IRAN/CONTRA ISSUE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88G01116R001102050002-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 15
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 4, 2011
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: December 18, 1986
• Content Type: MEMO

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EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT
ROUTING SLIP
ACTION
INFO
DATE
INITIAL
1
QCI
X
2
DDCI
3
EXDIR
4
D/ICS
5
DDI
6
DDA
7
DDO
X
8
DDS&T
9
Chm/NIC
10
GC
X
11
IG
X
12
Compt
13
D/OLL
14
D/PAO
X
15
VC/NIC
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
22 Der Rfi
Date
3637 (10-81)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
December 18, 1986
MEMORANDUM TO ADMINISTRATION SPOKESMEN
FROM: TOM GIBSON 6
DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
SUBJECT: Iran/Contra Issue
EK2cutiv~ E~-;?,~~~~~
86- 5929x
Attached are advocacy materials on the Iran/Contra affair for
your information and use.
If the President's legacy of the last six years ig to be
sustained, your continued vocal and visible support in the New
Year will be essential. It is not important or necessary to be
knowledgeable on all aspects of the complicated Iran/Contra
affair or even to speak with unanimity on the particulars of the
issues involved. What is important is that we not falter in our
support of the President or provide additional theater for the
media with public disagreement on issues of secondary importance.
A subsequent package will contain additional materials, including
speech inserts. If you have any questions on'these materials,
please contact the White House Office of Public Affairs.
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WHITE HOUSE TALKING POINTS
December 18, 1986
The Iran Issue -- Executive Summary
o For six years, the American people have supported the President, have
welcomed his leadership and prospered by it.
o No one has challenged the President's motives in the Iran initiative.
The President, as a leader, took risks commensurate with possible
returns. Where implementation of the President's initiative fell short,
the President acknowledges that mistakes were made.
o In six years, the President and his supporters have compiled a
remarkable record of achievement. Much remains to be done. Initiatives
for the next two years will require unity.
Contra Connection
o The President categorically stated that he had not been informed of
this activity.
o Get the facts out -- The President has moved with unprecedented speed
to organize an investigative effort:
11/21 -- Ordered an Attorney General review;
12/2 -- Urged the appointment of an Independent Counsel to look into
possible violations of law; encouraged congress to work
efficiently and expeditiously in conducting their own inquiries.
12/16 -- Urged Congressional Committees to grant limited "use" immunity
to former NSC staffers John Poindexter and Oliver North in an
effort to get the facts out to the American people quickly.
o The President has made past and present personnel of his Administration
available to the Congress to provide testimony.
o Prevent Future Problems -- The President is determined to ensure that
mistakes will not happen again:
11/26 -- By Executive order, created a distinguished bipartisan panel
(Tower Commission) to review the future management and conduct of
the NSC staff, and make recommendations for reforms;
12/2 -- He named Frank Carlucci to head the NSC with authority to make
necessary changes.
Ongoing Concerns
o In the event that additional information comes to light, such
information will be weighed by the various investigating groups
which will determine what is fact and render findings.
o If persons have violated laws, they should be brought to justice in the
courts. No one is above the law, and no one should be deprived of
individual rights under the law -- including the right to protect
oneself against self-incrimination.
For additional information, call the White House Office of Public Affairs; 456-7170.
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WHITE HOUSE TALKING POINTS
December 18, 1986
THE PRESIDENT & IRAN ISSUE
Leadership, Motives, and Risks
The Iran issue began with an assessment by the President that compelling
reasons -- ending a bloody war, freeing American hostages, finding a
long-term end to terrorism -- warranted the undertaking of a secret
diplomatic initiative. The pros and cons of the initiative were fully
discussed by the President's senior national security advisers.
o There were great risks. The President, considering the advice, decided
that the risks were commensurate with possible returns. History will
judge the correctness of the President's decision.
o Americans elect Presidents to lead. That is what the President has done
since January 1981. There is a broad list of 6 years of accomplishments
that reflect the benefit of a President willing to take risks.
