WHY US SHOULD CONTINUE TO ADHERE TO SALT II

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00552R000302490070-8
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RIPPUB
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K
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1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
July 26, 2010
Sequence Number: 
70
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Publication Date: 
January 16, 1986
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OPEN SOURCE
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,' Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/07/26 :CIA-RDP90-005528000302490070-8 Why US shoWd continue to adhere to SALT II , and missiles and freezes the number of allowed warheads ployed launchers in excess of SALT II limits. Others per missile. It establishes restrictive sublimits on Soviet question this, since the US has del work' out land-based missiles, which concern the US the most. Ev- agreed procedures under SALT II for diasmantling SoSoviet ery time the Soviets introduce a new missile, they are ob- bombers A further US charge, concerning the banned ligated under SALT to retire one as well. According to SS-16 missile, has been downgraded in view of Soviet the Arms Control Association, the Soviet Union removed ste s that seem to have resoled the issue. 1,007 land-based missiles and 233 sea-based missiles pis my belief that the Soviets have pushed the SALT from its active force and dismantled 13 submarines dur- II Treaty to the limit. Charges of Soviet noncompliance ing 1972-85 to comply with SALT II limits. Past Soviet are serious matters concerning gray areas of treaty inter- practices suggest that without SALT II much of this peon, but they do not constitute massive violations hardware would still be in operation. that suggest a Soviet effort to break out of the treaty. Our Second, SALT II is in the US interests because Soviet response should not be to renounce SALT II but to draft missile production lines remain open. Accordin too en more careful treaty language in the future and ~ Press testimon b the Central Intell' nce A nc~ , e ov~ets out, present concerns through the private diplomatic cou a new war ea s e mi - s - channels of the Standing Consultative Commission cre- more tin dou in eu resent force - if the rake a~ for this purpose. We should pursue our complaints out of SALT II. T_ a oviets could also put up to 20 or 30 ~ a manner that keeps the treaty intact. Compliance is- warheads on each"heave" missile oyj,~ th~PB a much sues must be handled with accuracy and care, because, if roe for a new greater ca~acct .to~attack US targets. It is unlikely that exaggerated, they will destroy airy p pacts the US could keep pace without enormous spending in - agreement and undermine all existing agreements. creases Sticking with SALT II serves US interests, as the cur- -~rd, the end of SALT II and a renewed missile race rent debate demonstrates. Without SALT II, we are like- would likely eliminate the possibility of developing a suc- ly to experience an accelerated arms race, greater uncer- cessful US space-based missile defense. This is the con- tainty about Soviet intentions, and an escalation of ten- clusion of the congressional Office of Technology Assess- sion between the superpowers. We will be less secure. ment. The Reagan administration implicitly acknowl- With SALT II, we will be able to preserve important con- edges this in its proposal for deep missile cuts as part of straints on Soviet weapons, improve our ability to re- sts proposal for the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDII. solve questions about Soviet compliance, and increase Without missile limits, SDI cannot work; without SALT prospects for future arms agreements at Geneva. Few II there would be none. choices are so clear cut. By Lee H. Hamiltfln HE future of the unratified SALT II Treaty, which has limited United States and Soviet nuclear forces since 1979, is unclear. The Reagan administration is divided. Some officials want to scrap SALT II, but the President announced last June that the US would follow a "no undercut" policy of adhering to treaty limits so long as the Soviet Union "exercises com- parable restraint." This is still official policy. The President also said that the US would study "pro- portionate responses" to what it views as the military consequences of Soviet violations of arms agreements. With the expiration of SALT II on Dec. 31, 1985, the US may decide to pursue arms programs that breach treaty limits. Such a decision could end all restraints on US and Soviet nuclear forces. There are several reasons the US should continue to adhere to the terms of SALT II. This conclusion is shared by a recent study by the Arms Control Association, "Countdown on SALT.IL" First SALT II establishes equal limits on bombers Fourth, the end of SALT II would free the Soviets to 16 January 1986 adopt camouflage and deception techniques, now prohib- itedunder SALT, to hide military activities. Finally, serious political consequences are likely if SALT II is abandoned. The Geneva talks would suffer a big setback. So would the broader US-Soviet relation- ship. The end of SALT II would be deeply divisive in Congress and would lead to serious differences within NATO, strengthening Soviet efforts to split the alliance. The crux of the argument against SALT II focuses on alleged Soviet violations of the treaty. First, the US con- tends that the Soviets have introduced two new types of land-based missiles, the SS-24 and SS-25, whereas SALT II permits only one. The Soviets declare that the SS-25 is a permitted modernization of the SS-13. The US disputes this, charging that the Soviets have violated SALT II by concealing SS-25 tests. This question is unresolved. Second the US accuses the Soviets of encoding mis- sile test-flight data necessary for verification ores. This ch a miss a testtrue, utn e s oraven ca on, specs y fearing possible compromise o ii- nce sources and methods. This violation is, there~o~ess an c ear cut. a new US charge is that~the Soviets have de- '~ Third Lee H. Hamilton is the ranking Democrat on the House Committee on Foreign Affairs and chairman of the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East. STAT Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/07/26 :CIA-RDP90-005528000302490070-8