SURVIVING THE BEST GAME ON EARTH

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00965R000403220060-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 9, 2012
• Sequence Number: 60
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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excerpt from the book
S .,[V,
URVA 1_N__ G_
The Best Game on Earth
Norie Huddle's deep commitment in search
of valid reasons for hope.
Norie Huddle's exploration of America's
thoughts and feelings about global
security and the threat of nuclear war
is by turns heartwarming, funny,frightening,
and reassuring. Truck drivers, admirals,
housewives, scientists - all are grist for
her mill. And these conversations reveal
an unexpected depth of feeling common to
all, and separate from the diversity of
their political outlooks. "
--Paul R. Ehrlich, Professor of
Population Studies,Stanford Univ.
--Anne H. Ehrlich, Senior Research Asso.
Biology, Stanford Univ.
Norie Huddle
Foreword Based on an Interview with
Studs Terkel
Schocken Books ? New York
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ISBN 0-8052-3871-9 FPT >$16.95
SURVIVING
The Best Game on Earth
Norie Huddle
Foreword based on an interview
with Studs Terkel
In this remarkable collection of interviews,
None Huddle has gathered viewpoints of a
wide cross section of people on the crucial
question of how we can survive-and how we
can create a new view of ourselves, our nation,
and our planet.
Recognizing that national security is too im-
portant an issue to leave solely to the experts,
Huddle began a four-year project of traveling
around America, listening to people of all
walks of life and political beliefs. From 1970 to
1983, she interviewed over four hundred men
and women; this book is a journey through the
minds and hearts of thirty of these people. The
views heard include many well-known indi-
viduals who speak personally and with candor,
as well as a range of so-called ordinary people
who move us with their deep concerns and,
often, brilliant insights.
The conclusion deftly weaves together the
very different views, creating a new picture of
what will bring us true security.
A list of "impertinent questions" is included
at the end of the book. Readers are invited to
send their ideas and insights to the author, c/o
Center for New National Security, P.O. Box
6513, Alexandria, VA 22306-0513. If you would
like a response to your ideas or to find out
about the activities of the Center, please in-
clude a self-addressed stamped envelope. Mes-
sages can also be posted on the electronic
bulletin board of the Source.
for permission to publish or reprint
this excerpt, contact :-
Ms. Norie Huddle
Center for New National Security
2405 Nemeth Court
Alexandria VA 22306 USA
Phone (703) 768 - 9432
Schocken Books
200 Madison Avenue
New York N.Y. 10016 USA
(phone (212) 685 - 6500
First published by Schocken Books 1984
10987654321' 84858687
Copyright ? 1984 by Eleanor Huddle
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Huddle, Norie, 1944-
Surviving: the best game on earth.
1. United States-National security-Public opinion.
2. Public opinion-United States. I. Title.
UA23.H73 1983 355'.033073 83-42722
Designed by Edward Smith
Manufactured in the United States of America
ISBN 0-8052-3871-9
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Howard Kurtz ,
Howard Kurtz is the director and cofounder, with his deceased wife
Harriet, of War Control Planners, Inc., a not-for-profit corporation. His
organization distributes reports and publishes articles promoting research
and development of global war-prevention systems, all-nation security and
development systems, and global "compassionate power" systems. He
lives in Washington, D.C. This interview took place in the summer of
1981.
My wife Harriet and I worked together for more than thirty years
trying to understand the roots of war and how to achieve a lasting
peace. Back in 1946 I was working in an upper management
position with American Overseas Airlines, when the Civil Aero-
nautics Board granted us the certificate for the New York to
Moscow route. I was made responsible for the long-range plan-
ning of the operation and was sent back to school for two years of
graduate study at Columbia University's Russian Institute. As it
turned out the actual operation didn't start for another twenty
years, but if it had, Harriet and I and our babies would have all
moved to Moscow.
Then in 1947 I got a call from my boss, telling me to drop
out of school temporarily and leave early the next morning for
Washington, D.C., where my passport and visa had been ar-
ranged secretly. I learned I was to leave the next day for Moscow.
