HERE IS THE DRAFT FOR YOUR INTRODUCTION OF CONGRESSMAN RICHARDSON ON 14 SEPTEMBER.

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP99-00777R000302680001-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 31, 2012
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: August 8, 1988
• Content Type: LETTER

STAT
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CIA-RDP99-00777R000302680001-5
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CIA-RDP99-00777R000302680001-5
 PAO 88-0268
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8 August 1988
STAT
STAT
STAT
STAT
Here is the draft for your introduction of Congressman Richardson on
14 September. Richardson will be making remarks at the Agency's Hispanic
Heritage Week in the Headquarters Auditorium at 11:00 a.m.
We have coordinated these remarks with the Office of Congressional
Affairs. I have also attached a write-up about Bill Richardson that I thought
you might find interesting. It appeared in Politics in America: The 100th
Congress.
Attachments:
As stated
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PROPOSED REMARKS
BY
ROBERT M. GATES
DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
FOR THE INTRODUCTION OF
CONGRESSMAN BILL RICHARDSON
AT CEREMONY FOR HISPANIC HERITAGE WEEK
=SEPTEMBER 14. 1988
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IT IS TYPICAL OF OUR NATION-THAT WE CELEBRATE THE WHOLE, BUT
RECOGNIZE THE PARTICULAR. AND TODAY, AS A NATION, WE HAVE BEGUN TO
RECOGNIZE THE PARTICULAR ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE HISPANIC COMMUNITY --
ACHIEVEMENTS THAT NOW STRONGLY SHAPE THE CURRENT NATIONAL LANGUAGE
AND PERSPECTIVE.
HISPANIC LITERATURE, ART, AND MUSIC HAVE LONG FORMED PART OF THE
AMERICAN CULTURE, BUT ONLY RECENTLY HAVE WE APPRECIATED THE FULL
EXTENT OF THAT CONTRIBUTION. AND ONLY RECENTLY HAVE WE BEGUN TO SEE
THE HISPANIC EXPERIENCE AS A FULFILLMENT OF WHAT HAS ALWAYS BEEN
DEFINED AS THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE. FOR IN SPITE OF INEQUITY AND
STRUGGLE, THE PROMISE OF AMERICA HAS ALWAYS BEEN THE PROMISE OF
OPPORTUNITY -- A PROMISE MADE BY AND FOR A NATION OF IMMIGRANTS.
BOTH OUR PAST AND OUR FUTURE IS BOUND UP IN THE DREAMS AND
ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF IMMIGRANTS WHOSE TALENT, SKILL, AND PERSERVERENCE
HAS DEFINED, REDEFINED, AND ENRICHED AMERICA.
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OUR SPEAKER TODAY, HAS LONG WORKED FOR THE SUCCESSES OF THE
HISPANIC COMMUNITY. CONGRESSMAN BILL RICHARDSON WAS BORN IN
PASADENA, CALIFORNIA, BUT GREW UP IN MEXICO CITY. HE WAS EDUCATED,
AT TUFTS UNIVERSITY, WHERE HE EARNED A BACHELOR OF ARTS, AND AT THE
FLETCHER SCHOOL OF LAW AND DIPLOMACY, WHERE HE EARNED THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS. HE SERVED IN SEVERAL POSTS IN THE UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT, INCLUDING THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE, BEFORE HIS ELECTION
IN 1982 TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FROM THE THIRD DISTRICT OF
NEW MEXICO. HE HAS BEEN A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE SINCE THEN. BUT AT
ONE POINT IN HIS LIFE, HE NEARLY PASSED UP POLITICS FOR A CAREER IN
PROFESSIONAL BASEBALL. AT 18, HE WAS DRAFTED BY THE KANSAS CITY
(NOW OAKLAND) ATHLETICS. IF NOT FOR AN ELBOW INJURY, HE MIGHT BE ON
THE BASEBALL DIAMOND NOW.
BUT AS A DISTINGUISHED MEMBER OF THE HOUSE, BILL CURRENTLY
SERVES ON THE COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE, THE COMMITTEE ON
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INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS, THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON AGING, THE
COMMITTEE"ON EDUCATION AND LABOR, AND THE HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT
COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE. HE IS A MEMBER OF THE CONGRESSIONAL
HISPANIC CAUCUS AS WELL AS A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE LEADERSHIP, WHERE
HE ALSO SERVES AS A MAJORITY WHIP AT LARGE.
