BIOGRAPHIES ON HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE AND SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE MEMBERS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 110
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 3, 2009
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 1, 1985
• Content Type: BIO

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BIOGRAPHIES
ON
HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
AND
SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
MEMBERS
99th Congress
February 1985
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cn
H
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MEMBERSHIP FOR
SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
Chairman
Dave Durenberger (R., MN)
William V. Roth, Jr. (R., DE)
William S. Cohen (R., ME)
Orrin G. Hatch (R., UT)
? Frank H. Murkowski (R., AK)
Arlen Specter (R., PA)
Chic Hecht (R., NV)
Mitch McConnell (R., KY)
Vice Chairman
Patrick J. Leahy (D., VT)
Lloyd Bentsen (D., TX)
Sam Nunn (D., GA)
Thomas F. Eagleton (D., MO)
Ernest F. Hollings (D., SC)
Bill Bradley (D., NJ)
David L. Boren (D., OK)
EX OFFICIO: Robert J. Dole (R., KS)
Robert C. Byrd (D., WV)
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Dave Durenberger (R)
Of Minneapolis - Elected 1978
Bore Aug. 19, 1934, St. Cloud, Minn.
Education: St. John's U., BA 1955; U. of Minn., J.D.
1959.
Military Career. Army Reserve, 1956-63.
Occupation: Lawyer, adhesive manufacturing execu-
tive.
Family: Wife, Gilds Beth "Penny" Baran; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 375 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-3244.
In Washington: When Durenberger won
this seat in 1978, ending 20 years of Democratic
control, he brought a change not only in party
but in personality. Watching him puff on his
pipe at a committee meeting, quietly question-
ing the logic behind a tax subsidy, it is hard to
imagine anyone less like the seat's former occu-
pant, Hubert H. Humphrey. Durenberger after
Humphrey is like chamber music after Tchai-
kovsky.
Ideologically, the difference is not so dra-
matic. Durenberger pays his respects to the
progressive traditions of his state on issues of
social services and war and peace. But Hum-
phrey was an effusive, charismatic liberal of the
heart. Durenberger, good-humored but analyti-
cal, hews to the middle and rarely lets his
emotions show.
As a member of Finance and Govern-
mental Affairs, he has specialized in two topics
that- do not much lend themselves to stem-
winding rhetoric. One is his dogged promotion
of a plan to rebuild the American health care
system through tax incentives. The other is the
soporific subject of federal-state relations.
Durenberger's health bill, a Republican
answer to Democratic proposals for national
health insurance and hospital cost controls,
would use tax incentives to induce employers to
offer their workers a choice of health insurance
plans. The increased competition, Durenberger
contends, would force doctors and hospitals to
offer better mare at a more reasonable price.
The proposal grew out of the success of
prepaid health plans in the Minneapolis-St.
Paul area. It drew a good deal of attention in
the 97th Congress, after the new Republican
Senate majority made him chairman of the
Finance subcommittee governing health, but it
made no progress amid the furor over budget
and taxes. In the 98th Congress, Durenberger's
subcommittee has been immersed in the finan-
cial problems of the Medicare program.
Like his views on health can. Durenber-
ger's views on state-federal relations were born
in Minnesota. He had his fast taste of politics
working in state government, and the experi.
ence seemed to give him faith in the compe-
tence of officials at that level to handle prob-
lems.
Durenburger has enhanced his reputation
as a theorist of federal-state relations with his
chairmanship of the Intergovernmental Rela-
tions Subcommittee of Governmental Affairs.
From that post, and as a member of various
advisory groups on intergovernmental rela-
tions, Durenberger has pressed the theory of
"devolution" - returning power to the most
appropriate level of government.
Where Durenberger has differed sharply
with the administration is on the financing of
relocated programs. While be agrees with Presi-
dent Reagan that the states can be trusted to
run income security programs, he believes the
federal government is the fairest source of
revenue.
Durenberger felt the Reagan New Federal-
ism proposal of 1982 asked state and local
governments to take on financial responsibil-
ities they were in no shape to meet. "Some
conclude that an appropriate federal partner-
ship can be restored by simply abolishing much
of the federal government," he said. "That
argument fails to understand the recent history
of this country."
In a speech to a convention of county
officials, he reviewed the Reagan assertion that
the federal government had somehow usurped
power from the states, and dismissed it as
"baloney."
During his first two years in the Senate, as
the ranking Republican on the Finance sub-
committee handling revenue sharing, Duren-
berger emerged as a leading defender of no-
strings-attached grants to state governments.
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In 1980 Durenberger got the Senate to vote
down a House proposal requiring states that
accept revenue-sharing to give up other
federalsid, dollar-for-dollar. At House insis-
tence, this tradeoff was later restored.
In general, Durenberger has proved more
amenable than most Republicans toward pres-
erv ation of the federal regulatory system. In
the 96th Congress, he supported a measure to
subsidize consumers who want to participate in
regulatory agency hearings. He also sided with
supporters of a strong bill to regulate lobbyists.
When that bill was foundering on the question
of whether lobby groups should be forced to
disclose their corporate financial backers. Du-
renberger crafted a compromise requiring them
to reveal the names of supporting organiza-
tions, but not the amount of the backing; his
amendment narrowly failed, and the bill died
with it.
During the 97th Congress, Durenberger
generally supported President Reagan's budget
and tax initiatives, while leaving plenty of
distance between himself and the White House
on other issues.
Durenberger was a principal. author of the
amendment to the 1981 tax bill that allowed
unprofitable corporations to lease their unused
tax breaks to other companies sitting on highly
taxable profits. Tax leasing was intended as a
way of assuring that needy Frost Belt indus-
tries such as steel and railroads would reap
some benefits from the tax cuts aimed at spur-.
ring new industrial investment.
A side effect, however, was that many
profitable companies ended up wiping out their
tax liability. Tax leasing became an embarrass-
ment that Congress repealed the following year,
over Durenberger's resistance.
Durenberger fought Reagan administra-
tion efforts to abolish the Legal Services pro-
gram for the poor. He also issued a white paper
on national defense-in 1982, taking the admin-
istration to task for its nuclear weapons build-
up and proposing that the United States work
toward withdrawing nuclear weapons from Eu-
rope.
When Reagan showed up for a fund-raising
event in Minnesota, a crowd of protestors gath-
ered outside' Durenberger said if he were not a
senator, "I'd be out there demonstrating my-
self."
At Home: Durenberger's image as a quiet
problem-solver has won him two impressive
Senate victories in a period of four years.
His first campaign, in 1978, was the easier
of the two. He rode a Minnesota Republican
tide to a comfortable victory. Four years later
he had to buck the economic failures of na-
tional and state GOP administrations and the
unlimited financial resources of his Democratic
rival. Although he won by a narrower margin,
his second victory represented a more striking
personal triumph.
Durenberger's presence in the Senate is
the result of an unusual set of events. When the
1978 political year began, he was preparing a
gubernatorial challenge that seemed to be going
nowhere. When it ended, he was the state's
senior senator.
Durenberger had hovered on the periphery
of public office for years, as chief aide to GOP
Gov. Harold Levander during the late 1960s
and as a well-connected Minneapolis lawyer
after that. But he was politically untested, and,
in spite of a year-long campaign, he was given
little chance to take the nomination for gover-
nor away from popular U.S. Rep. Albert H.
Quie.
When interim Sen. Muriel Humphrey an-
nounced that she would not run for the remain-
ing four years of her late husband's term,
Republican leaders asked Durenberger to
switch contests. He was easy to persuade.
Democratic disunity aided Durenberger
immensely. The party's endorsed candidate,
U.S. Rep. Donald M. Fraser, was defeated in a
primary by the late Bob Short. a blustery
conservative whose campaign against environ-
mentalists alienated much of the Democratic
left. Some Democrats chose not to vote in the
general election, but even more deserted to
Durenberger, who had the endorsement of
Americans for Democratic Action. As a result,
the Republican won a solid victory.
. Durenberger's moderate views antagonized
some in the Republicans' conservative wing. At
the 1980 state GOP convention, a group of
conservative activists, mainly from southern
Minnesota, warned him to move right if . be
wanted their backing for re-election in 1982.
Durenberger publicly dismissed their warning,
calling it "minority party mentality."
He cleared a major hurdle in early 1981
when former Vice President Walter F. Mon-
dale, a Minnesota senator from 1964 to 1976,
announced that he would not seek the office
again. That made Durenberger a heavy favorite
for re-election, while opening the Democratic
side for Mark Dayton, liberal young heir to a
department store empire. Although politically
inexperienced, Dayton sunk about $7 million of
his personal fortune into an intense two-year
Senate campaign.
Dayton made no apologies for his spend-
ing, which threatened Jesse Helms' all-time
Senate record of $7.5 million, set in 1978. He
contended that unlike Durenberger, he was not
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Dave Dunnbaryer, R-Minn.
dependent on special interest contributions, that while he was an independent voice in
and that lavish spending was the only way be Washington, he had Reagan's respect and could
could offset the incumbent's perquisites and help moderate the administration's course.
hefty campaign treasury. Dayton swept the economically depressed
For months Dayton saturated the media Iron Range and the Democratic Twin Cities,
with advertising that sought to tie Durenberger but carried little else. Durenberger built a large
to Reaganomice. This expensive blitz pulled lead in the suburbs of Minneapolis-St. Paul
Dayton up in the polls, but Durenberger was and most of rural Minnesota that carried him
J_J
H
l
e oonten
well positioned for re-e
ectron. to a 109,000-vote victory statewide.
Committees
Voting Studies
En snmsnt and Public Worts (8th of 9 Republicans)
Toxic Substances and Environmental Oversight )
Enron nentai Pobution; Water Resources.
Finance (8th of 11 Repubilans)
Year
1 0
a 0
6
0
Health (chaimen): Energy and Agricultural Taxation; Social Se-
curity and Income Maintenance Programs .
,11912
60 28
45 41
39
48
1181
73 24
68 25
59
33
OowrnmNntal Afbire (6th of 10 Republicans)
1810
64 42
64 38
42
49
intergovernmental Relations (ehairmant Energy, Nuclear Pro it.
1l76
68 30
60 43
33
59
oration and Government Processes: Information Management
and Regulatory Affairs.
Seed Ethia (3rd of 3 Republicans)
S - Support
O - Opposition
Sorest HMelligence (6th of 6 Republiare)
Legislation and the Rights of Americans (chairman): Budget
Key Votes
1182 General
Allow vote on alai-busing b81(1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Dave Durenberger (R)
949207
D3%)
index income taxes (1981)
Mark Dayton (D)
640.401
?7%)
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981)
tfa2 Primary
Dave Durenberger (R)
287.651
(93%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982)
Mary Jane Rach er (R)
20.101
(7%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982)
fnaase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982)
MODUS Nf uur6mg Percentage:
? SpscW ekctlon
1871'
(61%)
Campaign Finance
Raalpb Receipts Oran PACs Bras
1182
Durenberger(R) 83,974,10 $985.491 (25%) $3.90t,072
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCU$-3
11162 70 32 59 28
1181 40 62 26 72
11180 44 72 33 77
1611 63 36 67 45 50
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William V. Roth Jr. (R)
Of Wilmington - Elected 1970
Born: July 22, 1921, Great Falls, Mont.
Education: U. of Ore., B.A. 1944; Harvard U.. M.B.A.
1947, LL.B. 1949.
Military Career. Army, 1943-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jane Richards; two children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. U.S. House, 1967-71; Republican
nominee for Del. It. gov., 1960.
Capitol Office: 104 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-2441.
.In Washington: After a season in the
national spotlight as the original co-author of
President Reagan's 1981 tax cut, Roth has
returned to the low-key legislative role that has
characterized most of his congressional career.
The time since Congress passed the "Roth-.
Kemp" tax bill has not been easy for him.
Almost everybody outside his Senate office has
continued to refer to the income tax cut, 25
percent across-the-board over three years, as
"Kemp-Roth," " after the younger and more
dynamic co-author, Republican Rep. Jack F.
Kemp of New York.
A symbol of Roth's frustration was the
birthday party he organized on the first anni-
versary of passage of the tax cut. The
centerpeice of the celebration, a giant apple pie
many feet across, was ruined by demonstrators
who walked across it to protest the administra-
tion's treatment of the poor.
Actually, the two tax cut sponsors are not
identical in their economic views. Kemp has
never felt that the level of the federal deficit
was a crucial issue as long as taxes were low
enough. Roth has always worried about the
effect of massive tax reduction on the deficit
and the economy if there were no accompany-
ing cut in spending.
A year after the 1981 proposal was enacted,
its disappointing result led Reagan to endorse a
$98 billion, three-year tax increase to recover
some of the lost revenue. Kemp led the opposi-
tion to this move in the House; Roth voted for
it in the Senate.
But Roth is a determined and persistent
man, and he believes his tax cut will eventually
work. He is willing to fight to make sure
Reagan keeps the faith as well - blocked by
White House aides from meeting with the pres-
ident in 1983 to urge preservation of the tax
cut, Roth went outside normal channels and
handed Reagan a letter on the issue during a
bill-signing ceremony.
Broad-stroke tax cuts are Roth's preoccu.
pation at the Finance Committee. The panel is
involved in health, welfare and a variety of
other issues, but Roth's participation in many
of them has been limited.
One personal crusade for Roth is college
tuition tax credits. The leading proponent of
such a tax credit system in the Senate, he
almost got it enacted in the 95th Congress. It
passed the Senate without controversy, but
died in the House after a dispute over whether
it should also apply to tuition for private ele.
mentary and secondary schools. Reagan has
taken up the cause in the years since then, but
Congress has moved no closer to passing it.
A longtime advocate of government reorga-
nization, Roth became chairman of the Govern-
mental Affairs Committee in 1981. He sup-
ported Reagan's proposal to do away with the
Energy Department, but the committee was
unable to reach a consensus on dismantling
legislation in time for action in the 97th Con-
gress. Roth opposed Reagan's plan to abolish
the Education Department and took no action
on it.
Roth also wants to see reorganization of
the way Congress writes the federal budget. He
is the author of a major budget proposal that
would establish a two-year budget system, with
all government agencies funded under a single
spending bill.
Roth has joined his Delaware colleague,
Democrat Joseph R. Biden Jr., in pushing anti-
busing legislation in the Senate, seeking among
other things to limit the power of federal courts
to require busing for racial balance. As a mem-
ber from a small state, he has also joined Biden
in opposing direct election of the president and
abolition of the Electoral College.
Although Roth's focus these days is pri-
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warily on domestic issues, he served on the
Foreign Affairs Committee during his two
terms in the House, from 1967 to 1971, and
remains active in the Trilateral Commission,
the private group that seeks ways to strengthen
ties among the industrialized nations.
At Home: A mild-mannered man, Roth
has never been able to generate a great deal of
emotion among Delaware voters. But he has
been doggedly attentive to state interests, and
he has been rewarded for that service with
nearly two decades in statewide office.
Born in Montana and educated at Har-
vard, Roth came to Delaware to work as a
lawyer for a chemical firm and got involved in
politics. After narrowly losing a 1960 bid for
lieutenant governor, he became state Republi-
can chairman.
Running for Delaware's at-large U.S.
House seat in 1966, Roth entered the race
against veteran Democrat Harris B. McDowell
Jr. as a decided underdog. He talked about
Vietnam - backing U.S. efforts there but
berating the Johnson administration for not
explaining the situation more fully - and
about open housing legislation, saying he was
opposed to it but willing to endorse state GOP
convention language in favor of it. Riding the
coattails of GOP Sen. J. Caleb Boggs and a
national Republican wave that brought 47 GOP
freshmen to the House in 1966, Roth pulled off
an upset.
McDowell tried for a comeback two years
later. But he had alienated members of the
state Democratic hierarchy by deploring their
"old and tired leadership." Buoyed by his fust-
term record of strong constituent service, Roth
pushed his margin of victory to nearly 60
percent of the statewide vote.
With the retirement of Republican Sen.
John J. Williams in 1970, Roth became the
uncontested choice of the party against the
Democratic state House leader, Jacob W.
Zimmerman. Zimmerman, a Vietnam dove, had
little money or statewide name recognition, and
the contest was never much in doubt.
In 1976 -Roth had a strong Democratic
challenger - Wilmington Mayor Thomas C.
Maloney. But Roth's efforts against busing had
William V. Roth Jr., R-Drl.
given him an excellent issue to run on, and
Maloney was hurt by the coolness of organized
labor, which was upset over the mayor's frugal
approach to municipal pay raises. One state
labor leader openly called Maloney a "union
buster." Roth's margin was down from 1970,
but he was too strong in the suburbs for
Maloney to have any chance to beat him state-
wide.
Running ' for a third term in 1982, Roth
faced his most difficult Senate test. As cospon-
sor of the supply-aide tax cut, Roth was a
visible target for complaints about the economy
- and, like other industrial states, Delaware
had felt the effects of recession.
David N. Levinson, Roth's hard-charging
Democratic opponent, encouraged voters to
link Roth to Reaganomics and the woes he
claimed it had produced. Parodying John
Steinbeck's novel about the Great Depression,
Levinson branded the administration's eco-
nomic blueprint "the grapes of Roth."
The incumbent did not shy away from his
legislation; billboards advertising his candidacy
read, "Bill Roth, the Taxpayer's Best Friend."
But he was careful to offer evidence of his
concern for Frost Belt economic needs. When
the Senate took up Reagan's first package of
spending cuts in 1981, Roth voted against re-
ductions in three programs important to Dela-
ware: the Conrail transportation system, trade
adjustment assistance to unemployed workers
and energy subsidies for the poor.
If Levinson was an aggressive candidate,
he was also one with serious flaws. A wealthy
real estate developer, he had made his fortune
in the St. Louis area, not in Delaware, and Roth
focused on that fact in radio spots, suggesting
the Democrat had come into the state just to
challenge him.
Levinson campaigned for the seat for over
two years; his efforts garnered him endorse-
ments from labor and most of the other impor-
tant groups Democrats need to be competitive
statewide. But that was not enough. Roth lost
Wilmington, but more than made up the differ-
ence in suburban New Castle County and in the
rural territory south of the Chesapeake and
Delaware Canal.
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Committees
aovernrn.ntal Affairs (Chairman)
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigation (ctnairman).
Finance (3rd of 11 Republicans)
Economic Growth. Employment and Revenue Sharing; Interna-
tionat Trade; Savings, Pensions and investment Policy.
Mbct intelligence (7th of 8 Republicans)
Analysis and Production; Budget.
Joint Economic
Trade, Product" and Economic Growth (drokmank Agrlcul-
ture and Transportation.
Joint Taxation
Elections
1992 General
William Roth (R)
David Levinson (D)
105,357 (55%)
84.413 (44%)
Previous Winning Palm ntages:
1979 (56%) 1970 (59%)
1189? (59%)
1966? (56%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Rscsipts
from PACs
Expend-
Itures
1992
Roth(A)
$841,151
$350,073 (42%)
$783,171
Levinson (D)
$772,579
$184,636 (24%)
$758,841
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support unity coalition
Year
$ 0
6
0
S 0
1982
77 20
76
22
83 16
1981
75 24
72
26
75 24
1980
41 55
85
12
87 10
1971
46 47
72
22
67 23
1978
32 62
82
14
80 15
1977
58 39
81
14
87 8
117$ 66 28 70
1975 63 33 65 '
1974 (Ford) 54 46
1974 71 27 68
1973 71 25 76
1912 83 17 79
1971 65 15 84
Noun esrrla
1970 72 26 69
1989 70 30 85
1989 54 35 74
1997 52 48 84
24
75
19
:
29
64
28
. ,u
28 -
76
19
22
79
20
19
84
14
15
79
21
25
75
25
15
73
24
15
71
16
16
87
13
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
index income taxes (1981) Y
Cut off 8.1 bomber funds (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete $ 1.2 billion for public works )obs (1982) Y
Increase gas tax by S cents per gallon (1982) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2
1992 50 55 27 67
1981 20 70 32 78
1160 22 73 21 80
1979 21 70 21 64 73
1978 15 83 11 89
1977 20 Be 16 88
1976 10 84 26 56
1975 33 57 25 80
1974 38 74 18 80
1973 40 83 9 67
1972 25 73 10 80
1971 19 67 8 -
House service
1970 20 79 29 100
1969 7 65 30 -
1968 8 86 33
1967 7 90 8 90
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William S. Cohen (R)
Of Bangor - Elected 1978
Bore Aug. 28, 1940, Bangor, Maine.
Education: Bowdoin College, B.A. 1962; Boston U.,
LL.B. 1965.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Diane Dunn; two children.
Religion: Unitarian.
Political Career. Bangor City Council, 1969-72; mayor
of Bangor, 1971-72; U.S. House, 1973-79.
Capitol Office: 131 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-2523.
In Washington: Cohen no longer draws
the headlines that he attracted a decade ago,
when he argued for President Nixon's impeach.
ment on the House Judiciary Committee. Since
his arrival in the Senate in 1979, he has estab-
lished a record of solid workaday productivity
on his two major committees, Armed Services
and Governmental Affairs.
He still has a flair for subtle self-promo-
tion - a diary of his first year in the Senate,
published in 1981, portrays a senator almost
too sincere and too thoughtful to be believed.
But most of his legislative accomplishments
have had little to do with public relations.
On Armed Services, Cohen is respected for
his work as chairman of the Sea Power Sub-
committee. He has been sympathetic to the
"military reform" proposals of Colorado Demo-
crat Gary Hart, who feels the Navy should
focus its efforts on building larger numbers of
smaller ships. But he is generally on the side of
substantially increased military spending, and
he worries that the American public might
never support the effort needed to match the
Soviet Navy.
"We live in a free society which simply will
not appropriate the number of dollars neces-
sary," be has said, "at a time in which the
American people think they are at peace." He
himself is not so sure we are at peace.
A vigorous opponent of the SALT U
treaty, Cohen has some novel ideas about arms
control. Early in 1983 he began pushing the
idea of a "guaranteed arms build-down," under
which the superpowers would agree to elimi-
pate two older nuclear warheads or bombers for
every new one they built. The proposal, devel-
oped with Georgia Democrat Sam Nunn, at-
tracted considerable interest within the Reagan
administration.
While his Watergate fame has faded, Co-
hen remains interested in the issues that
emerged from it, such as the 1978 special
Maine - Senior sonalg r
prosecutor law. He agreed with the Reagan
administration that the law was not working
well - its provisions were put into effect too
easily and applied to too many people.
But Cohen refused to abandon the low, as
the Reagan White House proposed. Instead, he
developed legislation, reported by his Govern.
mental Affairs Subcommittee on Overnight of
Government Management, that tightened the
standards for appointing a special prosecutor.
The bill became law early in 1983.
In that effort, Cohen worked closely with
subcommittee Democrat Carl Levin of Michi-
gan; the two also combined in 1982 to produce a
law protecting Social Security disability recipi.
ents from a rapid loss of benefits. Cohen was'
sharply critical of President Reagan's campaign
to cut disability rolls, which he said inflicted
severe hardship on many innocent people.
At Home: Cohen all but assured himself of
a statewide political future on the day he spoke
out for Nixon's impeachment,
not only as a Republican of conscience, ~ utt asga
man who knew how to give a good speech.
His good looks, easygoing manner and
.careful questioning were perfect for television.
As one of just six Judiciary Committee Repub-
licans favoring impeachment, he drew wide
media attention, most of it favorable. Time
magazine named him one of America's 200
future leaders, and the Jaycees called him one
of the 10 outstanding young men in the nation.
From that point on, his elevation to the
Senate was pretty much a matter of time.
If there had been no Watergate, however,
the odds are be would be in the Senate by now
anyway. His Judiciary Committee performance
merely added to the "rising star" reputation he
had carried with him most of his life, beginning
in his high school and college days on the
basketball court.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO
William S. Cohn, R-Main.
He thought about becoming a Latin
scholar, but went to law school instead and
finished among the top 10 members of his class.
It was less than a decade from law school to the
Bangor mayoralty.
Cohen became mayor in 1971. after three
years on the City Council. But he did not bold
the job very long. Rep. William D. Hathaway
was running for the Senate the same year, and
his 2nd District was open. Cohen won it easily,
doing exceptionally well for a Republican in
many Democratic areas.
After the 1974 period of Watergate celeb-
rity, Cohen began to think about the proper
timing for a Senate effort - he spent nearly a
year considering a 1976 campaign against
Maine's senior senator, Edmund S. Muskie.
Private polls showed him close to Muskie. but
challenging the state's most durable Democrat
was no sure thing. Prudence dictated a two-
year wait and a campaign against Hathaway,
more liberal and less of an institution.
.Knowing be was in trouble, Hathaway
worked bard to save himself in 1978, but Cohen
had almost no weaknesses. The personal glam.
our of 1974 had never really worn off, and state
and national media refurbished it for the canc.
paign. Cohen shifted slightly to the right, argu.
ing that Hathaway was too liberal for most of
Maine. He also worked for Democratic votes,
concentrating his efforts in such places as Port-
"'a lrisb-Catholic Munjoy Hill: section.
Hathaway had not done anything in par-
ticular to offend the voters, but the challenger
overwhelmed him. The Democrat was held in, a
three-way contest to 33.9 percent, one of the
lowest figures for any Senate incumbent.
One of Cohen's few political missteps was
his all-out support for Tennessee Sen. Howard.
H. Baker Jr. for the 1980 Republican presiden-
tial nomination. Cohen tried to engineer a
straw-poll victory for Baker at a late 1979
statewide party gathering in Portland, but the
Tennessean lost in a surprise to George Bush.
1560
43
42
64
23
58
30
Committees
1571
55
37
62
34
55
38
Armed Servioa (6th of 10 Republicans).
Sea Power and Force Protection (chain): Manpower and
Notes m vice
1571
39
37
58
27
59
24
Personnel; Strategic and Theater Nuclear Forces.
an
67
29
50
44
48
45
Gorammentat Affairs (5th of 10 Republicans)
1976
43
57
41
58
50
50
Oversight of Government Management (chairmant Energy. Nu-
1175
62
37
56
42
49
48
clear Proliferation and Government Processes; Permanent Sub-
1174 (Ford)
48
37
committee on Investigations.
1974
55
43
42
50
38
57
6
1575
53
46
46
52
38
0
Nlsef Intelligence (8th of 8 Republicans)
Budget; Collection and Foreign Operations; Legislation and the
S - Support
0 - Opposition
Rights of Americans.
Special Aging (5th of 8 Republicans)
Elections
1911 Ger>ra
William Cohen (R) 212.294 (56%)
William Hathawa i (D) 127.327 (4%)
Hayes Gahagan()
Previous Winning Pereartfapas: 11W (77%) 1574? (71%)
1172' (54%)
Mouse elections.
Campaign Finance
psaipts $m PACs mutts
1578
C;ohien (R) Hathaway (D) 1423,499 $166,594 (39%) 54233.027
Voting Studies
CoroKntive
Unity sww Coalition
Year 8 0 $ 0 S 0
1982. 67 31 62 36 47 52
1181 76 19 69 25 59 36
Key Votes
Alow vote on anti-busing big (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V
ind
Co off 134 bomber hinds ex income taxes (1981) N
Subsidee home mortgage rates (1982) N
Retain tobaC price supports (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budge! (1982) N
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2
1562 55 57 27 42
1181 35 61 33 76
1180 33 68 22 70
1579 42 62 39 64
Noose sarvica
1578 30 58 21 63
1977 65 48 59 62
1576 50 18 52 38
1575 74 54 57 59
1174 61 27 64 40
1573 52 27 64 45
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Orrin G. Hatch (R)
Of Midvale - Elected 1976
Born: March 22, 1934, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Education: Brigham Young U., B.S. 1959; U. of Pitts-
burgh, LL.B. 1962.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family-. Wife, Elaine Hansen; six children.
Religion: Mormon.
political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 135 Russell Bldg. 20515; 224-5251.
In Washington: Hatch's rapid rise to
power in the Senate has been accompanied by a
shift toward the political center, one that has
lessened the aura of militance that made him a
New Right" favorite during his first years in
office.
Hatch insists he has not changed much -
he says he never deserved the "ultra-conserva-
tive" label. But if his ideology is not greatly
different, his style certainly is: Over two years
as chairman of the Labor and Human Re-
sources Committee and the Constitution Sub-
committee at Judiciary, Hatch has sometimes
sounded so conciliatory that those watching
have wondered what happened to him.
"If I didn't know better," a liberal House
Democrat remarked after watching Hatch dur-
ing a 1981 budget conference, "I would have
thought I heard the distinct accents of a born-
again liberal." At the time, Hatch was fighting
successfully to retain $1 billion in the budget
for education and training programs. He had
just finished persuading the Reagan adminis-
tration not to seek cuts in funding for the Job
Corps. He was not the laboi-baiting Republican
they had come to know.
"The chairman can't just snap his fingers
and expect things to happen," Hatch has said,
and his experience as head of his two panels
bears him out. He was repeatedly frustrated in
the 97th Congress, and had to make major
compromises in hopes of passing legislation.
Those deals sometimes angered his hard-line
supporteis.
The Labor Committee under Hatch has
been deadlocked between liberals and conser-
vatives. His Judiciary panel has considered an
ambitious agenda of longtime goals of conser-
vatives, such as a balanced federal budget and
abortion curbs, but none of the proposals has
yet become law.
As he searches patiently for compromise,
Hatch seems far different from the aggressive
outsider who arrived in 1977, ready to do battle
with the Washington establishment and its
"soft-headed inheritors of wealth." He was an
angry man in those days, and he quickly drew a
reputation as a humorless person who did not
fit well into Senate camaraderie.
"Bonn' Orrin," critics called him, after his
slow monotone occupied the Senate for weeks
as he mounted a successful filibuster against
the 1978 labor law revision bill. That was partly
sour grapes from backers of the bill, but it
reflected a widespread perception even on his
own side of the aisle. In 1979, when he ran for
the chairmanship of the Senate GOP campaign
committee, Hatch thought he had enough com-
mitments of support to win. But when the vote
was taken, John Heinz of Pennsylvania had
beaten him. Some senators said afterward that
Hatch's reputation as a strident conservative
ideologue had cost him votes.
The perception had begun to change by
the time Hatch took over the Labor Committee
in 1981. It evolved further as he worked to
resolve the deep disagreements on the panel
over President Reagan's proposed budget cuts.
The Reagan administration proposed end.
ing many of the existing programs and replac-
ing them with "block grants " to the states, at a
lower level of funding. But there was no major-
ity for that approach. Hatch labored through
the spring to find a compromise position that
could win a committee majority without losing
the support of the administration. Ultimately,
he agreed to a compromise turning some of the
programs into block grants, but leaving many
of them intact.
Meanwhile, Hatch had shown considerable
skill in managing the committee through an
earlier controversy - the nomination of Ray-
mond J. Donovan to be secretary of labor.
Despite criticism from the White House, Hatch
insisted on a vigorous investigation of Donovan,
who was accused of having ties to organized
crime.
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Orrin G. Hatch, R-Utah
Even after he was confirmed by the Sen-
ate, however, Donovan's legal problems per-
sisted, and Hatch was dragged further into the
case. When committee staffers renewed their
investigation, Donovan associates hired private
detectives to investigate the staffers. There was
even an alleged death threat against one staff
member. A special federal prosecutor eventu-
ally declined to indict Donovan, but not until
after Hatch learned with some irritation that
White House officials had withheld damaging
information from the committee during the
nomination hearings.
Many labor loyalists were sure' that
Hatch's chairmanship would guarantee angry
confrontations between him and the unions.
Ever since he led the 1978 labor law filibuster,
Hatch had been viewed by labor as its arch-
enemy in the Senate. The reality has been far
less cataclysmic.
As chairman in the 97th Congress, Hatch
did win committee approval for a few relatively
minor bills fighting labor corruption. But more
controversial proposals, such as changes in pen-
sion laws, went nowhere. "it is next to impossi-
ble to do anything on that committee without
the approval of labor union leaders in Washing-
ton," he has complained.
Another Hatch proposal, which got
through the Labor panel but not much further,
would have allowed help for people in Utah and
other Western states who had been exposed to
radiation during the atomic bomb tests of the
1950s. Hatch proposed that cancer victims be
eligible for claims against the government if
they could show that there was even a small
statistical chance that their disease was caused
by the radiation exposure. But the proposal
had high potential costs and complex legal
implications, and it never reached the floor.
Hatch's job on the -Judiciary Committee
changed in 1981 from one of blocking liberal
legislation to that of trying to advance conser-
vative proposals.
His most notable success during the 97th
Congress as chairman of the Constitution Sub-
committee was the narrow Senate approval in
1982 of a constitutional amendment requiring a
balanced federal budget. With strong backing
from President Reagan, Hatch secured the two-
thirds majority needed for passage. The House
rejected the amendment.
The debate over the balanced budget pro-
posal was mild, however, compared with the
storm of controversy Hatch encountered on the
abortion issue. Hatch ended up thoroughly
angering many militant "right-to-life" anti-
abortionists, but not making much progress on
his own anti-abortion proposal.
