OLLIE NORTH'S SECRET NETWORK

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00965R000504760002-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 24, 2012
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: March 9, 1987
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/27: CIA-RDP90-00965R000504760002-1
11 ARTICLE AP EARED
ON PAGE
NEWSWEEK
9 March 1937
OHie North's
Secret_Network
The Tower commission and exclusive reporting
by a team of Newsweek correspondents shed light
on the shadow government of North and his field
marshal, Richard Secord. They spent millions and
undermined the policies of the United States
ere were five passengers on the Lock- I ty adviser John Poindexter, in September
heed JetStar as it took off from Wash- 1 1986. "CIA could not produce an aircraft on
ington's National Airport on the long ! such 'short notice,' so Dick has chartered
flight to Central America. One was John the [plane] through one of (the network's)
Piowaty, 51, a veteran fighter jock from overseas companies. Why Dick can do
Destin, Fla. Piowaty and one of his fellow something in 5 min. that the CIA cannot do
passengers, a cargo handler named Jim in two days is beyond me-but he does."
Steveson, had just been hired to fly hush- North's role emerges vividly in the Tow-
hush missions over Nicaragua by a retired er commission report. He was passionate,
Air Force colonel named Richard Gadd; dedicated and frenetically active in the
Gadd was on the plane too. "Gadd told me contra cause; he was also, it seems, enrap-
there would be some people on board and if tured by the naive hope that the Beirut
I recognized them, I didn't recognize hostages would soon be freed. The commis-
them," Piowaty recalls. But Piowaty quick- sion report reprints his projected schedule
ly saw a man he knew sitting across the for a climactic series of events that would
aisle: Richard Secord-a former Air Force begin, in January 1986, with an air ship-
general whom Piowaty had met-and in- ment of U.S. weapons to Iran. proceed with
stantly disliked-at a banquet years be- the release of the hostages in Lebanon and
fore. Secord gave Piowaty a curt nod and lead to the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's
looked away. Secord and Gadd then began a stepping down as spiritual leader of the
lengthy conference with the other man on Islamic Republic of Iran. The plan was vi-
the plane. Thinking back to the flight, sionary, almost delusional, but its globe-
Piowaty is all but certain the fifth passen- straddling logistics were laid out in pains-
f ger was Oliver North. taking detail-and Secord, designated by
Nortan Secord, Secord and North: the the pseudonym "Copp," was to be a key
two musketeers of Ronald Reagan's secret player at every step. "A man of many tal-
foreign policy. If it was sometimes hard to ents, 'ol Secord is," North wrote former
tell which partner was running the show, it national-security adviser Robert McFar-
is now entirely clear that together North lane-and at another juncture he half seri-
and Secord conceived, organized and man- ously proposed giving Secord a medal.
aged the astonishingly complex scheme Cabs eewtrI: North seemed heedless of
that lies behind the Iran-Nicaragua scan- diplomatic niceties. According to the Tow-
dal. They created a network of Swiss bank er commission report, he told his Iranian
accounts, shell corporations and covert- contacts that President Reagan wanted to
operations teams that spent tens of mil- oust the president of Iraq, Saddam Hus-
lions of dollars, provided hundreds of tons sein, from office-a statement with explo?
of weapons for the contra insurgency and sive implications for U.S. neutrality in the
left a web of shadowy transactions that Iran-Iraq war, and one that Reagan him-
may never be fully explained. They did self later claimed was "absolute fiction." In
business behind the Iron Curtain, in the May 1986 North told Poindexter the con-
Middle East, in Central America and Eu- tras were launching an offensive aimed at
rope, conducted their own diplomacy and capturing a major population center in
pushed the U.S. government into actions Nicaragua and declaring independence
that undermined its own policies and credi- from the Sandinista government. He sug-
bility. They were, in effect, their own Cen- gested the United States should come to
tral Intelligence Agency. "We are now un- the contras' aid and hinted that it should
der way with getting (an Iranian contact) recognize the new "territory." Elliott
aboard a chartered jet out of Istanbul," Abrams, assistant secretary of state for in-
North reported to his boss, national-securi- ter-American affairs, admitted to the Tow-
er commission that he may have supported
North at the time. But Abrams said North's
idea was "totally implausible."
