PROSPECTS FOR BOSNIA

• Document Type: FOIA
• Keywords: BOSNIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 0005621708
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: June 24, 2015
• Document Release Date: March 18, 2011
• Case Number: F-2010-00294
• Publication Date: October 1, 1993

DCI
Director of
Central
Intelligence
(b)(1)
(b)(3)
Update Memorandum: NIE 93-22
From the Chairman, National Intelligence Council
Prospects for Bosnia
APPROVED FOR RELEASE^ DATE:
01-31-2011
Key Points
. associated with Zagreb
? A Bosnian confederation will not long survive any agreement reached
in Geneva. Serbia and Croatia will begin to absorb their client
ministates, leaving a Muslim rump either dependent on Western
support or-in the unlikely event Bosnian-Croatian talks succeed-
multiethnic state as envisioned by the Vance-Owen Plan
? A three-way partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina-which largely reflects
Serb and Croat aims-will be easier to implement than creating a
vulnerable to terrorist acts
? Even so; international forces will have trouble separating and disarm-
ing combatants and protecting civilian populations and will be
Bosnian failure if Washington does not commit troops.
? Europeans will be unable to sustain a large-scale open-ended deploy-'
ment in Bosnia and will link additional troop contributions to a US
ground commitment; they would blame the United States for a
? New hostilities in Croatia could derail implementation of a Bosnian
settlement and put Western forces in greater danger.
U/M NIE 93-22
October 1993
Copy No. 440
 Discussion
In NIE 93-22, Prospects for Bosnia, the
Intelligence Community concluded that
there was little prospect of holding together a
multiethnic Bosnia and that the country was
headed toward some form of partition. The
Estimate said that the warring parties doubt-
ed the international community's will to un-
dertake major military operations and to
sustain a long-term presence to maintain a
multiethnic state.
These judgments remain valid. The agree-
ment negotiated in Geneva leaves unsettled
key territorial questions that would have to
be negotiated in bilateral working groups.
Within two years, Bosnian Serbs and
Bosnian Croats probably will secede from
the Bosnian union.
It is unlikely that the latest round of secret
bilateral talks between Tudjman and Izetbe-
govic will succeed in associating the Muslim
part of Bosnia with Croatia. If those talks
fail, only a Muslim rump state will remain
and will be heavily dependent for its survival
on the international community. Absent eco-
nomic and military support, this rump
Bosnia will be absorbed or split by Croatia or
Serbia)
This Memorandum updates the findings of National
Intelligence Estimate 93-22, issued May 1993. It was
prepared under the auspices of the National Intelligence
Officer for Europe and was coordinated with the Deputy
Director for Intelligence, Central Intelligence Agency;
the Director, Defense Intelligence Agency; the Director,
National Security Agency; and the Assistant Secretary
for Intelligence and Research, Department of State.
We believe the three sides are likely to
finalize an agreement that eventually will
reduce the fighting. Although Serbia and
Croatia could reject the diplomatic process
and divide Bosnia by force, neither Zagreb
nor Belgrade wants to risk Western military
reactions or economic sanctions. The
Bosnian Government will not be able to hold
to its conditions once winter sets in, and it is
even clearer it has dwindling international
support.
If there is no negotiated settlement, localized
heavy fighting is likely to continue indefi-
nitely, especially between Muslim and Croat
forces in central and southern Bosnia. This
would magnify the war's human costs, pre-
vent implacement of an effective internation-
al force, and would probably lead to the
complete disappearance of a Bosnian state.
Prospects for Implementing an Agreement
Prospects for a lasting cease-fire and for
enforcing a three-way territorial division are
higher than the earlier Vance-Owen Plan:
? The agreement under discussion enables
the Serbs and, to a lesser extent, the Croats
to achieve their major territorial aims.
? The Muslims are deeply dissatisfied with
the emerging postwar map but must have
international support for their survival.
 ? Prospects of a harder winter than last year
and more severe fuel, food, and other
shortages add incentives for all three war-
weary communities to cooperate.)
Bosnia: Muslim Ministate for Muslims
With a multiethnic state including all of
Bosnia no longer possible, President Izetbe-
govic and his colleagues are intent on maxi-
mizing the territorial boundaries of a Mus-
lim entity to improve its dim chances of
survival. Izetbegovic is deeply disappointed
in the international community's readiness to
accept a "Serb victory," and will continue to
press for more concessions. Nevertheless,
economic privations, the specter of still more
human suffering, and the likelihood that the
Bosnian military offensive will stall leave
him and his colleagues few options other
than to sign before the onset of winter.
Even if the Bosnian Government agrees to a
deal, Muslim hardliners are likely to contin-
ue to fight. Periodic clashes are likely over
the dividing line between the Muslim and
Croatian ministates and around Brcko,
where Serb and Muslim claims overlap. In
addition, some Muslim radicals may stage
terrorist acts against Muslim moderates,
Serbs, and Croats:
? Muslim resistance may pose the greatest
risk to Western forces implementing an
agreement, although local Serbs and
Croats may also resist territorial adjust-
mentsF___1
Continued fighting between Muslims and
Croats will be a major impediment to secret
Muslim-Croat negotiations to merge'their
areas into a confederation with Croatia.