Hatch argued that tnly a constitutional
amendment would be sufficient to overturn the
Supreme Court's decision permitting abortion
- a crucial difference with militant groups
that wanted to ban abortion by statute and
thus avoid the constitutional amendment pro.
cess.
Moreover, Hatch's amendment in effect
turned the issue over to the states, allowing
them to make any decision they wanted, while
some right-to-life groups sought a national pro.
hibition. Hatch's constitutional amendment
was approved by the Judiciary Committee, but
never made it to the Senate floor.
Before the Republican takeover of the
Senate, Hatch won a notable victory on Judi.
ciary in blocking legislation to strengthen fed-
eral enforcement of open housing laws. He led a
successful filibuster against the bill late in the
1980 congressional session.
He sought to add to the bill a requirement
that the government prove that alleged vio-
lators of open housing laws had intended to
discriminate in the sale or rental of housing.
But last-minute negotiations broke down, and
the bill died.
In the 97th Congress, the most important
civil rights issue at Judiciary was extension of
the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and here too Hatch
was one of the critics.
He focused on the "intent" concept. Civil
rights groups were pushing to expand the law
to allow voting rights violations to be proved by
showing that an election law or procedure pro-
duced a discriminatory result, whether inten-
tional or not.
Hatch fought to retain the existing law's
standard, which required proof that there had
been an intent to discriminate in setting up
election laws. The "results" test, he warned,
would lead to proportional representation of
minorities in Congress and state legislatures.
But the Judiciary Committee approved a com-
promise version essentially retaining the "re-
sults" test.
At Home: If Hatch has changed in Wash-
ington, the perception of him by his critics in
Utah has not. Bidding for a second term in
1982, he found himself under strong challenge
for being rigid both in his conservative views
and his personal style.
Ted Wilson, his affable Democratic oppo-
nent, was a more than credible candidate. As
two-term mayor of Salt Lake City, Wilson had
become a well-known figure throughout the
state, and he carefully began building his chal-
lenge to Hatch a year in advance. With Wilson
trailing the incumbent by only 7 percentage
points in a January 1982 poll taken by the
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Deseret News in Salt Lake City, Hatch looked
vulnerable.
Wilson was not the only one with designs
on the incumbent. After Hatch blocked labor
low revision in' 1978. the late AFL-CIO Presi-
dent George Meany had vowed, "Well defeat
you no matter what it takes." But while
Hatch's longtime status as a labor antagonist
guaranteed Wilson strong union support,
unions are not the most useful allies in conser-
vative Utah. Being a labor target almost cer-
tainly did Hatch more good than harm.
Hatch also sought to meet complaints
about his demeanor. Funding a television cam-
paign with a treasury nearly three times the
size of his opponent's, he ran ads that showed
him playing with children and dogs.
Wilson, hoping to maintain his early mo-
mentum, spent much of the campaign sifting
through various strategies searching for a way
to undo the incumbent. He branded Hatch's
politics as extremist, indicted his style as "stri-
dent and contentious," accused him of caring
more about national conservative causes than
about Utah, and, finally, criticized the Reagan
economic philosophy that Hatch vowed he
would continue to fight for if re-elected.
The latter approach probably did not help.
Utah gave Reagan 73 percent of its presidential
ballots in 1980 - his best showing in the
country - and the president's popularity re-
mained high there in late 1982. Buoyed by two
Reagan visits to the state during the campaign,
Hatch held onto his seat with nearly 60 percent
of the vote.
Reagan also played an important role in
Hatch's path to Washington in 1976. Then a
political neophyte, Hatch mounted a Senate
candidacy that represented as pure an example
of anti-Washington politics as the nation has
seen in recent years.
Hatch's lack of government experience.
any level almost certainly helped him. In liii
private legal practice, he'.had represented
ants fighting federal regulations. ''?
Hatch was recruited for the Senate ani
paign against incumbent Democrat Frank !~E-
Moss by conservative leader Ernest' Wikerson"
who had challenged Moss in 1964. The,}
paign attracted the zeal and money of some
conservatives who had been politically-inactive.,,
Hatch's competitor for the .Republi a `n
nomination was Jack W. Carlson, former t S.
assistant secretary of the interior. Carlson 'seen
as the front-runner, underscored his extensive
Washington experience, arguing that it ow u1
make him a more effective senator. Besides the
Interior Department, he had served aith~the's
Office of Management and Budget, the;Couneil
of Economic Advisers and the DefenseDpart-
went.
That was the wrong, record for Utah m
1976. Hatch, seeing that the state was fed up'i
with federal rules, took the opposite approac} `'
The party convention gave him 778 votes to 930'.,
for Carlson, a Ford supporter. In the weeks that
remained before the primary, Hatch won nu-
merous converts. The day before the voting, her
reinforced his conservative credentials by?run-''
ping newspaper ads trumpeting his endorse- `
ment by Reagan. Hatch won by almost 2-to-'l. ;
The primary gave Hatch a publicity bonus'
that helped him catch up to Moss, who faced not
party competitors. Moss, seen as a liberal by ,
Utah standards, had helped himself at home by, i'
investigating Medicaid abuses and fighting to
ban cigarette advertising from television. He',
stressed his seniority and the tangible benefits
it had brought the state. But Hatch argued d
successfully that the real issue was limiting
government and taxes, and that. he would be
more likely to do that than Moss.
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Committees
Labor and PMrman Resources (Chairman)
Education. Arts and the Nnxnan ltlas; Employrrsnt and Pro-
durtM Labor.
Agrladhae, Nutrition and Forestry (10th of 10 Republicans)
AgrfuAtural Research and General lsistion; Nutrition; Soil
and Water Conservation, Forestry amddEEmioment.
Budget (5th o112 Republican)
idlclay (4th 0110 Republicans)
Constitution (cfalrman); Patents. Copyrkphts and Trademarks;
Se uft and Terrorism.
$mall business (3rd of 10 Republicans)
Government Regulation and Paperwork (ehaimen); Capital For-
mation and Retention.
11982 General
Orrin G. Match (R) 309,332 (58%)
Ted Wilson (D) 219,482 (41%)
Previous Winning Percentage: 1976 (54%)
Campaign Finance
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Blow {Minify C" HUM
Tow S 0 8 0 S 0
1992 79 14 60 12 90 6
11111 87 11 69 6 91 7
11*0 31 65 79 15 62 15
1979 27 66 90 3 90 3
1979 19 75 93 3 93 3
1977 41 49 68 1 91 1
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete $12 billion for public works lobs (1982)
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-= CCUS-1 CCUS-2
Expend-
1162 5 95 5 70
Rea" Iron PACs Nuns
1111 0 85 11 100
1910 17 96 11 90
1912
11176 11 96 6 100 87
Match (R) 83,834,906 $881,762 (23%) $3,490,953
1979 5 96 11 94
Wilson(D) $1,706,409 $338,764 (20%) $1,670,409
1977 0 92 12 100
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f Frank H. Murkowski (R)
Of Fairbanks - Elected 1980
Born March 28, 1933, Seattle, Wash.
Education Seattle University, B.A. 1955.
Military Career. Coast Guard, 1955-56.
Occupation. Banker.
Family: Wife. Nancy Gore; six children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Caner. Alaska commissioner of economic
development, 1967-70; Republican nominee for U.S.
House, 1970.
Capitol Office: 254 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224.6665.
In Washington: Murkowski, unlike most
of the 16 Republicans in the Senate class of
1980, went virtually unnoticed by the national
media during his first two years in office. While
Jeremiah Denton, John P. East, Paula Hawkins
and other freshman senators were grabbing
headlines - many of them unflattering -
Murkowski kept a very low profile.
Most of his work was as a junior partner to
Alaska's senior senator, Ted Stevens, the GOP
majority whip. Murkowski, Stevens and two
other senators played a key role in prodding
construction of the Alaska Natural Gas Pipe-
line. The pipeline is to deliver gas from Prud-
hoe Bay, Alaska, to users throughout the conti-
nental United States.
The 1977 law authorizing construction of
the pipeline stipulated that the project would
be privately financed, and that gas consumers
could not be billed for the construction costs
until the line was completed and operating. But
construction costs have quadrupled beyond
,original estimates.
Murkowski joined in an effort to write a
partial waiver of the 1977 law so that consum-
ers would be billed as large portions of the
pipeline were completed. Despite objections
that the waivers were a consumer rip-off, both
the House and the Senate approved them.
Murkowski also has worked with Stevens
in pushing for a bill directing the federal gov-
ernment to share with coastal states some of
the revenue from offshore oil and gas leases. No
other state has as much of its offshore acreage
leased for'drilling as Alaska.
. Efforts by some senators to reduce the seal
harvest on Alaska's Pribilof Islands prompted
Murkowski to enter foreign policy. The federal
government pays Aleuts on the Pribilofs
$250,000 to harvest the seal skins during the
five-week summer breeding season. The har-
vest is then distributed among U.S., Canada,
Japan and the Soviet Union.
Murkowaki says this arrangement provides
much-needed jobs for the Aleuts. But Christo-
pher J. Dodd of Connecticut, a member of
Foreign Relations, argued in the 97th Congress
that taxpayers' money should not be spent on
killing seals.
Dodd's proposal for a drastic reduction in
the harvest was beaten 9-6 in the Foreign
Relations Committee. On the floor, the ar-
rangement was extended after Dodd's side at-
tached a provision calling for a study to explore
alternative sources of employment for the
Aleuts.
At the beginning of the 98th Congress.
Murkowski left his seat on Environment and
Public Works to become the only newly added
member of Foreign Relations. Murkowski's
presence does nothing to shift the balance on
the committee, where the GOP has a 9-8 ad-
vantage. Murkowski follows the same pro-ad-
ministration line as the man he replaced, re-
tired California Sen. S. I. "Sam" Hayakawa.
Murkowski took Hayakawa's spot as chair-
man of the Foreign Relations subcommittee on
East Asian and Pacific Affairs, a useful forum
to speak for his constituents who are concerned
about Japanese fishing in Alaskan waters.
At Home: Except for three years in state
government and one failed campaign for the
House, Murkowski had spent his entire adult
life in banking before he announced for the
Senate in June of 1980.
His status as a relative newcomer to poli-
tics hardly seemed an advantage against Demo-
crat Clark S. Gruening, a popular two-term
state legislator and grandson of the legendary
Ernest Gruening, a former Alaska senator and
governor. But Democratic disunity and the
Reagan tide brought Murkowski a solid victory.
Throughout much of the early campaign
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POP-
Karon. Murkowski's effort was obscured by the
bitter Democratic primary. To win the Demo.
cratic nomination, Gruening had to get past
Sen. Mike Gravel, the two-term incumbent. It
was a matter of revenge for Gruening; Gravel
was the man who had ousted his grandfather
from the Senate 12 years before.
Gravel's legislative behavior helped make
Gruenings primary victory possible. Battling
o prevent the Senate from enacting legislation
restricting development of Alaska's lands,
Gravel resorted to an obstructionism so stri-
dent and obnoxious that he did his cause more
harm than good. A few days before the primary,
the Senate succeeded in closing debate on a
Gravel filibuster against the Alaska bill, lend-
ing credence to Gruening's charges that he had
lwt influence in the chamber. Although fore-
casters had predicted a tight race, Gruening
won by a comfortable margin.
Gruening also outpolled Murkowski by
more than 2-to-1 in Alaska's open primary, in
which all candidates appear on the same ballot
regardless of party affiliation. Although Mur-
kowski took the GOP nomination with ease, the
comparison seemed significant - historically.
the top vote getter in the primary has gone on
to win the general election.
But Murkowski was able to buck tradition
Committees
Energy Red Nahsal Resources (7th of 11 Republicans)
Energy Regulation (chairman); Energy and Mineral Resources:
water and Power.
Foreign Relations (9th of 9 Repubkans)
East Asian and Pacific Affairs (chair mank International Eco-
nomic Pdic); western Hemisphere Affairs
ttsMct kiden Affairs (4th of 4 Republicans)
Warm Maus (4th of 7 Republicans)
Elections
11910 General
Clark Gn ing (D)R)
72,007 (46%)
IM Prism, .
Frank Murkowski (R) 16.M(59%)
AM- Kennedy (R) 6.527 (W%)
Morris Thon+Pson (R) 3.635(13%)
G;ampaign Finance
11100*111
Nampa tromPAC& Muses
Murkowski (R) $712,837 $304,971 (43%) $697,387
Cruel*g (D) $512,411 $2,750 (.1%) $507,445
1910
Frank H. Murkowski, R-Alaska
by keeping attention- focused on Gruening's
record in the Legislature. Accusing him of
being too liberal for the state's electorate,
Murkowski claimed the Democrat had sup-
ported the legalization of marijuana. He also
tied Gruening to the environmentalist Sierra
Club, anathema to pro-development Alaskans.
Gruening claimed his legislative experience
made him more qualified to be a U.S. senator.
But most voters did not agree. Buoyed by
national Republican help and a treasury ex-
ceeding $700,000 - nearly half of which came
from political action committees - Murkowski
did very well in his Fairbanks base and upset
Gruening in the Democrat's hometown of An-
chorage, Alaska's largest city.
A Seattle native who moved to Alaska
while in high school, Murkowski got his first
taste of elective politics in 1970. That year he
defeated a member of the John Birch Society in
a Republican primary for Alaska's at-large
House seat, left vacant when Rep. Howard W.
Pollock sought the governorship. He lost the
general election to Democratic state Sen. Nick
Begich, but the experience whet his appetite.
After serving for nine years as president of the
Alaska National Bank of the North, at Fair-
banks, he quit banking and announced for the
Senate.
Voting Studies
PreiWienu P" Conservative
Slipper! Unity Cedition
rear $ 0 $ 0 9 0
1182 79 11 91 5 89 1
1111 82 11 83 11 as 9
Key Votes
Allow vote on ant" bin (1981) Y
Irddex~ircom e taxes (981) Sates Arabia (1981) Y N
Cut off &1 bomber funds (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) 7
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (982) Y
Increase on tax by 5 Dents per gallon (1982) Y
. Interest Group Ratings
vow ADA ACA AR-00 CCUS
1612 10 70 24 70
1911 15 65 24 93
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Ponnsylvonio - Junior Sonotor
Arlen Specter (R)
Of Philadelphia - Elected 1980
Born: Feb. 12, 1930, Wichita, Kan.
Education: U. of Pa., B.A. 1951; Yale U., LL.B. 1956.
Military Career. Air Force, 1951-53.
Occupation: Lawyer; law professor.
Family: Wife, Joan Lois Levy; two children.
Religion Jewish.
Political Career. Philadelphia district attorney, 1966-
74; Republican nominee for mayor of Philadelphia,
1967; defeated for re-election as district attorney,
1973; sought Republican nomination for U.S. Sen-
ate, 1976; sought Republican nomination for gover-
nor, 1978.
Capitol Office: 360 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4254.
In Washington: One look at Specter's
Senate voting record makes it clear that some-
thing in him harks back to his early days in
politics, when he was a liberal Democrat cru-
sading for reform as an assistant district attor-
ney in Philadelphia.
Specter switched to the GOP in 1965 out of
hostility to his city's entrenched Democratic
establishment, but his urban Republicanism
sets him apart from most of those in his 1980
GOP class.
In 1982 Specter was at the top of the list of
Senate Republicans whose votes most often ran
counter to President Reagan's wishes: Specter,
Lowell P. Weicker of Connecticut and John H.
Chafee of Rhode Island each opposed Reagan
more than 40 percent of the time.
When Supreme Court nominee Sandra
Day O'Connor came to Judiciary Committee
confirmation hearings in 1981, freshman Re-
publican senators Jeremiah Denton, John P.
East and Charles E. Grassley pressed her to
denounce the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling legaliz-
ing abortion. -
Specter attacked from an opposite direc-
tion. He joined with Democrats Joseph R. Bi-
den Jr. and Patrick J. Leahy to endorse the
concept of "judicial activism" - the practice of
judges making social policy through their rul-
ings. Specter said the "strict constructionist"
view that conservatives wanted to impose on
O'Connor would preclude decisions such as
Brown v. Board of Education, the landmark
1954 school desegregation case.
Specter takes a dim view of efforts to
legislate against abortion and busing. He and
Maryland's Charles McC. Mathias Jr. were the
only two Republicans voting "no" in March
1982 as Judiciary approved a proposed con-
stitutional amendment giving Congress and the
states joint authority to enact legislation re-
stricting abortion. He joined Mathias and other
moderate Republicans in opposing a bill to bar
federal courts from ordering a student bused
beyond the school nearest the pupil's home.
During the 97th Congresss, Specter gener-
ally supported the president on the key budget
and tax votes that were the foundation of
Reaganomics. But he consistently showed more
interest than most Republicans in providing
short-term help to people and businesses af-
fected by the recession.
In the early months of 1983, he pushed
several recession relief measures: a bill cospon-
sored with Carl Levin, D-Mich., to extend
emergency supplemental unemployment bene-
fits for six months; a bill providing money to
jobless people in danger of losing their homes
to foreclosure; and a proposal to permit federal
courts to issue injunctions against foreign im-
ports if the imports were being "dumped" (sold
at a price below the cost of production) on the
U.S. market.
Specter tried to attach the anti-dumping
measure to a trade bill that strengthened the
president's power to retaliate against foreign
unfair trading practices. But opponents of
Specter's proposal said it was overly protec-
tionist, and the amendment was tabled, 57-32.
Specter's background as a prosecutor and
lawyer made him a natural choice for Judiciary,
and it is there that he has found the most
common ground with other Republicans.
His biggest victory in Judiciary came in
late 1982 when the committee approved his
"career criminal" bill. It proposed giving fed-
eral courts jurisdiction to try criminal cases
involving repeat state offenders who use fire-
arms to commit crimes such as burglary and
robbery. Those found guilty would face a man-
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datory minimum prison term of 16 years, a fine
of $10,000, or both, and would be ineligible for
probation or parole.
Specter said the bill would expedite pros-
ecution of dangerous criminals by shifting cases
from overworked state criminal courts into
federal courts. He said it would help deter
serious crimes, because federal judges generally
impose longer sentences than state judges. The
measure did not make it to the Senate floor on
its own, but it was included in an omnibus
crime bill put together by House and Senate
conferees near the end of the 97th Congress. It
did not become law, though; Reagan vetoed it,
mostly for reasons unrelated to Specter's part
of the legislation. ,
After be was named chairman of Judi-
ciary's subcommittee on Juvenile Justice in
1981, one of Specter's first tasks was to rescue a
major program under his jurisdiction. Reagan
wanted to lump juvenile justice programs into
social services block grants to the states and
eliminate the federal Office of Juvenile Justice
and Delinquency Prevention.
The Senate Budget Committee acceded to
Reagan's request. But Specter convinced Judi-
ciary to save the agency by suggesting that its
authorization be cut to $70 million.
At Home: To some in Pennsylvania, Spec-
ter's 1980 campaign for the Senate seemed like
the last gasp of a fading politician. Once the
bright young star of Pennsylvania GOP poli-
tics, be had lost much of his luster following
defeats for mayor of Philadelphia in 1967 and
for re-election as the city's district attorney in
1973. When he failed in two more statewide
primary campaigns, in 1976 and 1978, it ap-
peared that his triumphs were behind him.
But he decided to make one more try when
Republican Richard S. Schweiker announced
he would leave the Senate in 1981.
Although Specter's past campaigns had
given him greater statewide exposure than any
other GOP candidate, it seemed at first that he
carried too much baggage even to win the
nomination over Bud Haabestad, the state
GOP chairman. Haabestad had the backing of
Schweiker, Republican Gov. Richard L. Thorn-
burgh sand Sen. John Heinz, who all appeared
in television ads touting his candidacy.
But Haabestad, Thornburgh's hand-
picked state chairman, was disliked by orga-
nization Republicans. Thornburgh had abol-
ished much of the traditional GOP patronage
system in Pennsylvania, and Haabestad had
home the had tidings to Republican workers
throughout the state. This issue allowed Spec-
ter to win the primary by a 60,000-vote margin.
In the general election, Specter had the
Aron Spector, R-Po..,
16.
good fortune of running against a Democrat,.
who was also a two-time statewide loser ;;.
former Pittsburgh Mayor Pete Flaherty. lm.
mensely popular in the western part of the
state, Flaherty had suffered in the past from"a
tendency to run his statewide campaigns on his
own, disdaining modern campaign organization !.;
and financing. In 1980, determined not to make
the same mistake, be put more effort into
building a statewide network.
It was not enough. Thornburgh and Heinz`-
agreed to support Specter after the Primary-4
and with their help, he was able to make some
inroads on Flaherty's territory in western
Pennsylvania. At the same time, Flaherty was
unable to overcome the longstanding suspicion
of him in the Philadelphia area. Specter carried
Philadelphia by 14,000 votes and won immense:;
margins in the more Republican Philadelphia h'
suburbs, enough to offset Flaherty's showing at
the western end of the state.
Specter's roots in Philadelphia politics
reach back to the early 1960s. when he was an
assistant district attorney making a name for
himself among Democrats as a hard-working
young reformer. After a stint with the Warren
Commission, where he was the chief author of
the theory that a single bullet had. hit both
Kennedy and Texas Gov. John Connally, he
returned to conduct an investigation of Phila='p
delphia's judicial system for the state attorney
general.
Specter released his report, in which he
called the system a "cesspool" of corruption,
early in 1965, the same year he challenged his
former boss, James Crumlish, for district attor-
ney. When Crumlish was renominated by the,
Democrats, Specter decided to run as-a Repub-i
lican.
Running on the slogan, "A Return to Re-
form," Specter - or "Benedict Arlen,". as
Crumlish called him - campaigned almost as
much against Democratic Mayor James Tate' as
he did against Crumlish. He defeated the i n,-
cumbent by 36,000 votes, becoming the first;',!
Republican elected to citywide office in over{ a;
decade.
Two years later Specter was ready to take
on Tate directly. The Democratic party had
been split by feuds between machine regulars,
and reformers, and the mayor seemed in no
shape to fight off a concerted GOP challenge.
Specter and his "clean government" campaign
were expected to romp through the electron:
It did not work out that way- Tate, rejected
by the organization, nonetheless won`': the Dem
ocratic nomination easily. Then, as riots werey,'
breaking out in other cities, Tate and his newly appointed police chief, Frank Rizzo, clamped
.a"
1279
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Arlen Specter, 1-Po.
"limited emergency" on the city to prevent
disturbances. Specter charged that the action
would have been unnecessary if Tate had ad-
dressed the root causes of urban unrest -
poverty and unemployment - but he could not
prevent Tate from riding voters' gratitude to
the narrowest victory in a mayoral election in
32 years.
By 1973. as he completed his second term
in the district attorney's office, Specter was
considered the favorite candidate in state GOP
circles for the party's attempt to wrest the
statehouse from Democrats the following year.
But the speculation ended abruptly when he
lost his campaign for a third term as district
attorney that fall.
Specter announced he was going into pri-
vate law practice, and for the first time in over
a decade, his name left the front pages. It did
not take long to resurface. In 1976 he entered
the GOP primary to replace retiring Sen. Hugh
Scott. The frontrunner in the contest was then
Rep. Heinz, whose tremendous financial re-
sources gave him a clear edge. But Heinz had
been hurt by disclosures that he had received
illegal contributions from the Gulf Oil Com-
Committees
District (chairm k Agriculture. Rural Development
and Related Agencies; Commerce. Justice. State and Judiciary
and Related Agencies; Foreign Operations; Labor. Health and
Human Services. Education and Related Agencies.
~udicisry (10th of 10 Republicans)
.kruenile Justice (chairman); Administrative Practice and Proce-
dure; Criminal Law.
Yaterais' Affairs (5th of 7 Republicans)
pony. an issue Specter kept alive throughout
the campaign. At the end of a bitter contest
that kept relations between the two delicate for
years, Heinz scraped past Specter by 28.000
votes out of almost I million cast.
In 1978, with Democrat Milton Shapp re.
tiring as governor, Specter tried for that office.
His chief rivals for the Republican nomination
were former U.S. Attorney David Marston, who
had been fired by the Carter administration
earlier in the year, and Thornburgh, a former
assistant attorney general in the Ford adminis.
tration.
Although Marston was.the best known of
the three, he had no organization or funding; by
contrast, Specter was able to round up strong
financial and organizational backing from the
Republican Party in the Philadelphia area. But
Thornburgh, with equally strong support in the
west, had that part of the state to himself,
while Marston and Specter vied for votes in the
east. Marston and a fourth candidate took
enough votes from Specter in Philadelphia's
suburban counties to help Thornburgh over the
top, forcing Specter to wait two more years to
realize his statewide ambitions.
Voting Studies
Support Unity Co
Year $ O 8 01 $ 0
1982 55 44 50 49 40 59
W1 77 22 64 34 51 47
S - Support 0 - Opposition
1998 Genital
Arlen Specter (R)
2230.104
(51%)
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing belt (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Peter Ftatnerty (D)
2.122.391
(18%)
Index income taxes (1981) Y
1990 Primary
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N
i
Arlen Specter (R)
H
B
419.372
06%)
Subsid
ze home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N
ud
aabestad (R)
Ed
H
382281
(33%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
ward
oward (R)
R
118.200
(13%)
Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
Ottlers (R)
(
)
52,408
119.798
15%)
(13%)
Increase gas tax by 5 cants per gallon (1982) Y
? Campaign Finance
Inim PAC* &M
Recaipa
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
Specter(R)
$1,199.384
$305.126
(20%)
$1.177,991
1982
70
40
56
35
y(D)
$635,062
$117,197
(18%)
$633,961
1991
50
38
58
72
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Chic Hecht (R)
Of Las Vegas - Fdected 1982
Born: Nov. 30, 1928, Cape Girardeau, Mo.
Education: Washington U. (St. Louis), B.S. 1949.
Military Career. Army, 1951-53.
Occupation: Clothing store owner.
Family: Wife, Gail Kahn; two children.
Religion: Jewish.
Political Career. Nev. Senate, 1967-75; defeated for re-
election to Nev. Senate, 1974.
Capitol Office: 297 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-6244.
The Path to Washington: Consistently
underestimated by his opponents and by the
media, Hecht won his Senate seat without ever
having to elaborate on his one-note campaign
score, which pledged strong support for Presi-
dent Ronald Reagan but took almost no sub-
stantive stands on issues.
Hecht's uncomplicated "stay the course"
strategy proved well suited to Nevada, where
Reagan won 63 percent of the vote in 1980 and
was still very popular in the fall of 1982. Hecht
defeated 24-year Senate veteran Howard W.
Cannon, who lapsed into overconfidence after
he turned back a vigorous Democratic primary
challenge from Rep. James D. Santini.
Hecht is a "true believer" Republican who
can boast he has been with Reagan since the
president's early days as a national figure. At
the 1968 GOP convention, Hecht preferred
Reagan to Richard M. Nixon and Nelson A.
Rockefeller. He was southern Nevada chairman
for the 1976 Reagan campaign and Nevada
deputy director in 1980. Reagan rewarded
Hecht for his loyalty by campaigning twice in
Nevada in 1982, first in early October and
again five days before the election.
Even more instrumental to Hecht's success
was the assistance he received from Nevada's
senior senator, Republican Paul Laxalt. The
Hecht-Laxalt connection dates to the late
1960s: Hecht served as minority leader in the
state Senate in 1969 and 1970, Laxalt's last two
years as Nevada governor. Hecht's election was
part of a banner year for the Laxalt organiza-
tion, which also sponsored the successful U.S.
House candidacy of Laxalt aide Barbara
Vucanovich in the newly created 2nd District.
Born Mayer Jacov Hecht, Hecht has been
known since childhood as Chic, a nickname
given him by an uncle. Following graduation
from college in 1949, Hecht served in Europe as
an Army counterintelligence agent. He wanted
to be on the Intelligence Committee as a sena-
tor, but landed on Banking and Energy instead.
During nearly three decades in Nevada,
Hecht became a wealthy and prominent busi-
nessman with holdings that center on two Las
Vegas ladies' apparel stores. Hecht has served
as president of the Retail Merchants of Las
Vegas and as director of the city's Chamber of
Commerce.
Hecht entered politics in 1966, winning
election to the state Senate. His victory marked
the first time in more than 25 years that a
Republican had won a state Senate seat in
predominantly Democratic Clark County (Las
Vegas).
In the Legislature, Hecht worked with con-
servative rural Democrats from Nevada's "Cow
Counties" to push some of Gov. Laxalt's pro-
grams through the Democratic-majority Sen-
ate. But he was not an initiator - he intro.
duced fewer than 20 bills during his legislative
career. Hecht won a second term in 1970 but
was defeated for re-election in 1974.
Although Hecht began considering a bid
for Cannon's U.S. Senate seat in 1981, he did
not formally enter the Republican primary
until late July, just before the filing deadline.
By that time two other candidates had been
campaigning for the GOP nomination for
months, and it was thought that Hecht would
have trouble overcoming his rivals' head start
in organizing and fund raising.
But Hecht insisted that Nevadans were
not enamored of long-running campaigns, and
he put his effort on a firm financial footing by
drawing on his personal resources. He spent
some $300,000 of his own money during the
course of a campaign that cost more than
$900,000.
Hecht expanded on his Clark County sup-
port base by obtaining commitments from in-
fluential party activists and office-holders
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across the state whom he had befriended as a
legislator and as an official in Reagan's cam-
paigns. Calling attention to the fact that none
of his Republican rivals had ever won elective
office, Hecht took the nomination with nearly
40 percent of the vote.
Hecht's fast-closing nomination bid gave
him important momentum for the November
campaign. He also benefited from several fac-
tors that weakened Cannon. First, in the after-
math of the bitter Santini-Cannon nomination
struggle, many Santini supporters, especially
conservative Democrats, held a grudge against
the senator. Second, Cannon was dogged
throughout the year by the National Conserva-
tive Political Action Committee (NCPAC). In
the general election, NCPAC's television com-
mercials meshed well with Hecht's themes that
Cannon's voting record had been too liberal for
Nevada.
Even more important, Cannon was tainted
by the bribery trial of several Teamsters offi-
cials charged with conspiring to offer him a
good price on union-controlled land in Las
Vegas if he would block a trucking deregulation
bill. Cannon did not take any bribe and was
charged with no crime, but in the days before
the election there was extensive media coverage
of the trial, and some voters faulted Cannon for
associating with unsavory characters.
Even worse for Cannon, he took a noncha-
lant attitude toward Hecht. The senator dis-
missed Hecht as an "invisible man" because of
Committees
Ranking, Housing and Urban AMalrs (9th of 10 Republicans)
bnsurance ( mot Economic Policy; Federal Credit Pro-
grams; Financial Institutions.
Energy and Natural Resources (9th of 11 Republicans)
Energy and Mineral.Resouroes; Public Lands and Reserved Wa-
ter; Water and Power.
Chic H.chr, R-Nov.
the challenger's emphasis on pre-packaged me-
dia advertising, and he did not try to debate
Hecht.
Favored incumbents normally do not de-
bate their challengers, but Cannon should have
done so. The senator performed well in debates
with Santini, an articulate and experienced
challenger, and would almost certainly have
triumphed against Hecht, who has a halting
style and a minor speech impediment. But he
chose to leave Hecht's media ads all but unan-
swered during the crucial month of October.
Meanwhile, Hecht filled the airwaves with
spots that included endorsements from Reagan
and Laazalt as well as man-on-the-street inter-
views with Santini backers planning to switch
to the GOP.
As Election Day approached, Cannon
sensed peril, but by then it was too late for him
to shift the campaign dialogue; voters were
thinking more about Cannon's voting record
and ethics than about Hecht's personal quali-
fications to serve in the Senate.
Hecht sealed his victory in Cannon's home
base of Clark County, where the incumbent
needed a decisive margin to offset losses in
Washoe County (Reno) and in the Cow Coun-
ties. Hecht's Las Vegas ties helped him poll a
respectable 44 percent in Clark County, and
the Republican took a 5,657-vote overall vic-
tory by winning comfortable margins in
Washoe and in 14 of the state's other 15
counties.
1112 Prbeary
Chic Hecht (R)
26.940
(39%)
.Rick Fore (R)
17.065
(25%)
Jack Kennedy (R)
12,191
(18%)
Sam Cavnar (R)
6,327
(9%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
a c ip-
Mom PACs
Expand-
Mum
= General
11182
Chic Hecht (R)
120,377
(50%)
Hecht (R)
$1,022,870
$235,602
(23%)
$975,349
Howard W. Cannon (D)
114,720
(48%)
Cannon (D)
$1,622,415
$599,115
(37%)
$1,547,402
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~... Likely to Take Active Role in Senate
Budget panel from 1977-82.
As chairman of the House Education and Labor Subcommit-
tee on Postsecondary Education since 1981, Simon has been a
determined fighter against Reagan-era retrenchment in college
student assistance.