Examples:
-- The Economy -- Risk bold tax cutting initiatives to
restart a stalled American economic engine. Result:
Four-years of economic growth and 12.3 million new jobs.
-- Achille Lauro -- Risk strained relations with friends
to intercept terrorists. Result: International
murderers brought to justice.
-- Grenada -- Risk the lives of American servicemen to
liberate a country from Communist tyranny. Result: A
people are set free and Soviets are denied another
staging area in the Caribbean.
The President will Continue to Lead and Serve the American People
o The leadership of President Reagan has fundamentally restored the
stature of the Presidency in the American political system.
o President Reagan's accomplishments since 1981 are manifold: Four years
of ecomomic growth; a government that works better; restored
international stature for America; implemented a vigorous domestic
agenda to fight crime, fight drug abuse, improve-education, and salvage
the Social Security System; promoted freedom and democracy in the world;
and work for peace and provide for America's security.
o The President has many key programs and issues remaining on his agenda.
Initiatives for continued prosperity, responsible spending, and greater
personal and national security for the American people lie ahead in 1987
and 1988.
For additional information, call the White House Office of Public Affairs; 456-7170.
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WHITE HOUSE TALKING POINTS
Contra Connection
According to the Attorney General's preliminary report, staff of the
National Security Council, acting without the knowledge or consent of the
President, may have undertaken to provide financial assistance to freedom
fighters in Nicaragua. (In 1986, the President and a bipartisan majority in
Congress supported $100 million in U.S. aid to freedom fighters in Nicaragua,
with the implementation of that effort defined by Congress.)
o The President, upon learning of this matter, moved immediately to get
the facts, beginning with an investigation by the Attorney General.
Likewise, personnel actions were taken: Admiral Poindexter's
resignation was accepted; Oliver North was dismissed.
o A swift investigation by the Attorney General revealed the need for
additional review by independent parties.
o At this point in time, and until the Independent Counsel conducts an
investigation, and renders its findings, discussion of any violation of
U.S. law is premature.
The President Wants the Facts Out -- Quickly and Forthrightly
o The President was first advi
d
f
"
se
o
the
funds to the Contras" scheme on
November 24 by the Attorney General. On November 25 the Congress and
the media were briefed on the matter.
A week after learning of the Contra connection and upon the disclosure
of additional information by the Attorney General, the President urged
the Attorney General to seek the appointment of an Independent Counsel
to investigate the possibility of illegal activity.
o The President has met frequently with leaders of Congress, urged an
orderly investigation, and pledged his support. On December 16, the
President urged Congressional Committees to grant limited "use" immunity
to former NSC staffers John Poindexter and Oliver North in an effort to
get the facts out to the American people quickly.
o The purpose of the investigations is to get the facts out on the table
on the Iran/Contra transactions.
The President Will Fix the Problem
o By Executive Order, the President empaneled a distinguished bipartisan
Special Review Board (Tower, Muskie, Scowcroft) to investigate the
procedures of the National Security Council staff that permitted them
excesses and improprieties.
o Personnel actions were taken to address existing problems at the
National Security Council -- Frank Carlucci was appointed to be the new
National Security Advisor to the President.
For additional Information, call the White House Office of Public Affairs; 456-7170.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release December 2, 1986
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
The Oval Office
12:00 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Since the outset of the
controversy over our policy relating to Iran, I've done everything in
my power to make all the facts concerning this matter known to the
American people. I can appreciate why some of these things are
difficult to comprehend, and you're entitled to have your questions
answered. And that's why I've pledged to get to the bottom of this
matter.
And I have said earlier that 'I would welcome the
appointment of an independent counsel to look into allegations of
illegality in the sale of arms to Iran and the use of funds from
these sales to assist the forces opposing the Sandinista government
.in Nicaragua.
This morning, Attorney General Meese advised me of his
decision that his investigation has turned up reasonable grounds to
believe that further investigation by an independent counsel would be
appropriate. Accordingly, consistent with his responsibilities under
the Independent Counsel Act, I immediately urged him to apply to the
court here in Washington for the appointment of an independent
counsel.