Another of North's intrusions into U.S.
foreign policy came closer to fruition. That
was his attempt to prevent the president of
Costa Rica, Oscar Arias Sanchez, from pub-
licizing a secret contra-resupply airstrip at
1 Santa Elena, near the Nicaraguan border.
According to the Tower commission report,
North said he had pushed for a tough line-
a threat to withhold U.S. aid to Costa Rica
-in discussing tactics with other U.S. offi-
cials. "I recognize that I waswell beyond my
charter in dealing w/a head of state this
way and in making threats/offers that may
be impossible to deliver," he told Poin-
dexter through the NSC computer system.
"Youdid the rightthing, but let'stryto keep
it quiet," Poindexter wrote back. The Arias
government subsequently announced the
discovery and closure of the airstrip. Last
week an embarrassed Arias denied that he
or his government had ever received such a
threat from U.S. officials.
As the Tower commission reports, Proj-
ect Democracy was North's code name for
the covert network he and Secord built to
supply arms to the contras after Congress
cut off U.S. military aid in 1984. Project
Recovery was the code name for the Iran-
ian arms negotiations; the name implied its
real objective, which was to rescue Ameri-
can hostages being held by Shiite terrorists
in Lebanon. In practice, the two projects
merged after North, who was the contra
"case officer" within the National Security
Council staff, also took on primary respon-
sibility for the Iranian arms deal in the fall
of 1985. Project Democracy, or PRODEM,
was conducted in deepest secrecy to evade
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sheep, Edwin Wilson. Wilson
is the rene?ade officer who
ouster from the agency by
among other things, selling
munitions an paramilitary
experrtisee_to Muammar Kad-
dafi: he _is now serving a 52-year
sentence in a federal prison in
Marion, 111. "If I wasn't in jail,"
he told NEwswEEx, "I'd have
headed up this operation."
In the CIA Wilson was a spe-
cialist in setting up corporate
covers for covert ourpoees-
and once in private life he
turned hiss special skill to mak-
congressional restrictions on U.S. govern-
ment support for the contras; as the Tower
commission concludes, "Congress may
have been actively misled." Project Recov-
ery was equally secret because of the in-
flammatory nature of what North and Se-
cord were doing-bartering for hostages
with a government that the United States
and its allies had every reason to believe
was deeply involved in supporting terror-
ism. And the nexus between the two was
the biggest secret of all-the still unproved
allegation, first made by Attorney General
Edwin Meese III, that up to $30 million in
Iranian arms-sale proceeds were diverted
to support the contras in their time of need.
How all that was done is the stuff of a
real-world spy thriller-even if, as the Tow-
er commission was forced to conclude, the
truth about the Iran-contra "money trail"
is still unknown. North and Secord declined
to testify before the commission, and
neither has told his story to the public. But
LARRY DOWNING-NEWSWEEK
On tW Cf a Nola Mr. Outside, General
Secord; Mr. Inside, the NSC's North; Fawn Hall.
secretary with immunity
i monev~y the early-70s
he had acquired Mount_ Airy
-Farms, a lavish estate in the
1rlinia. ooh nnt far
from Washington where_ he
used to entertain his
t td
menriens. was a reg-
ular visitor. So were Theodore
Shackley and Thomas Clines,
two veteran CIA men who
the Tower report provides a stunning inside would later be sht~ed gut. of the agency
view of their operation. NEWSwEEK'S own during the Carter administration. Clines
reporting, conducted by a team of more
had worked for Shackles in Miami and
than a dozen correspondents over the past Laos Secord, another veteran of the war
three months, tells the rest of the story. It in Laos, cemented his friendship with
suggests that the roots of the NorthSecord Ines during their ys at the Naval War
network can be traced back 25 years, to the . College in Newport, R.I. They came out to
! CIA's plots against Fidel Castro and its se- Mount Airy and, while their kidsplayed
cret war in Laos (chart, page 34). It demon- with the horses, the men sat around drink-
stratesthat North relied on a cabal ofcovert ing beer and enjoying i sons lifestyle.
ooecators whose bona fides were open to Wilson says his guests were probably
~Q ion a former CIA agentinking, "Look, here's this stupid Wilson
his womanizing and dubious business deal- and he's got this big farm. If he can do it,
ings,agun-happy Cuban exile, a mysteri ous
Iranian-American with a knack for hiding
money. Even rd, who as a private citi-
zen was entrusted with extraordinary au-
thority by North and his superiors, had a
shadow over his past: by his own account,
his Air Force career had been ruined by
suspicions that he had held an undisclosed
interest in a company fined for overcharg-
ingonPentagoncontracts.