He is generally a reliable backer of organized labor, but has
broken ranks by endorsing a concept that is anathema to unions
- lowering the minimum wage for teenagers. Simon plans to
seek an assignment on the Senate Labor and Human Resources
Committee in the 99th Congress, so he can remain influential on
the education and employment issues that have been his top
legislative priorities since his first election to the House.
But Simon also will have a chance to broaden his horizons in
the Senate, now that he has won the seat held by Sen. Charles H.
Percy, R-Ill. "The Senate is more suited to his temperament and
style as a legislator," said a Simon aide. "He is a generalist par
excellence."
Simon, a former journalist, served in the Illinois state Legis-
lature for 14 years and was lieutenant governor of the state from
1969-73. His rise to the top of Illinois politics was stopped short,
however, when he lost a bid for the governorship in the Demo-
cratic primary in 1972.
JOHN F. KERRY, D-MASS., 40, a first-term lieutenant
governor who first came to public attention as head of Vietnam
Veterans Against the War, brings to the seat of retiring Demo-
cratic Sen. Paul E. Tsongas a strong interest in war and peace
issues and the sort of Irish good looks and crowd appeal often
likened to the Kennedys'.
The decorated veteran, who places top priority on issues
uch as the nuclear freeze and arms control, campaigned with the
slogan, "Once you've seen war, you never stop fighting for
peace." During his campaign for the Senate, Kerry criticized
President Reagan's arms buildup, including the B-1 bomber and
MX missile. He opposes covert aid to Central America and favors
tying foreign aid to progress in human rights.
Observers speculate that Kerry may bid for Tsongas' seat on
the Foreign Relations Committee.
Kerry, who prefers to be called an independent rather than
liberal, backs the Equal Rights Amendment and criticized Rea-
gan for the budget deficit and for his cuts in certain social
programs. He is likely to carefully blend his emphasis on peace
and social issues with an appeal to sound and fair economic
policies, a mix that won him about 80 percent of the Democratic
vote and half the independents'.
Kerry, of Boston, rose through Massachusetts politics as
county prosecutor, candidate for the House in 1972, and lieuten-
ant governor since 1983.
Jay Rockefeller
MITCH McCONNELL JR., R-KY., 42, scored the major
upset of the Senate elections by defeating Democratic incumbent
Walter D. Huddleston. During the campaign, he tied himself
closely to Reagan, and he benefited from the president's big
margin in Kentucky.
Since 1977, McConnell
has served as county judge, or
chief executive, of Jefferson
County (Louisville), the most
populous jurisdiction in Ken-
tucky.
McConnell is the founder
and chairman of the Ken-
tucky Task Force on Ex-
ploited and Missing Children,
and co-chairman of the Na-
tional Child Tragedies Coali-
tion. He made child abuse a
major issue during his tenure
as Jefferson County judge,
and won statewide and na-
tional attention for spear-
heading an effort to stop child
molestation and kidnapping. Kentucky's recently passed child
abuse laws are among the toughest in the country.
McConnell was born in Sheffield, Ala., but attended high
school in Louisville. He earned his B.A. from the University of
Louisville, majoring in political science and graduating with hon-
ors in 1964. He received his law degree from the University of
Kentucky in 1967.
He is a Reagan appointee to the advisory board of the
National Institute of Justice. He served as an aide to Sen.
Marlow Cook, R-Ky. (1968-74), and was a deputy assistant attor-
ney general in the Ford administration before beginning his own
political career:
JOHN D. "JAY" ROCKEFELLER IV, D-W.VA., 47,
after two terms as governor assumes the Senate seat held by
retiring Democrat Jennings Randoph.
Rockefeller won despite West Virginia's severe economic
problems that give it the highest unemployment rate in the
nation. During the campaign, he blamed those woes on external
forces that have hurt the state's coal, steel and glass industries,
and on Reagan's economic policies. He deflected criticism of his
unpopular belt-tightening measures over the past four years with
the campaign slogan: "Tough leadership for tough times."
In the Senate, Rockefeller is expected to concentrate at least
initially on issues of concern to his West Virginia constituents -
and especially on the development of a national energy policy
based on coal.
Rockefeller's Senate campaign may wind up as expensive as
his $12 million gubernatorial bid in 1980. In both elections, his
campaign bombarded households with direct-mail appeals and
television commercials. To reach West Virginia viewers, Rocke-
feller had to buy TV time in the Pennsylvania and Maryland
markets, which gave him more exposure in those states than
most of their local politicians managed to achieve.
Rockefeller moved to West Virginia 20 years ago as a VISTA
volunteer in the Action for Appalachia Youth program. In 1966
he was elected to the state Legislature, and in 1968 was elected
secretary of state. He ran and lost for governor in 1972, but ran
again and won in 1976. He was re-elected in 1980.
He is married to Sharon Percy Rockefeller, daughter of
defeated Sen. Charles H. Percy, R-I11., and has four children. He
attended the International Christian University in Tokyo, Japan,
from 1957-1960, and received his A.B. degree from Harvard
University in 1961.
CO-re1GH1 196A CO"GetS510"Al OUAe1t tY eK
e.o..&- P,.fib-d :Ask .... p ..,.p/ by d.n.d d..
Nov. 10, 1984-PAGE 2903
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1
House
1 Lindsay Thomas (D)'
Erie Lee Downing (R)
2 Charles Hatcher (D)'
3 Richard Ray (D)*
Mitchell Cantu (R)
4 Elliott H. Levitos (D)*
Patrick L. Swindall (R)
5 Wyche Fowler Jr. (D)'
6 Gerald Johnson (D)
Newt Gingrich (R)*
7 George "Buddy" Darden (D)'
William E. Bronson (R)
8 J. Roy Rowland (D)'
9 Ed Jenkins (D)'
Frank H. Cofer Jr. (R)
10 Doug Barnard Jr. (D)'
House
1 Cecil Heftel (D)'
Willard F. Beard (R)
Christopher Winter (LIBERT)
2 Daniel K. Akaka (D)'
A. D. Shipley (R)
Amelia Fritts (IIBERT)
Senate
Peter M. Busch (D)
James A. McClure (R)*
Donald B. Billings (LIBERT)
House
1 Bill Hellar (D)
Larry E. Craig (R)'
2 Richard Stallings (D) o
George Hansen (R)'
Senate
Paul Simon (D)
Charles H. Percy (R)*
Marjorie H. Pries (CIT)
Ishmael Flory (COM)
Steven I. Givot (LIBERT)
Nelson Gonzalez (SOC WORK)
House
1 Charles A. Hayes (D)'
Eddie L. Warren (SOC WORK)
2 Gus Savage (D)'
Dale F. Harman (R)
3 Marty Russo (D)'
Richard D. Murphy (R)
4 Dennis E. Marlow (D)
George M. O'Brien (R)'
5 William O. Lipinski (D)'
John M. Paczkowski (R)
6 Robert H. Renshaw (D)
Henry J. Hyde (R)*
7 Cardiss Collins (D)'
James L. Bevel (R)
8 Don Rostenkowski (D)*
Spiro F. Georgeson (R)
9 Sidney R. Yates (D)*
Herbert Sohn (R)
10 Ruth C. Brower (D)
John Edward Porter (R)'
11 Frank Annunzio (D)*
Vote
Total
Per-
cent
Vote
Total
Per-
cent
Vote
Total
Per-
cent
Charles J. Theusch (R)
80,820
37
House
120,505
82
12 Edward J. LaFlamme (D)
45,285
22
1 Kevin Ready (D)
64,224
33
27,018
18
Philip M. Crane (R)*
158,853
78
Jim Leach (R)*
131,101
67
X
X
13 Michael J. Donohue (D)
76,951
33
2 Joe Welsh (D)
76,930
36
106,422
81
Harris W. Fawell (R)
156,639
67
Tom Tovke (R)'
136,364
64
24,321
19
14 Dan McGrath (D)
81,768
38
3 Joe Johnston (D)
84,950
40
106,336
47
John E. Grotberg (R)
133,584
62
Cooper Evans (R)'
130,081
60
120,441
53
15 John M. Hoffman (D)
50,459
27
4 Neal Smith (D)'
136,500
61
X
X
Edward R. Madigan (R)*
135,780
73
Robert R. Lockard (R)
87,985
39
52,046
31
16 Carl R. Schwerdtfeger (D)
90,673
42
5 Jerome D. Fitzgerald (D)
101,087
49
116,592
69
Lynn Martin (R)'
127,239
58
Jim Ross Lightfoot (R)
104,247
51
101,814
55
17 Lane Evans (D)*
128,266
57
6 Berkley Bedell (D)'
128,689
62
83,851
45
Kenneth G. McMillan (R)
98,065
43
Darrel Rensink (R)
77,839
38
X
X
18 Gerald A. Bradley (D)
86,839
39
102,777
67
Robert H. Michel (R)*
135,938
61
50,096
33
19 Terry L. Bruce (D)
118,185
52
X
X
Daniel B. Crane (R)*
108,304
48
Senate
20. Dick Durbin (D)*
145,088
61
James R. Maher (D)
206,187
Richard G. Austin (R)
91,820
39
Nancy London Kassebaum (R)*
735,080
21 Melvin Price (D)'
123,584
69
Marion Ruck Jackson (AM)
Robert H. Gaffner (R)
54,773
31
Lucille Bieder (C)
113,978
83
22 Kenneth J. Gray (D) ?
116,948
50
Douglas N. Merritt (LIBERT)
6,815
1
20,376
15
Randy Patchett (R)
115,710
50
Freda H. Steele (P)
3,349
2
House
112,086
82
1 Darrell Ringer (D)
47,689
24
19,908
15
Pat Roberts (R)'
154,567
76
4,354
3
Governor
Clement N. Scoggin (P)
W. Wayne Townsend (D)
994,966
48
2 Ian Slattery (D)'
107,903
61
Robert D. Orr (R)'
1,097,879
52
Jim Van Slyke (R)
68,440
39
Rockland Snyder (AM)
-
-
Kenneth C. Peterson Sr. (P)
105,487
26
James A. Ridenour (LIBERT)
6,745
0
3 John E. Reardon (D)
84,838
42
293,416
72
House
Jan Meyers (R)
116,060
58
7,366
2
1 Peter J
Visclosky (D)
147
035
71
John S. Ralph Jr. (I)
.
,
4 Don Glickman (D)*
138,619
75
Grenchik (R)
Joseph B
59
986
29
.
,
William V. Krouse (R)
47,355
25
567
63
31
James E. Willis (IIBERT)
943
0
,
5 John A. Barnes (D)
46,229
26
139,021
69
2 Philip R. Sharp (D)'
118,426
54
Bob Whittaker (R)'
133,728
74
101,099
50
Ken MacKenzie (R)
102,236
46
Vearl A. Bacon (P)
101,032
50
Cecil Bohanon (IIBERT)
625
0
3 Michael P. Barnes (D)
102,312
47
John Hiler (R)*
113,898
53
Robert A. Lutton (LIBERT)
645
0
Senate
4 Michael H. Barnard (D)
79,660
39
Walter D. Huddleston (D)'
635,441
50
2,334,580
50
Dan Coats (R)*
124,692
61
Mitch McConnell (R)
638,816
50
2,273,043
49
John B. Cameron Jr. (AM)
-
-
Dave Welters (SOC WORK)
7,427
0
-
-
Joseph F. Laiacona (LIBERT)
467
0
-
-
5 Allen B. Maxwell (D)
66,486
32
House
58,120
1
Elwood Hillis (R)*
142,878
68
1 Carroll Hubbard Jr. (D)'
X
X
-
-
Davl E. Osterfeld (LIBERT)
1,151
0
2 William H. Natcher (D)*
91,500
62
6 Howard O. Campbell (D)
64,806
28
Timothy A. Morrison (R)
56,056
38
X
X
Don L. Burton (R)'
165,026
71
3 Romano L. Mazzoli (D)'
143,931
68
-
-
Linda Dilk (LIBERT)
1,255
1
Suzanne M. Warner (R)
67,409
32
140
307
82
7 Arthur E. Smith (D)
52,555
30
Peggy Kreiner (SOC WORK)
1,260
0
,
870
30
18
John T. Myers (R)'
117,899
68
4 William P. Mulloy 11 (D)
92,043
47
,
140
046
64
Barbara L. J. Bourland (UBERT)
2,441
2
Gene Snyder (R)'
102,608
53
,
78
060
36
8 Frank McCloskey (D)' ?
116,843
50
5 Sherman W. McIntosh (D)
40,015
24
,
68
435
36
Richard D. McIntyre (R)
116,770
50
Harold Rogers (R)*
124,478
76
,
121
325
64
Michael J. Fallahay (IIBERT)
759
0
6 Jerry Hammond (D)
47,339
27
,
104
373
63
9 Lee H. Hamilton (D)'
139,216
65
Larry J. Hopkins (R)*
125,972
72
,
60
588
37
Floyd E. Coates (R)
74,261
35
Tony Suruda (LIBERT)
953
1
,
51
922
25
Douglas S. Boggs (LIBERT)
673
0
7 Carl C. Perkins (D)
122,072
74
,
156,523
75
10 Andrew Jacobs Jr. (D)'
110,836
59
Aubrey Russell (R)
43,612
26
130,177
78
Joseph P. Watkins (R)
75,780
41
36,699
22
Bradford L. Warren (LIBERT)
889
0
110,945
71
Senate
44,895
29
J. Bennett Johnston (D)*
X
X
138,013
67
66,812
33
Senate
House
56,908
28
Tom Harkin (D)
713,286
56
1 Bob Livingston (R)'
X
X
149,997
72
Roger W. Jepsen (R)'
559,176
44
2 Lindy (Mrs. Hole) Boggs (D)*
X
X
135,015
63
Garry DeYoung (1)
-
-
3 W. J. "Billy" Touzin (D)'
X
X
COPYRIGHT 1994 CONGRESSIONAL OUARTERLY INC.
R.p,odum p,oiLihd in d,W. a. a pw wa by .dOO,id dwe,.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-
Patrick J. Leahy (D)
Of Burlington - Elected 1974
Born: March 31, 1940, Montpelier, Vt.
Education: St. Michael's College, B.A. 1961; George-
town U., J.D. 1964.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Marcelle Pomerleau; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Chittenden County state's attorney,
1967-75.
Capitol Office: 433A Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4242.
In Washington: Smart, affable and un-
pretentious, Leahy has not only the affection of
Senate colleagues but their respect as well. An
Irish Catholic with some of the plain-spoken
qualities of a Vermont Yankee, he has survived
nearly a decade of Senate life without picking
up a trace of the self-importance that is the
chamber's occupational disease.
The homespun quality that helps Leahy
politically in Vermont also is helpful on the
Senate floor. During one debate on an appro-
priation for home heating aid for the North-
east, Leahy was able to speak from experience:
He had been home that weekend putting the
storm windows on his house.
But Leahy is no hick. While he works hard
to defend Vermont's dairy farmers, his inter-
ests are global - he spent much of the 97th
Congress resisting President Reagan's policies
on issues from arms control and foreign mili-
tary aid to government secrecy and nutrition.
Leahy started fighting with the adminis-
tration over agricultural issues almost as soon
as Reagan was inaugurated. He strongly op-
posed the new administration's request for a
cancellation in the scheduled increase in dairy
prices, and led the fight against confirmation of
John B. Crowell Jr. to be assistant secretary of
agriculture' He complained about Crowell's in-
volvement with a timber company whose sub-
sidiary had been held liable for price fixing.
Crowell was confirmed overwhelmingly,
but Leahy did have some success on the Agri-
culture Committee holding off efforts to make
severe cuts in the food stamp program. Work-
ing closely with, Nutrition Subcommittee
Chairman Bob Dole of Kansas, he came up
with a series of moderate reductions in food
stamp spending that headed off a more draco-
nian package of cuts sponsored by full commit-
tee Chairman Jesse Helms of North Carolina.
Leahy followed a similar bipartisan ap-
proach on the Judiciary Committee, joining
with Republican Paul Laxalt of Nevada in
pushing a bill to reform the federal govern.
ment's regulatory process. After lengthy negoti.
ations, the two Judiciary Committee members
came up with a compromise bill that passed the
Senate unanimously. It would have imposed
cost-benefit analysis on new federal rules and
given Congress more say in their approval.
"After all the years of people talking about
making government work better, we've actually
sat down and done something that will," Leahy
said. But the bill never passed the House.
Leahy agreed to another Judiciary Com-
mittee compromise, this time with Republican
Orrin G. Hatch of Utah. on the Freedom of
Information Act. Although the landmark anti-
secrecy law is a subject close to Leahy's heart
- "it is sometimes difficult for me to remem-
ber that it is only a statute and not a part of the
Constitution," he says - he helped work out a
proposal to provide new protections against
release of data relating to criminal investiga-
tions. But Leahy swore he would filibuster the
bill if any further weakening of the law was
approved on the Senate floor. As it turned out,
the measure never reached the floor.
And in a departure from the usual rules of
senatorial courtesy, Leahy joined with Hatch in
persuading the Judiciary Committee that ethi-
cal indiscretions and a lack of experience dis-
qualified a Democratic colleague's former cam-
paign manager from serving as a federal judge.
It was the first time in 42 years that the
committee had rejected a judicial nominee.
Leahy refused to go along with Hatch and
other Republicans on a constitutional amend-
ment to balance the federal budget. An outspo-
ken opponent of the idea, Leahy offered four
unsuccessful floor amendments that would
have suspended the balanced budget require-
ment in times of high unemployment. Noting
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that the proposal allowed a budget waiver in
times of war, Leahy said the Senate votes
meant it was easier to send Americans to war
than to work. The constitutional change passed
the Senate but died in the House.
Leahy's seat on the Select Intelligence
Committee brought further occasions for con-
flict with the Reagan administration. A long-
time opponent of the administration's policy in
El Salvador, Leahy went to Central America
early in 1983. Without saying so directly, he
implied that the trip had convinced him that
the administration was violating the law by
providing aid to anti-Sandinista rebels in Nica-
ragua. Leahy also has been one of the strongest
proponents in the Senate of a nuclear weapons
freeze.
After a two-year stint on Armed Services
at the beginning of his Senate career, Leahy
went to Appropriations, where he has served
since 1977. That move proved to be a mixed
blessing; as the most junior member eligible to
chair a subcommittee, he had to spend four
years heading the panel responsible for the
District of Columbia's budget - a job with
virtually no political benefit.
Despite his distaste for the job and his
underlying belief in home rule for the District
of Columbia on budget matters, Leahy was far
from reticent about scrutinizing District spend-
ing requests and fighting those he considered
unjustified.
He called the city's proposed new conven-
tion center a "taxpayer rip-off," infuriating
D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, who called Leahy
"that rinky-dink senator from the state no-
body's ever heard of." Leahy had jerseys
printed up for his softball team that read
"Rinky Dink Senator from Vermont."
Although he eventually approved the con-
vention center project, Leahy remained skepti-
cal of its backers' plans even after he gave up
the District subcommittee chair. He offered an
amendment in 1982 to bar the center from
sponsoring sporting events or concerts for
profit, but it was defeated 40-54.
The' Appropriations Committee also pro-
vides Leahy with a vantage point from which to
attack enforcement of anti-pollution laws by
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
A member of the subcommittee that has juris-
diction over the EPA budget, Leahy has been
one of the most outspoken critics of the agency
under Reagan, saying it has been unwilling or
Patrick J. Leahy, D-Vt.
unable to carry out the environmental laws
passed by Congress.
At Home: Leahy has survived in Vermont
by emphasizing his roots in the state rather
than his roots in the Democratic Party. Cam-
paigning for a second term in 1980 against the
national Republican tide, he fought off a New
York-born GOP challenger with a carefully
designed slogan: "Pat Leahy: Of Vermont, For
Vermont."
It took that slogan and all the other inge-
nuity Leahy could summon to overcome the
challenge from Stewart Ledbetter, former state
banking and insurance commissioner. When
the centrist Ledbetter won a primary victory
over a more strident Republican, Leahy was
placed in instant jeopardy. With financial help
from national Republican groups, Ledbetter
sought to convince voters that the incumbent
was "out of touch with the thinking people of
our state."
Ledbetter said Leahy was a free-spender
and weak on defense. Leahy responded by
explaining in detail why he opposed the B-1
bomber and citing cases in which he had sup-
ported the Pentagon.
It was well after midnight before the result
became clear, but the last trickle of ballots gave
Leahy re-election by less than 3,000 votes,
preserving his record of uninterrupted success
as a Democrat in a Republican state.
Leahy started that record in Burlington,
the state's one major Democratic stronghold,
by winning election as Chittenden County
state's attorney at age 26. He revamped the
office and headed a national task force of
district attorneys probing the 1973-74 energy
crisis.
So when he decided in 1974 to run for the
Senate seat being vacated by Republican
George D. Aiken, he had a solid base in
Chittenden County to build on. At 34, Leahy
was still a little young to replace an 82-year-old
institution in a tradition-minded state, but he
was already balding and graying, and looked
older than he was.
Leahy was an underdog in 1974 against
U.S. Rep. Richard W. Mallary, who was widely
viewed as heir-apparent and promised to vote
in the Aiken tradition. But Mallary turned out
to be a rather awkward campaigner, and Wa-
tergate had made Vermont more receptive to
the heresy of voting Democratic than it had
been in modern times.
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Patrick # Leahy, D- Vt.
1
Committees
Voting Studies
Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (2nd of 8 Democrats)
Presidential Party Conearrative
Agricultural Production, Marketing and Stabilization of Prices
Support Unity Coalition
(ranking); Nutrition; Rural Development, Oversight and Investi-
gations.
Year 8 0 8 0 8 0
Appropriations (11th of 14 Democrats)
1982 37 82 91 9 12 Be
District of Columbia (ranking); Foreign Operations; HUD - Inde-
1981 34 60 76 8 4 84
pendent Agencies; Interior and Related Agencies.
1980 64 22 72 16 13 75
Judiciary (6th of 8 Democrats)
1979 76 18 80 15 16 77
Security and Terrorism (ranking); Constitution; Patents. Copy-
1978 87 10 90 7 13 84
rights and Trademarks.
1977 77 18 74 15 18 75
1976 36 51 91 5 7 89
Select Intelligence (6th of 7 Democrats)
1975 43 52 91 2 3 87
Legislation and the Rights of Americans (vice chairman); Bud-
S = Support 0- Opposition
1990 General
Patrick Leahy (D) 104,176 (50%)
Stewart Ledbetter (R) 101,421 (49%)
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982)
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
Campaign Finance
1982 90 19 92 45
1981 95 5 89 6
Receipts Expend-
1980 83 16 83 43
Receipts from PACs itures
1979 89 19 79 9
1990
1978 65 21 79 24
1977 80 15 80 17
Leahy(D) $525,547 $213,760 (41%) $434,644
1976 85 8 85 0
Ledbetter (R) $535,064 $132,040 (25%) $532,904
1975 72 19 90 25
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Lloyd Bentsen (D)
Of Houston - Elected 1970
Born: Feb. 11, 1921, Mission, Texas.
Education: U. of Texas, LL.B. 1942.
Military Career. Army Air Corps, 1942-45.
Occupation: Lawyer; financial executive.
Family: Wife, Beryl Ann "B. A." Longino; three chil-
dren.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. Hidalgo County Judge, 1946-48; U.S.
House, 1948-55.
Capitol Office: 703 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-5922.
In Washington: There is a gray quality
about Bentsen, and it comes not only from the
elegant suits he wears and the silver in his hair,
but from his record - midway between the
poles on nearly any important issue - and his
temperament. He is not a dour or cheerless
man, but he strikes people as aloof and rather
formal. Bentsen is not the kind of senator seen
naturally slapping another on the back or trad-
ing funny stories. One would not pick him out
of a crowd as a Texan.
Bentsen is all business. And he has de-
voted much of his career in the Senate to
promoting American business and trying to
bring it back from the doldrums. When he ran
for president in 1976, campaigning smoothly
but not very successfully, it was on a platform
of economic revival through personal tax cuts
and reductions in the tax on capital gains.
Within five years, the basics of his proposals
had become law. It took a Republican president
to do it, but Bentsen had helped pave the way.
In the 96th Congress, as chairman of the
Joint Economic Committee (JEC), Bentsen was
a tireless spokesman for his view that the
answers to inflation are private investment and
economic growth, and that these can come
through tax cuts. Both in 1979 and 1980 Bent-
sen was able to forge a consensus on the JEC in
support of his "economics of hope" - a con-
sensus that encompassed such divergent politi-
cal views as whose of Sens. Edward M. Kennedy
and George McGovern on the left and those of
Sen. James A. McClure of Idaho and Rep. John
H. Rousselot of California on the right.
Even before President Reagan took over,
Bentsen was able to sell some of his supply-side
ideas to the tax-writing Finance Committee. In
the summer of 1980 Bentsen was instrumental
in formulating a $39-billion tax cut package
that the committee approved, but the Demo-
cratic leadership refused to bring to the floor.
A
Bentsen's biggest contribution to that bill
was language providing for accelerated depreci-
ation, which would allow businesses to write off
the cost of purchasing new factories, machinery
and equipment more quickly than under then-
existing law. Many of those ideas were incorpo-
rated by the Reagan administration in the 1981
tax bill, although some were repealed a year
later.
While Bentsen has concentrated on the
"big picture" economic issues, he has continued
to fight on the Finance Committee for the
Texas oil industry and, in particular, for the
independent producers.
During the debate in 1979 and 1980 over a
windfall profits tax on the oil industry, Bent-
sen's first priority was a full exemption for the
smaller independent producers. That passed
the Senate, but did not end up in the final law.
Still, Bentsen and his allies did manage to keep
the tax on smaller producers lower than the
basic rate, and later in 1980 they pushed
through a partial refund on the tax for royalty
holders - individuals who own land on which
oil wells are located and who receive some of
the profit from the wells. Further relief came in
the 1981 tax bill.
Earlier in his Senate career, Bentsen made
repeated efforts to deregulate the price of natu-
ral gas. He managed to get a deregulation
amendment through the Senate in 1975, on a
50-41 vote, but that language never passed the
House. In 1977 he persuaded the Senate to add
gas deregulation to President Carter's energy
package, but the House did not include it, and
when a conference committee compromised on
gradual deregulation over seven years, Bentsen
voted against the conference report.
Bentsen is also deeply involved in trade
issues, many of which come under the purview
of the Finance Committee. Soon after Congress
convened in 1981, he introduced legislation
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
with Missouri Republican John C. Danforth to
limit the number of Japanese cars allowed to
enter the United States.
Bentsen and Danforth later dropped their
bill after the Japanese agreed to voluntary
restraints. But trade continues to preoccupy
Bentsen; he has said it "is going to be the most
important issue we face." As ranking Democrat
on the International, Trade Subcommittee at
Finance and co-chairman of the Senate Export
Caucus, Bentsen thinks that U.S. exporters,
particularly farmers, are victimized by unfair
trading practices of other countries. He has
backed Danforth's "reciprocity" bill expanding
the president's authority to retaliate against
such practices.
Pointing to the predicted future shortage
of skilled workers, Bentsen also has pushed for
new federal policies to stimulate training and
retraining of workers for high-technology jobs
in computers, robotics and similar fields. With-
out a renewed commitment to skill training, he
warns, the United States will be forced to leave
to other nations "the expanding work of the
future, and rest content with yesterday's reced-
ing work." He favors legislation to provide
increased federal tax credits and deductions for
companies that make grants to universities for
hiring of science faculty, donate scientific
equipment to schools or put their workers
through skill training programs.
Bentsen plays a less prominent role on the
Environment and Public Works Committee.
He had a chance for the chairmanship of the
important Environmental Pollution Sub-
committee, vacated in 1980 when Edmund S.
Muskie left to become secretary of state, but
did not try for it.
Until 1981, however, Bentsen was chair-
man of the Environment and Public Works
Subcommittee on Transportation. In that ca-
pacity, he worked on the complex formulas that
govern distribution of money from the highway
trust fund. In the early 1970s, he allied himself
with highway users against attempts to break
off trust fund money for mass transit. But he
voted for the 1982 gas tax bill, which diverted
trust funds for mass transit, after working-to
ensure that money was available for Houston
and other cities with new systems.
After raising more than $4 million for his
own campaign in 1982, Bentsen was the choice
of Senate Democrats to head their campaign
fund-raising machinery for the 1984 election.
He was named as chairman of both the Demo-
cratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and the
Senate Democratic Leadership Circle, which
seeks money from wealthy contributors.
At Home: Bentsen is part of the Texas
Lloyd Bentsen, D-11exas
Democratic establishment that included Lyn-
don B. Johnson and John B. Connally, but his
route into it was unique. He was elected to
Congress at 27 from a rural district in South
Texas, retired after three terms, moved to
Houston to make a fortune in insurance, and
then re-emerged in politics 15 years later as a
conservative Democratic candidate for the Sen-
ate.
The Bentsen family, which is of Danish
stock, has been among the conservative gentry
of the lower Rio Grande Valley for most of this
century. The senator's father, Lloyd Sr., was
known as "Big Lloyd" around their hometown
of McAllen, where he became a millionaire
landowner and gave his son a lift into local
politics.
Returning home from World War II, in
which he had flown bombers over Europe, the
younger Bentsen was elected judge in Hidalgo
County at age 25. In 1948, taking advantage of
family money and connections among the small
group of Anglo Democrats that controlled poli-
tics in his heavily Hispanic South Texas dis-
trict, he became the youngest member of the
U.S. House.
As a representative, Bentsen pleased Texas
conservatives with his hard-line anti-commu-
nism. In 1950 he advocated ending the Korean
War by using the atomic bomb. He represented
a one-party district and was politically secure;
after his first primary, he faced no opposition
at all.
But by 1954, the House did not seem as
attractive to Bentsen as a career in the upper
echelons of the Houston business community.
He retired from Congress at the age of 33 and
became president of Lincoln Consolidated, a
holding company. By the time Bentsen was
ready for politics again in 1970, he was a
millionaire.
Bentsen ran on the Democratic right in
1970 as primary challenger to veteran Sen.
Ralph Yarborough, the East Texas populist
who had been an enemy to the conservative
wing of the party for years.
Bentsen ran against both Yarborough and
the national Democratic Party. When Demo-
cratic Sens. Edmund S. Muskie of Maine and
Harold Hughes of Iowa came to Texas to cam-
paign for Yarborough, Bentsen labeled them
"ultraliberal" outsiders. He ran televison com-
mercials linking Yarborough to violent anti-war
protests and said the senator's vote against the
Supreme Court nomination of G. Harrold
Carswell showed he was anti-Southern.
Yarborough punched back by attacking
Bentsen and his allies as "fat cats" and "reac-
tionaries." Emphasizing his role in passing
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Texas - Junior Senator
Great Society legislation, Yarborough cam-.
paigned hard to put together his old populist
coalition of blacks, Hispanics, union members
and rural East Texans. It was not enough to
stop Bentsen, who won with almost 100,000
votes to spare.
After the primary, Bentsen moved to the
center against GOP nominee George Bush,
then a Houston representative. The Bush-
Bentsen campaign, a battle between a Houston
insurance millionaire and a Houston oil mil-
lionaire, was gentle by comparison to the pri-
mary. There was little to argue about.
In the end, that helped Bentsen. He con-
tinued to promote the conservative image he
had fostered in the spring, but campaigned
against President Nixon's economic policies in
the hope of winning back as many Yarborough
supporters as possible. Texas was still unques-
tionably a Democratic state in 1970 and, given
a choice between two conservatives, a majority
of voters preferred the Democrat.
When Bentsen won, Nixon tried to claim
the outcome as a "philosophical victory" for
the Republican administration. But things did
not work out that way. Over the next few years,
Bentsen sought to moderate his image, looking
toward a presidential campaign in 1976. Some
of that moderation, such as his vote in favor of
common-site picketing in 1975, outraged his
more conservative 1970 supporters.
The result was a -Democratic primary chal-
lenge in 1976 from Texas A&M economist Phil
Gramm, now an influential member of the
House. Gramm accused Bentsen of abandoning
his conservative heritage in a vain bid for
national office. Bentsen retained the loyalty of
the party establishment and beat Gramm by
more than 2-to-I, but the challenger drew over
400,000 votes.
Meanwhile, Bentsen was seeking the Dem-
ocratic presidential nomination, calling himself
a "Harry Truman Democrat" and hoping to
establish a base of support in an early Southern
primary. It was a waste of effort. The combined
opposition of Jimmy Carter and George C.
Wallace limited Bentsen to only six delegates
in his own home state, and Bentsen quickly
dropped out of national politics to concentrate
on his fall campaign against Republican Rep.
Alan Steelman.
That campaign turned out to be easy.
Steelman reversed Gramm's strategy, hoping to
woo Yarborough liberals by calling Bentsen the
captive of special interests. But Steelman
ended up without a firm base in his own party,
and he never had the money to compete with
Bentsen on an equal footing. Bentsen had a
mailing list of 700,000 names and an organiza-
tion in each of the state's counties. He defeated
Steelman easily.
In 1982 Bentsen brushed aside Republican
Rep. James M. Collins, who crusaded tirelessly
across Texas trying to convince voters to unseat
"Liberal Lloyd."