Yesterday, I had my first meeting with the Special Review
Board. That Review Board is made up of three men of unquestioned
integrity and broad experience in foreign and national security
policy. In the meeting with the Board, they promised me a tough,
no-nonsense investigation, and I promised them the full cooperation
of the White House staff and all agencies of the Executive Branch.
No area of the NSC staff's activities will be immune from
review. And when the Board reports to me, I intend to make their
conclusions and recommendations available to Congress and to the
American people. With the appointment of an independent counsel, we
will have in place a dual system for assuring a thorough review of
all aspects of this matter.
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If illegal acts were undertaken, those who did so will be
brought to justice. If actions in implementing my policy were taken
without my authorization, knowledge or concurrence, this would be
exposed and appropriate corrective steps will be implemented.
I recognize fully the interest of Congress in this matter
and the fact that in performing its important oversight and
'legislative role, Congress will want to inquire into what occurred.
We will cooperate fully with these inquiries. I have already taken
the unprecedented step of permitting two of my former National
Security Advisers to testify before a committee of Congress.
These Congressional inquiries should continue. But I do
believe Congress can carry out its duties in getting the facts
without disrupting the orderly conduct of a vital part of this
nation's government. Accordingly, I am urging the Congress to
consider some mechanism that will consolidate its inquiries -- such a
step has already been requested by several members of Congress. I
support the idea.
In closing, I want to state again that it is my policy to
oppose. terrorism throughout the world -- to punish those who support
it and to make common cause with those who seek to suppress it. This
has been my policy and will continue to be my policy.
If the investigative processes now set in motion are
given an opportunity to work, all the facts concerning Iran and the
transfer of funds to assist the anti-Sandinista forces will shortly
be made public. Then the American people -- you -- will be the final
arbiters of this controversy. You will have all the facts and will
be able to judge for themselves -- yourselves.
I am pleased to announce today that I am appointing Frank
Carlucci as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.
A former Deputy Secretary of Defense, Deputy Director of the CIA, and
Ambassador to Portugal, Mr. Carlucci has the depth of experience in
foreign affairs, defense, and intelligence matters that unicue1-;
qualify him to serve as my National Security Adviser. The American
people will be well-served by his tenure.
Thank you and God bless you.
END 12:04 P.:-i. EST
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PRESS RELEASE
THE VICE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY.
FOR RELEASE CONTACTS 2021456-6
Wednesday, December 3, 1986 : f.
REMARKS AS DELIVERED BY
VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH
AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE'S
PUBLIC POLICY LUNCHEON
WASHINGTON, D.C.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1986
Mr. President, at the outset of these remarks, let me just
pay my respects to you and thank you for all you do for this
wonderful institution, AEI, an institution for which I have so
much respect. I'm delighted to see you. Bob Melott, too.
And, of course, I was invited sometime ago by Paul McCracken
to come here, and I hope that you'll all be interested in the
topic that Paul asked me to address: 'Special Drawing Rights,
the Snake and its Effect on Disintermediation."
I am delighted to be at this AEI forum. You couldn't have
scheduled a better time to discuss public policy. A great many
citizens currently are troubled about recent revelations, and I'm
grateful for this chance to address some of those concerns of the
American people.
There's been much criticism and confusion in recent weeks
over the Administration's, our, policies regarding Iran. I
understand the skepticism of the American people. The result, as
you all know, according to these opinion surveys, is that the
Administration's credibility has been hurt. This is especially
painful to the President and to me as well. After all, we're in
the White House because of the trust that the American people
placed in us.
We must restore that trust and so today I'd like to discuss
some of the basic concerns that the American people rightfully
have about our policy toward Iran -- questions of why we tried to
open channels, open channels with a regime that all of us
Americans despise; questions of how we can have a policy of not
sending arms to Iran and then seemingly do just the opposite; and
questions about the operation of the National Security Council
staff.
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Let me start with a basic concern. Why did we open a
dialogue with Iran?