We had chartered three planes to carry the American delegation
and the press from Washington to Moscow for the foreign minis-
ters conference. I had to go ten days in advance to set up naviga-
tion, diplomatic, and other arrangements for the first U. S. civil
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airplanes to go behind the Iron Curtain. About nine weeks later
we brought the planes in again to take everyone back to the U.S.,
but I stayed another five days with some newspaper correspon-
dents to watch the 1947 May Day parade. During that parade I
saw Soviet-made jet fighters, in quantity, flying over Moscow.
As a lieutenant colonel just out of the air force, this had real
meaning to me. I returned to Columbia, telling Harriet that I had
just seen World War III already beginning to form, and that not
only our two babies but many, many young people from all over
the world would be sucked up into the next firestorm because the
atomic bomb had changed the picture of war so completely.
This got us started on our study of the endless cycles of war
and peace which have plagued humanity since the beginning of
recorded history. The biggest disillusion came when we realized
that none of the scholars seemed to have the slightest idea of what
lay behind this endless repetition of war. As we got deeper into
the subject, Harriet recognized that behind walls of secrecy,
cloaked in the respectable rhetoric of "national security," small
groups of men in the White House and in the Kremlin were in
hostile confrontation, brandishing power capable of destroying
humankind. She saw that it was a power of really mythological
proportions, power which most religions claimed that God alone
could command. She concluded that the tiny power elites of
neither the Kremlin nor the White House were informed enough
or noble enough in their goals to command appropriately such
God-sized powers. This drove her through six years of study at
Union Theological Seminary in New York. She went half-time,
commuting seventy miles a day, taking care of a couple of babies
and a house, and somehow managing to make many of her own
clothes as well. Her search took her into all the world's religions,
looking for what sorts of purposes or goals were noble enough for
this God-sized power which was now in our human hands. In
1964 she was ordained in a unique ceremony in which Catholic.
Jewish, Ethical Culture, Unitarian, and many different Protestant
clergy participated. She was ordained in the belief that people of
all faiths, and those professing no faith, were created in the image
of God and therefore possessed creative powers which would en-
able us to create new history rather than remain chained to dead
history of past wars and suffering.
In the meantime from 1932 to 1954 1 worked in key airline
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management positions in American Airlines, American Overseas
Airlines, and Pan American World Airways. From 1954 to 1965 1
was a senior associate with Handy Associates, a management con-
sulting firm. In 1965, however, I lost my job with them because
two of their clients, who were defense contractors, put pressure
on the firm to let me go. So since 1966 I have devoted full time
and energy to War Control Planners, working together with Har-
riet until her death from cancer in 1977.
Early on Harriet and I made an important decision. We
agreed that we wouldn't go forward with another step in our
conceptualization process until, coming from our very different
perspectives and backgrounds, we could both agree on that step.
Sometimes the gulf between us seemed unbridgeable, but there
was so much love between us that we really tried to understand
what each other was saying. Perhaps one reason we were able to
work together so completely was that even though ! am about as
far outside of institutional religion as you can get, my work as a
pilot and airlines manager had taught me the Golden Rule in
action: no pilot can find safety and progress for his passengers and
himself except under the universal disciplines of air traffic control.
So Harriet and I both realized that in the present age of ultimate
danger, anything less than the Golden Rule among nations is un-
safe: Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.
Way back in 1969 the editor of Esquire read hundreds of
pages of our published articles and condensed everything into one
paragraph: "Since right now international arms agreements are
improbable because no country trusts any other country, the pur-
chase plan would first provide something trustworthy and then
ask the military powers to begin trusting it."
What Harriet and I have been proposing is a transition pro-
cess to help us break out of this terrible cycle of war-peace-war-
peace. Before you can ask the present military people to trust this
transition process you have to say, "Continue with your defense.
Meanwhile let's start a fantastic experiment to design and build,
over ten or twenty years, an international system capable of pro-
viding military protection to patriotic people of all countries.