GE
E?
TIN EPMi: Months of mysterious cargoesJENSEN
and even more mysterious voyages
Indeed, the network's check-
ered past is one aspect of the
Iran-contra affair that con-
founds even the most sympa-
thetic observers-and the fear
that some participants were
mixing patriotism with a yen
for outsize profits is a theme
that crops up in the Tower com-
mission's report. Secord and
North's reliance on compart-
mentafiMzed organization and layers of corporate fronts is
drawn from the meth odTogy of of
CIA covert o e-and the net-
work's genealm it-hat is the
word, leads directly to one of
the CIA's most notorious black
we can do it, too."
The i I - EATSCO-the Egyptian
American Transport & Services Corp.-
came next. EATSCO was a freight com-
pany set up by Clines and an Egyptian
partner to ferry U.S. weapons to Egypt in
the wake of the Camp David accords. In
1982, its billing practices led to a federal
investigation; the company and its presi-
dent paid $3 million in civil claims and
fines to the U.S. government. Wilson says
Clines, who was never charged in the case,
started EATSCO with some of his money.
He also says Shackley, Secord and Erich
von Marbod, Secord's superior at the Pen-
tagon, were silent partners in the firm.
All of them have denied Wilson's alle-
gation. But Secord realized the scandal
meant the end of his hopes of winning an-
other promotion, and in 1983 he retired
from the Air Force.
It must have been traumatic-for Se-
cord, who by then had risen to become a
deputy assistant secretary of defense. had
always been a ferociously ambitious man.
"Not a personality kid," says retired Gen.
Harry (Heine) Aderholt, Secord's com-
mander in Southeast Asia. "But he's a
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smart son of a bitch [and] the best goddam
officer I ever had. The people who worked
for him loved him. The people he dealt
with hated him." Secord gf9tlaated from
West Point in 1955 and chose an Air Force
commission: his career path took him to
the war in Laos, Thailand and to prerevo-
lutionary Iran, where he headed a U.S.
Air Force military assistance group to the
shah. It was in Teheran, during the 1970s,
that he met Albert Hakim. an Iranian
emigre whose California company, Stan-
ford Technology Corp., was trying to sell
security equipment to the Iranian armed
forces.' In 1983 Secord and Hakim be-
came partners in a Virginia-based affili-
ate called Stanford Technology Trading
Group International-and the key players
of what became the Project Democracy
network were in place.
Two documents published in the Tower
commission report suggest the complexity
of the North-Secord network. Discovered
by investigators in North's White House
safe, they are crudely drawn charts listing
'The Tower commission report contains a startling
allegation about Hakim from Manucher Ghorbanifar,
the middleman for most of the Reagan administra-
tion's dealings with Iran. Hakim. Ghorbanifar said,
"works, is operating for CIA. He was operating
against [Irani in 1980 and 1981... in the form of
companies ... making trouble for [Iran] in the
Turkish border (region)." The commission did
not confirm Ghorbanifar's claim-but also did not
rebut it.
more than 20 different corporations and
organizations. Some, like Lake Resources,
Inc., are depicted as financial conduits;
U.S. Justice Department investigators
have been trying for months to get informa-
tion on a Lake Resources Swiss bank ac-
count controlled by Secord. Others, like
Udall Research, are shown as operating
companies: Udall Research built the secret
Costa Rican landing strip for use in the
contra-resupply operation. One chart di-
vides the countries by region-South
America, Middle East and Africa. The oth-
er divides them by function: "Resource De-
velopment," "Financial Management,"
and "OP Arms" (operations and arms).