Here was a country that deeply humiliated the United States
by kidnapping our diplomats, burning our flag. We still have
vivid memories of blindfolded Americans being paraded around our
own Embassy in there in Tehran. There is in the heart's of the
American people an understandable animosity -- a hatred really --
to Khomeini's Iran. I feel that way myself, to be very honest
with you, and so does the President who has been vilified time
and time again by Iran's radical leaders= we're told that most
Iranians feel the same way about us, the country that they call
the Great Satan.
So why have anything to do with them? I'm sorry I didn't
bring a map, but if you look at a map, Iran is all that stands
between the Soviets and the Gulf oil states. It's all that
stands between the Soviets and a warm water port. Either a
disintegrating Iran or an overly powerful Iran could threaten the
stability of the entire Middle East, and especially those
moderate Arab states -- our friends whose stability and
independence are absolutely vital to the national security of the
United States. We may not like the current Iranian regime, and
I've said we don't, but it would be irresponsible to ignore its
geopolitical and strategic importance.
That doesn't mean we should simply appease any Iranian
regime. It does mean, however,-that we can't ignore this looming
transition that will soon-take place in Iran. Khomeini will pass
from the scene. A successor regime will take power, and we must
be positioned to serve America's interests, and indeed the
interests of the entire free world.
Apart from the strategic reasons, humanitarian concern about
American hostages in Lebanon provided another reason to open a
channel to Iran. The Iranians themselves are not holding our
hostages, but we believe they have influence over those who do
hold some of our hostages.
But let me add something very important. In spite of our
bitter feelings toward Iran's leadership, we would've tried to
begin a dialogue with Iran whether we had hostages in Lebanon or
not. In fact, for three years prior to the first hostage
kidnappings, this Administration attempted to find reliable --
hopefully moderate -- Iranian channels through which to conduct a
responsible dialogue.
And more recently we've been receiving intelligence that
pragmatic elements within Iran were beginning to appreciate
certain sobering realities. To the east in Afghanistan, we
estimate 115,000 Soviet troops are committing atrocities on
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Iran's Islamic brothers. To the north, 26 Soviet divisions,
right there on Iran's border for whatever opportunities might
arise.
To the west, Iran is engaged in a war of unbelievably
horrible human dimensions, war with Iraq -- 12-year old kids,
14-year old kids, pressed into service, and then grouifd up in
combat. And at home, Iran is teetering on the economic brink
right there in its own front yard, 40 percent unemployment rate.
Many Iranian leaders understand that their own survival, and
certainly the rebuilding of their economy, may depend on
normalizing ties with their neighbors and with the Western world.
So, we for our reasons and certain elements in Iran for
their reasons -- in spite of this mutual hatred -- began a
tentative, probing dialogue -- which brings us to another
question.
How can the United States Government have a policy against
countries sending arms to Iran and then turn around and itself
send arms? I know the American people simply do not understand
this.
When we started talking to the Iranians, both sides were
deeply suspicious of each other. And remain so, I might say.
Those Iranians who were taking enormous personal risks by just
talking to us felt that they needed a signal that their risks
were worth it. We were told the signal they required, and we
gave them that signal by selling a limited amount of arms --
about one-tenth of one percent of the arms that have supplied by
other countries.
Likewise, we needed proof of Iranian seriousness. We
required signs of a cessation of Iranian use of terrorism and
help in gaining the release of our hostages in Lebanon. And we
did see certain positive signs, we have seen them. They opposed,
for example, the Pan American hijacking in Karachi and
immediately after, they denied landing rights. They interceded
with the TWA hijackers in Beirut. And, of course, three hostages
once held in Lebanon by the Islamic Jihad are today with their
families here in the United States of America.
And I, perhaps President Ford will agree with this, but when
you are President, any American held captive against his will
anywhere in the world is like your own son or daughter. I know
that's the way our President feels about it. But you must remain
true to your principles. And I can tell you the President is
absolutely convinced that he did not swap arms for hostages.