Only after this system has been built and shown to work, only
then will we ask nations to begin to support it." People we've
talked with at top levels of the United Nations, even in the disar-
m :Went section, agree with this. It's a great deception to play on
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the public's yearning for disarmament. There's not going to be
anything like disarmament until after a very long period of devel-
oping and testing world systems which prove that it will be safe
for nations to begin cutting back on their arms. It's not safe today
and it won't be safe until someone does this other creative thing.
Now who is going to be able to do this? Decisions like this are
made by chief executives; only someone like a president of the
United States can fight a war with one hand and start something
vast and experimental like this with the other.
To draw a parallel from history, when the airlines first
found that their piston-engine airplanes were becoming obsolete
they didn't immediately get rid of them and say, "What are we
going to do now?" For another ten or fifteen years they continued
to operate piston-engine planes, and even bought, maintained,
and sold new ones while they had another group of people de-
velop and test jet transports until they were ready. You can't
simply leap from here to there; you need a transition period.
At present I am aware of almost nobody working on develop-
ing this sort of massive project, with possibly one exception. In
May 1978 the president of France, addressing the General Assem-
bly of the United Nations, proposed that there be set up a United
Nations earth-sensing satellite system of a military character to
monitor peacekeeping and arms-control agreements among the na-
tions. This was a conceptual breakthrough. The Americans at the
General Assembly opposed it right away and abstained from vot-
ing. The General Assembly passed a resolution instructing the sec-
retary-general to create a committee of experts to explore the idea's
feasibility. He did so several months later, selecting a committee of
experts from twelve different nations, excluding the United States
and the USSR. They made a year-long feasibility study and their
preliminary report says that it's feasible but that there are a great
many problems. Which is all obvious. The United States, mean-
time, is way behind in this sort of conceptualizing. We have one
group of people, with white hats, called NASA, working on space
exploration, and another set of people, with black hats, working on
military space programs for war purposes. Nowhere in the whole
American mythology or government is there anybody working on
military satellites for the purpose of peacekeeping.
There are so many groups of fine, dedicated people con-
cerned about the issue of world peace. For thirty years Harriet
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and I followed the work of the World Federalists, the world
hunger people, the environmentalists, and so on. We saw they
were all wonderfully dedicated to sustaining life, and yet year
after year we saw the world situation getting worse, not better.
Even with these fine people and conferences and all these books,
there's something gone wrong. And so our search was for a
missing strategic factor somewhere.
Looking at history, we found a parallel in the problem of
smallpox, which has killed more human beings than all the wars
of history combined. In recent times a decision was made to do
two different things: first, to continue to fight each new case of
smallpox the best we can, and second, to set up a completely
independent group of people to analyze the whole phenomenon of
smallpox. This group would ask the question "Is there some one
factor which might be touched and controlled to bring smallpox
to an end?" That factor turned out to be a particular virus. Until it
was controlled the disease continued to plague humanity. Today,
thanks to this realization, there isn't a single case of smallpox in
the world. That this has been achieved is a total miracle, as big as
any written in the Bible.
Think what we might accomplish if we tried this same sort
of approach to solve the phenomenon of war-peace-war-peace!
There's a beautiful two-volume classic called The Study of War
written by Dr. Quincy Wright, a leading scholar in this field. In
chapter after chapter he enumerates all the different causes of war
all back through history. When Harriet and I got into this search,
we felt discouraged: if there are that many different causes of war,
it's hopeless. Nothing is ever going to change. But as we got
deeper and deeper into our theoretical analysis of the phenome-
non, we found one very tangible factor, and until it is brought
under control, nothing else can matter. When you name that fac-
tor, it seems so obvious as to be unbelievable: enemy military
power.