The operation was actually simpler than
the charts would suggest. To judge by the
Tower commission's evidence, Secord and
North jointly oversaw the whole thing.
Among other details, the commission re-
vealed that in early 1986 North obtained 15
"encryption devices"-probably a type of
lap-top computer known as a Grid Com-
pass- rom _the National Security Agency
for use as a secret communications system.
Secord got one, and so did a CIA officer in
Costa Rica; the commission reooljdosanot
say who got the others. Accor ' . the
report, Secord sent messages to North aak
ing where and when to make airdro to
the contras, informing him of the contras'
armament needs and in-forminghim of y-
-3
ments, balances and deficits. "Re L-100
drop to Blackies troops," one such message
says, "emphasize we ought to drop some-
thing besides 7.62 (ammunition]; e.g., gre-
nades, medical supplies, etc."
Other network members performed sub-
ordinate roles. Richard Gadd and Robert
Dutton, who retired from the Air Force last
year, managed many of the operational
details, including the creation of the con-
tra-resupply airline that flew out of Ilo-
pango air base in El Salvador. (Congres-
sional investigators last week conferred
immunity on Dutton in order to get him to
testify. Another figure in the scandal, Ed-
ward de Garay, got immunity as well; de
Garay owns an air-charter company that,
on paper at least, employed Piowaty and
the other members of the resupply opera-
tion's flight crews.) Albert Hakim, working
through a Geneva-based financial-services
corporation, handled the money. And
Clines, a flamboyant free-lance who seems
oddly out of place among this buttoned-up
collection of former military men, was ap-
parently in charge of buying the weapons.
Its U ^tnnr Wilson described Clines as
"a playboy" an a pain in the ass," but
there is little question that the ex-CIA
agent was an expert in the twilight world of
covert ops. One woman friend lines
y_-told a South Car-
seems to have had man
olina court that Clines was working with
Family Ies: How the North Operatives Came to Know One Another
1961-1963 1965
Op tics Mo~oos. CIA ConyMio=
In Miami in Washington
W
Following the Bay of Pigs fiasco, Theodore Shackley,
as Miami station chief, and Thomas Clines, reporting to
him, are ordered to carry out covert CIA operations
against Fidel Castro. including a plan to assassinate him
with an exploding cigar. Field men include Cuban exiles
Rafael Quintero and Felix Rodriguez, later known as Max
Gomez. Edwin Wilson, a junior CIA officer, reportedly
meets Shackley here.
Wilson
Under Clines's supervi-
sion, Wilson is authorized
by the CIA to set up dum-
my companies that provide
logistical support for the
secret U.S. involvement in
the war in Laos.
1967.1969
Tito Sscr WW
In Southeast Asia
Clines
Shackley becomes the
CIA station chief in Laos and
runs the secret war there.
Clines and Rodriguez work
for him. In Thailand Air
Force officer Richard Se-
cord schedules covert
flights using pilots who will
later fly for him in Central
America.
1974-1979
Ira -AMA
In Teheran
Secord and Robert
Dutton, a U.S. Air Force
officer, are appointed offi-
cial U.S. advisers to the
Iranian Air Force. Wilson
(gone from the CIA) and
Albert Hakim privately com-
pete to supply Iran arms. It
is in Teheran that they be-
come well acquainted.
Condfroed
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y
pango air base in 1986, where he coordinat-
ed flight plans for the contra-resupply
operation. Another Cuban with a long his-
to working of wor king for the CIA, a ix odri-
guez, went by the nom a guerreMx
Gomez and handled liaison wit t e a va-
doran military. Rodriguez was invited to
A he White House for a meeting with Vice
President George us -a fact that Brill
seemed to regard as ironic.) The pilots re-
the National Security Council in 1985. An-
other. Shirley Brill, told NEWSWEEK that
she and Clines and a longtime CIA side-
kick, Rafael (Chi-Chi) Quintero, were an
inseparable threesome during mysterious
trips to Europe. Brill, interviewed in the
presence of her lawyer, Greta van Sus-
teren, recounted experiences that seemed
to antedate the active phase of the North-
Secord network but that still revealed
After the mission to res-
cue the Iran hostages tails.