Still the question remains of how the Administration could
"tolate its own policy of not selling arms to Iran. Simple human
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hope explains it perhaps better than anything else. The
President hoped that we could open a channel that would serve the
interests of the United States and of our allies in a variety of
ways. Call it leadership; given 20-20 hindsight, call it a
mistaken tactic if you want to; it was risky, but potentially of
long-term value.
The shaping of the Iranian policy involved difficult
choices. As complex as the public debate on the issue would be,
the matter was further clouded by the way in which the
President's goals were executed, specifically allegations about
certain activities of the National Security Council staff.
Clearly mistakes were made.
Our policy of conducting a dialogue with Iran, which was
legitimate and arguable, has become entangled with the separate
matter of this NSC investigation.
A week ago Monday afternoon the President learned of
possible improprieties. A week ago Monday. On Tuesday, he
disclosed the problem to the public and instructed the Attorney
General to go forward with a full investigation. On Wednesday,
he created a bipartisan commission, outstanding individuals, to
review the role of the NSC staff and make recommendations for the
future. And just yesterday, he moved to appoint, have the court
appoint an independent counsel to ensure a full accounting for
any possible wrongdoing.
The President pledged full cooperation with the United
States Congress, urging it to consolidate and expedite its
inquiries. Yesterday he also named Frank Carlucci, a seasoned
professional with broad experience, so well known to many people
here, to serve as his national security advisor. Now this is
fast action in anybody's book.
These are actions I fully support and which I believe the
American people will judge commendable.
The President has moved swiftly, strongly, but let me add
this. I'm convinced that he will take whatever additional steps
may be necessary to get things back on track and get our foreign
policy moving forward.
As the elected representatives of all the people, the
President and the Vice President, he and I have a duty to
preserve the public trust and uphold the laws of this country.
We take that duty very, very seriously.
I'd like to say something about my role in all of this. I
was aware of our Iran initiative and I support the President's
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decision. I was not aware of and I oppose any diversion of
funds, any ransom payments, or any circumvention of the will of
the Congress, the law of the United States of America. As the
various investigations proceed, I have this to say -- let the
chips fall where they may. We want the truth. The President
wants it. I want it. And the American people have a.fundamental
right to it.
And if the truth hurts, so be it. We've got to take our
lumps and move ahead.
Politics do not matter; personalities do not matter; those
who haven't served the President well don't matter. What matters
is the United States of America.
And we musn't allow our foreign policy to become paralyzed
by distraction.
There can be no denying that our credibility has been
damaged by this entire episode and its aftermath.
We have a critical role to play internationally and I intend
to help the President tackle the challenges that lie before us in
the last two years of this Administration: Putting U.S.-Soviet
relations on a new footing; pursuing a breakthrough in arms
reduction; building on the potential that I saw so clearly just
this past summer for making new strides for peace between Israel
and its Arab neighbors; working-to end apartheid and creating a
more hopeful future for all Africans; solidifying the remarkable
changes taking place in Asia; combatting international terrorism
in close conjunction with our allies; and, of course, fostering
the development of democracy.in Central America.
And let me add, the freedom of the people of Central America
should not, must not, be held hostage to actions unrelated to
them. This nation's support of those who are fighting for
democracy in Nicaragua should stand on its own merits, not hang
upon events related to Iran. The Marxist-Leninist regime in
Managua must not benefit from the errors of some people in
Washington, D.C.
Our Administration has a duty to follow a foreign policy
that reflects the values of its citizens. This sounds simple;
and yet it is often, as so many of you here know, a very complex
matter. It's not easy translating general values into specific
foreign policy programs. And this is why there's always so much
internal debate over our nation's role in world affairs -- from
Iran to arms reduction.
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The Reagan Administration has two years left in which to
pursue our particular vision of how America's foreign policy
should fit America's values. There's one thing, however, on
which critics and supporters would agree -- O.S. foreign policy
must move forward. The O.S. has obligations as leaders of the
free world. It has opportunities and responsibilities unmatched
by any other country to bring stability to the world.t
And we must move forward with the trust of the American
people. To the extent that that trust has been damaged it must
be repaired, and only the truth can repair that. Our government
rules not by force or intimidation, but by earning the confidence
and respect of the American people.
