of the campaigns of deception
and intrigue designed to distort the image of the brother
leader of the revolution and to hurt the positions and
foreign policy of the Great Jamahiriyah.
JANA Editor on Tribal `Rebellion' in Chad
LD311700 Tripoli JANA in English 1434 GMT
31 Dec 87
[Text] Tripoli, Al-Kanun [December] 31, JAMAHIRI-
YAH NEWS AGENCY-Speaking of the present situa-
tion in Chad, JANA's international affairs editor says
that unlike the allegations of Habre which are circulated
widely by U.S.-French media organs, the situation of the
power prevailing in the capital of Chad is summarized as
follows:
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5 January 1988
1-The movement of the rebellion of the tribes of Al-
Hidjrat, Salamat and Kreda in the eastern and central
part of Chad against N'djamena and their rejection of
the authority of Habre.
2-The rejection on the part of the tribes of south and east
to the racist policy biased to the, Koran pursued by
N'djamena and specifically to total alignment towards
the tribe of Nikza to which Habre belongs. These tribes
consider Habre's rule as a rule of a tribe, not a form of
national authority treating all Chadians equally as is
alleged by Habre.
3-Conflict inside the authority in N'djamena. This
comes within the context of the outposts in implemen-
tation of the pro-U.S. or pro-France or pro-either under'
the circumstances of the best offers coming for either
side.
4-Division in the ranks of FAN over the policy. pursued
to achieve the alleged reconciliation. Habre has consid-
ered the mere joining up of Chadian elements who are
isolated from the political reality of Chad and the
homeland is a practical implementation of the national
reconciliation in its correct conception.
Observers in Africa and worldwide have noted that the
media coverage of allegations provided by France and
the U.S. side has been exposed.
5-The policy of propagating lies and disinformation to
cover the contraditions of the conflict for power in
N'djamena has failed, apart from the rebellion waged by
the tribes in the east, centre and south.
Even the backers of Habre whether Americans or French
have come to realize that the reality is not like the one
that is announced not to mention that the coverage of the
lies of their puppet in N'djamena has tired out the
political observers and those who follow up the events in
Chad inside or outside Africa.
Lying and disinformation have not succeeded for Habre
or those who back him, for truth has never been told by
them. This man has become a liability to himself and to
the Chadians as he has always been. The conflict of the
contradictions is not any more a source of trust [sentence
as received]. The first to comprehend this are some
Chadians whom France and the U.S. have tried to dupe
and convince to join their puppet Habre in a bid to make
the Africans aware that the national reconciliation has
been achieved through joining up, but the reality ofChad
and the Chadians as is known by Africa disclaims what
France and the U.S. try to impose through the military
intervention, lies and disinformation.
Finally, it has been noted that whenever the Organiza-
tion of African Unity tries to make one step on the road
of solution Habre, backed by the U.S. and France, steps
ARAB AFRICA
up his work to undermine the efforts to this organiza-.
tion, for stability and calm are enemies to warmongers
who attempt to stir up and escalate conflicts.
King Hassan Told To Rest `at Least 24 Hours'
LD041353 Rabat Domestic Service in Arabic
1300 GMT 4 Jan 88
[Statement issued by the Ministry of Royal Court, Pro-
tocol, and Medals in Ifrane on 4 January]
[Text] Thanks be to God. We, the undersigned doctors
and professors, have advised His Majesty King Hassan
II, May God grant him victory, to rest for at least 24
hours following our medical examination of his majesty,
who has a high fever resulting from.a severe cold.
[Signed] Dr Abdelghanim Tekal, Prof Abdellatif Barbi-
che, Prof Mohamed Boumehdi, and Dr Abdessamad
Salhi
Saudi Crown Prince Arrives in Casablanca 1 Jan
LD012124 Riyadh SPA in Arabic 2015 GMT
1Jan88
[Text] Casablanca, 1 Jan (SPA)-His Royal Highness
Prince'Abdallah ibn `Abd al-'Aziz, crown prince, deputy
prime minister, and National Guard commander,
arrived in Casablanca, with God's protection, this
evening.
He was welcomed on arrival at Casablanca airport by
Prince `Abdallah al-Faysal; the governor. of Casablanca;
the Kingdom's ambassador in Rabat, `Ali Majid al-
Qabbani; a number of Moroccan officials; and the Saudi
Embassy staff in Arab..
Sudan
French Aircraft Reportedly Cross Into Airspace
LD031925 Tripoli JANA in English 1858.GMT
3 Jan 88
[Text] Tripoli, Ayn al-Nar [January] 3, JAMAHIRIYAH
NEWS. AGENCY-JANA has learnt that French jets,
taking off from their bases in Central Africa and Chad,
violated the Sudanese national airspace this morning
and flew over the Chadian and Sudanese border area.
This action is the largest violation of the sovereignty of
an independent state by France.
Ethiopian Patrol Attacks Border Town 3 Jan
JN041750 Khartoum SUNA in English 1728 GMT
4 Jan 88 .
[Text] Qaysan, Eastern Sudan Jan 4 (SUNA)-An Ethi-
opian border patrol has attacked troops from a Sudanese
patrol in this Sudanese border town, SUNA correspon
dent reported [punctuation as received] the Sudan report
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/02 : CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430004-4