The process goes something like this. After each war there
,_:ierally t o major powers % hich emerge that are within
range of each other. They each have an entity like our National
Security Council whose job it is to look around and say, "What
may be the source of our next trouble" Then they focus attention
on each other, and the whole buildup process starts again. It is a
purely gut-level response to fear of the enemy. Each side does the
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"reasonable" thing-it builds up its defenses to protect itself. This
is morally supported by the leaders and everybody, who all say,
"Oh, yes, that makes us feel safer." The problem is that each
side's actions have intensified the anxiety of the people on the
other side. And they view the "enemy" with alarm: "Look what
that guy has done; we must do something." So they do the in-
stinctive thing, which is to increase their own defense weapons.
And all their moral and political leaders and the public itself says,
"Ah, good, I support you. That makes me feel better inside." But
once again that intensifies the' anxiety on the other side. This
action-reaction behavior goes back and forth slowly, without
particular form or timing over ten, twenty, forty, sometimes one
hundred years, with each side doing the justifiable, moral thing,
each building its own propaganda on the same imagery. The
buildup doesn't happen overnight in such a way that you can see
the pattern. In fact most people have forgotten the last set of
major moves by the time the next escalation comes along. But
both sides soon begin to play on all of the religious, economic,
and other forces that can be used to mold or manipulate public
opinion to show that "Look out! Mobilize! If they come over
here, they're going to threaten your religion, your economic sys-
tem, and your very life." And so on. Both sides do this, all on a
"morally justifiable basis."
So the one factor we could isolate was military capability,
whether it's a spear or a gun or a guy on horseback or the cavalry
or an airplane or an atomic bomb. Today, however, we have an
entirely new situation: the range of potential fighting has ex-
panded until the whole world is involved in it, and if this war-
peace-war epidemic breaks out into a new cycle of war, we can
effectively destroy civilization as we know it. We have such a little
bit of time left, but nobody in the White House or in the Penta-
gon seems the least bit interested in the subject. They are like
firemen in the firehouse polishing their engines and getting ready
to go out and fight the next fire. They're apparently not interested
in tackling the critical and urgent problem of how you build a
fireproof house. That requires an entirely different kind of mental-
ity than either Henry Kissinger or Brzezinski has. And yet all the
capabilities are here to mobilize American creativity to help the
world develop the system we need to build a war-proof world.
The problem is that the guys who control what flows into the
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mind of a president are all from the same financial institutions that
are profiting from the current way of doing things. But the reality
is that if we continue in this same direction, we are going to kill
ourselves. Yet nobody in power dares say that, because the public
will lose faith in the system. The whole pyramid of political
power in a nation is very much like a religious institution in that it
is built on faith. For example, if I give yqu a hundred-dollar bill,
it seems very real to you; but the reality is that the paper on which
that bill is printed is worth about 1.8 cents. All the rest of it is
faith. Everything we do in the government here in Washington
faces about that same ratio of reality to faith. Building on this
system of faith, you get into dogma: "Believe this because I tell
you it's true, not because you discover it to be true." And just
about everything comes right down again to being controlled at
the top by a little elite group around a Vatican, a Kremlin, or a
White House. They determine what we're going to do and then
they hire the public relations people to sell it to the public.
I was first introduced to studying unconscious anxieties of
people back-in the 1930s when I was in charge of all the stew-
ardesses and food service on American Airlines. When people are
trapped in a closed system over which they have no control, they
feel a strong sense of anxiety at a subconscious level. If something
happens to the plane, this unconscious anxiety wells up and influ-
ences the behavior of every passenger on that airplane, no matter
what church he goes to or what political views he has. These
gut-level anxiety reactions are common to all human beings when
they're trapped and feel endangered. And it's only on that gut-
level that you can begin to explain what is going on.
Let's go a bit into the geographic story of war. Some two
hundred years ago as the thirteen colonies banded together, they
perceived threats in the form of Frenchmen coming down through
Montreal, Spaniards through Florida, others through Mexico, and
Indians in many areas. Each of these groups presented a threat to
this "tribe" called the United States. In this situation of threat there
is one predictable pattern all through history: defensive expansion.