Our duty must be to uphold that confidence and restore that
respect.
Sometimes true bipartisanship is called for and, in my view,
now is such a time. And I have been very pleased that
Republicans and Democrats alike have pledged to help get the
facts out and move on.
A storm is now raging, but when the full truth is known --
and it will be; and when the American people come to understand
that this strong and honest President moves swiftly to correct
what might have been wrong, then a forgiving American people --
in spite of their misgivings about Iran and weapons and diverted
funds -- will say, "Our President told the truth. He took
action. Let's go forward together."
# # #
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Tf1E WASHIMCTON POST MONDAY, DECE1wBEB 8, 1986 A15
Patrick J. Buchanan
No One Gave the Order
To Abandon Reagan's Ship
Of all the lurid features in the bizarre tapestry
of "Contragate," perhaps most revealing is the
behavior of the Republican Party establishment,
which owes all it has and all it is to Ronald Wilson
Reagan. With a few honorable exceptions J.
Strom Thurmond and Ted Stevens come to
mind-the whole damn pack has headed for the
tall grass.
What a classic portrait in ingratitude!
Men who are Chairman This and Senator That
only because of Ronald Reagan are today condi-
tioning their future support of this embattled
president upon their nonnegotiable demand that
he sack some of his oldest and closest friends.
. Only one month ago, this 75-year-old president
was traveling the nation as no other president
before him, fighting to save the Senate for these
selfsame incumbent Republicans, throwing his arm
around men-some of whom had cut-and-run on
him in every major engagement he has fought
since he came to the White House.
Is this how they repay the leader who has done
more for the Republican Party than any American
since Theodore Roosevelt, who brought us back
from Watergate to become the party of vision and
opportunity, the party of Middle America and the
young-when all the pundits were saying we were
finished for a generation?
If elemental loyalty cannot convince these Re-
publicans to stand up and speak out for Ronald
Reagan, what about basic self-interest?
Do these Republicans truiy think the inves.
tigative engines of a hostile Congress and the
artillery of an Adversary Press are all being
wheeled again into position-simply "to get at the
truth"? Do they seriously believe these pious
declamations from the Democratic left that "we
;must not have another :ailed presidency"? Do they
not recognize that the target here is not Donald
Regan. but Ronaid Reagan-that what liberalism
and the !eit have in mind is the second ruination of
a Republican presidency within a generation?
"This is the most fun we've had since Water-
gate." Ben Bradlee, editor of The Washington
Post. is reported as saying. Bradlee is echoed by
op-ed page columnist, Michael Kinsiev: "The fall of
Reagan vi a laughing matter. The only irritating
asoect 4 he otherwise delightful coilapse of the
Reagan uinunistration is the widespread insis-
tence. that we must all be poker-faced about it."
"Peopie in my position have keen known to run
for :ovt!r,' deciares Republican Sen. Rudy Bos-
chwu:: in 'me ui the great miGerstatements of the
episode.
In recent years, Republican candidates have
taken to prattling at election time about their
devotion to "family values." But among the first of
those values is family loyalty. And when a moo
shows up in the yard, howling that the head of the
household be produced, the sons do not force the
Old Man to sit down at a table and write up a list of
his "mistakes." You start firing from the upper
floors.
But we are a nation of laws, and Col. Oliver
North broke the law, comes the Republican retort.
Surely, we cannot condone that.
But we don't know that Ollie North broke the
law.
What we do know is that those Americans who,
a century ago, ran escaped slaves up the Under-
ground Railroad to Canada-they broke the law.
