ADDRESS AND REMARKS BY HIS MAJESTY KING HUSSEIN OF THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00552R000302910008-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 22, 2010
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: June 19, 1980
• Content Type: MISC

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Address and Remarks
By
His Majesty King Hussein
of
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
The National Press Club
Washington, D.C.
Thursday, June 19, 1980
Transcribed by
TYPE-RIGHT
Transcribing Service
529 - 14th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20045
Proceeds of this transcript will be donated to the National Press Foundation
STAT
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HUSSEIN: Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen,
This is not the first time that I visit this place,
nor is it, I hope, the last time. The close relations between
Jordan and the United States for the last three decades make
it natural. The challenges of the coming decade both in my
region and in the world make it necessary. Nothing like
steady and frank communication between my region and your
country can build bridges and correct perspectives on both
sides. A sector of Arab opinion has been led to believe in
recent years that the differences between the United States
and the Arab world particularly with regard to Arab rights
and aspirations are too deep to be bridged by honest commun-
ication alone. They believe that United States policy has
become too deeply involved in partisan support to Israeli
expansionism to avoid open confrontation with Arab rights,
and therefore with the Arab world.
I share the belief about Israeli expansionism.
In Jordan we happen to know more than most about Israel's
territorial record and the Palestinian agony. I also share
in the recognition that there is danger of major confronta-
tion in our region involving the United States. But I
believe, with most Jordanians and many thoughtful Arabs and
Americans, that the confrontation can be avoided, can be
channeled into constructive cooperation between America and
the Arab world. And that peace can prevail in the Middle
East. The key to it is honest and frank communication.
It is no strange phenomenon that many Arabs are
skeptical of this method when it comes to Arab-American re-
lations and their outstanding issues. Since 1967 we have
had scores of American envoys and fact-finding missions
visiting our area and investigating the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The Arabs believe that most of these envoys have returned to
America convinced that a great injustice had been inflicted
upon the Palestinian people, that Israel was in illegal and
unjustified occupation of Arab land, and that a just peace
required withdrawal and justice to the Palestinian people.
These successive envoys have not, however, produced any major
change in the U.S. approach.
For the Arabs this is a perplexing phenomenon.
The natural condition, they believe, is for the U.S. to
take a balanced stand on the Arab-Israeli problem and to
exert every effort to restrain Israel's expansionist policy
and bring about a just settlement.
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Common sense dictates this. Both the moral im-
perative as well as enlightened self-interest require it.
For on a moral plane, how can anyone justify, in this day
and age, a foreign occupation of the national soil of
other countries and peoples for over 13 years, the enslave-
ment under this occupation of over a million people, the
denial of the right of this people to self-determination
and freedom, and the demographic mutiliation of the land
by the occupying power through colonization and growing an-
nexation?
Nor do I need to mention the deep question of
human rights -- so dear to this country and its President --
involved in this fundamental situation and the shocking
occupation practices flowing from it.
On a more practical plan, how can U.S. policy
choose a course in the Middle East which would lead to the
unjustified alienation of an essentially friendly people,
the radicalization of moderates among them, the possible
disruption of the normal exchange of interests in the major
areas of trade, energy and culture?
All this because of a peculiar and indefensible
interpretation of commitment to Israel's security that
seems to equate security with conquests. Most Arabs can
understand America's repeated insistence on Israel's
existence and security. What they cannot understand is
how Israel's security can be furthered by the acquisition
of foreign territory and the consequent state of war it
thus perpetuates with its neighbors. They cannot understand
how Israel proposes to keep under its occupation indefinitely
the Palestinian people of the West Bank and Gaza and to
continue to deny them and their displaced brethren the
right to self-determination and national independence.
The Arabs do not understand how this can be justified on
the basis of sheer future security, let alone long term
peace.
In Jordan we share in such Arab concerns and we
agonize over these questions. Since 1967 Jordan has been
the most active Arab country in pursuit of a just and com-
prehensive peace. We have worked for a comprehensive set-
tlement because it is the only enduring one. We have warned
against partial and separate settlements. The Arab-Israeli
conflict (is) a major confrontation which must be addressed
totally and from the roots. It is a major confrontation,
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which must be addressed totally and from the roots. The
essence cannot be ignored. The link between the component
parts cannot be cut off. Israel's withdrawal from the ter-
ritories occupied in June (of) 1967 cannot be separated
from the exercise by the Palestinian people of the right
of self-determination and national freedom. The problem
will not disappear. The problem will not disappear if
Egypt alone regains its occupied land. Syrian national
territories are occupied. Gaza and the West Bank are oc-
cupied. Arab Jerusalem is occupied and officially, ac-
cording to Israel, annexed..