WE ARE DELIGHTED AND HONORED THAT CONGRESSMAN RICHARDSON HAS
AGREED TO JOIN US IN CELEBRATING HISPANIC HERITAGE WEEK, AND TO GIVE
US THE BENEFIT OF HIS VISION AND HIS PERSPECTIVE.
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New
Born: Nov. 15, 1947, Pasadena, Calif.
Education: Tufts U., B.A. 1970, M.A. 1971.
Occupation: Business consultant.
Family: Wife, Barbara Flavin.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Executive director, New Mexico
Democratic Party, 1978-80; Democratic nominee for
U.S. House, 1980.
Capitol Office: 332 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6190.
T. Washington: Richardson is an aggres-
sive, ambitious man whose penchant for public- reform himself in 1984, but in the 99th Con.
ity makes some colleagues a little wary of him. gress he favored a compromise in an effort to
But he is a shrewd politician, and he knows make the bill as palatable to Hispanic interests
how to work his way into positions of influence. as possible. "There's going to be an immigra?
Sitting on both the Energy and Commerce and tion bill anyway," he said in 1986. "I hate to fall
Interior committees, Richardson is in a good on my sword." Later he voted for the bill that
position to pursue issues that are crucial to became law, saying it was "the last gasp for
He possesses superior public relations
skills, and he uses his committee assignments
to attract' valuable attention back home. He
sees to it that regular field hearings are held in
his district, and that they are widely reported.
Richardson's desire for attention causes
him problems in the legislative process. Mem-
bers hoping to win his support for a measure
sometimes complain that the only way to do so
is to make him a sponsor and give him a
generous supply of the credit, regardless of how
important his role has been.
Although he bears an Anglo name, Rich-
ardson has a Hispanic background, and has
been a leader on Mexican-American issues.
Early in the 99th Congress Richardson was
chosen as chairman of the Congressional His-
panic Caucus, but he later stepped down saying
that he wanted to spend more time on state-
wide issues in New Mexico. His decision to give
up the chairmanship came at a time of contro-
versy over his support for comprehensive immi-
gration reform legislation, which most members
of the Hispanic Caucus opposed.
The immigration bill combined legaliza-
tion of many illegal aliens already in the United
States with new sanctions against employers
hiring those here illegally. A majority of His-
panics in the House argued against the bill on
the grounds that the sanctions would lead to
discrimination against anyone who looked or
sounded foreign.
Richardson had voted against immigration
some tensions within the Hispanic Caucus, it
also may have helped change some minds. In
1984, no members of the Hispanic Caucus
supported the legislation; in 1986, four of to
members went along with his position.
Another sensitive issue for Richardson has
been U.S. policy toward Nicaragua. In his firm
term, Richardson was a staunch critic of Rea?
gan administration efforts to support the con-
tra rebels in that country. But in the 99th
Congress he altered his course, expressing con-
cern about human rights abuses by Nicaragua's
Sandinista regime. In early 1985 he warned
that the Sandinistas needed to "clean up their
act," and a few months later he support
sending the contras non-military aid. "I am
willing to give the president of the United
States a chance and the benefit of the doubt:
he said. The House later adopted a Richardson
amendment requiring the president to esuo
lish procedures to ensure that the aid would not
be used for weapons purchases.
In 1986, Richardson opposed administra?
tion efforts to send military aid to the contra
Instead he joined with Indiana Democratitoe
H. Hamilton to offer an unsuccessful subs
package providing $27 million in hum8nita"in
aid to Nicaraguan refugees as well as funding t'
promote regional peace talks.
Richardson pays particular attention w
the needs of American Indians, who hall
significant presence in his district. In the "I
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. but in the 99th Con.
promise in an effort to
,le to Hispanic interest,
ping to be an immigra.
d in 1986. "I hate to fall
voted for the bill that
was "the last gasp f?r
ce in a humane way.-
?k on immigration led to
he Hispanic Caucus. it
change some minds. Is
the Hispanic Cauca
on; in 1986, four of io
ith his position.
ssue for Richardson ha.
I Nicaragua. In his fins
.i staunch critic of Res
,rts to support the cum
.ntry. But in the 99th
course, expressing c e
s abuses by Nicaragua's
early 1985 he warned
:eded to "clean up then
the later he supported
on-military aid. "I am
resident of the United
ke benefit of the dcoub. -
r adopted a Richardws*
the president to e,ub
re that the aid would not
urchases.
on opposed adminlstm
itary aid to the -rat -rat L"'
Indiana Demo t
i unsuccessful sut"t't'sv
million in humen~t?r'j?