We do know that Franklin Roosevelt, who secretly
ordered American destroyers to hunt down Ger-
"Is this how they repay the
leader who has done more
for the Republican Party
than any American since
Theodore Roosevelt, who
brought us back from
Watergate ?"
man submarines in the North Atlantic and to relay
the information to the British fleet-he broke the
law. And those Americans who ran guns to Pales-
tine in 1947 and 1948-they broke the law. And
they are considered now-and they consider
themselves-to be heroes. And Ollie North is a
hero, the Billy Mitchell of his generation. a man
who saw further than others and took risks to his
own career, because he knew that in helping that
peasant army in Nicaragua, he was buying time for
his own distracted and indifferent countrymen-
hold "the fort alone, tiff those who are half blind
are half ready."
Ollie North is now disparaged as a "cowboy," a
rogue, a "soldier of fortune" by our Lords Tempo-
ral on the Hill and our Lords Spiritual in the press.
Well, the day the United States ceases to produce
soldiers of the kidney and spleen and heart and
soul of Oliver North is the day this country enters
on its irreversible decline. The president was
right. Ollie North is an American hero: and I am
proud to know him as a friend.
The writer is White House communications
director.
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N.Y. TIMES: 11-26-86
Sister of U.S. Hostages in Lebanon
Praises Reagan '_for His `Courage'
By WILLIAM G. BLAIR
A sister of an American captive is
Lebanon, long a critic of Administra-
tion policy on the hostage Issue, has
written a letter to President Reagan in
support of his Iran initiative and ex-
pressed "a deep sense of shame" that
she had not spoken out sooner.
Peggy Say, sister of Terry A. Ander-
son, the 39-year-old captive chief Mid-
dle East correspondent of The Associ-
ated Press, wrote the embattled Presi-
dent that his "example of strength and
courage in the face of criticism and
censure prompted me to stand up and
be counted as one more person that be-
lieenesyou pursued the right and. just
Mrs. Say, reached by telephone at
her home in Batavia, N.Y., said none of
yesterday's developments, including
the resignation of the President's na-
tional security adviser, Vice Adm. John
M. Poindexter, had changed her mind.
"'Arms for Hostages' is a gross
oversimplification of what has gone
into this initiative but the next time
somebody asks me if I want my
brother back under those circum-
stances, instead of taking the cowardly
way out and saying 'No comment,' my
answer will be 'You're damn right I
dol' " Mrs. Say, who is 45 years old,
said in her letter to Mr. Reagan.
Mr. Anderson, who was abducted in
Beirut in March 1985 by Islamic Holy
War, a pro-Iranian Shute Moslem
group, is one of two American hostages
still being held in Lebanon. Three
others have been released since the se-
cret Reagan Administration initiative
began in September 1985. Still another
is believed to be dead.
Mrs. Say, who has frequenWprodr-
ded the Reagan Administration to do
more about Winning the release Of the
hostages? said yesterday that she "felt
differeW' about the Iran Initiative
and had sent both
nl y
ters to President R and on Monday
Reagan m after "eratching him -struggle" at his
news conference last week.
The open letter, she said, was sent to
the newspaper . USA. Today, "which
printed it yesterday. The private letter,.
which she said was "essentially the
same but slightly shorter and more
personal," was sent to the White Hdbse.
"I know that I will be subjected to a
great deal of criticism" for the letter,
Mrs. Say said yesterday, "but .1 fees a
tremendous sense of relief that I did
the right thing and that I did what
Terry would have wanted me to do."
After opening with an expression of.
her "support and deepest gratitude for
the risks" the President assumed in
dealing with Iran, Mrs. Say's letter
said, "I apologize for not speaking out
in strong support sooner, and feel a
deep sense of shame at trying to evade
the controversy surrounding this initla-
"Like. hundreds Of r thlouaatld8 of
cthera, in pleas, letters, and petitions, I
;urged you to do whatever needed to be
done to gain the freedom - of these
men," Mrs. Say said. "I believe that
you chose the course that you deter t.,
mined would be most effective in both
the short and long term." . -
"If your initiative leads to reconcilia-
tion with Iran as a prelude to a peace
plan in the Middle East, then all of the
suffering will have been worthwhile,"
Mrs. Say said, adding that "it is not np
to us to determine the method, It is tip
to us to support the goal"
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