When the tribe is threatened, it expands. The United States ex-
panded, gradually killing off the French and the Spaniards, expand-
ing to get more of a sense of security. We did the same thing to the
InJi.ius even though they got to a point where they were not really
a threat just a potential threat; so we just walked in and mowed
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them down until finally we dominated this entire continent. We
didn't have to totally dominate Canada or Mexico because they
were so weak and were no longer perceived as a threat. We then
entered a period of our history where this unconscious anxiety
could relax and the conscious mind could begin to have more con-
trol over our behavior. We could see rationally that we were pro-
tected by great oceans and by the Arctic Circle, and that we had no
enemies. This was the unconscious object of all the U. S.: to expand
defensively with out military until we got a feeling of security.
Now let's look at Russia. Right after World War II, as soon
as they could, Russia did the natural thing from its standpoint of
trying to protect itself. It started expanding its influence and gain-
ing control over neighboring countries. This went on until the
United States stopped them with our one unique advantage: we
had nuclear bombs-and missiles to deliver them just about any-
place in the world. At that point, around 1947 or so, we said,
"Stop, or we'll zap you. We will contain you and you will not
expand any longer." One thing you learn in studying the phe-
nomenon of anxiety in an airplane is that the mere fact that you
say "You're locked in and can't get out" doesn't cause the anxiety
to go away. In fact it causes the anxiety to become even more
intense. And in the last generation the United States has really
done nothing to eliminate the sense of threat felt by the Soviet
people.
Pearl Harbor showed us what happens to a nation when it is
threatened. The American people reacted to Pearl Harbor by turn-
ing themselves over, as one person, to. an authoritarian leader,
Roosevelt, saying, "Take us, lead us; we will do anything you
say. Take our boys and send them into the trenches. Whatever is
necessary. We will suffer, we will do without gasoline and rub-
ber." Threat or attack is a unifying thing. Every move that the
United States has made in the last generation-increasing the
number of our bombers and missiles stationed around them, in-
creasing our threats-has intensified the threat perceived by the
Soviet people, which has caused them to turn themselves even
more firmly over to their authoritarian leaders: "Take us, we will
suffer and sacrifice and die-whatever you need to do to defend
our motherland." There's nothing weak about Soviet patriotism,
and we have given it impetus at every stage.
During the Cuban missile crisis, while the Russians were put-
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Ling missiles in Cuba, we pulled this containment number once
more. We humiliated them in front of the whole world by making
them turn around and go back-which we were able to do because
we still had this threat of superior atomic weapons. At that time
they said publicly-almost everything they do is public knowledge
and can be found in speeches or books, in Marxism and Leninism-
"You will never again do this to us." And they went back and, in
addition to their basic military strategy, they took on a supplemen-
tal strategy: to build enough missiles and 'nuclear bombs to cancel
out the American advantage in that area. They have done this fairly
effectively. The arms race itself, the missile race and the hydrogen
bomb race, has reached the point where if either side launches a war
the other will respond so quickly that, literally, world civilization
will be ruptured. It is to the Soviet advantage to continually focus
American attention on the nuclear armaments race because that's
the only weapon the United States has had that is holding back
what the Soviet leaders believe destiny has in mind for Russian
power. We have had only one thing to stop them: our nuclear
capability. Their one job was to counter that and to focus our
attention wholly on nuclear war, which they have done quite suc-
cessfully. Most of our peace groups have been sucked into this
thing and into just talking about the horrors of nuclear war since it
is so awful that we must do anything to do away with nuclear war.
And the Soviets for a whole generation have been saying, "Let's
negotiate about cutting down on missiles and cutting down on
nuclear bombs; let's have disarmament talks." They will not talk at
all about disarming their basic strategic forces, conventional
ground forces, to use in taking over more Afghanistans and places
like that. They will not discuss them at all. The way our American
leaders think is very short term, holding their elections and chang-
ing their policies every few years, whereas the Soviet leaders are
working on hundred-year strategies. There's no real rush; they can
go as slowly as they need to, seeking to dominate the Eurasian
continent and then the world. Wherever there is trouble they move
in there because they truly believe that all these people really resent
being owned or controlled by the United States and that sooner or
later they'll try to break away.