'ees as well as fund" 't
e talks.
particular attentt~'n
n Indians, who h?'~
his district. In the ~e'r
New Mexico 3
With three-fifths of its voters either
Hhpanic or Indian, the 3rd is decidedly
more liberal and mate Democratic than'
eider of population the s is other
The divided between the
H6panic counties Indian along
and the the energy-rich g the
Arizona border.
Of the two regions, the Hispanic north.
is the most loyally Democratic. It includes
sit of the seven New Mexico counties car-
ried by Walter F. Mondale in 1984. The
centerpiece of the region is Santa Fe, the
second-largest city in the state, and a pleas-
ant mix of Spanish and Indian cultures has
attracted a steady influx of young Anglos.
The rest of the Hispanic north is pri-
marily mountainous, semi-arid grazing land
that supports some subsistence farming.
Unemployment has been high in the area;
the Mora County jobless rate was well above
t for much of this decade.
percen
An economic oasis is the Anglo commu-
nity of Los Alamos, where the atomic bomb
II
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.tress he sought funding to fight alcohol and
abuse among Indians in the giant anti-
rg package. He has also worked on other
M,an health legislation, but those efforts were
"suited in the 98th Congress, when Presi-
ss Reagan pocket-vetoed an Indian health
:ariage, and in the 99th, when the House and
yaate were unable to resolve differences.
Richardson has been an active player on
tarry and Commerce from his first months on
k committee. In 1983, he teamed with Repub-
sm Junes T. Broyhill of North Carolina to
14r s producer-oriented version of legislation
r(ssniing gas pricing. This was a good deal for
*4men. Richardson, by teaming with one of
a chamber's shrewdest legislators, got his
"?e on a major bill at a stage when most
men were still invisible.
K'idely identified as a liberal Democrat on
bat asUes. Richardson is not an automatic
"''"I'mentalist vote on Energy and Com-
'"~* When the Transportation Subcommit-
ytan taking up legislation to reauthorize
..,"erflind" hazardous-waste cleanup pro-
Richards,,..._-._._~
-.nias leaks, including 261 in his home
e4 the list of sites to be cleaned up. Oil
North and West -
Farmington; Santa Fe
the most prosperous counties in the coun-
try, its unemployment rate has been negligi-
ble in the 1980s. Its voters - well educated
and scientifically inclined - are largely
Republicans. But there is a strong moderate
streak in some of those Republicans; John
B. Anderson's presidential bid drew 15 per-
cent in Los Alamos County in 1980.
The Indian country divides more close-
ly at the polls. The Indians, most of them
Navaho, usually vote Democratic. But they
turn out in small numbers and occasionally
bolt to the Republicans - the council for
the Pueblo tribes endorsed Reagan in 1980.
The largest county in the region is San
Juan County, where a conservative Anglo
population settled around Farmington to
tap the vast supply of oil, gas and coal in the
Four Corners area. San Juan County gave
Reagan two-thirds of its vote in 1984.
Population: 432.492. White 272,117 (63%), Black
2,060 (1%), American Indian, Eskimo-and Aleut 90,40.3
(21%). Spanish origin 168,577 (39%). 18 and over
280,182 (65%). 65 and over 34,045 (8%). Median age:
26.
and gas companies in New Mexico were con-
cerned that under such a proposal they could
be held partly liable for supplying fuel to local
service stations with leaking tanks. But when
the full committee voted to report superfund
legislation in late 1985, Richardson and nine
other Democrats joined in rejecting it as too
weak.
Richardson also speaks out frequently on
behalf of New Mexico's troubled uranium in-
dustry. In 1985 he offered an amendment to the
authorization bill for the Nuclear Regulatory
Commission allowing the agency to require that
utilities use domestic uranium. He withdrew
the proposal when Interior Chairman Morris K.
Udall promised to hold hearings.
At Home: A former staff member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Richard-
son made his entry into politics in 1978, when
he moved to New Mexico to become executive
director of the Democratic State Committee.
