HITTING BACK IN CENTRAL AMERICA
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8
Release Decision:
RIFPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
1
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
November 13, 2012
Sequence Number:
4
Case Number:
Publication Date:
August 6, 1985
Content Type:
OPEN SOURCE
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Body:
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/11/13: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8
\ ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE A-I.b
Philip Geyelin
Hitting
Back in
Central
America
Speaking privately, U.S. officials
deny that President Reagan is spoiling
for a swipe at training camps for Sal-
vadoran rebel hit teams in Nicaragua..
You can forget the rumors that he is
itching to offset the impression of
weakness conveyed by failure to re-
taliate for the bombing of the U.S. Ma-
rine compound in Lebanon, or slaying
of Americans in El Salvador last June,
or the hijacking of TWA Flight 847. -
Quite the contrary, we are told. The
recent stiff note. to the Sandinista gov-
ernment in Managua means simply
what it says: the United States has
good reason to think the Sandinistas '
are schooling "terrorists" for attacks
on "U.S. personnel" in Honduras and
that it had at least a hand in the shoot-
ing of the six Americans, including
four Marines, in San Salvador. Any
more of that sort of stuff will have
"serious repercussions" is all the
United States was saying. Deterrence,
not stage-setting for a show of
strength, is all the administration had
in mind.
I believe it?up to a point. That is, I
believe that there is a powerful re-
straining force at work in the Reagan
administration and that it resides in a
high place. It was Ronald Reagan, by
his own account, who held back after
the Marine bombing. His was the loud-
est voice of prudence at the time of
the TWA hijacking. It was his concern
for "collateral" loss of innocent lives,
I'm told, that weighed most heavily
against a plan to strike at suspected
Nicaraguan training camps right after
the killings in El Salvador.
That said, the possibility that the
administration will feel compelled to
conduct a "surgical" U.S. air strike at
Nicaraguan targets by no means dimi-
nishes. Deterrence is a dicey business.
It becomes all the more chancy when
you take into account the nature of the
forces at work against restraint.
WASHINGTON POST
6 August 1985
The Sandinistas say, in effect: Look,
no hands. No matter, we say: The in-
telligence evidence constitutes a solid
case for holding Nicaragua responsible
in a general way for future hostile acts
against one form or another of the
American presence in Central Amer-
ica?military, diplomatic, civilian. The
crucial question then becomes
whether the Sandinistas can be con-
vincingly held responsible for even
those anti-American terrorists acts
that can be traced directly or indi-
rectly to Nicaraguan nests for terror-
ist training?
Obviously, we are not talking about
a court of law. But we are talking
about possible acts of war and about
the prospects for Nicaraguan re-
sponses and U.S. escalation, for which
there could be a need at some point
for a measure of American public un-
derstanding and support. The Nicara-
guan provocation, then, must not only
be real but SA a practical matter it will
have to be presentable in a way that
will make it look real.
This, in turn, presupposes a level of
Nicaraguan regimentation over the
dirty tricks it sponsors that the U.S.
government disavows for its own ac-
tivities. Responding to the recent U.S.
note, Nicaraguan President Daniel
Ortega said: "Nicaragua has neither
practiced nor supported terrorism, nor
has it been involved in any terrorist
act." More specifically, the Sandinista
foreign ministry formally declared
that, "Nicaragua rejects any sugges-
tion at all of responsibility for what
happened. . . in San Salvador or in any
other similar situations that occur in
that or any other country."
You don't have to believe a word of
all that to hear an echo in the disclaim-
ers of CIA Director William Casey in
an interview last June with U.S. News
and World Report. He was asked
about any connection between his
a ency an a car-bombingy a eba-
ou ast
but
iilised Its target, the leaderof an ex-
tremist and cone
movement. "We
e wor to stren en
counter-
the'
terrorist
t m tec
any operationsnse ves,
we
y_fere not involved, and no one weriau
tiined was involvedthe nese
car-bombing operation."
overrunent
to train them
ica support. t e
Careful words?careful enou h not
to ru e 2142.24 t
OU t to ave
ha ned: Lebanese
counterterronst orces subcontracted,
cvair-e m ine to ree-
la t? terrorists,
int
esse sun
countetnetrrorism. C c
an et
out o ? not too out-
landi to leve t at ven the na-
ture of terronif..DA--da-6----2?i thosewho vho rac-
tice it the same co n eG
e.
case o
Tis this at t e11-
dinistas are no more capable o con-
trollin events they set in train than
Bill aSeY claims to be?that
an_a rea y precarious a
even more Boman pu?ous ic
wit revious nva e warm to
ana a sinto e nso te
ar - mers t res nt s midst
the more so sincee reviousintedhr.eats of
retaliatMn have one u
The result is that almost any new
anti-American terrorist incident in the
neighborhood, however remote its
connection to Nicaragua, could put
Ronald Reagan's prudence-in-practire
to its heaviest test.
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/11/13: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302350004-8