TAKING AIM AT NICARAGUA

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00552R000302440019-0
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
August 16, 2010
Sequence Number: 
19
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
March 22, 1982
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00552R000302440019-0.pdf164.61 KB
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Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/16: CIA-RDP90-00552R000302440019-0 ARTICLE APPEARED or, PAGE r_C Q ?' h-sliSWEEK 22 MARCH 1982 Hughes points out a military installation: Longer and louder alarms about communist meddling in America's backyard V_F" S-1 a 0 E T he lights dimmed, the projector beamed and the screen filled with blown-up aerial photographs that conjured up an earlier time of confrontation. Before a packed house of reporters, John Hughes, the photo-intelligence expert who present- ed the evidence in the Cuban missile crisis twenty years ago, took a pointer last week and made the Reagan Administration's case against Nicaragua. Flipping through the grainy photographs, Hughes said the Sandinistas have built 36 new military in- stallations in just two years. He pointed to new airfields, lengthened runways and a dramatic array of Soviet-made tanks, truck- drawn howitzers, helicopters and amphibi- ous ferries. He showed Nicaraguan troops in training and put the total number of men under arms at 70,000=the biggest and most threatening army in Central America. "Who is helping the Sandinistas do this?" he asked. "The fingerprint we find, in every case ... [belongs to] the Cubans." The carefully orchestrated show-and-tell session was the most successful element in a ragged propaganda blitz last week. The of- fensive seemed to reflect the Administra- tion's growing frustration over the limits of its ability to act in Central America. Neither Congress nor the public seems inclined to accept Reagan's warnings about communist meddling in theregion.Thepublic mood has from candid about the size of their military buildup, nothing in the declassified material showed a direct conduit of arms into El Salvador. "I think most people were ready to believe that the Nicaraguans are building up their army," said one U.S. official, "but that was never the problem." The Administration hoped to make the Nicaragua-Salvador connection with a pa- rade of witnesses from the front but the first step went disastrously awry. The State Department invited six reporters to inter- view Orlando Jose Tardencillas Espinosa, 19, a Nicaraguan captured in El Salvador. Tardencillas had "confessed" earlier that he had been sent to the war zone by the Sandin- istas. But when the tape recorders started rolling, he stunned the reporters-and U.S. officials-by suddenly taking back every- thing he had said. He described himself as a free-lance revolutionary and said lie had been tortured and beaten into collaborating withEl Salvadorand Washington. "The day before I came, an officer from the U.S. Em- bassy told me what I should say," he said. "He told me they needed to demonstrate the presence of Cubans in El Salvador. I was given a choice. I could come here and do what I'm doing-or facecertain death." Tardencillas's bizarre turnabout left the Administration in a bind. For weeks offi- cials had been hinting that they had top- secret intelligence data on the Sandinistas' rn~ ' Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/16: CIA-RDP90-00552R000302440019-0r'~: MMMMMMMM As a result, the Administration has found itselfwith few alternatives other than sound- ing ever longer and louder alarms. It was hard to say what the alarm bells foretold. Washington seemed tobeplaying a high-stakes game of psychological warfare designed to keep the Nicaraguans, Cubans and Soviets guessing about Reagan's ulti- mateintentions. Onepossibilitywasthat the Administration was hoping to use its evi- The Administration launches a frenetic propaganda campaign that leaves troubling questions unanswered. dence to enlist other Latin American na- tions to help cut the flow of arms to Salva- doran leftists. Looming behind it all was the prospect of a darker plan: a CIA proposal to help paramilitary groups cut the flow of arms from Nicaragua to El Salvador. There was no doubt about theearnestness of the Administration's concern, but its me- dia campaign raised as many questions as it answered. While the photo evidence dem- onstrated that the Sandinistas had been far