Secord and North help
plan a second effort that was
never implemented.
1981
Mystery me
Secord's pal Clines (left)
and his Iranian business
partner Hakim
garded both men as tough hombres; Brill
said she accompanied Clines, Quintero and
Rodriguez on wild hijinks around Miami in
the late '70s. Rodriguez "always carried a
concealed weapon," she said, and liked to
shoot out street lights for fun. "Then he'd
call the police," she said, "and tell them ...
'I'll pay for it tomorrow'."
'This is Shkhr': She and Clines met Ollie
North at least once, Brill said. The encoun-
ter occurred in a Washington-area night-
spot several years ago. Clines told her to "go
to the ladies' room and stay there for half
much about three key players. On one trip an hour" while he and North talked. On
to Geneva in 1979, Brill said, Clines and other occasions, she said, Clines had her
Quintero brought a suitcase full of money place phone calls to North. "Tom would
back from a bank. "They took it back to the dial the number and say [to me],'Ask for so-
hotel and spread it out on the bed," Brill and-so' because he didn't want anyone to
said. Then they "got up on it, lay down and recognize his voice," Brill said. "When I
counted it, played with it. It was more mon- said [this is] Shirley, that automatically
ey than I've ever seen in my life." put [the call] through." On one occasion,
Quintero, a Cuban exile and veteran con- she said, she placed a call for Clines to
tract agent with the CIA, wound up at Ilo- Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger
MU M@
In Washington
Secord and North go
public to win congressional
approval of a sale of ad-
vanced planes to Sau-
di Arabia.
Egypt Arms Del
In Washington and Cairo
Clines Wilson Second Shuck
Clines becomes partner in EATSCO, a company later
found to have overcharged the United States for shipping
arms to Egypt. Wilson. a silent partner, alleges that
Secord and Shackley were also involved. The Justice
Department investigates: neither is ever charged. In
1982 Wilson is jailed for shipping arms to Kaddafi.
ON Noy Network
In the United States
Secnrd I Hukim
Secord retires from the Air Force and
forms a partnership with Hakim. At first
their company unsuccessfully seeks U.S.
government engineering contracts, then
fails to land construction contracts from
Abu Dhabi, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
...................................
Privamwonlem
Clines
Richard Gadd retires from the Air Force,
sets up several companies that work with
firms owned by Secord and Hakim- Clines
works with Secord and a Portuguese arms
company gathering weapons for contras.
Rodriquez- 1 Quintero
North, Secord and Haldm set up a pro-
gram to help the contras and are suspected
of diverting profits from the Iran arms
sales. Clines, Gadd. Dutton. Quintero and
Rodriguez set up logistics to get weapons
to contras.
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"and the same thing happened with him."
(Weinberger said: "Who is Tom Clines? I've
never heard of him. Its absolute non-
sense.") Brill said she had no idea what any
of the phone calls were about,
Project Democracy's main goal was get-
ting weapons to the contras despite the
congressional ban on military aid. NEws-
WEEK correspondents traced 17 munitions
shipments worth $6.5 million through
North and Secord's network, and there may
have been more. As a rule, the network
supplied the contras with Soviet weapons
like the AK-47 assault rifle and the RPG
rocket grenade; it channeled its shipments
through Portugal. Portuguese military au-
thorities approved the shipments on the
basis of end-user certificates that indicated
the weapons were bound for Guatemala.
The buyers were listed as Trans World
Arms of Montreal, which appears on the
chart from North's safe, and Energy Re-
sources International, a firm that listed the
same address as Secord's office in suburban
Washington. The seller was listed as Defex-
Portugal. a Lisbon arms broker; according
to published reports, Clines was a familiar
figure around the Defex office.
Fifteen of the shipments were made by
air, and at least three went out of Lisbon
aboard Southern Air Transport planes, ac-
cording to airport sources. SAT, an air-
freight carrier based in Miami, is a former
CIA proprietary company and carried sev-
eral loads of U.S. weapons to Iran when
North and Secord launched Operation Re-
covery; it. too, appears on the network chart
from North's safe.