Collins had difficulty providing specifics to
document his portrayal of Bensten as a liberal.
He faulted the senator's votes to increase the
national debt and to approve the Panama Ca-
nal treaties, but those examples won Collins
few converts from the Democratic party.
Bentsen paid little attention to Collins.
When he did he told voters they were being
offered a choice between "effectiveness and
incompetence." He criticized Collins for not
passing a single piece of legislation during his
14 years as occupant of a safe House seat in
Dallas. To counter negative advertising by Col-
lins and the National Conservative Political
Action Committee, Bentsen talked about un-
employment, Social Security and other issues
on which the Republican party was vulnerable.
Collins did put together a well-organized
campaign network that mobilized the hard-core
conservative vote. He won 41 percent, but
Bentsen's 1.8 million votes led the statewide
ticket to a smashing victory as the party cap-
tured the governorship, retained all its U.S.
House seats and picked up all three newly
created districts.
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Committees
1981
70
24
55
42
83
11
1980
73
19
- 57
26
56
27
Environment and Public Works (2nd of 7 Democrats)
1979
66
27
63
29
63
26
Transportation (ranking); Regional and Community Develop-
1978
60
28
51
39
70
22
ment; Water Resources.
1977
63
32
41
49
78
15
1978
32
30
37
42
64
15
Finance (2nd of 9 Democrats)
1975
57
25
49
36
58
27
international Trade (ranking); Energy and Agricultural Taxation;
1974 (Ford)
18
43
Taxation and Debt Management.
1974
53
28
48
32
43
38
gelect Intelligence (7th of 7 Democrats)
1973
44
47
59
35
57
36
Analysis and Production; Budget.
1972
57
35
55
38
56
34
t Economic
i
1971
61
37
57
36
73
18
Jo
n
Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (vice chairman);
Agriculture and Transportation.
Joint Taxation
S = Support
0- Opposition
1962 General
Lloyd Bentsen (D)
1,818,223
(59%)
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y
James Collins (R)
1,256.759
(41%)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
1992 Primary
Index income taxes (1981) N
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N
Lloyd Bentsen (D)
987,985
(78%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Joe Sullivan (D)
276,453
(22%)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y
Previous Winning Percentage,:
1978
(57%) 1970
(54%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
1952' (10(r) 1950' (100%)
1948t
(100%)
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Y
? House elections.
t Elected in a special election and a full House election the
same day.
Campaign Finance
2
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
itures
Year
1982
ADA
40
ACA
65
AFL-CIO
75
CCUS-1
70
CCUS-2
198
Bentsen (D)
477
970
$4
257
$814
(18%)
$4,907,320
1981
25
57
39
71
Collins(R)
,
,
318
817
$4
,
$127,599
( 3%)
$4,112,914
1980
39
43
41
59
,
,
1979
26
38
47
45
67
1978
35
57
26
83
Voting Studies
1977
30
48
60
59
1976
15
47
40
25
Presidential
Party
Conservative
1975
39
38
59
50
Sypport
Unity
Coalition
1974
38
41
45
50
Year
S 0
$ 0
$ 0
1973
1972
55
35
41
45
64
30
44
25
1982
61 33
54 41
88 10
1971
33
33
55
-
Interest Group Ratings
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I
of Perry - Elected 1972
porn Sept. 8, 1938, Perry, Ga.
Education: Emory U., A.B. 1960, LL.B. 1962.
Military Career. Coast Guard, 1959-60; Coast Guard
Reserve, 1960-68.
Occupation: Farmer; lawyer.
Family; Wife, Colleen Ann O'Brien; two children.
Iteligion: Methodist
political Career. Ga. House, 1969-72.
Capitol Office: 335 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-3521.
In Washington: If Nunn's legislative spe-
cialty were labor issues or the environment, he
might have been forced into an outsider's role
in 1981 when his party lost the White House
and the Senate. But as a military specialist
time of massive defense. buildup, be really
never had to worry. Because few in either party
have his knowledge or his credibility, all sides
in the defense debate feel they need him. Nunn
does not have to be in the majority to be a
major force in military policy.
He began calling for major increases in
defense spending long before Ronald Reagan
took office; in 1979 he was in the vanguard of
those who demanded and got a commitment
from Jimmy Carter for substantially increased
military expenditures over the next five years.
Since 1981 he has supported much of President
Reagan's proposed buildup. But he has staked
out his own positions on such key issues as
NATO policy and the draft-
Early in the Reagan administration, Nunn
warned the Pentagon to be realistic in estimat-
ing the cost of new defense proposals - or risk
^ loss of public support. "What is going to
happen to the consensus built on defense when,
six or eight months from now, this budget goes
straight up?" Nunn asked Defense Secretary
Caspar W. Weinberger at the start of the 97th
Congress. The next two years made Nunn's
warning prophetic.
Norm's interests range over the whole of
defense policy, but he avoids the scattershot
approach. He chooses his targets carefully,
picking a few key issues to concentrate on. He
is always well-prepared with facts to back up
an amendment or statement.
During his first term in the Senate. Nunn
focused most of his attention on military man-
power issues. He remains the most forceful and
persistent critic of the volunteer Army and
lobbyist for a return to the draft. He would
revamp conscription procedures to eliminate
Georpio - Senior Senator
past inequities, but he insists that the current
Army could not win a war. "Present military
manpower problems are so severe," Nunn said
in 1979, "that our armed forces would not be
capable of meeting a national security emer-
gency that required a rapid, major increase in
present force levels."
In more recent years, Nunn has turned to
larger questions of strategy and sought to look
at defense questions in a long-term perspective.
"We're in for a long, long tedious relationship
with the Soviet Union," he warned after a trip
to Moscow. He was one of the first in Congress
to urge the We of military-related items to the
People's Republic of China, arguing that "a
China strong enough to resist Soviet expansion
and domination is in the interest of the United
States."
Nunn worries about the manner in which
NATO forces might respond to an attack by
the Warsaw Pact nations. His main argument is
that NATO has put too much emphasis on the
early use of nuclear weapons to deter a Soviet
bloc attack.
"The 'conventional horse' must be in front
of the 'nuclear cart,'" Nunn says. He favors an
expansion of NATO conventional forces so that
they could counter an invasion without using
nuclear arms.
In the area of strategic weapons, Nunn has
criticized the Reagan administration pace in
arms limitation talks as too slow, and has
questioned plans for development of the MX
missile. His most original contribution on the
subject, however, has been in warning of the
danger of an accidental nuclear war.
If terrorists or an unstable leader of a
foreign country acquired a bomb, Nunn says,
the result could easily be a war neither super-
power wanted. To reduce that threat, Nunn
backs creation of a joint U.S.-Soviet control
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Sam Nunn (D)
 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
fain. Nunn, D-Go.
Center to monitor crises.
The future holds out titular authority for
Nunn as well as influence - chances are good
that he will be chairman of the Armed Services
Committee at some point in the future. If he
does take over the committee, he will be con-
tinuing a Georgia Democratic tradition - he is
the grandnephew of Carl Vinson, longtime
chairman of the House Armed Services Com-
mittee, and he occupies the Senate seat once
held by the revered Richard Russell, who
chaired Senate Armed Services.
Nunn did not leave the matter of commit-
tee assignments to chance when. he came to
Washington. He teamed, up with his great-
uncle Vinson, who by then had retired, and
visited all the major Senate power brokers,
starting with then-Armed Services Chairman
John C. Stennis, D-Miss. Nunn got the Armed
Services assignment he wanted, and he also
made a favorable impression on Stennis and
Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-Wash., another se-
nior committee member. Both men helped
Nunn along over the years.
Nunn inherited some of his great-uncle's
skill at bringing defense dollars home to Geor-
gia. He waged a bruising 1982 battle against
Jackson over whether to use some of the money
currently allocated for C-5 transport planes,
built in Georgia, to buy Boeing 747s, built in
Washington. Jackson's personal lobbying
gained an initial victory on the Senate floor,
but Nunn won in the end, preserving job-
creating contracts for his constituents.
On non-defense issues, Nunn's dominant
concern has been in fighting organized crime.
As ranking Democrat on the Governmental
Affairs Committee's Permanent Subcommittee
on Investigations, Nunn has focused on uncov-_
ering corruption and mob ties among union
leaders.
Nunn's investigations led directly to two
bills in the 97th Congress - one to crack down
on criminal abuse of the workers' compensation
program for longshoremen, the other to in-
crease penalties for union officials found guilty
of corruption. Both bills passed the Senate
easily, but died in the House.
Nunn vojes with Senate conservatives on
most issues; among Democrats, only Stennis
voted on Reagan's side more often than he did
in 1982. But his support was not automatic -
he voted for emergency help for the housing
industry, opposed by the president, and to
override a Reagan veto of the 1982 supplemen-
tal appropriations bill.
At Home: Nunn was an ideal candidate in
1972 against David H. Gambrell, the wealthy
and urbane Atlanta lawyer whom Gov. Jimmy
Carter named to the Senate after Russell's
death.
Nunn was a lawyer and state legislator
himself, and not exactly poor, but his antral
Georgia roots allowed him to run as an old.
fashioned rural Democrat, related to Carl Vin.
son and allied with the rest of the state in its
suspicion of Atlanta. He called Gambrel] s
"fake conservative" who backed Sen. George
McGovern, the Democratic presidential nomi.
nee, and pursued the issue despite Gambrells
denials of any link to McGovern.
Gambrel] finished first in the initial pri.
mary, but he was forced into a runoff with
second-place finisher Nunn, who intensfied his
attacks on the incumbent, all but saying
Gambrell's wealthy family had bought the seat
by contributing to Carter's gubernatorial cam.
paign. It was more than enough to sink
Gambrel].
The focus shifted in the general election,
when Nunn encountered Republican Rep.
Fletcher Thompson. This time, it was Thomp_
son who used the McGovern issue.
But Nunn countered the attack by his
adroit use of George C. Wallace, the governor in
neighboring Alabama, who maintained high
popularity in rural Georgia. Nunn journeyed to
Montgomery, the Alabama capital, to receive
Wallace's blessing. He said he would write in
the governor's name for president.
Despite his vehement opposition to busing
and "welfare loafers," Nunn also got the sup-
port of black leaders, including state Rep. Ju-
lian Bond. They figured that Nunn represented
a better choice for blacks than Thompson, who
they claimed had not spoken to a black audi-
ence in four years - even though 40 percent of
his Atlanta district was non-white.
Further big-name help for Nunn came
from Democratic Sen. Herman Talmadge, at
the time an institution in state politics. Fearful
that McGovern's unpopularity' would tip the
Senate to the Republicans and that he would
lose his Agriculture Committee chairmanship,
Talmadge broke his practice of campaigning
only for himself and provided critical support
for Nunn in rural areas.
Meanwhile, Thompson was discovered to
be mailing his House newsletter statewide at
taxpayer expense, arousing press complaints
that he had abused the frank as part of his
campaign. As a result of this flap, President
Nixon omitted a public endorsement of
Thompson on an Atlanta visit - an embarrass-
ing incident for the Republican.
Nunn ran extremely well against Thomp-
son in the rural counties, offsetting his oppo-
nent's strength in the Atlanta suburbs, and
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defeated him by 93.000 votes.
Si: years later, Nunn's fiscal conservatism
and support for the military had put him in
such good position that no serious challenger
emerged. The luckless Republican who did take
on Nunn, former U.S. Attorney John Stokes,
G+o-oio - Senior Senator
made no headway condemning Nunn's vote for
the Panama Canal treaties. Stokes had little
money and ran a near-invisible campaign.
Nunn's 93 percent was the highest vote any
Senate candidate in the country received that
fall against a major party opponent.
Committees
1 S1
59
31
59
39
64
15
1110
72
20
62
45
91
a
- 9rwn sa
1179
66
25
62
311
72
221
F Farm (rankmp).
Smarr Business; amBY
IM
52
46
36
W
63
13
1177
73
25
52
80
14
Anaed Services (3rd of 8 Democrats)
1171
64
36
49
48
75
23
Sea Power and Force Projection (rankmpk Manpower and Par-
6"
1175
70
27
40
59
91
9
Strategic and Theater Nuclear Forces.
som m ntat AMaM Nth of I Democrats)
1174
65
35
35
63
87
10
Permanent Subcommittee on kwestigatiora franking): Intargor-
11711
56
40
46
51
65
13
rrrnental Relations.
1171 General
Sam Nunn (D)
536.320
(13%)
S - Support O - Opposition
7 trot ebpibb Ibr an rocor~ etas.
Key Votes
.bfn Stokes (R)
108.508
(17%)
.
1178 primary
Agar rote on aMi-busing bill (1981)
Dowom sale of AWACS planes to Saudi
Arabia (1881)
Y
N
Sam Nunn (D)
525.703
(60%)
tndeancome taus (1981)
N
Jack Dorsey (D)
71,223
(11%)
Cut off 6-1 bomber funds (1981)
Y
Other (D)
60.361
(9%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Y
Retain tobacco price supports (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982)
Increase gas tau by S cents per gallon (1882)
Y
Y
Y
Y
Campaign Finance
fA to Eapand-
R*co4ts ken PACs Mews
MM
Nunn(D) $708,417 $135,145 (19%) $548.814
Voting Studies
Presidential Part? Cons.rvatire
support Unity Coafibon
Yew S O S O a 0
1112 70 29 57 41 62 16
Interest Group Ratings
Tor ADA ACA AFL?CW CCUS?1 CCUS-2
152 45
1181 35
1110 56
1171 11
1578 25
1177 20
1171 20
1175 11
1174 14
1177 30
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L
Missouri - Senior Senater
Thomas F. Eagleton (D)
Of St. Louis - Elected 1968
Born: Sept. 4, 1929, St. Louis, Mo.
Education Amherst College, B.A. 1950; Harvard U.,
LLB. 1953.
Military Career. Navy, 1948-49.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Barbara Ann Smith; two children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. St. Louis circuit attorney, 1956-60;
Mo. attorney general, 1961-65; Mo. It. gov., 1965-69;
Democratic nominee for vice president, 1972 (with-
drew before election).
Capitol Office: 107 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-5721.
In Washington: The 1980 election cost
Eagleton as much as it cost anyone in the
Senate. After years of work on some of the
more tedious tasks of Senate life, he stood
ready to take over the chairmanship of the
Governmental Affairs Committee - a job he
had long been awaiting. The Republican vic-
tory that fall not only denied him the chair-
manship but brought a change in his career and
his attitude toward it.
At times during the 97th Congress, the fire
in Eagleton seemed to have gone out - he
sometimes looked like a man going through the
motions. At other times, however, the old in-
tensity was reawakened, and he could be highly
effective at getting his point across in the
Senate.
When Eagleton gets worked up over issues,
his personality still makes him a force to be
reckoned with.. A gravelly voiced chain smoker
who complains about his own "addiction" to
cigarettes, Eagleton led a personal campaign
against tobacco price supports in 1982 that
came within two votes of killing the program on
the Senate floor.
"Tobacco, for the most wacko of reasons, is
the most favored commodity," he said. "We do
unto tobacco, we genuflect unto tobacco."
Eagleton is not a man of classic oratorical
skills, but he is one of the most effective
senators in floor debate. He is blunt and force-
ful, and he knows how to frame a difficult issue
in a few words for maximum effect.
During the 1982 Senate trial of New Jersey
Democrat Harrison A. Williams Jr., accused of
accepting a bribe in the Abscam affair, Eagle-
ton's dramatic speech was the emotional turn-
ing point of the debate. Eagleton called for the
expulsion of his longtime liberal ally. "We
should not perpetrate our own disgrace by
asking him to remain," " Eagleton said, effec-
tively killing any chance that:. the Senate would.
inflict the milder penalty of censure.
Another subject that drew Eagleton's at-
tention in 1982 involved one iof his career-long
causes, self-government for the District of Co-
lumbia. One of the authors of District home-
rule legislation, Eagleton spent six years in the
politically unrewarding chairmanship of the
Senate District Committee before it was abol-
ished in 1977.
Eagleton was incensed by a 1982 provision
that sought to bar the newly constructed D.C.
Convention Center from booking sports events
or concerts. He denounced. the provision as a
"dictatorial" intrusion in District affairs, one
that was designed to protect "the greed of Mr.
Abe Pollin," ' owner of the nearby Capital Cen-
ter arena. The Senate agreed to drop the provi-
sion.
Over a long Senate career Eagleton has
often been willing to change his mind on an
issue if the facts seem to.demand it. He has a
habit of digging into a subject and coming out
some distance from where be entered. He voted
against direct election of the president in 1979,
even though he had supported a version of it in
1970. He gradually dropped his support of
"sunset" legislation to force periodic review of
government programs, saying :the measure he
himself had cosponsored "ought to go bye-bye
permanently."
He drafted much of the original Senate
war powers bill but voted against the final
version of the landmark act in 1973. He had
concluded that the 30-day deadline given to a
president to ask for a declaration of war
amounted to a license to make war on his own
within that time.
As a member of the Labor and Appropria-
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
tions committees in addition to Governmental
Affairs, Eagleton played a significant role in
much of the social legislation of the past de-
cade. He was largely responsible for establish-
ment of the National Institute on Aging and for
the expansion of the services available to the
elderly under the Older Americana Act.
He has been a strong union supporter on
most Labor Committee issues, but has split
with the unions on occasion. He opposed the
Lockheed loan guarantee and the supersonic
transport plane, both of which labor supported.
But be went to bat for the Chrysler loan
guarantee in 1979, and, on such "litmus test"
issues as the ill-fated common-site picketing
and labor law revision measures of the late
1970s, Eagleton voted the AFL-CIO position.
On several emotional social issues, he has
voted conservatively in recent years, neut.raliz=
ing some potential opposition in Missouri. He
has always been against busing and is mili-
tantly opposed to abortion. He attracted atten-
tion and won some friends on the right with his
long-running libertarian opposition to manda-
tory seat belts in automobiles.
Eagieton consistently opposed U.S. in-
volvement in Indochina and was the sponsor of
the successful 1973 appropriations amendment
cutting off funds for the bombing of Cambodia.
He was the chief Senate advocate of the 1974
Turkish arms embargo, imposed after Turkey
used American-supplied weapons in its inva-
sion of Cyprus, and continues to oppose re-
sumption of arms sales to Turkey. Eagleton
opposed the volunteer Army, fearing that only
the poor would serve in the absence of con-
scription. In 1980 be voted against. resumption
of male-only draft registration although he
supported an unsuccessful proposal to.register
both men and women.
For years, however, all of Eagleton's argu-
ments and votes were obscured by the trau-
matic period in which he was dropped as Sen.
George McGovern's vice presidential running
mate, only a few days after he admitted that he
had undergone psychiatric treatment and been
hospitalized tlyee times in the 1960s for de-
pression.
After first declaring he was "1,000 per-
cent" behind Eagleton and would have chosen
him even had he known of his mental health
history, McGovern did an about-face and
forced Eagleton from the ticket.
Although Eagleton subsequently cam-
paigned vigorously for McGovern and his sec-
ond running mate, R. Sargent Shriver, the
episode left permanently bruised feelings on
both sides. McGovern never quite forgave Es-
gleton for failing to mention his health history
Thomas F. Eoyloton, D-Mo.
prior to his selection for the national ticket;
Eagleton, convinced that the storm of public
controversy could have been weathered. re-
sented McGovern's withdrawal of support.
It has never been clear precisely how much
the Eagleton affair contributed to McGovern's
overwhelming defeat in November. Eagleton
insisted it was no more than "one rock in the
landslide." McGovern felt otherwise.
At Home: When Eagleton made his first
Senate campaign in 1968, be was carrying a
reputation as Missouri's liberal "boy wonder."
Three years out of law school he had been
elected circuit attorney in St. Louis. Four years
later he became state attorney general, and be
celebrated his 35th birthday in 1964 by winning
election as lieutenant governor with nearly 65
percent of the vote.
By 1968, the logical move was for the
Senate, even though it required running against
an incumbent Democrat, Edward V. Long. The
incumbent was saddled with allegations that be
had improperly received fees from a St. Louis
attorney while in office and charges that he had
doctored specifications for a St. Louis housing
project to benefit a local union that had con-
tributed to his campaign. He was also a sup-
porter of the Johnson administration and its
Vietnam War policy. Eagleton's themes were
consistently liberal: he opposed the bombing of
North Vietnam, recommended cutting the de-
fense budget and called for more federal aid to
cities.
The primary was close, but Eagleton took
it by 26,000 votes and went on to the general
election campaign against Republican Rep.
Thomas B. Curtis, an influential veteran of the
House Ways and Means Committee. Eagleton
criticized him for voting against the 1968 Civil
Rights Act and Medicare and renewed his call
for an end to the bombing. Both candidates
were St. Louis-based, but Eagleton had the
natural Democratic advantage in outlying parts
of the state, and he campaigned more effec-
tively there than the urbane, bow-tied tax
lawyer he was running against.
Eagleton's misfortune as McGovern's tem-
porary running mate in 1972 created strong
sympathy for him in his home state. When he
came up for re-election in 1974, the focus was
not on any of his policy positions, but on his
candor and personal courage and on the way a
Missourian had been treated in national poli-
tics. Curtis was again the Republican nominee,
but at 63 and three terms out of Congress. be
was not a serious threat. Eagleton won the
rematch by more than a quarter-million votes.
Eagleton's 1980 Republican opponent, St.
Louis County Executive Gene McNary, began
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Thomas F. Sayloton, 0401o.
with little recognition outside his home base,
but launched a statewide media campaign with
money from business and conservative groups.
Meanwhile, Eagleton's campaign was bothered
by publicity ver an extortion attempt made by
his niece, Elibeth Weigand, and her attorney.
They threatened to release information damag.
ing to him unless he bowed to her wishes in a
stock control dispute in the family business,
Missouri Pipe Fittings Co. Weigand and her
attorney were convicted of extortion on Oct. 25,
shortly before the election. No "damaging in-
formation" was ever substantiated.
McNary faulted Eagleton'a support for the
Panama Canal treaties and the. SALT 11 accord
and promised to stop federal encroachment on
local governments. Eagleton pointed often to
the highways and other public works projects
his Appropriations Committee seniority had
helped bring the state.
Eagleton's move toward the political can.
ter had been helpful. Ronald Reagan carried
Missouri, and the GOP took the governorship
and two previously Democratic congressional
seats. But while McNary received nearly 48
percent of the vote, Eagleton prevailed.
Committees
1979
73
12
74
12
30
64
1971
76
13
82
10
20
69
Governmental Affairs (Ranking)
1977
$2
13
72
19
39
55
Governmental Efficiency and the District of Columbia (ranking).
1978
36
51
85
8
13
78
Appropriations (6th of 14 Democrats)
1975
47
40
82
9
16
75
Agriwhure. Rural Development and Related Agencies (ranking).
1974 (Ford)
24
60
Commerce. Justice. State and Judiciary and Related Agencies:
1974
36
55
74
13
17
69
Defense; Labor, Health and Human Services. Education; Trans-
1973
33
68
89
3
7
83
portation and Related Agencies.
1972
28
59
79
5
8
72
1971
41
49
78
6
18
63
Labor and Human Rnolaoq (4th of 8 Democrats)
1970
43
45
76
5
6
77
Aging (ranking); Education. Arts and the Humanities; Family and
H
i
i
S
1169
47
38
82
10
17
72
uman
erv
ces; Hernd
capped.
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Select Ethics (3rd of 3 Democrats)
Elections
Key Votes
19s0 General
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) N
Thomas Eagleton (D)
1,074.859
(52%)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Gene McNary (R)
985.339
(48%)
Index income taxes (1981) N
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) Y
1960 Pri ry
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Thomas Eagleson (D)
553.392
(86%)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N
Lee Sutton (D)
53280
(6%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Herb Fdlmore (D)
Previous Manning Percentages:
1974
38.677
(60%) 1968
(6%)
(51%)
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipt
from PACs
Expand-
kures
1960
Eagleton(D)
$1,272.272
$409.284
(32%)
$1,390,560
McNary (R)
$1,180,342
$207,893
(18%)
81,173,161
Voting Studies
.Presidential
Support
Party
thnity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
8
0.
6
0
$ 0
1992
29
68
91
7
12 87
1961
33
63
85
9
10 86
1910 . '
'56
28
65
13
24 52
Interest Group Ratings
ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS-1
CCU$-2
85
10
92
19
90
14
94
0
78
6
89
39
68
19
93
0
29
50
9
79
35
60
15
s0
35
60
8
88
0
72
4
85
19
71
18
89
25
90
8
s0
0
70
21
90
0
89
24
67
91
4
100
0
94
0
100
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Ernest F. Hollings (D)
Of Qsarleston - Elected 1986
Bore: Jan. 1. 1922, Charleston, S.C.
Education: The Citadel, BA. 1942; U. of S.C.. LL.B.
1947.
Military Career. Army, 1942-45.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Rita Louise Liddy; four children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. S.C. House, 1949-55; S.C. It. gov.,
1955-59; gov., 1959-63; sought Democratic nomina-
tion for U.S. Senate, 1962.
Capitol Office: 125 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-6121.
In Washington: Hollings is a military
school product who prides himself on realism
and discipline - and in recent years he has
focused that approach on economic problems.
As a senior member of the Budget Committee,
be has sounded the same call to national sacri-
fice that has marked his campaign for the 1984
presidential nomination.
Hollings insists that everyone in society -
from generals in the Pentagon to Social Secu-
rity recipients - must agree to give up some-
thing if the federal budget is ever to be bal-
anced and the economy repaired. He has
advocated a freeze on domestic and military
spending levels that would not spare any of the
major beneficiaries of federal money.
Few in the Senate challenge the intellec-
tual rigor of Hollings', approach or the sincerity
behind it. His ideas, particularly the proposal
for a spending freeze, have significantly influ-
enced the budget debates of the 1980s.
Sometimes, however, Hollings' style is a
hindrance. He is supremely confident of the
rightness of his economic views, and it shows.
Candid to the point of occasional rudeness, be
is openly scornful of colleagues who are reluc-
tant to make the political decisions implicit in
his program. Colleagues who disagree with his
brand of sacrifice run the risk of being labeled
not only mistaken but muddle-headed and soft.
Handsome, graceful and perfectly tailored,
Hollings is a symbol of Southern breeding and
education. He looks every inch the president he
aspires to become; with his booming voice and
rich Tidewater accent, be is an impressive,
almost overwhelming presence in committee or
on the Senate floor.
He has a sharp tongue, and little hesitation
about using it in public. It can cause trouble,
however, during a 1981 debate on his effort to
stop the Justice Department from trying to
block voluntary school prayer, be described
Ohio Democrat Howard M. Metzenbaum as
"the senator from B'nai B'rith." "I am the
senator from Ohio," responded Metzenbaum,
who is Jewish. "I was not throwing off on his
religion," " Hollings apologized. "I said it only in
fun." But the memory of the incident lingered.
Hollings' strengths and weaknesses as a
national leader were evident during his three
years as the senior Democrat on the Budget
Committee. He became chairman of the panel
in 1980 after Edmund S. Muskie resigned to
become Secretary of State, and he served as
ranking Democrat during the 97th Congress: '
During his brief tenure as chairman, Hol-
lings promoted and moved through the Senate
a 1981 budget resolution drawn up to be in.
balance - the first such achievement in the
history of the budget process. While recession:
eventually forced a deficit of $50 billion, Hol
lings remained proud of the effort and sensitive=6
to mention of its failure.
After moving into the minority, however,
Hollings did not expend much effort trying to
arrive at a unified Democratic response to
President Reagan's budget He seemed more '
interested in putting forth his own ideas than
in establishing a consensus in his party.
The crux of Hollings' budget plan is that
the federal government simply stop, for a time,
doing the things that contributed to its massive
deficits. He would eliminate scheduled tax cuts,
halt automatic benefit increases to individuals
and slow the growth in Pentagon spending.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of that
plan, given Hollings' background, was its 3
percent annual limit on the inflation-adjusted
growth of defense spending. During: the 1970s.
Hollings was known as a vigorous backer of
more dollars for the Defense Department and a
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
sharp critic of arms limitation treaties with the
Soviet Union. He has emerged, however, as a
leading critic of the Reagan defense buildup.
The B-1 bomber and the MX missile are
two of Hollings' special targets. He offered an
amendment in 1981 to eliminate funds for the
B-1, which he said would be outmoded by 1990.
That amendment was defeated 28-66, but his
1982 effort against the MX missile came within
four votes, 50-46, of blocking funding, until
Congress approved a design for its installation.
Then he helped work out an agreement with
the House that essentially killed the "dense
pack" basing system the administratiom sug-
gested for the MX.
Hollings chose to give up his ranking seat
on the Budget Committee at the beginning of
the 98th Congress, opting instead to become
the leading Democrat on Commerce. He had
seemed frustrated by his role as a member of
the minority on budget, and the committee's
interminable debates and markup sessions
would have made a full-scale presidential cam-
paign difficult for its ranking Democrat. Hol-
lings had not played a particularly prominent
role on the Commerce Committee before 1983,
taking a back seat with the rest of the Demo-
crats to former chairman Howard W. Cannon
of Nevada. His most outspoken position was
against deregulation proposals for industries
such as trucking and railroads. Part of his
opposition was due to South Carolina's experi-
ence with airline deregulation, which sharply
cut the number of flights into the state.
In the 96th Congress, as chairman of the
Commerce Subcommittee on Communications,
Hollings set out on an unsuccessful effort to
rewrite the Communications Act of 1934. He
introduced a bill to substitute market compe-
tition for federal regulation of many aspects of
the telephone, telegraph and cable TV indus-
tries, insisting that monopolies and federal
regulation were ideas of the past, and "compe-
tition and diversity" were "ideas of the future."
Hollings has threaded his way carefully
through civil rights issues during his long ca-
reer. Although associated in earlier years with
President Kennedy, Hollings voted against
some major civil rights legislation as a junior
senator during Lyndon Johnson's presidency.
He opposed the 1968 open housing bill, but
backed an unsuccessful attempt in 1980 to
strengthen' it. He has consistently supported
the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its extensions.
He drew support in civil rights circles in
1969 when he made a tour of rural areas of his
state, said he had found hunger and poverty to
a degree he had never realized existed, and
came out for free food stamps for the neediest.
bees/ F. Hollings, D-S.C.
He was active in the Senate on nutrition issues
in the years after that. More recently he has
talked about abuses in the food stamp program:
but he still votes for money to support it.
Hollings long had aspirations to the Senate
leadership. When former Majority Leader Mike
Mansfield announced his retirement in 1976,
Hollings announced his candidacy immedi
ately. He later dropped out of the race, how
ever, to give Hubert H. Humphrey of Minne-
sota a "clear shot" against West Virginian
Robert C. Byrd. Humphrey eventually with-
drew, and Byrd won by acclamation.
At Home: Hollings built his political ca.
reer in South Carolina at a time of emotional
argument about racial issues. He succeeded in
combining old-time rhetoric with a tangible
record of moderation.
As a candidate in the late 1950s, he firmly
espoused states' rights and condemned school
integration. In his inaugural speech as governor
in 1959, Hollings criticized President Eisen-'
bower for commanding a "marching army, this
time not against Berlin, but against Little
Rock." But as chief executive of the state, he
quietly integrated the public schools.
In fact, despite grumblings about his rhet
oric, blacks provided Hollings' margin of vic-
tory in 1966, when he won his Senate seat
against a more conservative Republican oppo-
nent. Since then, he never has faced a credible
candidate to his left, and blacks have generally
supported him.
During the Depression, the Hollings family
paper business went bankrupt, so an uncle had
to borrow money to send him to The Citadel,
where he received an Army commission. Hol-
lings returned home from World War II for law
school and a legal career. That soon led to
politics.
As a young state legislator, he attracted
notice with. his plan to solve the problem of
inferior black schools without integration. He
said a special sales tax should be imposed to
upgrade the black schools.
Hollings twice won unanimous election to
the state House speakership and in 1954 moved
up to lieutenant governor. In 1958, Democratic
Gov. George B. Timmerman was ineligible to
succeed himself. Hollings won a heated three-
way race for the nomination, defeating Donald
S. Russell, former University of South Carolina
president and a protege of ex-Gov. James F.
Byrnes. The primary turned on political alli-
ances and geography. Hollings' base lay in
Tidewater and Russell's in Piedmont.
As governor, Hollings worked hard to
strengthen his state's educational system,
establishing a commission on higher education.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
ibne- F. H.JIinya, D.S.C.
In 1960 he campaigned for John F. Kennedy,
who carried South Carolina.
Barred from seeking a second guberna-
torial term in 1962, be challenged Democratic
Sen. Olin D. Johnston. Portraying himself as "a
young man on the go," Hollings attacked John.
ston's endorsement by the state AFL-CIO and
charged that "foreign labor bosses" were seek-
ing,to control the state. Hollings failed to draw
much more than a third of the vote.
