'LATIN AMERICA IS ABSOLUTELY VITAL TO THE U.S.'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00552R000201880003-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2010
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: August 1, 1984
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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ON PAGE 3q, _ 1 August 1984
Latin America is absolutely
vital to the U.S?
Rep. Dante B. Fascell on Latin American issues and foreign
policy concerns.
Rep. Dante B. Fascell of Florida's 19th District is chairman of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee and has been a member of Congress for
30 years. He is the ranking Democrat on foreign affairs in the House of
Representatives. In this interview with Washington Times Latin America
correspondent Jay Mallin Sr., Mr. Fascell answers questions on Latin
American issues and other foreign policy concerns.
Q: Do you see the current Soviet military buildup as a cause for con-
cern?
A: Absolutely. It demonstrates that the Soviets have not slowed down
one bit in building their military capability to achieve their political
objectives. We have to be concerned from the military and political
standpoints.
Q: Do you see any danger of a Soviet thrust toward the Mideast oil
fields?
A: I don't know that there is a danger of an imminent move by the
Soviets toward the Mideast oilfields, but that is always a danger and a
thing that concerns military planners in the West. We have to be on guard
against that constantly.
Q: Switching to another part of the world, you represent an area in
Florida that is not far from communist Cuba. Do you see Fidel Castro and
his regime as a continued threat?
A: Not in a military sense. I don't think anyone in the United States
thinks Cuba is prepared militarily to present a threat to the
United States, but there is no question that the existence of Cuba as a
communist state backed by the Soviet Union is a political and a military
problem for all the countries in the hemisphere. And when you add to
that the constant export of ideology and support for organizations that
are trying to undermine democratic institutions throughout the area,
then you have a problem of considerable concern.
Q: Do you feel the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua is a threat to Cen-
tral American peace?
A: If they carry through on their stated objective, which is to expand
the revolution throughout Central America, there is obvious danger, mili-
tary and political. If they stay within the boundaries of their own coun-
try and carry out agreed-upon principles of democratizing their
government, they might not be a threat.
Q: What do you think the United States should specifically seek from
the Castro regime if there is a move toward better relations with Cuba?
A: There are talks going on now with Cuba. I have not been informed
about those talks in any detail, so I have no idea what the administration
is doing. But it is clear that in order to achieve any sort of rational rela-
tions with the Castro government, we must take into consideration sev-
eral important factors. One would be the Cuban export of subversion and
revolution in the typical communist fashion. That means that [Mr.) Cas-
tro would have to stay out of support for governments, parties or groups
in Central and Latin American countries that are seeking to overthrow
democratic institutions. We have to require the same thing of Cuba in
other continents, Africa particularly, because there it is carrying out a
role as a surrogate of the Soviet Union.
The Cubans have expanded their international interest all over the
place. And in conjunction with [Mr.] Castro's desire to be a leading force
in the Third World movement, they are all over the place. Certainly that
is something we will have to reach an agreement on before we can go
on to other things.
Another thing is the continuous buildup of Cuba itself as a military
base for the Soviets. We would have to reach a clear understanding that
that is not going to continue or be permitted.
Finally, we would have to consider the human rights issues and the
question of properties expt+opgiatg4 y Cuba
Continued
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Q: 'i-irning again to Nicaragua, do you favor U.B. assistance tbthe-"
Nicaraguan rebels?
A: I voted for it every year the president asked for funding. That
includes this year.
Q: Do you believe Congress will continue funding after the U.S. pres-
idential election?
A: The majority of the House has voted several times not to continue
the funding. With the request for the supplemental appropriation this
year, 1984 the Con ress aid not pursue itTfiin everything came to a
ea sto at t e minin of the Nicaraguan harbors. It is clear that the
Senate did not want to pursue a itiona funding for the rebels in
that bill, and the decision was made by somebody to let the supplemental
bill o forward without Nicaraguan money in it. Then the a. ministration
;announcedthat it would renew the request at some other .time.
Suffice it to siyt aat at the- time, it appeared the UnitedStates was
directly involved in military activity in a foreign country and ongress
had not declared war. There was a tremendous reaction re ardin the
request of the president to get i na un s or t e Contras [rebels).