A separate peace between Egypt and Israel will
not advance the cause of a comprehensive and lasting settle-
ment, particularly when the Israeli leadership uses it,
as it does, to intensify its activities in settling the
other occupied areas, fragmenting their demographic, com-
position and systematically destroying the national leader-
ship.
From 1967 till today Jordan has advocated a just
and peaceful settlement. We have cooperated with every
U.S. envoy and U.N. mediator. We received Scranton and
Kissinger, Jarring and Waldheim. We presented innumerable
proposals, held dozens of international meetings. I visited
the United States, during this period, a dozen times. I
discussed this problem with four American Presidents. I
was assured by all of them that they understood the essentials
of the problem, that they recognized that a lasting settle-
ment meant withdrawal, justice to the Palestinian people
and mutual security guarantees.
I have, throughout this period, addressed from
this forum and others the American "silent majority", to
borrow a famous.phrase. I am convinced that the American
people, once they understand the facts of the situation
in the Middle East, will demand of their government a
balanced policy and will support a President seeking to cor-
rect past mistakes and-re-establish a constructive re-
lationship with the Arab world.
I wish to restate on this occasion our view of
a lasting and just settlement. Jordan seeks a just and
durable peace. The Arab countries want a just and durable
peace. We believe it is achievable. We are ready to work
for it. When the Arab countries met in Baghdad in the Arab
Summit of November of 1978 they clearly defined its compo-
nents and content.
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They reaffirmed it in their summit in Tunisia
last year. At one time, the Summit of Baghdad of 1978 was
viewed in some circles here and in Europe as essentially
negative. Most people now realize that it was not so.
It was aimed at restoring Arab cohesion and reinforcing
the Arab sense of purpose. In Tunisia the Arab Heads of
State decided to send their high level envoys to explain
to the world the Arab concept of a just peace and to open
avenues for it.
This thrust towards peace has been thwarted by
Israel's intensified policy of settlement and repression
in the occupied areas in the last few months. Jordan and
its close Arab neighbors are in continuous consultation
regarding the future steps. We are also consulting with
the PLO. Our purpose is to open avenues to peace, not
close.them.
In the ultimate solution of the problem, the
Palestinian people must participate in constructing the
just peace we all want. Their great energies and vigor
must find a constructive national expression and not be
suppressed to the point of violent explosion.
The key issue that must be addressed here is
the right of self-determination. This right is endorsed
and accepted by this country and by our fundamental inter-
national philosophy in this age, but is strangled by res-
ervations when it comes to the Palestinian people. The
Palestinians must find open before them the peaceful
avenues to the making of their future. It is a right that
need not contradict with the rights of others in the area.
Many Palestinians are living under occupation.
Many are living in forced exile. Why shouldn't the
Palestinian people be able to exercise peacefully the
natural right of deciding their future on their own ances-
tral national soil? Why should the exiles not be permitted
to unite with those under occupation to rebuild a free
homeland? Why can't the international community, including
the United States, focus its efforts and mobilize its re-
sources to initiate, now and immediately, a process that
leads to the peaceful liberation of the Palestinians and
the emergence of a free and peaceful Palestinian homeland.
This is the prerequisite to a lasting peace in our area.
It is the major component of the peace we want and are
ready to share in and support.
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When peace is established, mutual guarantees for
security can be built into it. It must also be obvious
that a peace that embraces freedom for the occupied terri-
tories and national self-determination for the Palestinian
people is one that is inherently secure and self-perpetuating.
In it the cause of the conflict vanishes. This is the most
significant fact about the prospects of peace in the Middle
East and its genuine concept. The European nations, so
deeply involved in the origins of Israel and the present
situation in the area, have unanimously endorsed these
basic ideas and principles. The overwhelming majority of
the world finds such a framework reasonable, in fact natural
and obvious.
I wish to repeat that we inJordan, our Palestinian
brethren and all the enlightened Arab opinion seek such an
honorable and genuine peace. We believe that the United
States has the ability and the resources to share decisively
in its establishment. I am in this country to express this
belief. The American people have a major role in backing
all imaginative efforts by the leadership to steer U.S.
policy in the Middle East toward the right goals and di-
rections, thus toward freedom and peace.