The senator died in 1965, however, and
Donald Russell - by then governor - had
himself appointed to the seat. That provided
Committees
1171
57
37
62
31
75
20
1171
66
23
61
33
5e
35
Comme-ca, aa.nce and Transportation (Rarrdng)
11n
66
31
as
29
40
54
Comrramlcations (ranking); National Ocean Policy Study (rank-
1171
49
40
65
29
40
65
l^91
1175
48
45
61
32
56
36
Appropriations (5th of 14 Democrats)
Commerce, Justice. State and Judiciary and Related Agencies
11174
45
39
42
41
56
24
(king); Defense; Energy and Water Development: Labor.
11573
43
49
63
29
53
39
Health and Human Services, Education and Rotated Agencies;
1572
57
35
61
31
46
45
Legislative Branch.
1571
43
29
53
35
63
28
1970
59
35
52
31
50
33
Budget (2nd of 10 Democrats)
119
38
32
51
35
68.
17
1918
24
37
41
24
47
14
1967
54
35
47
37
61
13
1160 G naral
Ernest
(D
a
)
612.554
(70%)
Manhafl M
p (R
)
257,946
(30%)
2950 Primary
Ernest Ho&w )
(D
266
796
1%)
Mettle
Dickeorson
,
34.720
(11%)
Wleiam Kreml (D)
27,049
(8%)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1174
(70%) 1964 (62%)
1155? (51%)
Spada election.
Campaign Finance
Ibaipts
we
Mol irgs (D)
$810270
$249,515
(31%)
$723,427
Mays (R)
$66,322
575,200
(8%)
$66.044
Voting Studies
Party
tlkty
Conserfed a
coalition
,ran
a
0
s
o
a
o
1152
43
45
73
20
55
36
1151
54
38
33
19W
63
28
65
3
3
64
23
an issue for Hollings' comeback in 1966. He
ousted Russell in the special primary to finish
Johnston's term.
The 1966 election year was not an ordinary
one in South Carolina. The ; national Demo-
cratic Party was unpopular, and Republican
state Sen. Marshall Parker seized on Hollings'
connections to it in an effort to defeat him. He
nearly made it, but Hollings matched his con-
servative rhetoric and survived by 11,7b8 votes.
Running for ?a full term two years later,
Hollings had little trouble turning back Parker.
Since then, be has rolled over weak opponents.
Key Votes
Allow vote on bet (1981) Y
Disawrove sale of AWACS pWies
tnderc Income taxes (981) to Saudi Arat>ta (1951) N
Cut off B.1 bomber turbo (19ei) Y
Stibsicras horns mMtgap rates Retain tobacco Vice supports (982) y
Amend Constitution to require balanced bar (1992) Y
De ate $1.2 billion for public works lobs (1982) N
Increase gas tax by S gents per gallon (1982) 7
Interest Group Ratings
ADA ACA AFL-Cep CCUS
55
50
74
53
55
29
58
35
39
43
22
62
32
35
30
30
52
39
59
30
62
56
61
40
28
6D
25
44
33
42
27
24
60
50
75.
45
44
60
67
25
40
40
20
44
e9
75
22
5
50
71
22
55
33
14
56
75
a
65
17
50
?
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Bill Bradley (D)
of Denville - Elected 1978
Born: July 28. 1943, Crystal City. Mo.
Education Princeton U., A.B. 1965; Oxford U., En-
gland. M.A. 1968.
Military Career. Air Force Reserve, 1967-78.
Occupation: Basketball player.
Family: Wife. Ernestine Schlant; one child.
Religion Protestant.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 253 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-3224.
In Washington Bill Bradley was no
showman during his 10 years with the New
York Knicks, and he has not been one in the
Senate, where his limited speaking ability has
led him to concentrate most of his effort behind
the scenes. But he is diligent, professional, and
sensitive to the civilities of Senate life, and he
has earned considerable respect.
That respect has been joined by increasing
influence and added responsibilities: Bradley's
Democratic colleagues have begun turning to
him to fulfill important party duties - heading
a task force on economics, or responding on
television to President Reagan. -
Bradley is one of the best known of the
"neo-liberals" who are trying to shift the Dem-
ocratic Party away from traditional New Deal
dogma. Like the others in that amorphous
group, he is a prodigious source of new ideas -
most notably a modified version of a "flat-rate"
income tax. If there is a stereotype that celeb-
rity politicians are more style than substance,
Bradley is evidence against it: With his rum-
pled suits and tousled hair, he looks more like a
harried professor than the media superstar he
was at Princeton and in New York.
? Bradley's work on the Finance Committee
is the main source of his growing reputation.
Even with the burden of his monotone speak-
ing style, be is widely seen as one of the most
forceful and able critics of the Reagan adminis-
tration's economic policies.
Bradley fought the supply-side tax pro-
gram from the beginning. He was the only
member of the Finance Committee to vote
against the 1981 tax cut, which he called "infla-
tionary and inequitable." He tried without suc-
cess to focus the tax reductions on less wealthy
families and to make the third year of the cut
contingent on progress in reducing the deficit.
"Basically what you did is give too much
away," be later told administration officials.
But Bradley made sure that, if goodies
Now Jersey . Senior Senator
were being distributed, New Jersey was not left
out. With New York Democrat Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, he inserted into the bill a "rent-a.
bus" provision that allowed big tax breaks to go
indirectly to mass transit companies such as
the New Jersey Transit Corporation.
On one important Finance Committee is-
sue, tax credits for private school tuition, Brad-
ley was more sympathetic to Reagan. He agreed
with the basic idea of tuition tax credits, but
almost managed to kill the administration's
tuition tax credit bill before it could get out of
committee.
Arguing that the bill as proposed by the
administration could provide indirect tax bene-
fits to segregated schools. Bradley proposed
adding tough new civil rights protections. He
had the votes to do so in the Finance Commit-
tee, but at the risk of alienating the bill's
"Christian conservative" backers. Bradley
eventually accepted a compromise proposed by
Finance Chairman Robert Dole; the bill was
reported from committee but never made it to
the Senate floor in 1982.
Although he favors tuition tax credits,
Bradley's long-range tax program would elimi-
nate all but a few of the myriad deductions and
credits of the current tax system. Along with
Missouri Democratic Rep. Richard A. Gep-
hardt, he proposes restructuring the system to
impose a single tax rate on low- and middle-
income taxpayers. Wealthier families would
pay a higher rate, but one still below current
levels. Lost revenues to the Treasury would be
made up by cutting out all tax breaks other
than home mortgage interest deductions and a
few others.
Bradley is less influential on Energy and
Natural Resources, his other major committee.
He is well-known as a petroleum specialist, but
his strong pro-conservation sentiments have
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
illull Brodity, D-N.J.
not been embraced by a majority of the panel's
members. Bradley has worked hardest at trying
to get the Reagan administration to hasten the
filling of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
While be criticizes the administration on
its strategic reserve policy. Bradley joined Rea-
gan in opposing important oil legislation in the
97th Congress. In fighting against an emer-
gency allocation bill giving the president con-
trol over oil supplies in a crisis, Bradley found
himself in an unusual alliance with conserva-
tive Oklahoma Republican Don Nickles; both
argued that the free market should be allowed
to allocate supplies through higher prices. The
bill passed but Reagan vetoed it.
At Home: Bradley was looking ahead to
politics during most of the 10 years he spent
playing forward for the New York Knicks.
During the off-season, he spoke at Democratic
Party gatherings, worked as a reading teacher
in Harlem and spent a summer doing adminis-
trative work in the federal Office of Economic
Opportunity in Washington.
His interest in politics came early, nur-
tured by his Republican banker father in Crys-
tal City, Mo., and by his days at Princeton,
where he wrote his senior thesis on Harry S
Truman's 1940 Senate campaign.
Energy and Natural Resources (9th of 9 Democrats)
Presidential
Party
Conservative
Energy and Mineral Resources; Energy Conservation and Sup-
Support
Unity
Coalition
W. Energy Regulation.
Year
a
0
S
0
S
0
Finance ((7th of 9 Democrats)
Energy and Agricultural Taxation (rankinpr Health; International
1982
37
63
87
13
14
85
Trade.
1881
44
48
80
10
11
77
1880
65
23
72
12
6
75
Spacial Aping (5th t 7 Democrats)
1879
68
10
87
9
11
85
197$ General
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) N
Bin B
dl
(D)
1
082,960
(55%)
bia (1981)
di A
f AWACS
l
t
S
ra
ey
Jeffrey Bell (R)
,
644.200
(43%)
ra
au
anes
o
p
Disapprove sale o
N
Index income taxes (1981)
Cut on B-1 bomber funds (1981) Y
Ball B
(D)
dle
217.502
(59%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) V
N
ra
y
rd Leone (D)
h
Ri
97.667
(26%)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982)
N
1982
c
a
Alexander Menrs (D)
32.386
(9%)
)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Mums
117$
Si,689,975 $192.06 111%) $1.688,499
Bradley
Beg (R) (D) $1.432,924 $166.263 (12%) 91,418.931
There was talk that Bradley would return
to Missouri to seek office, but marriage to a
New Jersey college professor and years of tele-
vision exposure in the New York metropolitan
area convinced him to run in the Garden State.
To finance his 1978 Senate bid, he relied on
some of his own wealth, then valued at nearly
$1.6 million, and on fund-raising events by such
prominent friends as singer Paul Simon and
actor Robert Redford.
With superior name recognition, Princeton
and Oxford degrees and a clean-cut reputation,
he scored an easy Democratic primary victory
over Gov. Brendan T. Byrne's candidate, for-
mer state Treasurer Richard C. Leone.
Bradley drew as his general election oppo-
nent Jeffrey Bell, a former campaign aide to
Ronald Reagan. Bell had ousted four-term Sen.
Clifford P. Case in the Republican primary,
and his campaign had split the GOP badly.
Without the liberal Case on the general election
ballot, labor and minorities felt free to go with
Bradley, who proved remarkably wooden as a
campaigner but won comfortably nevertheless.
Bradley retains a celebrity appeal that has
kept his popularity intact: He periodically
stands'up for New Jersey when it is ridiculed
for its crime, pollution and tackiness.
Voting Studies
Key Votes
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2
1962 100 24 85 29
1961 90 20 82 13
1960 72 0 100 38
1971 68 4 95 0 25
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
David L. Boren (D)
of Seminole - Elected 1978
fora April 21, 1941, Washington,.D.C.
Education Yale U., B.A. 1963; Oxford U., England,
M.A. 1965; U. of Okla.. J.D. 1968.
Military Career. National Guard, 1968-75.
Occupation Lawyer; government professor.
Family: Wife, Molly Wanda Shi; two children.
Religion Methodist.
political Career. Okla. House, 1967-75; Okla. governor,
1975-79.
Capitol Office. 452 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4721.
velops rapidly," Boren once said, "and so can
the appearance of not having influence." From
his first days in the Senate, when he got
In Washington: After working closely
with Republicans during President Reagan's
first year in office, Boren has returned to the
Democratic mainstream. He was once consid-
ered a prime candidate for conversion by GOP
leaders, but he now plays an important role in
helping Senate Democrats write their party's
economic policy.
Boren will be particularly influential on
the Finance Committee if Democrats regain
control of the Senate in 1984. A conservative
with a populist's antagonism to much of the
financial community. he knows how to fight for
the oil industry without alienating his party's
Northern majority in the Senate. Liberals tend
to like him, even if they disagree with him,
allowing him to flirt with Reaganomics in the
97th Congress and still not forfeit his standing
as a Democrat of some respect.
Pale and pudgy, Boren does not look on
first glance to be a power broker or even a
politician. Oklahoma political cartoonists used
to draw him as the Pillsbury Doughboy. But he
knows the system and how to operate within it.
"The appearance of having influence de-
find him a seat on the tax-wrti ---- ? s' ?.~ ..aa a Icaauig
ng panel, he has sponsor of the proposal, which passed the Sen.
worked to develop that influence for the bene- ate in 1982, and backed a key amendment to
fit of his state's oilmen and farmers. freeze the national debt.
The couise of Boren's career almost took a. Much of Boren's effort on the Agriculture
sharp turn in 1981, when he emerged as one of Committee is devoted to bemoaning the state
Reagan's most ardent Democratic backers. He of the farm economy, which he says is "virtu-
helped save the administration from a budget ally in a depression." He sponsored two signifi-
assault led by one of its own, Republican John cant amendments to help farmers that were
Chafee of Rhode Island, who wanted to restore adopted by the Senate in 1982. One extended
Dearly a billion dollars for urban programs. an emergency loan program and allowed defer-
The vice president phoned him personally, ral of loan payments for those in difficult
seeking help, worrying that Republican Sena- financial situations. Another, added to the bud-
tors backing Chafee would tip the GOP's pre- get reconciliation bill, established a new pro-
carious Senate balance away from Reagan. Just
before the vote, Bush called again to make
certain Boren and fellow conservative Demo-
crats would vote with Reagan. They did. Some
17 Democrats voted with 42 Republicans to
beat Chafee handily, even though 11 Republi-
cans defected.
Several days later, Boren announced for-
mation of a 12-member conservative Demo-
cratic group to pursue budget cutting and other
issues on which the group's members might feel
closer to Republicans than Democrats. His sup-
port for the president was rewarded: the suc-
cessful Reagan-backed version of the 1981 tax
cut included two of Boren's pet ideas - easing
the terms of the oil windfall profits tax and
ending the inheritance tax between spouses.
But interest in the conservative group soon
declined, and Boren drifted away from close
support of the administration. Early in 1982 he
helped draft a letter to Reagan outlining Demo-
cratic alternatives. The letter stressed deferral
of the scheduled 1983 tax cut and reductions in
the Pentagon budget.
Boren was unable to muster majority Dem-
ocratic support, however, for one of his favorite
tio
economic solutions - a " ?`t:t
l
u
na
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OOklahenro - Senior Sonat+or ,
 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M0l152R000400510001-6
David L. van, D-Oklo.
gram of cash payments to farmers for not
growing wheat, corn and feed grains.
After nearly a full term in the Senate,
Boren has become increasingly outspoken in
criticism of its procedures, which he sees as
leading the institution into paralysis and de-
cline. He believes individuals in the Senate
have too much power to frustrate the majority.
To solve those problems. Boren has pro-
posed setting up an Emergency Joint Commit-
tee for Congressional Reform. He argues that
such a commission should consider major
changes in Senate rules, especially those that
allow senators to propose amendments unre.
lated to the bill being considered on the floor.
"To preserve Congress," " Boren had said. "we
must reform it."
At Home: Boren has come a long way
quickly in politics by knowing how to promote
the right issue at the right time.
Few Oklahoma Democrats took him seri-
ously in 1974, when, as a four-term state legis-
lator, he decided to run for governor. A Rhodes
Scholar and political science professor, he had
been neither influential nor popular among
insiders in the Oklahoma House. But he had a
reputation as a reformer, and he exploited it
skillfully at a time of scandal not only in
Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (6th of 8 Democrats)
Agricultural Research and General Legislation (ranking): Agri-
cultural Credit and Rural Electrification; Foreign Agricultural
Policy.
Finance (6th of 9 Democrats)
Estate and Gift Taxation: International Trade; Social Security
and Income Maintenance Programs.
Small twines (9th of 9 Democrats)
Enlreprenramship and Special Problems Facing Small Business.
Elections
Washington but in Oklahoma City, where
Democratic Gov. David Hall was under investi.
gation on corruption charges that were later to
send him to prison.
He campaigned with a broom, promising to
sweep out corruption at the state capitol and
supporting financial disclosure and open gov-
ernment. He edged into a spot in the primary
.runoff, took it easily, and won a smashing
victory in November.
As governor. Boren changed focus, drawing
national attention as a spokesman for his
state's oil producers. When he chose to run for
the Senate in 1978, he was in a perfect position
to seek votes and campaign support as an oil
industry loyalist, and he was the favorite
throughout the year. He led a seven-man pri-
mary field and went on to defeat former US.
Rep. Ed Edmondson in a runoff.
The primary took a bizarre turn when,
after a minor candidate accused the governor of
being a homosexual, Boren swore on a Bible
that it was not true. The accuser was discred-
ited, and Boren suffered no lasting damage.
Boren's gubernatorial record brought him
far more business support than most Demo-
crats can expect in Oklahoma, and he had no
trouble against his 1978 Republican opponent.
Campaign Finance
197$ General
David L. Boren (D)
493.953
(66%)
Key Votes
Robert Kamm (R)
247.857
(33%)
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y
197$ Primary Runoff
Disapprove ask of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Bonn (D)
David L
281.587
(60%)
Cut off B-1 bomber kinds (1981) N
Y
,
.
Ed Edmondson (D)
1979 Prbnary
184.175
(40%)
Subsidize tame mortgage fates (1982)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) Y
David L Boren (D)
Ed Edmondson (D)
252.560
155.626
(46%)
(28%)
increase gas tax by S cents per gallon (1982) N
Gene Snipe (D)
114.423
(21%)
Receipts Fspend-
Receipts from PACs Nurse
197$
Boren (D) $779.544 $800 (0.1%) $751286
Kamm (R) $444.734 $31.664 (7 %) 6443.712
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Puny Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
8
0
!
o
S
0
1982
60
38
52
42
87
10
1991
60
35
54
40
86
10
1990
53
45
46
49
76
18
1179
47
47
33
59
81
10
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2
1982 45 67 50 65
1981 30 76 32 71
19$0 28 52 37 71
1979 16 70 26 82 88
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Robert Dole (R)
of RusseD - Elected 1968
Born: July 22, 1923, Russell, Kan.
Education: Washburn U., A.B. 1952, LL.B. 1952.
Military Career. Army, 1943-48.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Mary Elizabeth Hanford; one child.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Kan. House, 1951-53; Russell County
attorney, 1953-61; U.S. House, 1961-69; Republican
nominee for vice president, 1976.
Capitol Office: 141 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-6521.
In Washington: Dole's public image has
undergone a remarkable transformation in the
last few years. The "hatchet man" of the early
1970s has become a "statesman." The liberal
critics who once viewed him as a small-minded
partisan now look to him as a pragmatic voice
of reason in budget and tax policy.
The 97th Congress may not have solved
the nation's economic problems, but for Bob
Dole it was an unvarnished legislative triumph.
He used his position as chairman of the Fi-
nance Committee to promote President Rea-
gan's tax cut in 1981 and to craft the tax
increase that modified it in 1982. He and a
handful of other senior Republicans virtually
rewrote the 1982 Reagan budget. Meanwhile,
Dole was playing a key role on such diverse
issues as voting rights, food stamps and Social
Security.
Dole turned out to be a superb negotiator
whose power came largely from his ability to
find compromises where others were dead-
locked. "You don't try to cram things down
people's throats," he said at one point. "You
try to work it. out."
Dole probably never merited the full ex-
tent of his "hatchet man" reputation. Report-
ers who talked to him in private even a decade
ago found an honest senator with a sense of
humor that he turned toward himself as often
as toward others. "I don't think you've dam-
aged anybody's reputation," a reporter once
remarked to him after an unexpectedly gentle
interview. "No," Dole said. "Only mine."
Still, it was the public Dole who was seen
and remembered in Washington, and that ver-
sion could be nasty indeed. The Kansas Repub-
lican was President Nixon's most strident
backer in the Senate during his first term. In an
often abrasive fashion, he defended Nixon's
Vietnam policies, his Supreme Court nomina.
tions of Clement F. Haynsworth Jr. and G.
Harrold Carswell, his ABM program and al-
most every other move the president made.
Dole's performance did not always sit well
with his Senate colleagues, but he was re-
warded in 1971 when Nixon named him Repub-
lican national chairman. He never got on well
with the White House staff, however, and was
pushed from the party leadership in January
1973 - a stroke of good fortune, as it turned
out, since he escaped the subsequent Watergate
scandal. Although he had been GOP chairman
when the June 1972 burglary occurred, Dole
never knew what was going on at the Nixon re-
election committee. "Watergate happened on
my night off," he later said.
He established his independence of Nixon
well before Watergate, but he seemed to have
lost none of his abrasiveness when he served as
Gerald R. Ford's vice presidential running
mate in 1976, denouncing the "Democrat wars"
of the 20th century. Only after days of contro-
versy did Dole grudgingly back away from the
remark and concede he really did not believe
any party should be held responsible for the
nation's wars.
That vice presidential campaign may have
marked a turning point in Dole's career. He
never accepted the notion that his negative
style cost Ford the presidency, but he has never
sounded quite so strident since then either -
in the Senate or during his brief, unsuccessful
campaign for president in 1980. By the time
Dole returned to national prominence as Fi-
nance chairman in 1981, he struck many Senate
observers as a different person.
Some who doubt that the 1976 campaign
was a turning point prefer to attribute the
"new" Dole to the influence of his wife, Eliza-
beth Hanford, whom he married in 1975. A
federal trade commissioner under Ford and
White House aide under Reagan, she became
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Robert Dole, R-Kan.
transportation secretary in 1983. When she
appeared before 8 Senate committee prior to
her confirmation, Dole said "I regret that I
have but one wife to give for my country's
infrastructure."
Dole is often as funny as that, but most of
the time there is considerably more bite to his
humor. Early in 1982, he told listeners that he
had good news and bad news. "The good news,"
he said, "is that a bus full of supply-alders went
off a cliff. The bad news is that two seats were
empty."
That joke symbolized Dole's real doubts
about the philosophy behind Reagan's 1981 tax
cut. From the beginning, Dole was interested in
targeted tax incentives aimed at boosting sav-
ings, investment and productivity, rather than
across-the-board reduction. But he loyally
shepherded the Reagan plan through the Sen-
ate. When it did not work out as its advocates
had hoped, Dole moved quickly to change it the
following year.
Dole's job on the 1981 tax bill had been
easy - members of Congress like to vote for
tax reductions, and this package was being
pushed by a very popular president. Dole's
most significant accomplishment was persuad-
ing Reagan to back a 25-percent cut over three
years, in place of the 30 percent in the original
proposal.
The 1982 bill was a different story. Dole
first had to convince a reluctant Reagan to
accept the necessity of doing something to
increase government revenues and thus lower
the massive federal deficit. He did so by paint-
ing his proposal as a tax reform measure, rather
than a rejection of Reaganomics. "We are not
making a U-turn; we are merely adjusting the
route to keep from going off the road," he said.
In the committee, Dole used all his skills
- detailed knowledge of tax policy and a sharp
-sense of committee politics - to fashion a bill
acceptable to his fellow Republicans. The mea-
sure was written in a closed GOP caucus, and
some Democrats resented their exclusion. But
Dole made sure every member was given at
least one pet provision to keep him happy.
Some of Dole's best tactical maneuvering
came on the Senate floor. During one all-night
session on the bill, restaurant lobbyists pushed
through an amendment to delete tip reporting
provisions. Angered by the move, Dole per-
suaded Finance Committee members to back a
retaliatory amendment reducing the tax deduc-
tion for business lunches - something liberal
Democrats had -been pushing for years. The tip
reporting provision survived, contributing to
the bill's $98.3=billion in increased federal reve-
nues over a three-year period.
As the history of the tax bill shows, Dole
walks a fine line between loyalty to the Reagan
administration and protecting his own political
interests. While he pressured Reagan to change
on taxes, he backs administration economic
policy on many issues even when other Repub-
licans are straying.
Early in 1982, after Congress passed a bill
providing the federal government with standby
power to allocate oil supplies, Dole was one of a
delegation of Republican leaders that went to
the White House to urge Reagan not to veto the
measure. When it was vetoed anyway, Dole
switched sides and supported Reagan. Later in
the year he backed the president's veto of an
emergency funding bill that was endorsed by
many Republicans. "I don't suggest we're bust-
ing the budget but I don't want to bust the
president either," he said.
In 1983 Dole and Reagan went down to-
gether in the Senate fighting to preserve in-
come tax withholding on interest and divi-
dends. The administration had proposed
withholding in the previous year's budget, and
Dole had included it in the 1982 tax bill,
arguing that it would net the federal govern-
ment an additional $20 billion over five years.
It was to take effect in mid-1983.
The banking industry mounted an inten-
sive lobbying campaign to repeal the provision,
citing the extra paperwork burden imposed on
banks and telling some depositors that they
would be required to pay more in taxes. Dole
was their chief antagonist.
Democratic Rep. Norman E. D'Amours of
New Hampshire, leading the House fight for
repeal, charged that "to listen to Bob Dole,
you'd think Satan himself was behind this
effort." He was exaggerating only slightly. Dole
accused the bankers of "the most massive cam-
paign in American history to intimidate the
Congress."
By mid-April, though, it was clear that the
banks had succeeded. To avoid outright repeal,
Dole and Reagan agreed to a "compromise"
that delayed withholding until at least 1987.
"Very frankly," Dole admitted, "we didn't have
the votes."
Along with his importance on taxes, Dole's
position as Finance chairman has placed him at
the center of debate on Social Security. He was
a member of the National Commission on So-
cial Security Reform and played a key role in
finding the compromise that allowed the com-
mission to issue its recommendations on saving
the system.
Dole also helped put through an extension
of the Voting Rights Act in 1982. After days of
delicate negotiations with civil rights groups,
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!low Judiciary Committee members and the
!ministration, Dole came up with a deal that
lowed the bill to emerge from the committee
ith provisions making it easier to prove voting
ghts violations. He won high praise from civil
ghts lobbyists.
As a member of the Agriculture Commit-
e, Dole consistently has departed from con-
.rvative ranks to help craft and enlarge the
od stamp program, popular among Kansas
heat growers as well as impoverished recipi-
its. Over the 1970s; he regularly joined forces
i the committee with South Dakota Democrat
eorge McGovern, whom he roundly criticized
the 1972 campaign.
In 1981, when Reagan proposed drastic
,ductions in the food stamp program, Dole
as instrumental in persuading administration
:ficials to soften them. Then he worked with
emocrat Patrick Leahy of Vermont to move
ie modified package through the Agriculture
ommittee over the objection of its chairman,
sse Helms, R-N.C., who wanted to go even
irther than Reagan. Helms fought for his
.ews in committee and on the floor, and lost
ath times.
Dole has been a crusader for federal aid to
ie handicapped. He lives with his own handi-
ip, a nearly useless right arm and a somewhat
npaired left one resulting from a devastating
ound sustained during combat in Italy late in
lorld War II. The years he spent recovering
idelibly marked his character.
Having survived real trouble, Dole seldom
.ems to take himself or anything else too
.riously. But he has an underlying determina-
on and fierce competitive streak. "I do try
arder," he once said. "If I didn't, I'd be sitting
i a rest home, in a rocker, drawing disability."
At Home: Dole is today the foremost
olitical figure in Kansas. Republicans in the
rate's congressional delegation defer to him
ut of habit. In 1980 he coasted to easy re-
fection.
But the road to his political security has
een a bit rough. Another 982 votes in his 1960
louse primary would have sent another man to
Washington in his place. A swing of 2,600
'ould have unseated him four years later. One
ercentage point would have defeated him in
974.
Dole emerged from his World War II or-
eal with ambition and an ample share of
.iscipline. Even before completing his law de-
ree, he won a term in the Kansas House. After
Kansas - Senior Senator
two years there, he became Russell County
prosecutor.
Eight years later, he was a candidate for
the U.S. House, running for the GOP nomina-
tion against Keith G. Sebelius, a Republican
from nearby Norton County. Dole defeated him
by 982 votes, forcing Sebelius to wait eight
years for a House vacancy. In the fall, Dole was
an easy winner, keeping the old 6th District of
western Kansas in its traditionally Republican
hands.
In 1962 the state's two western districts
were combined, and Dole had to run against a
Democratic incumbent, J. Floyd Breeding. He
beat him by more than 20,000 votes.
But he had a difficult time in 1964 coping
with the national Democratic landslide and
with Bill Bork, a farmers' co-op official. Demo-
crat Bork said he would be a better friend of
agriculture than Dole, who he pointed out was a
small-town lawyer, not a farmer. Dole won by
5,126 votes.
In 1968 Republican Frank Carlson an-
nounced his retirement from the Senate, and
Dole competed with former Gov. William H.
Avery for the GOP nomination to succeed him.
Avery had been ousted from the Statehouse
two years earlier by Democrat Robert Docking,
and he seemed preoccupied during much of the
primary campaign with Docking rather than
Dole. The result was a Dole victory by a re-
markable plurality of more than 100,000 votes.
That fall, Dole also had an easy time
against Democrat William I. Robinson, a Wich-
ita attorney who criticized him, for opposing
federal aid to schools. Dole talked about the
social unrest of that year and blamed much of
it on the Johnson administration in Washing-
ton.
The 1974 campaign was different. Dole was
weighted down with his earlier Nixon connec-
tions, which were played up, probably to an
unwise degree, by Democratic challenger Wil-
liam Roy, a two-term House member. Roy
continued referring to Nixon and Watergate
even after he had built a comfortable lead
against Dole. This enabled Dole to strike back
with an advertisement in which a mud-splat-
tered poster of himself was gradually wiped
clean as he insisted on his honesty.
Dole came from behind in the final weeks
to defeat Roy by 13,532 votes; Since then, he
has had nothing to worry about. He encoun- .
tered only weak opposition for a third term in
1980.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
1973
71
27
83
14
89
10
1972
87
4
87
3
Be
1
Finance (Chairman)
1971
80
13
80
9
87
4
Health; Oversight of the Internal Revenue Service; Social Secu-
1970
81
15
88
8
86
7
rity and Income Maintenance Programs.
Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (2nd of 10 Republicans)
1969
House service
75
21
80
12
87
7
Nutrition (chairman); Agricultural Production, Marketing and
1968
42
46
79
6
88
0
Stabilization of Prices; Foreign Agricultural Policy.
1967
40
53
84
7
91
4
1966
37
63
90
10
100
0
Judiciary (5th of 10 Republicans)
Copyrights and
Courts (chairman); Criminal Law; Patents
1965
34
63
91
7
98
2
,
Trademarks.
1964
1963
27
23
73
76
94
100
6
0
100
93
0
7
Rules and Administration (7th of 7 Republicans)
1992
33
65
93
5
94
0
Joint Taxation
1961
15
83
88
12
100
0
S- Support 0 = Opposition
1980 General
Robert Dole (R)
598,686
(64%)
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y
John Simpson (D)
340,271
(36%)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
1980 Primary
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N
Robert Dole (R)
201,484
(82%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Jim Grainge (R)
44.674
(18%)
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Previous Winning Percentages:
1974
(51%) 1968
(60%)
Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) Y
1966- (69%) 1964- (51%)
1962-
(56%) 1960-
(59%)
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Y
House elections.
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand'
Receipts from PACs Nurse
1980
Dole (R) $1,327,384 $422,531 (32%) $1,224,494
Simpson (D) $340,147 $52,290 (15%) $339,987
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S
0
S 0 S
0
1982
_86
13
91
8
85
10
1981
85
7
94
5
92
5
1960
48
49
72
24
77
20
1979
39
57
78
16
85
14
1978
32
65
77
19
83
14
1977
53
44
85
12
89
8
1976
66
17
71
12
' 77
7
1975
75
16.
86
8
90
5
1974 (Ford)
34
37
1974
63
33
71
21
76
17
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS-1
CCUS-2
1992
15
71
20
62
1981
5
70
11
100
1990
22
77
28
90
1979
21
64
21
73
75
1978
20
58
22
83
1977
5
70
11
88
1976
10
87
16
75
1975
17
67
24
75
1974
19
84
18
80
1973
10
82
27
78
1972
0
84
10
100
1971
4
71
17
-
1970
13
76
17
89
1969
0
64
18
-
House service
1968
0
90
25
-
1967
7
96
9
100
1966
0
93
0
-
1965
0
89
-
100
1964
4
95
9
1963
-
100
1962
0
91
0
1961
0
-
-
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Robert C. Byrd (D)
Of Sophia - Elected 1958
Born: Nov. 20, 1917, North Wilkesboro, N.C.
Education: Beckley College, Concord College, Morris
Harvey College, 1950-51; Marshall College, 1951-52;
American U., J.D. 1963.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Erma Ora James; two children.
Religion: Baptist.
political Career. W.Va. House, 1947-51; W.Va. Senate,
1951-53; U.S. House, 1953-59.
Capitol Office: 311 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-3954.
In Washington: After a political lifetime
spent gaining power by giving favors, Byrd
found his traditional style essentially useless in
the 97th Congress, where nearly all the favors
were under Republican control. He had to
struggle to be an effective minority leader,
using talents better suited to the housekeeping
duties of the majority.
Byrd never really did "make the trains run
on time," as the saying goes, during his four
years as majority leader. But he had a knack for
meeting other senators' personal and political
needs, from scheduling a minor bill to working
out delicate language on a crucial treaty. If he
was not the easiest man in the world to like, he
was a competent manager, and senators were
indebted to him for it.
After the Democrats' crushing 1980 defeat,
however, the same colleagues were more likely
to worry about Byrd's distant personality and
rigid speaking style, which seemed poorly
suited to a role as national spokesman of the
party out of power. Byrd himself faced a poten-
tially difficult re-election fight in West Vir-
ginia, and there was talk of a challenge to him
among Senate Democrats.