As for myself. I think that once the Contras were established under U.S.
sunport.in Nicara&ua it was vital to continue their support. Otherwise
there would b a bloodbath an secondly this would dard-ni-sli U.S.
credibility once we had made that commitment. at s t e reason sup-
ported4hem__
I don't particularly like the idea of a long, extended covert operation
that is really not covert. I thin tat is a mistake. Obviously, this has been
an overt operation, and I have no qualms about s ortin surro ates
anywhere to do whatever needs to be, done, but in a sensible *ay. e
prove allies all over the wor wit mi rta an economic su port. i
like the idea of putting our olitic on to : t table,_
I think what got this particular issue in trouble was that it tarted out
as a secret run governed by the CIA. That raised a whole host of ques-
tions abu t whetheror not t at is t e right way to go. Our a ing w
thathaving started down that road , rightly or wrongly, the only ing we
could do was-i6--continue to support the Contras, an s w a ed
for. ; -------------
The money to the Contras is a matter that has been extremely
debateable in both parties. Nevertheless t press ent, as received from
the douse Committee on ores airs 90 percent of what He asked for
-_maybe more, I don't know the exact percentage. And or isca
1984in terms of money for military and economic assistance for Cen-
tralAmerica, exce t for the assistance for the Contras, the committee
has given the president evyr it o aut ority that he wanted,
Q: Walter Mondale has called for a U.S. military pullout from Central
America. Do you agree with that?
A: I don't support U.S. military involvement in Central America and I
don't know anybody who does in the Congress, and I don't know anybody
'who has requested it. I would not support direct US. involvement in Cen-
tral America that means sending troops.
I have supported sending advisors to El Salvador. I supported military
assistance to El Salvador. I supported military assistance to Honduras. I
supported the military advisors in Honduras. I supported assistance to
the Contras.
Q: What would you change in the present administration's policies on
Latin America, particularly Central America? If you were Secretary of
State, what changes would you make?
A: I think I would lean on diplomatic efforts to bring an end to these
problems: I understand military pressure as well as anyone, and some-
times it is useful. I think, however, that a change in rhetoric would be
helpful and I think this administration in the last year or so has made
progress in that area. You know the admonition of Teddy Roosevelt is still
a pretty good admonition around here: "Speak softly and carry a big
stick. And never use the big stick unless you absolutely, positively have to
use it"
I think there is a lot in Central America and in Latin America that has
to be done, and it has its roots in economic dislocation and inability to
have any hope in the future. The exploitation of these issues by the com-
munists is a big issue for us.
But we should not place our total reliance on military pressure or a
military posture. A step in the right direction is the Caribbean Initiative
by the president, and the Kissinger Report, which the Congress has sup-
ported. Congress provided an additional $1.2 billion, which is the first
part of the entire Kissinger package of $8 billion over a period of five
years. We are beginning to address in a more meaningful way the social
and economic problems which underlieall the political activity in Cen-
tral America. and I _ think_ we can get_ahead on it.
Continued
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Q: Would you comment on our'military relations with Brazil?
A: We have a special relationship with the Brazilians. They have a
large country with considerable military interests of their own in this
hemisphere. It is very useful for the United States to maintain that rela-
tionship with the Brazilians. The communists have been at work for more
khan 30 years in Latin America, economically, militarily and through
other methods. It is beneficial for the United States to maintain relations
with all democratic institutions that have withstood this kind of effort
by the communists. This is particularly so in the case ofg use of the country's economic capabilities. They"havebeen on t i verge "of a
major economic breakthrough for years. When that happens, it will be
very helpful for the United States and Brazil to be the closest of friends.
Q: Would you have any general comment on Latin America?
A: Latin America is absolutely vital to the United States. The nations
of the Western Hemisphere are inextricably bound by social, cultural
and political relationships. We in the United States have a tremendous
responsibility to the other nations, for our own benefit as well as the
benefit of the entire free world. The truth of the matter is. that the West-
ern Hemisphere can be considered the bulwark of the free world.
I don't mean to demean at all our relationship with Europe, but Latin
America is a huge trading partner and Canada is our largest trading
partner. Our investments in Latin America, our economic relationships,
are absolutely vital to this country. Besides that, the Latin American
nations are our next-door neighbors. They are very close to us. We need"
to do everything we possibly can to nurture and fortify the common
bonds of religion, culture and democratic principles that brought all
these people to the Western Hemisphere to start with.
And that is from the days of the Monroe Doctrine up to right now. The
principles are still the, same, espoused in all kinds of doctrines in the
OAS and all kinds of treaties. Through every administration, I think,
everybody has seen that.
There has been a tendency, I might say, not to focus sufficient national
will on the problems in the Western Hemisphere. We hit it starting as far
back as the days of Franklin Roosevelt and the Good Neighbor Policy,
then under Jack Kennedy with the Alliance for Progress, and now with
the Caribbean Initiative.
What we need is a long-range, permanent national commitment to
bringing about the economic and social improvements in Latin America
that the people are demanding. Otherwise, we will be sitting on volcano
that is going to blow up in our faces.
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