Bosnia: Losing the War Against Winter
If fighting continues, about' 2.8 million
people-about double that of last
year-will need assistance. Tens of
thousands could perish from disease,
hunger, and hardship. Assuming contin-
ued combat, total needs during the next
six months could easily reach 315,000
metric tons of food and 75,000 metric
tons of nonfood items at a cost ap-
proaching $300-350 million. Even if the
fighting ends, hundreds of thousands of
refugees and displaced persons will at-
tempt to relocate, keeping humanitar-
ian needs high through the winter. In
that case, the United Nations Office of
the High Commissioner for Refugees
planning figures suggest the six-month
cost of relief would still be at least $200
million. In any case, relief will be diffi-
cult to deliver because of damage to
Bosnia's main roads.)
Limited information as to each side's motives
suggests the Muslims have engaged in these
talks because Izetbegovic despairs of reach-
ing a viable settlement with the Serbs. For
his part, Tudjman is trying to expand his
influence to as much of Bosnia as possible
and may hope an agreement with the Mus-
lims will bolster his sagging international
support. F__1
Serbia and Croatia: Consolidating Control
Hardliners in Belgrade and Zagreb will want
to dispense with the formality of Bosnian
union and absorb into Serbia and Croatia
Sec
 Republic RI!
Areas of Control and Proposed
Partitioning in Bosnia and Herzegovina
proper the areas under the control.of their
conationals. However, Presidents Tudjman
and Milosevic will try to bring their compa-
triots to heel and avoid flouting the fiction
of a unified Bosnia that the international
Adriatic
Sea
Serb-controlled area
Croat-controlled area
Muslim-controlled area
Boundary of
proposed republic
40 Kilometers
EC
administered
:Joint
seHj~ Croatgm
jcontrol
PraosedMuslim
community supports. Zagreb already exerts
strong control over the Bosnian Croat leader-
ship and need not be in a hurry to enforce
formal annexation)
:andyMontene~o bane esseiti
matron;ot a joint i dependeof
e vim-'"
votlia
i(autono ousi
WIN . cej
erbi'a
lied acce
nidor between
' parts of,
u /iRd J
ub/
SPODGORICA
 Milosevic hopes to stop the fighting, consoli-
date Serb gains, and get an end to economic
sanctions in order to shore up his own posi-
tion at home. Serbia is now suffering a
virtual economic collapse. Milosevic, how-
ever, remains in firm control and has em-
barked on a campaign to weaken Seselj and
other ultranationalists who want to expand
their power base in Bosnia. He is having
more difficulty controlling Bosnian Serb
leaders. Bosnian Serb military commander
Mladic is a wild card; although generally a
Milosevic ally, he will not readily follow
orders to give up territory for the sake of an
agreement. F_~
Impact in Other Post-Yugoslav Hotspots
Although conclusion of a settlement in
Bosnia is likely to mitigate Serb-Croat ten-
sions temporarily, neither Belgrade nor
Zagreb is ready to make major concessions
with regard to their dispute over the Serb-
held areas of Croatia. A settlement would
enable Tudjman to concentrate on regaining
Serb-held territory in Croatia, by negotiation
if possible but by force if necessary. Serbs in
Croatia will stand their ground, anticipating
that a settlement will set a precedent for
border changes and will free up their breth-
ren in Bosnia to come to their aid:
? A new war in Croatia would increase the
danger for Western forces in Bosnia and
would seriously complicate their logistic
support.
A Bosnian settlement would have little direct
impact in Kosovo or Macedonia, where eco-
nomic, social, and interethnic problems con-
tinue to deepen and could spin out of control.
No Long-Term European Commitment
The Intelligence Community thinks that
Western Europe alone is unlikely to commit
sizable additional forces to a long-term de-
ployment in Bosnia. At best, most Allies will
link the size of any additional troop contribu-
tions for Bosnia to the commitment of US
ground forces
Europeans probably would interpret a major
US deployment as Washington's acceptance
of long-term responsibility for the region.
The Allies will tie their time commitment to
a US exit strategy and will not retain large
forces in Bosnia after US forces are with-
drawn. With few exceptions, Allies would be
reluctant to go beyond traditional UN
"peacekeeping" functions and engage in
more aggressive "peace enforcement" mis-
sions that might be envisioned under a
NATO command structure:
? Europeans would blame the United States
for the failure of a peace agreement if
Washington does not commit ground
troops to an implementation force.F__-]
The burden on military forces and finances
will limit Allied ability to sustain an in-
creased presence if they are asked to send
more troops to Bosnia. NATO experts esti-
mate the first year's operating cost at $6
billion. Some contributors will not make new
commitments unless there is some guarantee
of reimbursement up front. Even France and
Britain, the Allies most able to consider
providing troops to "peace enforcement"
missions, will have difficulty mounting a
long-term commitment.
 Europeans are concerned that a Muslim
ministate will be a bridgehead in Europe for
radical Islamic movements, but they prefer
this risk to a Serb-Croat partition that would
cause more Bosnian Muslims to migrate to
Western Europe. European foreign aid funds
are stretched thin by competing priorities,
but EC members will want to show a good-
faith effort toward the survival of the Mus-
lim ministate to counter radical Islamic in-
fluence. Whatever they provide, however,
will fall short of the billions of dollars needed
for Bosnia's enormous reconstruction needs.