Those threats have faded now; there was
no effort by other Democrats to replace Byrd at
the start of the 98th Congress. Byrd himself has
suggested that the minority leader post is not a
terribly attractive job - "I don't know who
else would want it," he has said. "It's nice to
have the title, but there's a lot of work in-
volved."
But there are other reasons why Byrd's
leadership position is not under serious chal-
lenge. He has had some success in getting the
Senate Democrats back together. Byrd has
worked hard over the past two years to rebuild
party ties and work toward a cohesive opposi-
tion to the Reagan administration.
Byrd's strong resistance to the administra-
tion was not a sure thing at the beginning - he
voted for President Reagan's 1981 tax and
budget cut bills. Soon, however, he shifted to
opposition, particularly after the administra-
tion proposed cuts in Social Security.
To unite the Democrats, Byrd tried a num-
ber of different steps. He scheduled weekly
luncheons of the Democratic Caucus, which
had met rarely when it was a majority. A
weekend retreat in West Virginia late in 1981
brought nearly all the Democratic senators
together to thrash out their disagreements.
Byrd also sought to revive the moribund
Democratic Policy Committee, hiring a former
Carter aide to run its public relations opera-
tion. He appointed a series of task forces on
various issues to propose Democratic legislative
alternatives.
Few senators would have forecast a leader-
ship role for Robert Byrd when he arrived in
the Senate in 1958. In those days he was
considered parochial in his emphasis on West
Virginia issues and far to the right of most
Democratic senators on others. He opposed the
Civil Rights Act of 1964; he was a scourge of
welfare recipients as chairman of the District of
Columbia Appropriations Subcommittee, or-
dering inspections to see whether female wel-
fare recipients were harboring unreported men
in their homes.
But by 1967, he had a toehold on the
Senate leadership ladder, defeating the veteran
liberal Joseph Clark of Pennsylvania to become
secretary of the Democratic Conference. Unno-
ticed by outsiders, Byrd set about serving his
colleagues, scheduling routine business to suit
their convenience and tending to countless de-
tails involved in running the Senate.
Four years later he cashed the chits he had
so carefully collected and ousted a stunned
Edward M. Kennedy from the No. 2 leadership
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Robert C.B Byrd, D-W. Va.
job, majority whip. Kennedy, shaken by the
Chappaquiddick controversy in 1969, had been
neither an active nor effective whip, but he
anticipated no trouble: He went into the 1971
party caucus full of confidence and verbal
commitments.
Byrd, however, entered with a pocketful of
due bills and a deathbed proxy from his Senate
mentor, the late Richard Russell of Georgia. It
was no contest.
For six years after that, Byrd was a loyal
lieutenant to Majority Leader Mike Mansfield,
sitting through long days of floor work while
deferring to Mansfield as party spokesman and
political leader.
An indefatigable worker, Byrd soon be-
came a master of Senate rules and procedures.
He studied constantly - history, philosophy,
poetry and law - seeking to improve himself.
(He already had a law degree, obtained in 1963
after he attended night school at American
University in Washington during his first Sen-
ate term.) And he continued to perform favors,
small and not so small, for his fellow senators.
When Mansfield retired, Byrd was ready.
Some liberals wanted the universally beloved
Hubert H. Humphrey in the top leadership job,
believing he would be a more presentable and
eloquent spokesman than Byrd, whom many of
them still saw as a mere technician.
But Byrd once again had a long column of
accounts receivable - and he called them.
Humphrey, already seriously ill, withdrew be-
fore the balloting even started, and Byrd was
elected by acclamation.
By the time of his accession to the leader-
ship, Byrd had moved a considerable distance
to the left. The hard-liner who broke with a
majority of his party to support an anti-ballis-
tic missile system in 1969 became strongly
committed a decade later to a strategic arms
limitation treaty with the Soviet Union. The
bitter critic of self-government for the District
of Columbia in the 1960s won Senate approval
for a constitutional amendment giving the Dis-
trict voting representation in Congress. And
the senator who once dismissed the Rev. Mar-
tin Luther King Jr. as a "self-serving rabble-
rouser" fought to the very end of the 96th
Congress in a vain effort to strengthen federal
fair housing laws.
Byrd took over the majority leadership as
Jimmy Carter was becoming president. His
tenure as majority leader was marked by an
uneasy relationship with his fellow Democrat,
whom he seemed to regard as an amateur with
little aptitude for the exercise of power. None-
theless, Byrd repeatedly saved the Democratic
administration in difficult legislative situations
- making sure that Carter knew where the
credit belonged.
His most dramatic rescue operation came
in 1978, when he saved the Panama Canal
transfer treaties for Carter through non-stop
negotiations with wavering senators, personal
diplomacy with Panamanian officials and last-
second language changes that finally amassed
the votes needed for ratification. Byrd also,
played an indispensable role in the passage of
Carter's energy program, approval of the Mid.
die East arms sale package, lifting of the Turk.
ish arms embargo and extension of the deadline
for ratification of the Equal Rights Amend.
ment.
In a word, Byrd has gone "national." His
defense of West Virginia interests, especially
coal, has never ceased, but it is now seen as e
fragment of his record, not the most important
part of it. During his last year as majority
leader, when he maneuvered to get the Senate
to weaken the three-year-old strip-mine control
act, few liberals treated it as a major offense.
His right to speak for the Democratic Party in
the Senate was no longer in question.
At Home: A year before the 1982 election,
it seemed Byrd's transformation into a national
figure might be costly for him in West Virginia.
Republican leaders, believing he had turned
left and grown vulnerable, prepared their most
serious challenge since he first won the seat in
1958. They speculated that the senator's cam-
paign skills, honed in the 1940s, would be
ineffective against a 1980s media assault.
Byrd taught them a few things. Taking
advantage of a beleaguered economy and a
badly mismanaged GOP effort that wasted
most of its money, he drew nearly 70 percent,
humiliating the Republican who had left his
House seat to run.
The senator was born Cornelius Calvin
Sale Jr. When he was 10, his mother died and
his father abandoned him, and he spent his
childhood with an aunt and uncle, Vlurma and
Titus Byrd, in the hard-scrabble coal country
of southern West Virginia.
Byrd graduated first in his high school
class, but it took him 12 more years before he
could afford to start college. He worked as a gas
station attendant, grocery store clerk, shipyard
welder and butcher before his talents as a
fiddle player helped win him a seat in the state
Legislature in 1946.
Friends drove Byrd around the hills and
hollows, where he brought the voters out by
playing "Cripple Creek" and "Rye Whiskey."
From then on, he never lost an election. As he
himself once put it, "There are four things
people believe in in West Virginia - God
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Almighty, Sears Roebuck, Carters Little Liver
Pills and Robert C. Byrd."
When Democrat Erland Hedrick retired in
the old 6th Congressional District in 1952, Byrd
was an obvious contender. But he had to sur-
mount a serious political problem: He had
joined the Ku Klux Klan at age 24 and as late
as 1946 wrote a letter to the imperial grand
wizard urging a Klan rebirth "in every state of
the Union."
When this came up publicly in 1952, his
opponents and Democratic Gov. Okey L.
Patteson called on him to drop out. He refused,
explaining his Klan membership as a youthful
indiscretion committed because of his alarm
over communism, and he won the election.
After three House terms, he ran for the
Senate in 1958 with the support of the AFL-
CIO and the United Mine Workers. He crushed
his primary opposition and made an impressive
showing in unseating Republican Chapman
Revercomb, a veteran who had been in and out
of the Senate in the 1940s and won a two-year
term in a comeback in 1956. Revercomb was a
weak incumbent before the campaign even be-
gan, and the 1958 recession had had a serious
impact in West Virginia, driving voters closer
to New Deal Democratic roots. Byrd was an
easy winner.
For the next two decades, West Virginians
returned him to the Senate by larger and larger
margins. In 1964, he trounced Cooper Benedict,
a former deputy assistant secretary of defense.
Six years later, the Republicans put up
Charleston Mayor Elmer H. Dodson. who cam-
paigned little and suffered an overwhelming
defeat. In 1976, no one filed against Byrd, and
his only real contest was as a favorite son in the
state's presidential primary. He won that in a
landslide, defeating George C. Wallace, who
was once strong in West Virginia but whose
national campaign was by then close to col-
lapse. '
By 1982, West Virginia's political climate
had changed. Two years earlier, the conserva-
tive Reagan tide had helped the GOP pick up
two House seats in West Virginia. One of the
Republican newcomers, Rep. Cleve Benedict
West Virginia - Junior Senator
(the son of Cooper Benedict), decided to chal-
lenge Byrd in 1980.
An heir to the Procter & Gamble fortune,
Benedict was able to finance a year-long media
campaign. Both he and the National Conserva-
tive Political Action Committee (NCPAC) pep-
pered Byrd with negative ads, attacking Byrd's
support of the Panama Canal treaties and his
failure to maintain a residence in West Vir-
ginia.
To the astonishment of party and press
people, the Benedict campaign engaged in a
series of controversial pranks. At one campaign
stop, Benedict workers presented Byrd with a
membership in NCPAC. At another, a Benedict
worker tried to give Byrd a Ku Klux Klan
hood, a not-so-subtle reminder of Byrd's past
membership.
Raising the Klan issue was a silly tactic.
Byrd had successfully put that problem to rest
30 years earlier, and Benedict's attempt to
revive it struck many voters as character assas-
sination.
The attacks ruffled the proud and prickly
senator, but he neither overreacted verbally nor
campaigned lethargically, as the Benedict
forces had hoped he would. Stunned by the
huge Democratic Senate losses in 1980, Byrd
had prepared well for the challenge to his seat.
He solidified labor and party support and put
together a campaign treasury nearly twice as
large as Benedict's.
Byrd stressed his West Virginia roots.
maintained that being the No. 2 man in the
Senate was better than being a freshman, and
sharply criticized Benedict and NCPAC for
dirty tricks that he said embarrassed West
Virginia. He frequently called Benedict a con-
sistent supporter of Reagan's failed economic
policy.
By Election Day, it was clear that Byrd
would win. Benedict had started the year far
behind in the polls, and his campaign tactics
only made his situation worse. But few people
predicted the proportions of the landslide.
Byrd swept all but one of the state's 45 counties
en route to re-election with nearly 70 percent of
the vote.
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Robert C. Byrd, D-W. Va.
Committees
Minority Leader
Appropriations (2nd of 14 Democrats)
Interior and Related Agencies (ranking); Agriculture, Rural
Development and Related Agencies; Energy and Water Devel-
opment; Labor Health and Human Services, Education and Re-
lated Agencies; Transportation and Related Agencies.
Judiciary (3rd of 8 Democrats)
Rules and Administration (3rd of 5 Democrats)
1972 67 30 68 31 50
1971 55 35 62 32 64
1970 57 33 66 26 44
1969 46 47 52 34 59
1968 49 46 63 24 56
1967 65 27 68 24 71
1966 63 31 64 28 49
1965 64 27 62 31 57
1964 67 24 68 28 61
1963 75 12 85 11 32
1962 86 14 93 7 50
1961 83 15 92 6 20
S- Support 0 - Opposition
1992 General
Robert Byrd (D)
387,170
(69%)
Key Votes
Cleve Benedict (R)
173,910
(31%)
Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1976
(100%) 1970
(78%)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
1964 (68%) 1958 (59%)
1956?
( 57%) 1954-
(637.)
Index income taxes (1981)
Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981)
1952- (56%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Retain tobacco
i
198
t
Campaign Finance
pr
ce suppor
s (
2)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete $1.2 billion for.public works jobs (1982)
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982)
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Itures
1982
Byrd(D)
$1,841.585
$713,185
Benedict (R)
$1,092,987
$275,734
1976
Byrd (D)
$271,124
$64,240
(39%) $1,746,230
(25%) $1,093,080
(24%) $94,335
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 40 60 81 19 56 44
1981 47 '48 78 14 43 53
1980 73 26 87 12 42 58
1979 77 20 79 20 57 43
1978 82 15 79 19 40 58
1977 84 15 66 31 55 44
1976 47 53 73 26 42 57
1975 66 34 63 36 64 35
1974 (Ford) 47 . 53
1974 ? 47 53 63 37 ' 56 44
1973 40 60 75 25 47 53
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1
1982 60 48 92 48
1961 70 29 89 39
1960 56 15 58 33
1979 53 26 58 18
1918 45 29 78 28
1971 50 37 60 39
1976 45 31 79 22
1975 28 43 50 50
1974 52 47 82 20
1973 60 38 91 22
1972 35 50 70 0
1971 26 45 58 -
1970 31 50 50 20
1969 33 50 36 -
166 21 63 0 -
1967 23 38 33 40
1966 35 31 50 -
1965 35 32 - 40
1964 52 39 64 -
1963 - 8 - -
1992 67 7 91 -
1961 80 - - -
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c
H
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MEMBERSHIP FOR
HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
?
?
Chairman
Lee H. Hamilton (D., IN)
Louis Stokes (D., OH)
Dave McCurdy (D., OK)
Ranking Minority Member
Bob Stump (R., AZ)
Andy Ireland (R., FL)
Henry J. Hyde (R., IL)
Anthony C. Beilenson (D., CA)
Robert W. Kastenmeier (D., WI)
Dick Cheney (R., WY)
Bob Livingston (R., LA)
Dan Daniel (D., VA)
Bob McEwen (R., OH)
Robert
A.
Roe (D., NJ)
George
E.
Brown,
Jr. (D.,
CA)
Matthew
Bernard
F.
J.
McHugh
Dwyer
(D., NY)
(D., NJ)
EX OFFICIO: James C. Wright, Jr.. (D., TX)
Robert H. Michel (R., IL)
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is
Lee H. Hamilton (D)
of Nashville - Elected 1964
Born: April 20, 1931, Daytona Beach, Fla.
Education DePauw U., B.A. 1952; Ind. U., J.D. 1956.
Occupation Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Nancy Nelson; three children.
Religion Methodist.
political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2187 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5315.
In Washington: A man who chooses his
issues carefully and times his few speeches for
maximum impact, Hamilton has a reservoir of
respect few members can match. But he has
been reluctant to take advantage of it, and he
has never sought a broker's role in House
politics.
Scornful of self-promotion, Hamilton ap-
proaches his job with unwavering earnestness.
Every week he mails his constituents a newslet-
ter notable because it lacks the traditional self-
serving photos and features about the incum-
bent. Hamilton simply explains one issue each
week and sets out the major arguments on each
side. Sometimes he does not even express his
own opinion.
This low-key style has evolved over nearly
20 years on Foreign Affairs, which Hamilton
joined as a freshman in 1965, and on the
Europe and Middle East Subcommittee, which
he chairs. He is one of a handful of members
who have made the once-passive Foreign Af-
fairs Committee closer in stature to its tradi-
tionally dominant Senate counterpart. Now
third in line on Foreign Affairs behind two
Democrats who are both more than a decade
older, Hamilton seems almost certain to inherit
the committee at some point in the 1980s.
In 1972 Hamilton sponsored the first end-
the-Vietnam-War measure ever adopted by the
Foreign Affairs Committee. His amendment to
a foreign aid bill called for withdrawal of U.S.
forces from Vietnam, contingent on release of
all prisoners of war and agreement with North
Vietnam on a cease-fire plan. The amendment
was killed on the House floor in August 1972,
but it helped set the stage for later congres-
sional actions to end the war.
Hamilton frequently writes letters to top
administration officials demanding explana-
tions of policy decisions, and publishes their
responses in the Congressional Record. He
forces the State Department to brief him regu-
larly on developments in the Middle East.
When the peace treaty between Egypt. and
Israel in 1979 forced Congress to approve a new
$4.8 billion American aid package, Hamilton
managed it on the House floor and won its
approval, calling it "a bargain for the United
States."
As subcommittee chairman, he has sought
to steer a middle course between the panel's
militant pro-Israel faction and those who want
to pay serious attention to Arab and Palestin-
ian demands. In the 97th Congress, Hamilton
sharply criticized Israeli handling of the raids
on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. But he also
was one of the more skeptical members in his
approach toward Reagan administration plans
for new arms sales to Jordan.
In his subcommittee's sensitive debates
over aid to Greece and Turkey, Hamilton
played what amounted to a referee's role. He
was willing to back increased arms sales to
Turkey, but insisted on imposing conditions
and considering arms for Greece at the same
time. -
Hamilton began to build his favorable
reputation early in his House career, winning
election in 1965 as president of the freshman
Democratic class in the 89th Congress. Later
the same year, Hamilton received widespread
press attention with a letter to President John-
son saying it was "time to pause" in action on
Great. Society social programs.
That strain of domestic conservatism has
shown up in his budget voting of the last few
years. Skeptical of the deficit levels the House
Budget Committee has endorsed, he has some-
times voted against the committee's resolutions
on final passage, taking most of the Indiana
Democratic delegation with him. In 1981 he
backed the Democratic leadership in voting
against President Reagan's budget.
Much of Hamilton's time in recent years
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Indiana 9
This is the largest and least urbanized
district in the state. The hilly forests and
farm lands are more akin to Kentucky and
parts of southern Ohio and Illinois than to
the flat Hoosier farm lands farther north.
Many of those who settled here came from
the South and brought with them their
Democratic allegiances.
Poultry and cattle are the major agri-
cultural commodities of the area, which is
also the center of some of the nation's finest
and most abundant limestone quarries.
Stone cutters, like those portrayed in the
movie "Breaking Away," regularly excavate
rock that is used for building material
throughout the country.
The Indiana suburbs of Louisville, Ky.,
along the Ohio River, make up the district's
largest-concentration of voters. Centered on
New Albany, the district's largest city with
just 37,000 people, this area is experiencing
a minor population boom. With the counties
along the Ohio River leading the way, the
9th grew faster in the 1970s than all but one
district in the state.
has been spent on ethics issues as a member of
the Committee on Standards of Official Con-
duct. In 1977 he chaired a task force that
recommended new rules limiting members' out-
side earned income and honoraria. Most of the
recommendations were adopted by the House,
although in 1981 the outside income limit was
doubled, to 30 percent of a member's salary.
In the 96th Congress, Hamilton was the
dominant Democrat on the ethics committee,
performing many of the behind-the-scenes
chores for its mercurial chairman, Charles E.
Bennett, D-Fla.
Hamilton persuaded the panel to revise
the ethics rules to clarify the differences among
various punishments meted out in ethics cases.
He worked on the committee's recommenda-
tion of censure for Michigan Democrat Charles
C. Diggs Jr., convicted in a kickback scheme,
and on the Abscam bribery investigations.
On Abscam, however, Hamilton broke with
Bennett and most of the committee. The panel
recommended that Rep. Michael "Ozzie" My-
ers, D-Pa., be expelled following his conviction
in federal court for accepting bribes. The ex-
pulsion came to the floor on the day the House
Southeast .
Bloomington; New Albany
In the days of the steamboats, when
Indiana's economy depended upon the car.
goes that came up the Ohio River, New
Albany was the state's largest city. Although
the river's contribution to the local liveli.
hood has dropped off considerably in the
last hundred years, the 9th District still
depends upon river traffic and industries
located along the river bank for many of its
jobs.
In its northwest corner, the 9th takes in
most of Bloomington, the home of Indiana
University. The district boundary runs
along 3rd Street in Bloomington, placing
the northern two-thirds of the city's 52,000
residents in the 9th. Included in that area is
all of Indiana University's campus as well at
most of the off-campus housing and faculty
neighborhoods.
Population: 544,873. White 530,291
(97%), Black 10,205 (2%). Spanish origin
3,180 (1%). 18 and over 383,018 (70%), 65
and over 56,470 (10%). Median age: 28.
J
was scheduled to recess for the 1980 election.
and Hamilton said the rushed atmosphere was
denying Myers due process. But the majorit)
was on the other side, and Myers was expelled
Hamilton left the panel at the end of 1980.
At Home: The son and brother of minis
ters, Hamilton has a devotion to work that
comes out of his traditional Methodist family.
From his days in Evansville High School in
1948, when he helped propel the basketball
team to the state finals, to his race for Congress
in 1964, he displayed a quiet, consistent deter.
mination.
When he graduated from DePauw Univer
sity in 1952, he received an award as the
outstanding senior. He accepted a acholarshit-
to Goethe University in Germany for further
study.
Hamilton practiced law for a while?in Chi-
cago, but soon decided to settle in Columbus.
Indiana, where his interest in politics led him
into the local Democratic Party. In 1960 he wo
chairman of the Bartholomew County (Colum-
bus) Citizens for Kennedy. Two years later be
managed Birch Bayh's Senate campaign it
Columbus.
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?
He was the consensus choice of the local
Democratic organization for the 9th District
House nomination in 1964, and won the pri-
mary with 46 percent of the vote in a field of
five candidates. He went on to defeat longtime
Republican Rep. Earl Wilson, a crusty fiscal
watchdog who had represented the district for
almost a quarter of a century.
With his widespread personal respect,
Hamilton has been re-elected easily ever since.
After a few years, Republicans gave up on
defeating him and added Democrats to his
district to give GOP candidates a better chance
Committees
Foreign Affairs (3rd of 24 Democrats)
Europe and the Middle East (chairman); International Security
and Scientific Affairs.
Select Intelligence (6th of 9 Democrats)
Oversight and Evaluation.
Joint Economic (vice chairman)
Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (chairman); Mon-
etary and Fiscal Policy.
1962 General
Lee H. Hamilton (D) 121,094 (67%)
Floyd Coates (R) 58,532 (32%)
1910 General
Lee H. Hamilton (D) 136,574 (64%)
George Meyers Jr. (R) 75,601 (36%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1975 (100%)
1814 (71%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (63%) 1961 (54%)
1116 (54%) 1814 (54%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
0 92,931 (43%) D 109,023 (52Y.)
R 112,568 (52%) R 98,908 (47%)
1 8,747 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs iturss
Hamilton (D) $159,150 $58,065.(36%) $177,607
Coates(R) $233,458 $550 (.2%) $147,881
1110
Mamdton )D) $113,260
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
S 0 S 0 S 0
47 52 66 33 58 42
47 51 71 27 56 44
Indiana - 9th District
elsewhere in the state. In 1976, for the first
time in the history of the district, the Republi-
cans put up no candidate at all. In 1980, as
Democrats were having trouble all over Indi-
ana, Hamilton was drawing his usual percent-
age - nearly 65 percent of the vote.
Conceding that Hamilton was unbeatable,
the Republican Legislature made no effort to
weaken him in the 1981 redistricting, although
they removed Hamilton's hometown of Colum-
bus from the district. He switched his residence
to the next county and was re-elected with 67
percent of the vote.
1960 74 25 67 31 48 47
1979 76 23 71 .29 . 44 56
1978 86 14 74 26 33 67
1977 72 23 80 18 32 65
1976 33 67 72 27 43 55
1975 51 48 69 29 45 54
1974 (Ford) 65 35
1974 70 26 65 32 39 55
1973 41 58 82 18 30 70
1972 68 30 71 28 ."35 63
1971 42 54 85 12 17 78
1970 68 23 74 21 23 73
1969 68 32 85 15 22 78
1968 82 15 77 18 27 65
1967 85 12 79 19 44 52
1966 82 10 75 15 32 51
1965 84 11 82 13 24 75
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing. cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 70 30 80 45
1981 65 33 67 28
1980 44 46 47 76
1979 53 27 70 50
1978 35 31 50 35
1977 60 15 64 50
1976 50 11 52 32
1975 68 43 74 29
1974 65 7 70 50
1973 80 4 73 36
1972 50 26 82 10
1971 89 7 75
1970 80 13 67 22
1969 53 13 90 -
1968 58 22 75 -
1967 53 11 83 30
1966 47 33 85
1965 58 15 - 10
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Louis Stokes (D)
Of Warrensville Heights - Elected 1968
Borg Feb. 23, 1925, Cleveland, Ohio.
Education: Attended Western Reserve U., 1946-48;
Cleveland Marshall Law School, J.D. 1953.
Military Career. U.S. Army, 1943-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jeanette Francis; four children.
Religion: African Methodist Episcopalian.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2465 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-7032.
In Washington: Stokes came to Congress
in an era of black activism, and he is still an
important spokesman on minority issues at the
Appropriations Committee. But he has at-
tracted more attention in recent years as a kind
of trouble-shooter for the House leadership.
His current assignment is the chairman-
ship of the House ethics committee, formally
the Committee on Standards of Official Con-
duct. Speaker O'Neill asked him in 1981 to take
over a panel criticized privately by many House
members as too rigid in dealing with colleagues.
Stokes had taken an interest in ethics
issues during the long debate, that led to the
1979 censure of the senior black House mem-
ber, Charles C. Diggs Jr., D-Mich., who had
been convicted on kickback charges. Stokes
acted as floor manager for Diggs, although he
joined in the 414-0 vote to censure him.
The following year, Stokes was named to
the ethics committee himself, and dissented
quietly at the committee recommended censure
of Charles Wilson, D-Calif., for financial mis-
conduct, and expulsion of Michael "Ozzie" My-
ers, D-Pa., following his bribery conviction aris-
ing from Abscam. Stokes argued against the
expulsion of Myers and tried to change Wil-
son's penalty to a reprimand.. -
As chairman, Stokes has tried to avoid
playing the role of prosecutor. He leaves the
sharp questioning to others and speaks of pro-
tecting the rights of the accused. This careful
style has pleased O'Neill, who sometimes ap-
peared uncomfortable with the previous chair-
man, Charles E. Bennett of Florida, long known
as a purist on ethics issues. Bennett stepped
down after two years in the chairmanship, and
Democratic leaders took the opportunity to
replace him with a much less hard-line chair-
man.
Once in charge, Stokes endorsed a series of
rules changes that would have created a sepa-
rate panel of members to try disciplinary cases
after the ethics committee recommended ac-
tion. But nothing ever came of the idea. Stokes
voted with the majority in April of 1981 as the
committee recommended expulsion for Demo-
crat Raymond F. Lederer of Pennsylvania, the
last remaining House member involved'in the
Abscam bribery case. Lederer resigned from
the House the next day.
For more than a year after that, the com-
mittee was relatively quiet. It began investigat-
ing a variety of drug and tax-evasion charges
against New York Democrat Frederick W.
Richmond, but its job ended in mid-1982 when
Richmond pleaded guilty and resigned from
the House.
In July of 1982, however, the committee
found itself in the headlines again after Leroy
Williams, a House page from Arkansas, charged
that some members had used drugs and en-
gaged in homosexual activities with the teen-
aged pages. Stokes appointed Washington law-
yer Joseph J. Califano to investigate, but the
issue began to fade when Williams admitted
lying about the original charges. In December,
Califano gave Stokes' committee a 118-page
report finding no improper behavior by mem-
bers and implying that the media had been
irresponsible in spreading an unfounded story.
Stokes asked Califano to continue looking into
the drug issue.
Stokes' ethics chairmanship marks the sec-
ond time he has moved in to take over a
troubled committee. In 1977 he became chair-
man of the bitterly divided panel that was
investigating the assassinations of John F. Ken-
nedy and Martin Luther King Jr.
The original chairman, Henry Gonzalez of
Texas, got into a nasty public fight with Rich-
ard Sprague, the Pennsylvania prosecutor who
had been hired as committee counsel. The
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Ohio 21
One of the axioms of Ohio politics is
that to win statewide, a Democratic candi-
date must build a 100,000-vote edge in
Cuyahoga County. Most of that lead has to
be built in the 21st, which is anchored in
Cleveland's heavily black East Side.
The district includes the areas devas-
tated by riot in the 1960s, as well as middle-
class neighborhoods farther from the down-
town area. Heavy industries, especially
automobile and machine tool plants, long
have been major employers. During the last
decade, the 21st was the most Democratic
district in the state. In 11 East Side wards,
Jimmy Carter outpolled Ronald Reagan in
1980 by margins of at least 207to-1.
To protect Stokes, the heart of the old
21st was preserved in redistricting. But to
offset a 25 percent population loss over the
1970s, the fifth greatest decline recorded by
any district in the country, the 21st ex-
panded to the south and east to add about
160,000 suburbanites. While most of these
new constituents are white, their presence
does not significantly alter the demograph-
ics of the district. The 21st remains heavily
black (62 percent compared with 79 percent
before) and staunchly Democratic.
The key additions were Cleveland
Heights, Shaker Heights and the western
half of University Heights. With a large
committee backed Sprague, and Gonzalez quit
in a huff. O'Neill chose Stokes to replace him.
Stokes shifted the hearings behind closed
doors and out of the news. He led a disciplined
inquiry, highlighted by a dramatic cross-exami-
nation of King's killer, James Earl Ray. The
final report was accepted with some relief
though many doubted its conclusions - that
there.probably were conspiracies in both cases.
Stokes emerged with his reputation enhanced.
Stokes was the first black appointed to the
Appropriations Committee and still is the only
one on its HHS and HUD subcommittees. He
also served on the Budget Committee for three
terms, but did not play a major part in its work.
Stokes' role on Appropriations changed
with President Reagan's election. Before, he
had focused on minority-related issues, leaving
much of the detail to other senior Democrats.
But in 1981, he began spending more time at
Cleveland - East;
Cleveland Heights
proportion of Jews and young professionals,
these three are among the most liberal com-
munities in Ohio. All of them voted for
Carter for president in 1980; all of -them
gave independent John Anderson at least 10
percent of the vote.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Shaker Heights
symbolized suburbia. But in recent years,
communities farther east have replaced
Shaker Heights as the county's exclusive
address. North of Shaker Heights is Cleve-
land Heights, many of whose integrated
neighborhoods are a short walk from Uni-
versity Circle, the home of Case-Western
Reserve University and the cultural hub of
Cleveland.
From the circle area, commuters drive
along historic Euclid Avenue to their jobs
downtown. While the avenue now bears the
marks of poverty, it was known as "Million-
aires' Row" at the turn of the century. Few
of the old mansions are left today. The one
belonging to John D. Rockefeller, founder of
Standard Oil, was razed to make way for a
gas station.
Population: 514,625. White 187,180
(36% ), Black 320,816 (62%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 2,832 (1 %). Spanish origin
5,134 0%). 18 and over 373,272 (73%), 65
and over 63,109 (12%). Median age: 31.
hearings, grilling witnesses and trying to pro-
tect domestic programs from cutbacks.
Stokes largely wrote the budget offered by
black members on the floor in 1981. He at-
tacked Reagan's for providing "millions more
for the most prosperous in our nation, while
pennies are taken away from the poor...."
Over the course of the 97th Congress,
Stokes pushed a variety of amendments in
Appropriations that illustrate his priorities.
One added $140 million for Pell Grants for
college tuition, another restored $100 million
for grants to elementary schools in poor com-
munities under Title I of the 1965 education
law. A third added $25 million in operating
subsidies for public housing programs.
After years of looking into the misdeeds of
others, Stokes became embroiled in a legal
tangle himself early in 1983. While driving
through suburban Maryland late one night, he
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was stopped by polite. According to police,
Stokes then failed three sobriety tests. He
argued that he was tired after working late,
pleaded not guilty and requested a jury trial.
At Home: The Stokes family has been the
domirl nt force in Cleveland's black politics
since Louis Stokes' younger brother, Carl, first
ran for mayor in the mid-1960s. Carl left poli-
tics for television after two terms in City Hall
(1967-71), but Louis has remained active. Po-
litically secure, he has been free to help friends
and quarrel with enemies over city issues.
Louis Stokes' first victory was won as
much in court as on Cleveland's East Side.
Representing a black Republican, he charged in
a 1967 suit that the Ohio Legislature had
gerrymandered the state's congressional dis-
tricts, dividing the minority vote and prevent-
ing the election of a black. Stokes won an
Committees
Standards of Official Conduct (Chairman).
Appropriations (10th o136 Democrats)
District of Columbia; HUD-Independent Agencies; Labor-Health
and Human Services-Education.
Select Intelligence (8th of 9 Democrats)
Legislation.
1982 General
Louis Stokes (D) 132,544 (86%)
Alan Shatteen (R) 21,332 (14%)
1982 Primary
Louis Stokes (D( 61,055 (86%)
William Boyd (D) 9,776 (140/6)
1980 General
Louis Stokes (D) 83,188 (88%)
Robert Woodall (R) 11,103 (12%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (86%) 1976 (84%)
1974 (82%) 1972 (81%) 1970 (78%) 1968 (75%)
District Vote For President
1980 1978
D 138.444 (71%) D 162,837 (71%)
R 42,938 (22%) R 60.922 .(27%)
9.822 ( 5%)
1982
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs hurls
Stokes (D) $148,400 $47,002 (32%) $107,175
1980
Stokes(D) $66,601 $28,550 (43%) $58,874
Voting Studies
Presidential Party
Support Unity
Year S 0 S 0
1982 27 65 91 4
Conservative
Coalition
S 0
10 86
appeal before the U.S. Supreme Court, forcing
the lines to be redrawn. The new 21st District,
represented by white Democrat Charles A.
Vanik, was about 60 percent black. Vanik de-
cided to run elsewhere, leaving the 21st vacant.