Thank you.
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i4r. Von Bergen: The first question, Your Majesty, is did
President Carter seek to persuade you to join the autonomy
talks? The questioner states that the President has said
that neither of you tried to change the other's mind.
King Hussein: I am very grateful. to the President of the United
States for his kind invitation that enabled me to meet with
him. I am gratified to him for the time we spent together,
the opportunity to discuss as we have both expressed it,
frankly and openly in a spirit which was constructive, a
spirit of friendship, mutual concern, all the problems in
our area, and some of mutual interest in this world.
Our friends in the United States have been known
for a period of time and the President did express that,
have known our position and our feelings regarding recent
developments in our area.
The visit and our talks have enabled us to gain
a fresh. insight into the thoughts of our friends here.
I believe we know the positions of each other better now
than at any time in the past.
Beyond that we face a common challenge... and
beyond that, I firmly believe as I have always done, that
basically our objective is one and the same--the establish-
ment of a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
What emerges from the talks that we have had is
hopefully a chance for us to look at what has occured to
this moment in time and to look at the problems as they
stand, and to look at the future. I believe we arrive
at some definite conclusions regardless of interpretations,
thoughts, ideas. The problem is still with us. It is
still unresolved in the way that we would wish it to be.
A just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East has, to
this moment in time, not been achieved.
Our hope is that we will, recognizing this fact,
move beyond this point to study, to consult, to keep in
touch as friends interested in a common objective, hopefully
in time, maybe to make our contributions in formulating an
approach which would end with a beginning.
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And the tragedy that has beset our part of the
world and is the root cause of instability there and possi-
bly in many parts of the world, with the establishment
of a comprehensive just peace,:an enduring peace, one that
will be accepted and defended by future generations, and
the beginning of a new era to the benefit of all... those
who will follow us in that part of the world and in the
world as a whole.
Mr. Von Bergen: The next question, Your Majesty, what do
you comment, or what is your comment on President Sadat's
verbal attack on you and his calling you an opportunist
who is running after money?
King Hussein: I have been asked this question once or twice
and, I chose not to respond, really. But there could
possibly be a couple of points that are worth mentioning
here in regard to some points that President Sadat touched
upon.
This past period of time has brought with it a
degree of misunderstanding. First of all, when President
Sadat was planning the leave the area to come to the
United States and to Camp David, there was an exchange of
letters between us.
We had a commitment from him on his ideas of
what any process should involve and what the results should
be. In fact, at a certain point in time, he put all those
thoughts and ideas openly before the world when he addressed
the Knesset on his famous visit to Israel.
I wrote to him and I wrote to President Carter at
that time with our views on developments and in great detail.
When he was at Camp David, he called me by phone and in any
event, we were in touch. I was in London. And the impres-
sion he gave me was that the going was extremely difficult.
That he was, in fact, on the verge of possibly returning to
Egypt. Conditions at that time were such that they were
contemplating-possibly announcing failure and stating their
respective positions.
After that point, I understood that his commitment
was to his earlier position which I understood from his
letter and from our previous contacts. There was a possibility
of our meeting, since I was planning a visit to Morocco and
he was planning a stop there. The Camp David Accords, in
terms of their details, came as a total surprise to me. I
was not aware of any of the steps that led to the finaliza-
tion of these accords, and Jordan was not involved in any
part of that process.
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Beyond that, this is a statement of fact, and
since this was the case, I don't see how I could have possi-
bly been so anxious to join a meeting to which I wasn't
invited in the first place, and under the conditions I
described.
I regret very deeply all these contradictions
that continue to appear, in a way that takes us back to the
past, and in an inaccurate manner. Beyond that, I believe
that Jordan, throughout the many years that have passed,
and this probably is best known to our American friends,
has steered a very steady and clear course.
And our commitment to an eventual peace, a lasting
peace, a just peace in our part of the world, and our
belief that we should be friends,, that we could be friends,
because we share the same. hopes and aspirations, we uphold
the same ideas and the same principles are dear to us.
Opportunism does not come into that. We have faced
many a storm and weathered it, with God's help, and the
determination of our people and their courage. Opportunism
might have taken us on a different course, throughout many
years, and in the face-of many problems.
I have never dealt with issues on a personal
level. Where my person was involved or others. I wouldn't
do so. I would not have even responded, today, had it not
been for the fact that this question has arisen time and
again and during my stay, during this visit to the United
States, and hadvit not dealt with specifics in terms of
events that occurred and in a manner that I believe is
totally incorrect and inaccurate.