Within months he was planning a 1980 congres-
sional campaign against Republican Rep. Ma-
nuel Lujan Jr. He was criticized as a carpetbag-
ger, but he responded that his ethnic heritage
- he was raised in Mexico City by a Mexican
mother and an American father - made
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Bill Richardson, D-N.M.
heavily Hispanic New Mexico a logical home.
By coming within 5,200 votes of the seem-
ingly entrenched Lujan, Richardson became a
star in his state party overnight. When the
northern New Mexico 3rd District was created
the next year, he was the early favorite to win.
His campaign survived some serious prob-
lems. He had to retract a statement in his
literature that identified him as a "top" foreign
policy adviser to the late Sen. Hubert H. Hum-
phrey. Questions, about a $100,000 campaign
loan produced a probe by the Federal Election
Commission. Although he was eventually
cleared of any wrongdoing, the probe did bring
his campaign unwanted negative publicity.
Richardson countered the bad press by
campaigning dawn to dusk through the small
towns and pueblos, reaching the Hispanic and
Indian voters who together cast a majority of
the ballots. With his 1980 organization still in
place and a substantial campaign treasury,
Richardson won the four-way primary with 36
percent. In the most loyally Democratic con-
stituency in the state, his win was tantamount
to election.
Richardson . has not had serious compe-
tition since then, although at least one of his
campaigns attracted considerable attention. In
1986, he was challenged for re-election by for-
mer GOP Gov. David Cargo, a whimsical man
Committees
Education and Labor (17th of 21 Democrats)
Elementary, Secondary and Vocational Education; Employment
Opportunities.
Energy and Commerce (18th of 25 Democrats)
Commerce, Consumer Protection and Competitiveness; Energy
and Power; Telecommunications and Finance.
Interior and Insular Affairs (15th of 23 Democrats)
National Parks and Public Lands; Water and Power Resources.
Select Aging (31st of 39 Democrats)
Housing and Consumer Interests: Human Services.
Elections
1986 General
Bill Richardson (D)
David F. Cargo (R)
1984 General
Bill Richardson (D)
Louis H. Gallegos (R)
95,760 (71%)
38,552 (29%)
100,470 (61%)
62,351 (38%)
Previous Winning Percentage. 1982 (65%)
District Vote For President
1984 1980 - 1978
D 77,774 (46%) D 59,788 (40?/,) D 73,305 (53'/e)
R 89,612 (53%) R 76,859 (52%) R 63,159 (46%)
I 9,325 ( 6%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1988
Richardson (D) $370,329 $244,188 (66%) $354,849
Cargo (R) $88,365 $24,092 (27%) $86,865
who was seeking a political comeback i
after leaving office - following a long yeah
from the state. baej~
Cargo managed to land some blows
Richardson accepted an honorarium for ~(~b4
a southwest Virginia coal mine, the Repadk~
ated branded
that ge
homee--state Peso
prBil essures and
P and event ~~
helped encourage Richardson to donate'
the
money to charity. Unfortunately lZaq0 6
organization and vote-getting abilities did aot
match his capacity for one-liners. Ric bard
capitalizing on publicity he received for
work on a bill to grant a national his hii
designation to the Santa Fe Trail, blew c
away with over 70 percent of the vote, Ur
Richardson almost passed up Politip for
career in professional baseball. Following r
bit
boyhood in Mexico City, he moved to =kr
United States to atte,ld school. At age it be
was drafted by the I(aakas City (now oakjadj
Athletics. He might still be roaming the bur.
ball diamond had an elbow injury not ended bi
sports career.
After graduating from Tufts University
Richardson moved to Washington and found
work in the State Department's congressional
relations office. He subsequently worked for
three years as a Senate Foreign.Relations Co,
mittee staffer before moving to New Meiim
1984
Richardson (D) $439,746 $258,235 (59%) St25.pr
Gallegos (R) $207,831 $27.400 (13%) $201aaa
Voting Studies
presidential Party Caewnall
Support Unity C0811111111
Year s 0 S 0 8 0
1986 24 76 90 9 52 u
1985 25 71 89 6 33 B
1984 31 66 89 9 19 80
1983 16 82 87 9 29 11
S = Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Produce MX missiles (1985)
Cut federal subsidy for water projects (1985)
Weaken gun control laws (1986)
Cut back public housing construction (1986)
Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986)
Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986)
Block chemical weapons production (1986)
Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (19861
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACU AFL-CIO Co
1988 75 18 100 a1
1985 70 14 )
1964 85 17 100
1983 95 13 -88
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