There were 14 candidates in the Demo-
cratic primary there in 1968, but little doubt
about the outcome. Stokes' ties to his brother
and reputation as a civil rights lawyer won him
41 percent in an easy victory. He became the
first black congressman from Ohio that No-
vember by defeating the Republican he had
represented in court the previous year.
Over the last decade, Stokes has consoli-
dated his power through his organization, the
21st District Congressional Caucus. Some black
politicians have accused him of turning the
caucus into a personal political tool, but he is as
popular as ever among rank-and-file voters.
1981 29 66 93
1980 55 21 78
1979 78 14 90
1978 76 15 81
1971 77 19 87
1976 24 69 85
1975 30 62 88
1974 (Ford) 41 52
4 5 91
4 2 78
3 3 92
4 4 84
3 4 92
3 4 83
3 3 84
1974 34 49 82 4 1 82
1973 19 48 64 4 3 62
1972 32 46 66 4 1 74
1971 21 58 72 3 0 85
1970 40 42 71 15 2 84
1969 38 51 80 9 7 84
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 85 0 100 24
1981 90 0 93 11
1980 78 10 94 52
1979 95 0 94 6
1978 85 10 100 19
1977 90 0 91 7
1978 85 0 87 .6
1975 89 4 100 18
1974 74 0 100 0
1973 68 10 100 0
1972 100 5 90 14
1971 89 4 80 -
1970 96 18 100 13
1969 100 27 100 -
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Dave McCurdy (D)
Of Norman - Elected 1980
Born: March 30, 1950, Canadian, Texas.
Education: U. of Okla., B.A. 1972, J.D. 1975.
Military Career. Air Force Reserves, 1968-72.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Pamela Plumb; two children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. Okla. asst. state attorney general,
1975-77.
Capitol Office: 313 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6165.
In Washington: With as many military
bases as McCurdy has in his district, he could
vote unflinchingly for just about any increase
in the defense budget and provoke very little
criticism from constituents. But as a member of
Armed Services, he has taken a relatively skep-
tical approach toward much of what the Penta-
gon tells Congress.
On the House floor in 1981, McCurdy said,
"We have a lot of catching up to do" before
achieving military balance with the Soviet
Union. But then he added: "We owe it to the
taxpayers to hold the Defense Department's
feet to the fire to bring order and discipline to
the procurement process."
McCurdy's- interest in procurement poli-
cies earned him a spot on a special Armed
Services panel set up in 1981 to study that
subject. He was chosen chairman of the panel
and presided over testimony from more than
100 witnesses during 18 days of hearings.
In 1982 McCurdy sponsored a floor
amendment requiring the Defense Department
to report to Congress on any weapon system
with a cost increase of 15 percent or more.
President Reagan's popularity exerted a
rightward pull on McCurdy in the 97th Con-
gress, but he did break occasionally from the
White House and the Boll Weevils to vote as a
national Democrat. He opposed the Reagan
budget in 1981. "A lot of people say this vote is
political suicide for me," McCurdy conceded
before casting it.
Liberal Democrats hope McCurdy's con-
vincing 1982 re-election will embolden him to
move closer to the party's center. But he will
still be likely to display the sort of Sun Belt
conservatism that led him in 1982 to propose
the "Lobster Profit Sharing Act" in response to
an oil severance tax offered by the Northeast-
Midwest coalition.
The coalition wanted to levy the tax on
domestically produced crude .? and use
money to help rebuild aging cities in energy-
poor areas. McCurdy said the plan was "noth-
ing short of proclaiming civil war" on oil-
producing states like Oklahoma, and he
countered with a tongue-in-cheek plan to tax
the lobster industry in northeastern coastal
states and send the money to the lobster-
starved Southwest and other areas.
At Home: When McCurdy began his 1980
campaign, he was unknown throughout most of
his district. A former assistant attorney general
with a law practice in Norman, he had never
run for office before and had not been active in
Democratic Party affairs.
But what McCurdy lacked in political exn
perience he made up for in hustle. Enlisting
help from several longtime backers of retiring
Democratic Rep. Tom Steed, he built his own
grass-roots organization. That network and his
appeal as a "fresh face" enabled McCurdy to
come within 5,000 votes of veteran state Rep.
James B. Townsend in the primary, and over-
take him in the runoff.
The general election race was just as tight.
The GOP nominated Howard Rutledge, a re-
tired Navy captain and former prisoner of war
in Vietnam whose calls for strengthening de-
fense capability endeared him to the district's
sizable community of military employees and
retirees. But McCurdy held on, winning enough
support for his conservative economic themes
to win by 2,906 votes.
Seeking revenge, Rutledge returned in
1982, claiming he had done his "homework" by
tracking conservative Democrats who might be
persuaded to cross party lines. Rutledge com-
mercials painted McCurdy as a profligate lib-
eral. But McCurdy carried all 12 counties in the
4th, firmly establishing his hold on the district
with 65 percent of the vote.
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Oklahoma 4
This slice of southwestern Oklahoma
maintains a military presence that no politi-
cian can afford to forget for very long. In
addition to Altus Air Force Base and the
Army's Fort Sill, near the Texas border,
map makers stretched the boundaries in
1981 to take in Tinker Air Force Base, just
east of Oklahoma City. With a combined
civilian and military staff of 24,000, Tinker
is Oklahoma's largest single-site employer.
Its inclusion reinforces the 4th's conserva-
tive sentiment.
Despite the military orientation, Demo-
cratic candidates usually carry the 4th; Sen.
David Boren polled 72 percent of its vote -
his best showing statewide - in his 1978
Senate bid. But two years later Ronald
Reagan carried the district and helped Re-
publican Senate nominee Don Nickles take
the 4th by a narrow margin. The GOP's
surest foothold lies at the district's northern
end, in the Oklahoma City suburbs of
Moore and Midwest City.
In recent years, Oklahoma's energy
boom has brought new oil and gas b'isi-
Committees
Armed Services (17th of 28 Democrats)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Readiness.
Science and Technology (16th of 26 Democrats)
Energy Development and Applications; Science, Research and
Technology.
Select Intelligence (9th of 9 Democrats)
Program and Budget Authorization.
Elections
1982 General
Dave McCurdy (D) 84,205 (65%)
Howard Rutledge (R) , 44.351 (34%)
1980 General
Dave McCurdy(D) 74,245 (51%)
Howard Rutledge (R) 71,339 (49%)
District Vote For President
Inc 1978
D 58,544 (36%) D 82,330 (54%)
R 95.129 (60%) R 67,060 (44%)
6,778 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1982
McCurdy (D) $333,815 $112,564 (34%) 9315.203
Rutledge(A) $207,008 $22,550 (11%) $181,220
Southwest - part of
Oklahoma City
nesses to the many of the district's south-
western counties. Map makers increased the
district's share of cotton and cattle terri-
tory, bringing in farmland in Garvin, Ste-
phens, Jefferson and Cotton counties. Eco-
nomic growth also is occurring at the 4th's
northern end in Norman, where the the
University of Oklahoma is drawing high-
technology industries.
Much of the district's 24 percent popu-
lation growth in the past decade came in the
counties close to Oklahoma City, including
Cleveland, McClain and Grady. With 80,000
people, Lawton (Comanche County) is the
4th's largest city and a commercial center of
southwest Oklahoma; Fort Sill is located
nearby.
Population: 505;869. White 441,346
(87%), Black 31,953 (6%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 15,603 (3%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 5,256 (1%). Spanish
origin 16,368 (3%). 18 and over 356,658
(71%), 65 and over 47,534 (9%). Median
age: 27.
1980
McCurdy (D)
$232,293
$39,900
(17%)
$229.248
Rutledge (R)
$164,589
$21.340
(13%)
$163,351
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 58 36 48 43 79 19
1981 57 42 55 43 88 12
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Ddlete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 25 64 .28 62
1981 35 57 60 37
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Anthony C.
Beilenson (D)
Of Los Angeles - Elected 1976
Born: Oct. 26, 1932, New Rochelle, N.Y.
Education: Harvard U., B.A. 1954; Harvard Law
School, LL.B. 1957.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Dolores Martin; three children.
Religion: Jewish.
Political Career. Calif. Assembly, 1963-67; Calif. Sen-
ate, 1967-77; sought Democratic nomination for U.S.
Senate, 1968.
In Washington: An intellectual with the
soft, resonant voice of an FM radio announcer,
Beilenson has maintained a liberal voting
record while demonstrating a pronounced skep-
ticism about much of what government does.
He is a man who likes to think for himself on
any major issue - once he makes up his mind
he does not seem to care whether there are four
people on his side or 400.
In 1980 he cast the only vote in the House
against a resolution reassuring Social Security
recipients that Congress would not tax benefits.
He said all ideas for helping out Social Security
deserved consideration. The next year he was
on the losing side as the House voted 394-2 to
make it easier for former prisoners of war to
receive veterans' benefits. Beilenson did not see
why former POWs deserved priority over other
veterans. Few House members of either party
are as respected as Beilenson for their willing-
ness to act out of conviction regardless of
political interest. Sometimes, however, his con-
victions run up against the demands of partisan
politics.
Toward the end of the 97th Congress,
Beilenson was picked to chair a task force
studying possible changes in the budget pro-
cess. Former Rules Chairman Richard Bolling
began the task force because he was concerned
that too much power was in the hands of the
Budget Committee.
Beilenson shared his view, but insisted
that the panel should be totally non-partisan,
with an aim toward making the process "less
onerous and less time-consuming." In early
1983, he was ready to present his recommenda-
tions to the Rules Committee. His plan would
give the Rules and Appropriations committees
more say in the way the budget is put together.
But even if his ideas had been acceptable
to the Democratic leadership, his timing was
off. Moments before Beilenson was to present
his plan, Speaker O'Neill asked the Rules Com-
mittee to postpone a vote, worried that a dis-
pute over changing the process might have
jeopardized Democratic unity on the 1983 bud-
get itself, due to come to a decision shortly.
Beilenson brought two special legislative
interests with him from the California Assem-
bly - family planning and elephants. Con-
cerned over world population problems, he has
worked to increase federal funds for family
planning clinics. And he has tried to ban trade
in elephant tusk ivory to protect the endan-
gered African elephant. His 1979 anti-ivory bill
passed the House but died in the Senate.
Beilenson also has directed his attention to
the issue of automobile safety. His strong pro-
safety views have received little hearing,
though, in a deregulatory-minded Congress. He
has sponsored one bill requiring car manufac-
turers to post crash test results on all new cars
and another requiring automakers to install a
"high-mounted" brake light in the rear center
of all new cars.
At Home: Beilenson was a 14-year veteran
of the state Legislature when Democratic Rep.
Thomas M. Rees announced his retirement
from Congress in 1976. The district was ideal
territory for Beilenson; his record suited him
well to voters in some of the most liberal and
heavily Jewish parts of Los Angeles.
Beilenson's one major obstacle was cleared
away when Howard Berman, then the Assem-
bly's majority leader, chose to remain in the
Legislature in 1976. Berman had been seen as
Rees' likely successor, and he would have had
access to an organization difficult for Beilenson
to match. But running against five other candi-
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Anthony C. Beilenson, D-Colif.
California 23
The 23rd District is divided geographi-
cally and culturally by the Santa Monica
Mountains.
On the southern slope of one of the
world's few urban mountain ranges are the
lush, well-tended neighborhoods of Be] Air
and Westwood, the home of the sprawling
U.C.L.A. campus. To the east, at the foot of
the mountains is Beverly Hills, and to the
south, Century City, Rancho Park and West
Los Angeles. These are, for the most part,
the provinces of wealthy, liberal families,
many of them Jewish. Older residents and
young people living in small two-story
apartment buildings are scattered through
some of the area. They also vote Demo-
cratic.
On the other side of the Santa Monicas,
where the ocean breezes seldom blow, is a
different world. Here are the middle-class
San Fernando Valley communities of Re-
seda, Tarzana, Canoga Park and Woodland
Hills - flat, anonymous suburbs linked
together by shopping centers and commer-
cial strips. Although many of the voters in
this area register as Democrats, most of
them vote Republican.
Beverly Hills; Part
of San Fernando Valley
To create a new, solidly Democratic
district to the east - the 26th - Beilen-
son's 23rd was pushed farther west in the
.San Fernando Valley into territory that for
the last decade voted overwhelmingly for
Republican Rep. Barry Goldwater Jr. The
changes pushed the Democratic registration
down from 63 to 57 percent, and a majority
of the voters now live on the valley side.
Under the plan drawn up by Democrats
for the 1984 elections, the 23rd will move
even farther afield from its Beverly Hills
base of the 1970s. Beverly Hills will con-
tinue to anchor the district's eastern end.
but the district will stretch westward to the
coast, picking up territory around Malibu.
The new communities along the coast have
Democratic registration advantages, but
like other similar areas, they are not averse
to voting Republican.
Population: 526,007. White 466,648
(89%), Black 14,044 (341?), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 21,112 (4%). Spanish origin
48,853 (9%). 18 and over 426,336 (81%), 65
and over 66,676 (13%). Median age: 34.
dates, none of whom held public office, Beilen-
son was the clear front-runner. -
Wallace Albertson, who headed the state's
leading liberal organization, the California
Democratic Council, criticized Beilenson for
not being active enough in his support for
Proposition 15, which would have restricted the
development of nuclear power plants in the
state. But Proposition 15 fared almost as poorly
in the district as it did statewide, -drawing 38
percent, and Albertson did even worse, finish-
ing second in the primary with 21 percent to
Beilenson's 58 percent.
Beilenson's first worrisome general elec-
tion came in 1982, and it proved less difficult
than had been expected. In order to draw a
favorable district for Berman, who now wanted
to run for Congress, map makers had removed
part of the area near Beverly Hills from the
23rd and added conservative voters in the
western San Fernando Valley; Beilenson com-
plained that the change had hurt him badly.
Democrats who drew the district insisted
Beilenson was panicking for no reason. "It's a
good district for Tony," said the late Rep.
Phillip Burton, main architect of California's
new congressional map. "He just doesn't know
it. He's not a numbers guy." As it turned out,
Burton was right.
Beilenson's Republican opponent was Da-
vid Armor, a former analyst with the Rand
Corporation. Armor had prepared a series of
studies on the effects of school busing to
achieve integration, and the studies had been
used by anti-busing forces during Los Angeles'
bitter struggle over the issue at the end of the
1970s. Republicans hoped Armor would do par-
ticularly well in the San Fernando section of
the district, where anti-busing sentiment had
been especially fierce.
With his Beverly Hills base relatively se-
cure, however, Beilenson was able to put most
of his effort into the communities new to him.
Substantially outspending Armor, he took al-
most 60 percent of the vote, only a slight
decline from his previous tallies.
Since he moved to the West Coast to
practice law at age 25, Beilenson has metwith
only one political defeat. He was in the middle
of his first state Senate term in 1968 when he
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decided to run for the U.S. Senate as a peace
candidate, criticizing former state Controller
Alan Cranston for what he said was a lukewarm
Committees
Rules (5th of 9 Democrats)
Rules of the House.
1962 General
Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 120.788 (60%)
David Armor (R) 82.031 (40%)
Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 126,020 (63%)
Robert Winckler (R) 62.742 (3?/.)
Jeffrey Lieb (LIB) 10.623 ( 5%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1975 (60%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 83.686 (38%) 0 114,406 (50?/.)
R 107,985 (49%) R 111,766 (49%)
1 21,880 (10%)
1982
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
Beilenson (D) $248.250 $5.500 ( 2%) $274,303
Armor (R) $261.557 $69.907 (27%) $228,222
1980
Beilenson(D) $75,659 $2,000 ( 3%) $861.192
Winckler(R) $9,726 $4,575 (470/6) $9,865
anti-war position. Beilenson was second among
five primary candidates, but more than a mil-
lion votes behind Cranston.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Consrvative
Support Unity Coalition
Yaw s 0 s 0 $ 0
1962 38 53 81 5 11 82
1981 30 64 79 8 8 80
1980 80 15 86 8 7 88
1979 77 21 88 6 5 90
1978 76 12 81 9 5 80
1977 66 22 83 7 4 90
S ? Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 7
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 95 17 84 19
1981 90 4 80 6
1980 94 21 68 39
1979 100 8 83 12
1978 80 8 79 31
1977 90 11 78 24
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Robert W.
Kastemneier (D)
Of Sun Prairie - Elected 1958
Born: Jan. 24, 1924, Beaver Dam, Wis.
Education: U. of Wis., LL.B. 1952.
1Vlilitary Career. Army, 1943-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Dorothy Chambers; three children.
Religion: Unspecified.
Political Career. Democratic nominee for U.S. House,
1956.
Capitol Office: 2232 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2906.
In Washington: Kastenmeier does not
attract the attention he did 20 years ago as a
militant House liberal, but his specialties are
still the same - equal rights and civil liberties.
These days, much of his energy is devoted
to maintaining the status quo. As chairman of
the Courts and Civil Liberties Subcommittee at
Judiciary, he fights any proposed legislation to
strip federal courts of jurisdiction over busing,
school prayer and other controversial social
issues. Kastenmeier has held hearings on some
of these bills at various times in recent years,
but he has never come close to scheduling any
action on them. "These bills are merely a form
of chastisement," he said while sitting on sev-
eral of them in the 97th Congress.
During the early months of the Reagan
administration, however, Kastenmeier found
himself focusing on a different role, defending
the Legal Services Corporation against White
House efforts to replace it with a block grant
system. The block-grants could have been used
for any law enforcement purpose, not just for
the original Legal Services commitment to pro-
viding legal aid to the poor. Kastenmeier was
militantly opposed to the change.
To get the program reauthorized by the
House, Kastenmeier had to accept several new
rules restricting Legal Services lawyers, such as
one barring them from filing class action suits,
and a reduction in the corporation's budget.
But the House voted to reauthorize the pro-
gram in June of 1981, one of the few tangible
victories up to that point for the liberal House
critics of the Reagan administration. .
In the end, no reauthorization passed the
Senate, but Legal Services survived through
the 97th Congress on stopgap funding from the
Appropriations Committee.
Kastenmeier came to Congress as one of
the small cadre of 1950s peace activists. He
complained about the anti-communist "witch
hunts" of his state's former Republican sena-
tor, Joseph R. McCarthy, and said the "mili-
tary-industrial complex" was out of control.
With two former campaign aides, Marcus
Raskin and Arthur Waskow, now well-known
leftist writers, he set out to produce a manifesto
to influence American foreign policy in the
1960s.
They began the Liberal Project and at-
tracted 17 other congressmen who wanted to
publish position papers on liberal issues. The
1960 election was not kind to them; 16 of the 18
were defeated. But Kastenmeier continued as
head of the redrawn "Liberal Group" and a few
years later published the Liberal Papers, call-
ing for disarmament, admission of mainland
China to the United Nations and an end to the
draft. Republicans labeled them "apostles of
appeasement" and most Democrats ignored
them. Since then, Kastenmeier has kept a lower
profile both inside the House and out. But
many of the ideas were accepted eventually.
Kastenmeier is as conservative in his per-
sonal style as he is liberal in ideology. A dull
speaker with a distaste for flamboyance, he is
often overshadowed on Judiciary by members
who express their views more militantly.
His timing has been unusual. His opposi-
tion to the Vietnam War was so far ahead of
public opinion that by the time the anti-war
fervor reached its peak, Kastenmeier had been
through it already. He was consistent in his
support for the anti-war movement, but he was
never a national leader in it.
Early in his career, Kastenmeier and his
allies in the Liberal Group - Don Edwards
and Phillip Burton of California - worked on
efforts to democratize House procedure. But
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Wisconsin 2
Republicans have most of the land in
the 2nd, and Democrats have most of the
voters. While the district covers a sizable
portion of southern Wisconsin's Republi-
can-voting rural areas, its centerpiece is the
traditionally Democratic city of Madison in
Dane County.
The 1980 election serves as an example
of the GOP's frustration. Even though Kas-
tenmeier lost every county except Dane, his
3-to-2 edge there was sufficient to lift him
to victory.
Madison, the state capital and second
largest city in Wisconsin, has its share of
industry; meat processor Oscar Mayer, for
example, employs more than 3,500 in its
Madison plant. But the city's personality is
dominated by its white-collar sector - the
bureaucrats who work in local and state
government, the 2,300 educators and 40,000
students at the University of Wisconsin,
and the large number of insurance company
home offices, so many that Madison calls
itself a midwestern Hartford.
Madison boasts a tradition of political
liberalism. Since 1924, when Robert M. La
Follette carried Dane County as the Pro-
gressive Party's presidential candidate,
Democrats nearly always have won there. In
1972, George McGovern won 58 percent in
Dane County, and eight years later Demo-
cratic Sen. Gaylord Nelson took two-thirds
here too, Kastenmeier did not play a leading
role when the changes were actually made a
decade later. By then, he had turned his atten-
tion to legal work on Judiciary. He supported
the procedural reforms but was not publicly
associated with them by most members.
In part, that reflects Kastenmeier's reluc-
tance to involve himself in confrontations. In
recent years, at least, he has not been one of the
more aggressive or conspicuous liberal Demo-
crats in the House. Like many civil libertarians,
Kastenmeier was disturbed by FBI tactics in
the 1980 Abscam bribery scandal. But while he
was pondering the issue, Edwards went ahead
and held hearings that drew national attention
to the issue of FBI entrapment.
While his friends plunged themselves into
controversy during the 1970s, Kastenmeier
worked on the technicalities of copyright law,
producing the first comprehensive revision in
South -
Madison
of the vote there while losing statewide.
Outside the Madison area, agriculture
and tourism sustain the district's economy.
Dairying is important, and there is some
beef production, although many livestock
farmers have switched in recent years to
raising corn as a cash crop.
In New Glarus (Green County), which
was founded by the Swiss, the downtown
area has been redone to resemble a village in
the mother country. Wisconsin Dells (Co-
lumbia County) lures big-city tourists to
view the steep ridges and high plateaus
along the Wisconsin River.
The majority of farmers and townsfolk
in the district are conservative, and they
chafe at Madison's dominance of district
politics. Ronald Reagan's conservatism
found many followers in the rural areas of
the district. In 1980 Reagan won six of the
eight counties partly or wholly within the
2nd, leaving only Dane and its western
neighbor, Iowa County, in Jimmy Carter's
column. But the wide Democratic margin in
Dane enabled Carter to carry the district.
Population: 523,011. White 509,003
(97 %), Black 6,051 (1%), Asian and Pacific
Islander 3,670 (1%). Spanish origin 4,233
(1%). 18 and over 383,086 (73%), 65 and
over 55,870 (11% ). Median age: 29.
that field in more than 60 years and guiding it
through nearly a decade of debate.
In the 97th Congress, Kastenmeier again
spent most of his time on some technical and
little noticed - although potentially important
- pieces of legislation. He managed to move
them through Judiciary, only to find the road
to enactment strewn with obstacles.
The committee easily approved a bill
establishing longer patent protection for drug
manufacturers, who often have to spend years
waiting for federal approval before they can
market their products. Because Kastenmeier
feared weakening amendments, he brought the
bill to the floor under amendment-proof "sus-
pension" procedures that required two-thirds
approval for passage. Heavy lobbying by ge-
neric drug producers denied it the two-thirds,
and it died.
Kastenmeier's bill to clarify copyright Ii-
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ability for cable tV stations did pass the
House, supported by the cable industry as well
as the National Assocation of Broadcasters, but
the Senate never took it up. One Kastenmeier
product that did become law in the 97th Con-
gress was a bill making piracy of phonograph
records.a federal crime, punishable by impris-
onment.
Kastenmeier also has served most of his
career on the Interior Committee, but devoted
considerably less time to its work. For years he
was a willing environmentalist vote to back up
Burton and Chairman Morris K. Udall on is-
sues such as strip mining, creating wilderness
areas in Alaska, and expansion of the California
redwoods park. He left Interior at the start of
1983.
Kastenmeier admits that he and other
House liberals have modified the approach of
20 years ago. "We are less pretentious," he has
said. "We don't presume to accomplish as
much. We, in the context of the House of
Representatives, ought to try to be reasonably
effective. We feel we ought to be the cutting
edge of American liberalism in the body politic,
yet there is even a limitation to that."
At Home: It is no longer possible for
Kastenmeier to win re-election easily on the
mere strength of his opposition to the Vietnam
War or his support for the impeachment of
President Nixon. He has to take campaigning
almost as seriously as he did in the early years
of his career. But his seat seems secure for now.
After dropping to 54 percent of the vote in
1980 and losing every county in the district
except Dane, home of the University of Wis-
consin, he bounced back with a solid 61 percent
in 1982.
Although Kastenmeier never has seemed
very comfortable campaigning, he now does the
things that endangered Democrats have been
doing for years. In 1980 he hired a professional
campaign manager for the first time.
The son of an elected minor-official from
Dodge County, Kastenmeier took only a lim-
ited interest in politics until he was nearly 30
years old. Then he became the Democratic
chairman of the second-smallest county in the
district, and three years later, in 1956, decided
to run for the seat left open by Republican
Glenn R. Davis, who ran for the Senate. Kas-
tenmeier lost to GOP nominee Donald E.
Tewes by a 55-45 margin. But in 1958, with two
of Wisconsin's most popular Democrats -. Wil-
liam Proxmire and Gaylord Nelson - running
on the statewide ticket, many Republicans in
the 2nd District stayed home and Kastenmeier
won.
Kastenmeier's first three elections were
hotly contested affairs that included accusa-
tions that the Democrat was sympathetic to
communists. In his first successful campaign, in
1958, he was helped by farm discontent with
the policies of the Eisenhower administration.
After 1964 redistricting removed Milwau-
kee's suburban Waukesha County from the
district, Kastenmeier's percentages shot up. In
1970, when the old charges were updated to
include criticism that Kastenmeier was "soft on
radical students," the incumbent won by his
highest percentage ever.
Kastenmeier had few problems for a full
decade after that. But in 1980, his refusal to
back away from any of his liberal views opened
him to Republican assault as being out of step
with the new fiscal conservatism. Those at-
tacks, made by his challenger, former yo-yo
manufacturer James A. Wright, had particular
appeal in the farming communities that sur-
round Madison. Only Kastenmeier's strong
support in the Madison university community
allowed him to survive the 1980 contest, in
which Nelson went down to defeat at the
statewide level.
In 1982 Republicans nominated a more
moderate candidate, tax consultant Jim John-
son, who tried to appeal to Madison and
avoided the Reagan-style rhetoric that Wright
had used. But the issues were moving back in
Kastenmeier's direction. Much of the anti-gov-
ernment feeling of the previous election had
subsided, and the issue with the strongest emo-
tional appeal was the nuclear freeze. Wisconsin
voted overwhelmingly for the freeze, and
Kastenmeier was one of its most vocal support-
ers.
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Committees
Judiciary (3rd of 20 Democrats;
Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice (chairman).
Civil and Constitutional Rights.
1982 General
Robert Kastenmeier (D)
Jim Johnson (R)
1980 General
112,677 (61'1.l
71,989 (39%1
Robert Kastenmeier (D) 142,037 (54%)
James Wright (R) 119.514 (45%)
previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (58%) 1976 (66%4
1974 (65%) 1972 (68%) 1970 (69%) 1968 (60%)
1966 (58%) 1964 (64%) 1962 (53%) 1960 (53%)
1958 (52%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 124.236 (47%) D 124,106 (51%)
R 106,003 (40%) R 109,405 (45%)
1 25,513 (1(?/.)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs 8ures
1182
Kastenmeier (D) $319,055 $152,359 (48%) $326,450
Johnson(R) $268,092 $47,484 (18%) $270,60?
1960
Kastenmeier (D) $243,465 $97,381 (40%) $225.706
Wright (R) $294,214 $117,624 (40%) $292,348
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S
0
S
0
S
0
1982
26
74
89
10
12
88
1981
22
75
89
lit
5
95
1980
71.
26
89
10
9
87
1979
79
20
Be
91
6
92
1978
86
14
91
9
7
93
1977
76
23
87
12
14
85
1976
33
67
89
10
18
81
1975
31
65
86
11
15
82
1974 (Ford)
41
57
1974 42 58 84 13 7 89
1973 26 73 87 12 11 87
1972 49 51 83 12 10 87
1971 26 72 88 9 2 94
1970 55 43 85 11 7 86
1969 45 51 82 15 7 89
1968 83 14 91 5 4 92
1967 80 16 87 9 2 96
1966 75 12 75 15 5 86
1965 86 7 90 8 2 98
1964 92 8 84 16 8 92
1963 84 13 at 15 7 93
1962 85 15 84 11 12 88
1961 94 6 93 5 9 87
S = Support 0 = Opposition
I Not eligible for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Rating
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 90 9 100 20
1981 95 13 80 5
1980 100 13 79 58
1979 95 4 95 0
1978 95 4 95 22
1977 100 15 74 24
1976 90 11 83 0
1975 100 18 91 6
1974 91 0 89 10
1973 100 20 82 9
1972 100 9 91 ? 0
1971 95 11 62 -
1970 92 11 100 10
1969 93 . 19 100 -
1968 100 0 75
1967 93 11 100 10
1966 94 20 100 -
1965 100 0 - 10
1964 100 16 100 -
1963 - 6 -
1962 88 4 91
1961 100 - - -
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Vwgfnla = Sth Distrkt
Dan Daniel (D)
Of Danville - Elected 1968
Born: May 12, 1914, Chatham, Va.
Education: Attended Danville H.S.
Military Career Navy, 1944.
Occupation: Textile company executive.
Family: Wife, Ruby McGregor; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. Va. House, 1959-69.
Capitol Office: 2368 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4711.
In Washington: Daniel has been a quiet,
courtly hawk at Armed Services, voting unob-
trusively for the highest possible level of de-
fense funding. In recent years he has begun to
take on a new role, as critic of Pentagon bud-
geting practices.
In 1978 he took over as chairman of a
select subcommittee to examine "NATO stan-
dardization," the drive of Ford and Carter
administration officials to reduce the number
of different kinds of equipment being used to
defend Europe.
The next year, his panel issued a report
complaining that standardization was forcing
American troops in the field to depend on
inferior European equipment and that the Pen-
tagon should insist on top quality purchases
regardless of cost.
That led Daniel to the issue of readiness.
During the 96th Congress, he and Democrat
Bob Carr of Michigan, one of the committee's
handful of Pentagon critics, teamed up to de-
mand more funds for basic maintenance in the
defense budget. They argued that money was
being diverted from maintenance to pay for
new weapons.
In 1980, Congress enacted a Daniel-spon-
sored requirement that maintenance be given
its own separate section in each defense au-
thorization bill. In 1981 Daniel became chair-
man of a new Armed Services subcommittee
established to handle that part of the bill.
Daniel has favored letting the Pentagon
buy planes and missiles in large lots, spread
over several years. In the past, it has contracted
separately for each year's batch of weapons.
Pentagon officials have asked for the multi-
year approach, arguing it would lower the cost
of weapons, and Daniel has backed them up.
His support for multi-year procurement has
brought him into conflict with Jack Brooks of
Texas, the Government Operations chairman,
who feels that approach essentially removes an
important tool of congressional control.
Daniel rarely talks about subjects outside
the military field. Despite a friendly personal
relationship with Speaker O'Neill, he seldom
gives the Democratic leadership a vote on any
major issue. He backed all of President Rea-
gan's economic programs in the 97th Congress.
The one non-military initiative Daniel has
mounted in recent years dealt with loyalty to
the U.S. government. A constituent of Daniel's
who was a member of the Communist Workers'
Party applied for a federally funded job under
the Comprehensive Employment and Training
Act (CETA). Daniel offered an amendment to
two budget resolutions banning CETA employ-
ment for anyone advocating the violent over-
throw of the federal government. The woman
insisted she did not personally advocate such a
thing, but the restriction became law.
At Home: Daniel is more comfortable
philosophically with his Republican colleagues
in the Virginia delegation than the new breed
of Democrats elected in 1982. He admits that
his Democratic seniority is the main reason he
has not joined the GOP himself.
Daniel has come a long way. The son of a
sharecropper, he started his career at a Dan-
ville textile mill as a blue-collar worker and
ended it as assistant to the chairman of the
board.
While he is not a dynamic force in Con-
gress, he has cut a large figure in state and
national civic organizations, serving as presi-
dent of the Virginia state Chamber of Com-
merce and national commander of the Ameri-
can Legion.
A"Dixiecrat in many respects, Daniel was a
leader in the state's short-lived resistance to
desegregation in the 1950s. In the following
decade, he was a Byrd machine stalwart in the
state Legislature.
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Virginia 5
The 5th is in the heart of Virginia's
rural "Southside," a largely agricultural re-
gion that more closely resembles the Deep
South than any other part of the state. It is
relatively poor and has a substantial black
population. Tobacco and soybeans are ma-
jor crops, but this region lacks the rich soil
of the Tidewater. .
Though the 5th continues to support
conservative Democrats like Daniel, it has
long refused to vote for more liberal Demo-
cratic candidates at the state and national
level. It was one of only two districts in
Virginia to back George C. Wallace in 1968
and has not supported a Democrat for presi-
dent in more than a quarter-century. Barry
Goldwater carried it in 1964 with 51 percent
of the vote.