Thank you very much.
Mr. Von Bergen: The questioner states that much of the
world 'seems distressed by what seems to be the Carter Admini-
stration's lack of continuity in foreign affairs. Do you
share this concern? Do you feel comfortable that whatever
you agreed to today with President Carter will be in effect
tomorrow?
King Hussein: First of all, it seems that you have a coinmuni-
cations problem with these mikes, here. Beyond that, I
would like to say, with all due respect to whoever addressed
this question, that I am fully gratified to the President
for his kind invitation for me to visit here and, again, in
the clearest possible terms.. and to avoid any misinterpre-
tation, I am not here to criticize the-President of the
United States.
I have known from the very beginning, what I have
stated time and again, that he has courage, he has shown
me an interest in the problems of our part of the world,
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since our first meeting, and a sincere desire to contribute
his utmost to the solutions of those problems. He has
given me more time over the subject than was the case in
the past with all the great people that held the office
of President of the United States.
I hope that the future will see us working
closely together, to achieve a dear'aim and objective
which I believe is that of all of us, of many of us, in
our part of the world, in the United States in particular.
I am optimistic and I certainly hope that this
will be the case. I can't comment beyond this statement.
Mr. Von Bergen: We have two somewhat connected questions.
Since you are for peace, how can you support or be supported
by the PLO whose charter is for the extinction of Israel by
anything except peaceful means? And also, wouldn't the PLO
be accepted faster by the United States and other countries
if they had a leader like Hussein instead of Arafat.
King Hussein: I think people in different parts of the
world have the right, which all of us obviously respect,
of choosing their leaders.
As far as the PLO is concerned, I believe it is
a body that has entrusted in it the hopes and aspirations
of the people of Palestine for justice and basically for
peace, dignity or the restoration of rights to the people
of Palestine on Palestinian soil.
This is an issue that is difficult to answer.
I believe that we tend towards the extreme in our attitudes
and positions when hope diminishes. And a process that
would lead us towards the resolution of problems that you
confront. I believe basically that the overwhelming majority
of Palestinians wish the chance to exercise their right of
self-determination under conditions of.freedom on their
national soil, and to live in peace with all their neigh-
bors and contribute their share for stability within the
area and stability within the world.
It is a question of where did it start, really.
It is a question of the denial of all these rights to a
people. And one of their. prolonged suffering, over a long,
long period of time.
I am sure that one of the questions to come,
probably, would be related to the PLO and their position
regarding Israel, and recognizing Israel's right to exist,
and -Israel's security.
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What I find. so difficult is to find an answer of
why whoever puts this question cannot look at the other
side. The people of Palestine have practically lost all
their rights. They have been denied them. The Israeli government
practically doesn't even recognize that they exist, refuses
to recognize that they exist as a people.
The whole of Palestine is under occupation for
thirteen years. The Palestinian soil is not what it was.
Every day that passes short of rapid progress toward a
solution brings with it change. Changes in Jerusalem,
changes in every inch of that land.
Autonomy--to the Israelis it is a question of an
exercise dealing with people (with the-idea)-regarding
Jerusalem, regarding the rest of Palestine--it's a part
of Israel. And they are acting accordingly.
To the Palestinian, to us, it looks as if it
is an attempt to gain time, to create with each day obstacles
on the ground in the face of a final peace. Surely the
Palestinians should recognize the rights of Israel to exist,
but what is right? Where? And shouldn't Israel, also,
recognize the rights of-the Palestinians on their soil
and their homeland?
Shouldn't the issue be addressed to both sides
simultaneously? I hope that this will be the case. And
once again, when you are in distress, that is when your
actions are likely to be sometimes tinted with extremism
when there is no hope.
I have been involved closely with the Palestinian
cause and the suffering of the Palestinian people. If any
of you were amongst them, I wonder what your positions and
attitudes would be under similar circumstances.
Mr. Von Bergen: A questioner states that ABC News reported
that President Carter agreed to sell Jordan the latest in
American tanks. Is this true?
King Hussein: I hope that at some point in the near
future we would receive word to that effect. I believe
that the issue of equipment as you have known for many
years, of weaponry, to enable us to meet our requirements
for legitimate self-defense, and in terms of the role that
we play in the area, as well, for stability and progress,
has brought us to the United States time and again to
seek replenishment of old equipment.