A purely defensive response by the United States is not go-
ing to solve the fundamental problem. Instead we must begin to
mobilize the creativity and resources of America, in all the differ-
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ent areas, to begin providing the research, development, and ex-
perimental operation of future global operational systems which
will be able to guard the national security of all one hundred
fifty-seven countries and release their energies for the production
of food, clothing, housing, and other things their people need to
ensure their real security.
This system of global security would function in the same
way that air traffic control guards the safety and the progress of all
airplanes. About fifty years ago the airlines came to the realization
that something needed to be done about the situation of a large
number of airplanes flying blind in the clouds, because without a
system of orderly control they are all in great danger of colliding
with each other. There is no future for an industry which cannot
guarantee the safety of the passengers-which at that point they
couldn't. Thus there was no future for the entire airlines industry
until somebody came up with the concept that is now called "air
traffic control," a superior discipline combined with the enforce-
ment of laws completely committed to the safety and progress of
every airplane in that cloud, large and small. The golden rule of
"Do unto others as you would have them do unto you" is the only
rule that works among pilots in an air traffic control system-for
unless I'm totally committed to your safety and your passengers'
safety, I will never find safety for myself.
And so it is among nations. To set up this sort of global
security system is the challenge for the next generation to pioneer.
And for the first time in history there are global technologies and
global systems available for us to begin this experimental process
of testing, finding and eliminating the weaknesses, and building a
system which can be properly tested by the nations of the world.
There will be no peace until something is developed which con-
vinces the people of the world that it is safe to disarm; at present
its not the least bit safe, and they're not going to do it.
What we're talking about is a third option: instead of either
the U.S. or the USSR dominating all these global satellite systems
and other systems, there must be an international control. Instead
of either of us gaining control over all the resources of Africa or
Latin America and other areas, which the people there oppose,
there has to be a system created which enables people in every
single nation, large and small, to provide their own food. cloth-
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ing, housing, and health for themselves and their children and
grandchildren.
One of the problems we must solve is that of communicat-
ing these ideas to the public. About ten years ago the editor, of one
of the major national magazines told Harriet and me that he could
envision a picture on the front of his magazine which would sell
lots of copies, a vivid picture of war with dead bodies scattered all
over the place. He said, "The problem is that I cannot think of a
picture that I could put on the cover of a news magazine which
would sell the thing and tell the story you're talking about. How
can you create a visually gripping picture of a device through
which people are managing to keep from killing themselves?
You're talking about the Golden Rule among nations militarily,
and throughout history no journalist has been able to communi-
cate vividly the story of the Golden Rule."
Sometimes it is quite discouraging to see things getting so
bad in the world and to feel so frustrated at being unable to reach
the one person, the president, who would be able to make the
kind of decision to launch the kind of program which we need to
break this cycle of war-peace-war-peace. But I suppose the thing
that keeps nre. going is the driving conviction that we can and
must do this thing. And along the way a number of important
people have urged us to continue. One of these was Robert
Muller [see pp. 251-55], who ten or twelve years ago told Harriet
and me, "You must continue the conceptual work you are in-
volved in. Thirty years ago when I went to work for the United
Nations, I didn't believe it would ever function properly; but I
wanted it to, and so I gave my life to serve it, even though I
didn't really believe it could happen. Today I know from my
position here that human skills and knowledge in every profession
have expanded enormously, across national boundaries and
around the world. Today for the first time in history human
beings have the capability to build an operational organization to
protect all nations. The problem is that nobody is ordering it to be done.
But for the first time in history we do have the capability, so you
cannot cease your work no matter how broke you become, how
deep you go into debt. Because for the first time in history hu-
mankind has these powers and we are waiting for somebody to
provide the necessary leadership."
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403220060-8