I? )
The other two shipments of arms for the
contras went out by ship-and therein
hangs a tale. Sometime in the spring of 1985
the network chartered a small Danish
freighter called the Erria. The ship sailed
from Setubal, Portugal, for Gdansk, Po.
land, where it picked up a partial load of
East-bloc automatic weapons. It then re-
turned toSetubal. picked up 14,000cratesof
ammunition and departed for Puerto Bar-
rios, Guatemala. It actually docked in Puer-
to Cortes, Honduras; presumably, the wea-
pons were then transshipped to the contra
base camps along the Nicaraguan border. A
year later, however, North and Secord de-
cided to buy the Erria for the network's
exclusive use. Hakim was sent to Denmark,
where he bought the ship. The Erria was
registered as the property of Dolmy Busi-
ness, S.A.. a Panamanian corporation and a
North-Secord network front.
More strange turns followed. On May 11
the Erria sailed to Larnaca, Cyprus, where
North and Texas computer magnate H.
Ross Perot were trying to ransom the U.S.
hostages in Lebanon; the ransom attempt
failed. In July the ship left Setubal with
another load of munitions destined forCen-
tral America-then turned back to Europe.
In early September the Erria transferred its
load to another Danish freighter, the Ice-
land Saga, which ultimately delivered most
oftheload toa U.S. Armyterminal in Sunny
Point, N.C. The Erria, meanwhile, was
headed for Cyprus again-and in October
she appeared in Haifa, Israel. According to
some reports, the Erria picked up a load of
U.S.-made machine guns in Haifa, then set
sail for the Persian Gulf in what was report.
edly an attempt to trade the machine guns
lauLT i
(us a o/s) n ox(
117 c
t ,I
Clo" netWOrk? Diagram found in North's safe suggests a flow chart
-mil
=y: \ er ,,.
--5
to the Iranians for a captured Soviet T-72
tank. NEWSWEEK sources said, however,
that the T-72 was actually being offered by
Iraq-but in any event the swap never took
place. Other news reports say North also
offered the Erria to the CIA as a floating
radio station to broadcast pro a ands
against Colonel Kaddafi, the a enc turned
own is o er. e s ip, sitting idle in the
Danish po tr, o of Korsor, is now embroiled in a
lawsuit between a Danish charter outfit run
byan old friend ofClines and Compagnie de
Services fiduciaires (CSF), yet another com-
pany that appears on the network organiza-
tional chart.
North himselfdescribedthe network best
in a computer message to Poindexter inJuly
1986-at a time when Congress was moving
toward approval of the resumption of mili-
tary aid to the contras. "We are rapidly
approaching the point where the PROJECT
DEMOCRACY assets in CentAm need to be
turned over to CIA for use in the new pro-
gram," he wrote. "The [total] value of
the assets (six aircraft, warehouses, sup-
plies, maintenance facilities, ships, boats.
leased houses, vehicles, ord-
nance, munitions, communica-
tions equipment, and a 6,520
[foot] runway on property
owned by a PRODEM propri-
etary) is over $4.5M [million].
All of the assets-and the
personnel-are owned/paid by
overseas companies with no
U.S. connections."
The big ba/: It was, as North
noted in another context, "one
hell of an operation"-but
where did all the money come
from, and where did it go? In-
vestigators assume there must
have been a diversion from the
Iran arms sales, and there are
many rumors about so-called
third-country donations to Pro-
ject Democracy. One is that the
Saudi royal family kicked in
something like $31 million to
North and Secord's secret kitty.
Saudi Arabia's ambassador to
the United States, Prince Ban-
dar bin Sultan, denies the
charge. But NEWSWEEK has
learned the Saudis are them-
selves trying to trace the
network money trail. North.
Secord and Hakim are at
ground zero in an ongoing in-
vestigation with enormous ex-
plosive potential-and there is
every reason to believe the big
bang is yet to come.
TOM MORGANTHAUIrNh
RICHARD SANDZA. JOHN BARRY
and DAVID NEW ELL in Washington,
FRED COLEMAN in Lisbon,
ERIK CALONIU9In.Niamt
and bureau reports
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