But if the question is that of the M-60 tanks,
we have had M-60s in service in Jordan for many, many
years. We have had the first versions of it--we probably
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would hope that they would be updated in terms of moderniza-
tion, and I believe there is an on-going discussion to see
if we can secure additional numbers to serve within our armed
forces as replacements for older tanks that are getting out
of service.
Mr. Von Bergen: Your Majesty, even if there is an agreement
on the West Bank on Gaza Strip autonomy, do you think that
the half-million Palestinians who are now in Lebanon can
return? And if they cannot, should the Arab countries
share the responsibility in resettling the Palestinians
in proportion to their population density?
King Hussein: Obviously, the plight of Lebanon is one of
great concern to all of us, and in particular, that of
Palestinian presence there. I can't venture an opinion at
this point in terms of the future, but I believe that there
is movement for a comprehensive settlement in the area.
Obviously, the question of who would return and who would
choose to stay where they were or live elsewhere is one that
will be addressed adequately.
I have felt throughout the many years that have
passed though, that what the Palestinian has sought all
along is to express himself, to exercise his right--does
he wish to return or otherwise stay where he is, or start
a new life?
It is on this principle that the issue revolves
regardless of what the future will bring in terms of actual
solutions.
Mr. Von Bergen: Do you think the Iran revolution will spread
to other Middle East countries?
King Hussein: I have no thoughts in this direction.
Mr. Von Bergen: The questioner states that it is his under-
standing that you wish the Soviets to participate in the
peace process. Considering the Arab fear for communism,
will the other Arab states support your position?
King Hussein: Will the other Arab states support my position?
I can only take you back in time a short while before recent
developments in terms of the Sadat visit to Israel and
Camp David when the United States and the'Soviet Union pro-
duced jointly a paper as co-chairmen of the Geneva Conference,
when we were working on the idea of a joint Arab delegation
representing all the parties concerned to go to Geneva, and
to go there in search of a comprehensive settlement to the
Palestinian problem, the problems of the area.
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I can only say that it is hoped that with the
help of the rest of the world, world community, we will
make progress toward the establishment of peace in our
part of the world.
Mr. Von Bergen: (At this point, Mr. Von Bergen awarded
a National Press Club Certificate of Appreciation and a
National Press Club jacket to King Hussein.)
One final question, Your Majesty. Rubin Askew
who is the U.S. Trade Representative, was speaking here
at the Press Club last week, and at the time he told a
story about the first time that he met you while he was
Governor of Florida and you were at a Cape Kennedy
launching.
The questioner was wondering whether you would
like to recount for us your view of that meeting?
King Hussein: Thank you very, very much indeed, for the
certificate, which I treasure, together with those that
I have received before. It is an honor, a privilege
to meet with you, knowing the tremendous responsibilities
that we share in carrying, upholding to bring better under-
standing between people. I am very sorry that circumstances
don't permit me to wear my tie today. I didn't have a
chance to bring it with me this time. I will treasure
the jacket, and I will try to come to see you wearing it
next time!
I don't know why my friend has told this story
to you of what happened in Florida., I think it was Apollo 16.
But I had a very red face on that day.
After the launching of Apollo 16 and everything
going perfectly, we proceeded try to fly on earth after
that. I was returning to Palm Beach and Jordan. And
somehow, our airplane was in an area which placed it a
distance from the takeoff run. The Vice President's
aircraft was underway and a Pan Am aircraft was there with
congressional leaders, and members of Congress and the
Senate.
And we were cleared to taxi out. It looked a
.little difficult. It seems that the gap was too small.
And I debated.for a minute what to do. Of course, as luck
would have it, I was in the Captain's seat. And then
we started taxiing.out, encouraged by the fact that I thought
I saw an official marshall.telling us to move forward and
I thought he had an idea where our wings were and what was
happening alongside.
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I took particular measures to insure that at least
the Vice President's aircraft was safe, but I thought the
other side was safe also. And suddenly we had a crunch and
I applied the brakes, and looked out and to my horror the
wings,Pan Am's 707 and ours,were locked together!
Well, anyway, we got out and we found other
transport, but I will always remember the kindness of some
of our friends who took it with a laugh as well on the Pan Am
aircraft, and one of the young ladies says, "Nice to bump
into you, sir!"
We took the wing tips off and both aircraft were
able to fly and they were repaired shortly, and since then,
believe me, I look back every time to try to make sure where
my wings are before I taxi, whether there's a marshall
there or not!
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