ISRAEL: THE QUESTION HERE IS WHY SPY?

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000706520005-0
Release Decision: 
RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 22, 2012
Sequence Number: 
5
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
December 1, 1985
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000706520005-0.pdf116.62 KB
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Z LOS ANGELES TIMES 1 December 1985 Israel: The Question Here Is Why Spy? S B~- Rkhalyd Straus and Kan Waiaclc /S wws~vcrrox few months ago a senior official of the Mossad, Israel's central intel- ligence agency, told friends, "We are able to obtain 9596 of the information we need from the United States opeNy. Why should we risk ouch a relationship for the other 596?" Why indeed? The disclosure that a U.S. citizen, Jonathan J. Pollard, had been charged with spying for Israel sent tremors through official Washington last week, causing shock or disbelief among' Israel's friends and supporters. "We expect this sort of thing from our adversaries, not our friends," said one of Israel's staunchest congressional awes. He predicts this ind- ~ dent could "haunt" U.S.-Israeli relations ~ for years to come. A number of peat and present Adminis- tration oifidals consider the alleged Is- raeli actions particularly egregious in light of the degree of intimate cooperation between the two countries' intelligence communities. "The inteWgence sharing we conduct with Israel to among the best we have in the world," says one State Department insider. A former U.S. intelli- gence official agrees; "The areas not shared are marginal," he says. Even the Israelis admit that Pollard'a actions, if proven, violate aquarter-cen- tury "gentleman's agreement" between the United States and Israel not to engage in covert activities against each other. U.S. officials insist they have scrupulously kept thetr end of the bargain. One Reagan appointee, on first joining the govern- ment, spent much time reWewing U.S. intelligence procedures regarding Israel. He found there were no covert activities, no aueweWance and, to his surprise, no monitoring of Israeli communications from Washington. Worse than a simple breech of treat, the '~ Pollard affair could, fn the view of several U.S. officials, undercut the positive trend in inteWgence cooperation that has accel- erated under the Reagan Administration. The U.S. intelligence community, led by CIA4lrector Williams a~aey re ui ctant- ly_ acceded to the Administration's policy guidelines that, in effect, call for a generous and open relationahi~w~ith~Iara- el-across e e on)~e oTd-out, the Defense Department under Caspar W. Weinberger, had to be continually prod- ded by the White House. Now Israel supporters within the Administration fear slippage. "Their troubles with the Penta- gon could become a model for the rest of the government," soya one official. Another Administration official under- scores that attitude: "There's a great deal of resentment in the intelligence commu- nity. People are saying that if the Israelis behave like this, then they should be treated differently." Even dispassionate observers who downplay the Pollard affair-"silly" is a typical description- admit that it will probably be used by those in intelligence who do not like the "new, improved" U.S.-Israeli intelligence relationship. The Israeli political and intelligence Establishment stands to lose the most if the relationship deteriorates. For that reason, a number of sources are conWnced that Pollard's alleged activiUea were probably concocted by elements outside the mainstream of Israeli political society. One name mentioned in the Israeli press, Rafael Eitan, fits this description. Though a former adviser on terrorism to Prime Minster Menachem Begin, Eitan is viewed as a product of the extreme right in Israel. And it is on the extreme right where one finds those most distrustfu! of America's commitment to Israel. "They hate the feeling of dependence on the U.S.," says one sympathetic U.S. official. Moreover, the Israeli Establishment has awell-deserved reputation for profes- sionalism in Washington. Almost alone among Middle Easterners, the Israelis are viewed as key players. Most foreign diplomats, lost In the sea of conflicting institutions, overwhelmed by an open and free-wheeling political system and ig- nored by most of the city's power brokers, retreat into an irrelevant social whirl. Not the Israelis. They have mastered the intricacies of Congress, the press and the special-inter- est groups. Working with the politically active and influential American Jewish community, they often set the standard for other embassies, particularly those from the Middle East. The absurdity of resorting to covert actions when most doors are open is recognized even by the Israelis. "My J problem has always been a fear of drowning in information," said one be- mused Israeli official. Yet State Department officials already see signs that the Israeli Establishment >s taking the matter seriously, moving to investigate charges and contain damage. (According to these officials, the Israelis must act quickly since U.S. law enforce- ment authorities have obtained the origi- nal purloined documents ). As a result, a number of U.S. officials and congressional sources believe the U.S.-Israeli relationship will weather this "crisis in confidence." They believe the Israeli Establishment, like the American, may be cumbersome but, also like ours, is ultimately held accountable at home. O Richard Straus a+~d 1[en Wol7sdc an co-editors of tht ~liddk fast Pofky Survey. Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/22 :CIA-RDP90-009658000706520005-0