In the closely contested U.S. Senate
race in 1982, the district went narrowly for
Republican Rep. Paul S. Trible Jr. over
Democratic Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis.
The district's largest city is Danville,
(population 45,642), a tobacco market and
textile center on the North Carolina border.
Ronald Reagan received 61 percent of the
vote in Danville in 1980. The residents of
Daniel came to Congress in 1968, when
veteran Democratic Rep. William M. Tuck, a
former governor and staunch conservative, re-
tired and endorsed him. While George C. Wal-
lace was carrying the district in the year's
the city and those of surrounding
Pittsylvania County, which Reagan took by
2-to-1, make up about one-fifth of the dis-
trict's population.
Most of the people in the 5th are scat-
tered through farming areas and a few fac-
tory towns. Most of these areas normally
vote Republican at the statewide level. The
best area for Democratic candidates is
Henry County; with nearly 58,000 residents,
it is the second most populous county in the
district after Pittaylvania,its eastern neigh-
bor. Jimmy Carter won it with 49 percent in
1980. In the 1982 Senate race, Davis took
the county with 53 percent of the vote.
To the north, the district takes in part
of Lynchburg. That section of Lynchburg
and its southern neighbor, Campbell
County, are strongly conservative areas
where Reagan won two-thirds of the 1980
vote.
Population: 531,308. White 398,091
(75%), Black 131,482125%). Spanish origin
3,753 0%). 18 and over 382,312 (72%), 65
and over 63,859 (12%). Median age: 32.
presidential balloting, Daniel easily outdis-
tanced his Republican and black independent
opponents with 55 percent of the vote. He faced
a feeble GOP challenge in 1970 and no one has
filed against him since.
Committees
Armed Services (5th of 28 Democrats)
Readiness (chairman): Investigations.
1982 General
Dan Daniel (D)
1980 General
Dan Daniel (D)
Fisvious Winning Percentages: 1979 (100%) 1978 (100%)
1974 (999.) 1972 (100%) 1970 173%) 1988 (55%)
District Vote For President
1980 1978
D 73,569 (42%) D 77,138 (489.)
R 97.203 (55%) R 78,306 (491/6)
t 3,660 (2%)
1911 33 66 19 61 97 3
1978 75 25 12 88 98 1
1975 70 30 15 84 98 1
1974 (Ford) 56 44
1974 64 36 16 84t 93 6
1973 66 34 19 81 100 0
1972 57 41 17 80 94 6
1971 77 23 25 74 97 2
1970 64 36( 24 74 91 -
1989 45 55 20 76 96 2
S Support 0 = opposition
tNot s-plble for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
itures
11111112
Daniel (D)
$74,954
$51,965
(6996)
$24,084
1980
Daniel (D)
$20,383
$18,010
(88%)
$7,747
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
veer a 0 8 0 a 0
1982 70 19 19 76 88 4
1981 78 20 15 81 93 4
1980 37 62 27 70 93 3
1979 30 69 15 82 94 4
1979 22 75 16 81 95 2
Retain existing cap on conpressiorW salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1963)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 5 77 11 71
1981 0 83 13 89
1990 6 92 11 82
1979 5 100 10 100
1978 0 96 5 89
1977 0 93 9 94
1976 5 96 13 88
1975 0 100 4 Be
1974 0 80 0 90
1973 4 85 16 100
1972 0 100 10 100
1971 3 93 8 -
1970 0 79 14 100
1969 7 94 20 -
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Robert A. Roe (D)
Of Wayne - Elected 1969
Born: Feb. 28, 1924, Wayne, N.J.
Education: Attended Ore. State U. and Wash. State U.
Military Career. Army, World War II.
Occupation: Construction company owner.
Family: Single.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Wayne Township committeeman,
1955-56; mayor of Wayne Township, 1956-61; Pas-
saic County freeholder, 1959-63; sought Democratic
nomination for governor, 1977 and 1981.
Capitol Office: 2243 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5751.
In Washington: Known for most of his
House career as a stubborn and aggressive
proponent of federal jobs programs, Roe
changed his emphasis in the 97th Congress by
giving up his Economic Development Sub-
committee on Public Works to become chair-
man of a subcommittee on water policy.
It was a sensible move politically. New
Jersey had been having serious drought prob-
lems, and Roe was in the midst of a guberna-
torial campaign in which he could draw useful
attention with the issue. Roe also knew some-
thing about water - he was a former state
conservation commissioner, and he had been
instrumental in the writing of the 1972 Water
Pollution Control Act.
The campaign did not turn out as Roe
hoped it would. By June 1981, he was back in
the House full-time, having finished a distant
second in the Democratic primary behind his
House colleague, James J. Florio. But Water
Resources remains an important subcommit-
tee, and Roe brings to it a different emphasis
from the one it has had in the past.
Most of the other water specialists at Pub-
lic Works have been Southerners and Western-
ers interested in authorizing as many new flood
control and irrigation projects as possible for
their parts of the country. Roe is more inter-
ested in pollution and other urban water prob-
lems, less likely.to want to spend money on
dams in sparsely populated parts of the coun-
try. For most of the 97th Congress, Roe talked
of the need for longterm reforms in federal
water policy. No major changes were made, but
the issue has not gone away.
Roe's panel also devoted much of 1981 and
1982 to arguments over federal subsidies for
sewage treatment. The Reagan administration
wanted to scale sewage subsidies back drasti-
cally, especially those used for planning sewage
treatment facilities to deal with future growth.
Roe initially opposed any efforts, to cut
subsidies for ongoing sewage treatment pro-
grams. "We're afraid the administration wants
to reform the program out of existence," he
complained, saying states had gone heavily into
debt to finance them in the expectation of
federal help. But the panel eventually did agree
to cut back on the federal share of the money.
For years before his subcommittee switch,
Roe talked largely about public works jobs.
Most urban Democrats of Roe's generation
share his belief in public works as a cure for
economic stagnation, but few pursued it with
the zeal that he did, or maintained it as stub-
bornly in the face of formidable opposition.
It was Roe who inserted $2 billion in public
works jobs money into President Carter's bill to
expand the Economic Development Adminis-
tration (EDA) in the 96th Congress. It was also
Roe who jeopardized the entire package by his
reluctance to accept it without the public
works.
The hybrid legislation passed the House in
1979 by a wide margin, but the Senate wanted
the EDA bill only. Conferences were held off
and on over the following year, but Roe would
accept an agreement only if the jobs section
remained in the bill. The Carter administra-
tion, which did not want the jobs money, finally
agreed. But the Senate was adamant against it.
Just before Congress recessed for the 1980
election, Roe appeared willing to bargain. But
when Ronald Reagan was elected president,
Republicans said they preferred to wait on the
entire proposal until the new administration
took office, simultaneously dooming both EDA
expansion and public works jobs.
In 1975, the year he took over the Eco-
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?
New Jersey 8
To Alexander Hamilton, the Great
Falls of the Passaic River was an ideal
location for a factory town. Then Treasury
secretary, he set up the Society for Estab-
lishing Useful Manufactures in 1791 to
build Paterson.
In time, the thriving "Silk City" be-
came one of the world's leading textile pro-
ducers, attracting Irish, Polish, Italian and
Russian craftsmen to work the looms. It also
played out a history of labor strife and
strong unions whose influence lives on.
Nowadays, though, much of the indus-
try is gone, leaving widespread unemploy-
ment and unsavory slums. A majority of the
population is black or Hispanic, and there is
chronic racial tension. In 1967 black boxer
Rubin "Hurricane" Carter was found guilty
of killing three white patrons in the La-
fayette Grill in Paterson, and his conviction
nearly provoked a riot. A decade later, the
Lafayette Grill was called the Zodiac
Lounge, and its clientele and neighborhood
were exclusively black.
Paterson still contains 25 percent of the
district's electorate, despite its severe popu-
lation decline, and it is firmly Democratic.
The only recent exception has been the
success of moderate Republican Lawrence
"Pat" Kramer, the city's mayor for the late
1960s and much of the 1970s. Kramer re-
tired in 1982, after losing the 1981 GOP
nomic Development Subcommittee, Roe man-
aged his first major public works package, part
of it aimed at creation of 250,000 jobs and part
at stimulating investment. When the bill went.
to conference, he added an interesting new
wrinkle - a provision, not discussed on the
floor of either chamber, to make cities of 50,000
or more eligible to be economic redevelopment
areas under legislation then a decade old. Roe's
district is dominated by declining industrial
cities of modest size. The bill was enacted in
1976 over President Ford's veto.
By 1978, however, critics were complaining
that the traditional public works jobs pro-
grams, emphasizing capital spending, were
wasteful. President Carter proposed $1 billion
worth of new public works jobs, designed to be
labor-intensive and focus on unemployment
among the disadvantaged. Roe's solution was to
approve that amount, and add his own $2
gubernatorial primary, and was replaced by
a Democrat.
Paterson and the rest of southern Pas-
saic County provide the Democratic vote in
the 8th. The Passaic County suburbs next
to Paterson, such as Clifton and Haledon,
are where the white ethnics went when they
fled the city. They still vote Democratic.
Down the Passaic River lies the city of
Passaic, a smaller but equally troubled ver-
sion of Paterson whose textile employment
also has evaporated.
In the northern half of the hourglass-
shaped county, the terrain is more subur-
ban. The subdivisions of Wayne Township
usually vote Republican but have made an
exception for favorite son Roe. Proceeding
northwest from Wayne, however, suburban
Bloomingdale and other suburbs cast a solid
Republican vote.
In Bergen County, the 8th includes
Garfield and Wallington, two old mill
towns. These communities have more in
common with the blue-collar neighborhoods
of Passaic County than with affluent Ber-
gen.
Population: 526,136. White 429,30]
(82%), Black 60,361 (12%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 5,696 (1 % ). Spanish origin
67,849 (13% ). 18 and over 383,151 (73 n ),
65 and over 61,931 (12%). Median age: 32.
billion for capital-intensive jobs, which he said
was needed to move Carter's program through
the House. The legislation died at the end of
the 95th Congress; setting the stage for the
EDA-jobs fight that occupied Roe and his
subcommittee for most of the next two years.
At Home: Pork barrel politics has en-
deared Roe to his constituents, especially to the
labor unions that benefit from the jobs his
programs have created.
Thanks to his public works legislation, the
district has received a large number of new
town halls, fire stations and other municipal
structures - which have generated a lot of
construction employment. Using his influence,
Roe also has put together federal grants to save
a failing plant and to restore the historic Great
Falls area in Paterson.
Roe's strength in Passaic County has pro-
vided him with a base for his forays into
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statewide politics, but not enough of one to
bring him his goal - the Democratic nomina-
tion for governor. New Jersey chooses its gover-
nors in off-years for congressional elections, so
its congressmen can seek the statehouse with-
out having to give up their places in Washing-
ton.
Roe.has tried twice. In 1977 he ran a strong
race in the primary against incumbent Demo-
crat Brendan T. Byrne, coming within 40,000
votes of denying Byrne renomination. That
showing made him a front-runner in 1981,
when his main competition came from Florio,
another member of the U.S. House delegation.
In the end, however, Florio defeated him
easily. Better on television than Roe and well
enough financed to spread his commercials
across the state, Florio took the nomination by
more than 150,000 votes. Roe had refused pub-
lic financing and tried to make an issue of the
state's public financing system. It never caught
on, and the decision left him underfinanced at
the end of the campaign. Roe was again second,
but it was a distant second.
In Passaic, however, Roe remains on top.
His watchwords are caution and harmony, and
Committees
Public Works and Transportation (3rd of 30 Democrats)
Water Resources (chairman); Economic Development; Investi-
gations and Oversight.
Science and Technology (2nd of 26 Democrats)
Energy Development and Applications; Energy Research and
Production; Investigations and Oversight.
Now Jorsoy - 9th District
whenever feuding flares among various Demo-
cratic factions, he can be counted on to play a
peacemaker's role. Customarily, the disputants
meet at the Brownstone House restaurant in
Paterson, where the garrulous Roe acts as nego-
tiator.
Roe habitually wins re-election by whop-
ping margins. Republicans seldom bother to
put up strong candidates against him. He often
does well in the district's GOP towns, in addi-
tion to pulling his usual big vote in the blue-
collar Democratic bastions.
Part of the reason for his appeal in the
Republican suburbs may be that Roe is not a
product of urban Paterson, the district's big-
gest town and a home of organization politics.
He comes from suburban Wayne Township,
which swings between the two parties. He likes
to boast that he knows all levels of government,
having served at each of them - municipal,
county, state and federal.
Roe initially won his House seat in a tight
1969 special election to fill the unexpired term
of Democrat Charles S. Joelson, who became a
state judge. Since then, he always has won re-
election with better than 60 percent of the vote.
1980
Roe (DI $161,755 $65,315 (40%) 3156.369
Cleveland (R) $12,188 $700 ( 6%) $11.956
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S
0
S
0
S
0
1982 General
Robert A
Roe (D)
980
89
(71%)
1982 35
60
83
12
33
66
.
Norm R
bertson (R)
,
317
36
(29%)
1981 39
39
70
16
36
51
o
,
1980 66
23
81
12
32
59
1980 General
1979 68
26
81
16
34
60
Robert A
Roe (D)
493
95
(67%)
1979 63
31
74
22
30
66
.
William Cleveland (R)
,
44
625
(31%)
1977 42
18
51
11
14
45
,
1976 29
71
83
13
28
69
Previous Winning Percentages:
1978 (74%)
1979
(71%)
1975 33
67
80
16
25
72
1974 (74%) 1972 (63%)
1970 (61%)
1999'
(49%)
1974 (Ford) 39
50
ecial election
S
1974 40
55
78
15
22
69
.
p
1973 31
64
80
11 15
74
District Vote For President
1972 54
44
43
51
83
73
13 27
20 27
72
69
1980
1976
1971
1970 57
32
71
21
20
59
D 67,435 (37%)
D 85,379
(45%)
1969 47
531
86
141
19
81t
R 100.672 (55%)
R 100,718
(53%)
S = Su
ort
0
= Opposition
12,521 ( 7%)
-
pp
-Not eligible for all recorded votes.
Campaign Finance
Key Votes
1982
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
itures
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services rbauthorization (1981) Y
Roe (D)
$151,918
$103,465 (68%)
$150,007
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Robertson (R)
$32,634
0
$32,269
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
1976
35
19
85
22
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
1977
35
6
93
11
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
1976
70
14
87
6
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
1975
79
18
87
24
1974
65
21
90
13
1973
68
22
100
9
Interest Group Ratings
1972
63
48
91
20
1971
73
31
91
-
Year
ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1970
80
28
71
11
1982
75 13 90 55
1969'
75
29
100
-
1981
60 24 100 17
1960
67 17 83 59
1970
58 4 95 18
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California - 36th Dishid
George E.
Brown Jr. (D)
Of Riverside - Elected 1962
Did not serve 1971-73-
Dorm March 6, 1920, Holtville, Calif.
Education: U. of Calif., Los Angeles, B.A. 1946.
Military Career. Army, 1942-46.
Occupation: Physicist.
Family: Wife, Rowena Somerindyke; four children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Monterey Park mayor, 1954-58; Calif.
Assembly, 1959-63; sought Democratic U.S. Senate
nomination, 1970.
Capitol Office: 2256 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6161.
In Washington: Brown has pursued his
liberal principles through two very different
careers in the House. punctuated by a one-term
absence following his defeat for the Senate in
1970.
Watching Brown in action today, as he
listens patiently to testimony on the budget for
science research or ponders amendments to a
farm bill, it is easy to forget the militant anti-
war crusader of the 1960s. At first glance, he
seems to be a different man. But he is simply a
mellower version of the same man.
Never a radical on domestic issues, Brown
became a peace advocate during his days as a
scientist, and argued his cause from the start of
his first term, in 1963, when he opposed exten-
sion of the draft as it passed the House 388-3.
He voted against money for civil defense,
charging that it "created a climate in which
nuclear war becomes more credible" and in
1966 cast the only vote in the House against a
$58 billion defense funding bill.
He was already speaking out against the
Vietnam War in the spring of 1965, when he
accused President Lyndon B. Johnson of pre-
tending "that the peace of mankind can be won
by the slaughter of peasants in Vietnam." He
continued to talk that way through the next
five years in the House, both on the floor and at
outside rallies. He refused to vote for any
military appropriations bill while the war con-
tinued and once boasted that he had opposed
more federal spending than any member in
history.
Brown's anti-war work gave him a national
reputation during those years, but much of his
legislative time was devoted to environmental
issues. He introduced a bill in 1969 to ban
offshore oil drilling along the California coast,
and he backed federal land use planning. He
proposed outlawing the production of internal
combustion engines after a three-year period.
Environmentalism is the link between
Brown's two House careers. When he returned
as a freshman in 1973, U.S. participation in the
war was ending. He settled quietly into the
Agriculture and Science committees and fol-
lowed his issues without seeking much public
attention. Since 1973, he has not been one of
the more visible members of the House.
But he has been busy. Much of his work
has been in defense of the Environmental Pro-
tection Agency (EPA), whose programs are
authorized through the Science Committee.
Brown has continually fought against cuts in
the EPA budget; he has regularly introduced
floor amendments adding extra money to fight
air or water pollution. In 1981, when the House
passed a bill cutting funds for pollution re-
search by 18 percent, Brown was a dissenting
voice, calling the reduction "irresponsible." He
favors creation of a National Technology Foun-
dation to parallel the National Science Founda-
tion in commercial research.
Brown's suspicion of the military still
comes out in his attitude toward the U.S. space
program. He is a strong believer in exploration,
but not in the military uses of space. In 1982 he
complained that 20 percent of the budget of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administra-
tion was going to defense-related work. "This
blatant and unabashed use of the civilian space
agency for Defense Department purposes," " he
said, "is a shocking departure from the past."
Brown also has been a vehement opponent
of the controversial Clinch River nuclear
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California 36
Of the three districts covering the San
Bernardino-Riverside metropolitan area,
this is the only one a Democrat can win.
Since his 1972 comeback, Brown has
been able to combine the votes of the blue-
collar residents of Riverside and San Ber-
nardino with those of the growing Mexican-
American population in San Bernardino.
The burgeoning Republican suburban
vote, particularly in the suburbs of Norco
and Corona, was removed in the 1981 re-
districting, along with a large part of the
city of Riverside. Only the Democratic
north side of Riverside remains in the new
36th District.
The San Bernardino side of the district
- usually more favorable to Democrats -
was expanded. Now, nearly three-quarters
of the district vote comes from San Bernar-
dino County.
The district extends westward to On-
tario, which has grown into a booming,
industrial city of 88,000, supporting a major
commercial airport and large Lockheed and
General Electric plants. In recent years,
with jobs in the local defense plants hanging
in the balance, Ontario voters have turned
increasingly toward Republican candidates,
breeder reactor. He sought to kill it in commit-
tee in 1977, joined the Carter administration in
trying to deny funds for it in 1979, and was on
the winning side as the Science Committee
voted against it in early 1981. Later the full
House voted against Clinch River, although it
was kept alive in a House-Senate conference.
In the 97th Congress, however, Brown's
most visible role was on the Agriculture Com-
mittee, as the frustrated chairman of the sub-
committee handling renewal of the Federal
Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act.
That argument pitted pesticide manufacturers
against environmentalists demanding more
regulation of the industry. Brown was the ref-
eree, but he was not a happy one. "If this ever
comes up again while I am on the committee,"
he said at one point, "I hope you will refer it to
another subcommittee."
As the bill left Agriculture in 1982, it had
two provisions that the pesticide industry
wanted but Brown did not particularly like.
One would have limited public access to in-
formation about potentially dangerous chemi-
San Bernardino;
Riverside
both statewide and congressional.
The new 36th takes in all of San Ber-
nardino's 118,000 inhabitants. More than 50
miles from Los Angeles, the city once
marked the eastern terminus for the big red
trolley cars of Los Angeles' Pacific Electric
interurban rail system.
Today, San Bernardino residents have
little contact with the Los Angeles area. A
fruit-packing center in the 1930s, San Ber-
nardino now forces its citrus industry to
share space with the many electronics and
aerospace firms in the area, as well as the
Kaiser Steel Corporation's blast furnace in
nearby Fontana. The steelworkers and the
employees at the large Atchison, Topeka
and Santa Fe railroad yards in San Bernar-
dino usually provide enough votes to put
the city and nearby Rialto and Colton into
the Democratic column.
Population: 528,091. White 404,144
(77%), Black 42,407 (8%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 6,179 (1%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 7,685 (1%). Spanish
origin 123,049 (23%). 18 and over 363,372
(69%), 65 and over 48,660 (9%). Median
age: 27.
cats; the other would have restricted state con-
trol over the industry. Both provisions were
eventually removed on the House floor, with
Brown's approval, and the bill passed the
House easily. But it died in the Senate.
On other domestic issues, Brown has been
casting liberal votes, much as he did during the
1960s. But on a few occasions, he has cast
pragmatic pro-defense votes he might have
denounced a decade ago. In 1980 he began
voting for production of the B-1 bomber. "If
the B-1 was being built in some other state," he
explained afterward, "and I didn't have two Air
Force bases and a lot of retired military people
who feel strongly about the B-1, I'd probably
have voted the other way."
At Home: Brown's 1970 Senate campaign
divides his electoral career the same way it has
split his Washington career. Before 1970,
Brown's political career revolved around the
heavily Hispanic community of Monterey Park.
The more recent phases have focused on mid-
dle-class politics in San Bernardino, 50 miles
east.
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Born in a small town in California's Impe-
rial Valley, Brown moved to Los Angeles to
attend college, then settled in Monterey Park
after getting his physics degree. While working
for the Los Angeles city government, he began
to dabble in Monterey Park politics, and
moved from the Monterey Park Democratic
Club to the town's mayoralty. After four years
on the City Council and in the mayor's office,
he was elected to the state Assembly, where he
focused on housing issues.
In 1962 the new 29th Congressional Dis-
trict was created on Brown's home turf. He
easily defeated two strong primary opponents
and Republican H. L. "Bill" Richardson in the
general election.
Once he developed his reputation as an
anti-war leader, Brown attracted a series of
opponents - Democrats and Republicans -
who challenged him on the Vietnam issue. His
closest call came in 1966 against Republican
Bill Orozco, who capitalized on his Mexican-
American heritage and support for the guber-
natorial campaign of Ronald Reagan. Brown
won by 3,000 votes out of 135,000 cast.
In 1968 Orozco ran again. But redistricting
had added territory on the district's east side,
giving Brown more Anglo voters, and even
though Republicans made it a high priority
contest, Brown doubled his plurality. Still, it
was clear Brown would have tough races in
future years.
Rather than run again for what had be-
come a marginal seat, Brown decided in 1970 to
take on GOP Sen. George Murphy. But to do
that he had to wage a primary against fellow
U.S. Rep. John V. Tunney, son of former
boxing champion Gene Tunney.
After American troops invaded Cambodia
that spring, polls began to show Brown moving
into a slight lead over Tunney, who had been
much less outspoken in his opposition to the
war. Brown called for the impeachment of
President Nixon because of the invasion. Tun-
ney then turned his aim on Brown, accusing
him of being a radical and advocating student
violence. Brown attempted to deflect what he
termed Tunney's "dirty" tactics, but failed and
lost by a 42-33 percent margin.
However, Brown exacted a revenge of
sorts. His description of his opponent as the
"lightweight son of the heavyweight champ"
became part of California political folklore and
helped end Tunney's career in 1976.
Brown's political resurrection came just
two years after his failed Senate bid, in a newly
created district in the San Bernardino-River-
side area. There it was middle-class white con-
servatives, not Mexican-Americans, who caused
problems for Brown.
The 1972 Democratic primary in the new
district was one of the fiercest battles in the
state that year. Brown was attacked, as an
extreme liberal and as a carpetbagger by David
Tunno, a Tunney protege, and by the conserva-
tive chairman of the San Bernardino County
Board, Ruben Ayala. But Brown won the eight-
candidate primary by finishing second in all
three parts of the district. His 28 percent of the
vote was not very impressive, but it was enough
to get him on the fall ballot as the Democratic
candidate. The district was then about 63 per-
cent Democratic in registration, and he was an
easy winner in November.
After the 1974 redistricting put more of
fast-growing and conservative Riverside
County into the district. Brown had to rely
increasingly on the portion of his district in San
Bernardino County to carry him. In 1980, fac-
ing Republican John Paul Stark, a conservative
whose organization came largely from the Cam-
pus Crusade for Christ, Brown was held below a
majority in Riverside for the first time. His
vote in San Bernardino County remained safely
above 55 percent, allowing him to survive with
53 percent overall.
Brown's 1980 showing landed him on just
about every Republican and New Right target-
ing list for 1982. Stark, whose performance the
first time had given him credibility as a candi-
date, came back with the same corps of funda-
mentalists enthusiastically staffing his cam-
paign. The Republican establishment, eager to
do in a liberal in a part of Southern California
that seemed to have abandoned liberalism,
threw substantial support Stark's way.
But Brown was not to be caught napping
twice. He began spending heavily on his cam-
paign in 1981, firming up his base of support in
friendly areas and wooing voters in more mar-
ginal communities. Severe economic problems
made his attack on Stark's adherence to GOP
economic policies all the sharper.
On Election Day, Brown did about a per-
centage point better than be had done within
slightly different district lines two years before.
But the results masked a significant change.
Redistricting had left Brown with only Demo-
cratic areas of Riverside and had added more of
San Bernardino County to the district. This
time, Brown's greatest strength lay in Riverside
County, where he pulled 57 percent of the vote;
he took the San Bernardino portion by a much
narrower margin.
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Committees
Agriculture (5th of 26 Democrats)
Department Operations, Research and Foreign Agriculture
(chairman); Forests, Family Farms and Energy.
Science and Technology (3rd of 26 Democrats)
Natural Resources, Agriculture Research and Environment; Sci-
ence, Research and Technology; Space Science and Applica-
tions.
1912 General
George Brown Jr. (D)
76.546
(54%)
John Stark (R)
64.361
(46%)
1982 Primary
George Brown Jr. (D)
38,054
(74%)
Ron Nibble (D)
5,742
(11%)
Jimmy Pineda (D)
7.382
(14%)
1910 General
George Brown Jr. (D)
88,634
(53%)
John Stark (R)
73,252
(43%)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1971
(63%) 1971
(62%)
1974 (63%) 1972 (56%)
1911
(52%) 1916
(51%)
1964 (59%) 1962 (56%)
District Vote For President
1960
1976
0 58,253 (40X)
D
73,491 (57/.)
R 74,870 (51%)
R
53,212 (42%)
1 10,847 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts E:pend-
from PACs itures
1912
Brown(D) $413,482
$120,485 (29/.) $428,305
Stark (R) $193,208
$55,075 (29%) $181,294
1980
Brown (D) $86,317
$27,646 (32%) $84,680
Stark (R) $28.497
$875 ( 3%) $28,103
Voting Studies '
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 $ 0 S 0
1992 32 51 85 5 12 79
1981
38
57
77
10
19
75
1960
69
15
82
5
a
77
1979
74
13
83
5
10
75
19 5
76
13
74
9
7
79
1977
70
14
61
4
6
78
1978
31
59
73
8
18
69
1975
37
60
at
10
11
76
1974
28
47
70
8
11
68
1973
30
61
82
8
10
80
1972
-
-
-
-
-
-
1971
-
-
-
-
-
1970
29
31
39
15
2
36
1969
17
36
64
9
7
69
1988
41
16
43
7
4
39
1967
54
14
55
13
11
65
1966
42
11
46
8
5
43
1965
78
4
85
1
2
86
1964
81
2
73
2
0
67
1963
75
6
77
2
0
60
S ? Support
0
= Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982
75
5
94
29
1961
85
5
86
12
1980
94
10
82
52
1979
84
0
74
12
1978
70
8
79
13
1977
80
4
90
6
1976
80
19
79
13
1975
89
4
100
24
1974
91
0
100
0
1973
88
13
91
18
1972
-
-
-
-
1971
-
-
-
1970
88
17
100
13
1969
87
25
89
-
1968
83
16
100
-
1967
87
11
100
11
1966
82
11
100
-
1965
95
0
-
10
1964
92
0
100
1963
-
0
-
-
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Now York - 28th District
is
Matthew F.
McHugh (D)
Born: Dec. 6, 1938, Philadelphia, Pa.
Education: Mount St. Mary's College, B.S. 1960;
Villanova Law School, J.D. 1963.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Eileen Alanna Higgins; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Tompkins County District Attorney,
1969-72.
Capitol Office: 2335 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6335.
In Washington: McHugh's quiet, serious
pragmatism has made him a major player in
the appropriations process and a figure of real
respect among House Democrats. A man who
wears a plain dark suit and a somber expres-
sion. he is not one of the more conspicuous
younger members. But he has the implicit trust
of most members, and he is unflappable even in
the midst of the most trying negotiations.
He has found himself in a sensitive posi-
tion on the Appropriations subcommittee that
handles foreign aid. A strong personal sup-
porter of Israel, he has sometimes had to nego-
tiate between that country's even more militant
backers and the growing anti-foreign aid fac-
tion in the House. Most of the time, even
getting a foreign aid bill passed has been a
difficult struggle.
In 1981 McHugh was a key player in
bringing together a coalition that passed the
first regular appropriation in three years. With
a Republican president in office, conservative
House Republicans who had attacked foreign
aid for years suddenly came to its defense, and
McHugh welcomed their support. As the pro-
cess moved forward, McHugh emerged as the
key man on the Democratic side, often eclips-
ing Clarence Long of Maryland, the sub-
committee's eccentric and unpredictable chair-
man.
Differences remained, though, over the
character of the aid. McHugh has long been a
strong supporter of development aid, and par-
ticularly the International Development Asso-
ciation (IDA), the arm of the World Bank that
makes loans to the poorest nations. Conserva-
tives have long opposed IDA, because it lends
to communist nations. But President Reagan
came to office vowing to fulfill the U.S. obliga-
tion to pay $3.24 billion to IDA.
McHugh negotiated through most of the
summer of 1981. finally persuading the com-
mittee to approve Reagan's request of-,$8 ' 50
million for IDA in 1982. On the floor, some
conservatives rebelled and tried to cut the
appropriation to $500 million; McHugh reluc-
tantly supported a compromise of $ 725 million,
and held together the coalition. The figure was
later cut to $700 million.
Warning that the coalition in support of
the measure was fragile, McHugh succeeded in
blocking any further attempts to cut multilat-
eral aid. He fought an amendment to prohibit
"indirect" aid to certain communist nations.
The next year, the coalition splintered.
McHugh and other influential Democrats were
dismayed over the administration's request for
increased military aid for 1983 and a supple-
ment to the aid already passed for 1982. Mc-
Hugh balked, saying the administration
"should have known that people on this side
would be deeply offended." Democrats on the
panel succeeded in blocking the aid request.
Later that year, -though, McHugh helped
form a coalition to approve $350 million for
President Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative.
The aid was approved as part of a measure
Reagan vetoed: Congress overrode the veto.
Despite the frustrating year in 1982, Mc-
Hugh seemed hopeful that a bipartisan coali-
tion could be resurrected for the 98th Congress.
But he warned that "the administration has to
have the support of Democrats, moderate to
progressive Democrats.... Our interests and
concerns have to be taken into account."
McHugh assumed leadership on foreign
aid in 1978, his first year on the subcommittee.
He and Wisconsin Democrat David R. Obey led
the successful fight for the Carter administra-
tion's $7.4 billion foreign aid request, over the
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
New York 28
The elongated 28th reaches from high
above Cayuga's waters to high above those
of the Hudson.
The Triple Cities of Binghamton, John-
son City and Endicott are industrial but
politically marginal. This is the area in
which Thomas J. Watson located his first
IBM plant, and it still reflects some of the
corporate paternalism the Watson family
practiced for generations. Of the three, only
Binghamton has a Democratic advantage in
registration, and the difference there is'
small. In all three cities, conservative work-
ing-class voters, many of them Italian, join
with white-collar technicians and profes-
sionals to form a potent bloc for the GOP.
Binghamton elects Democrats to the New
York Assembly but its state senator is the
Senate's Republican leader. The small
towns and farms of rural Delaware and
Tioga counties add to the Republican totals.
McHugh's political base is Tompkins
County, site of Cornell University in Ithaca.
Cornell dominates Ithaca economically and
politically. The picturesque Ivy League
school, sitting on a hill overlooking Lake
Cayuga, keeps the city Democratic and rela-
tively liberal. The rural parts of the county
objections of Long, who wanted to slash the
amount.
When that bill went to conference, Long
and other House negotiators were adamant
against Senate language providing for aid to
Syria. It finally became law after McHugh
added a provision authorizing the president to
approve aid to Syria only if he thought it would
"serve the process of peace in the Middle
East."
The next year, McHugh was defending the
entire foreign aid program on the House floor
against budget-cutting assaults. When Ohio
Republican Clarence E. Miller tried to reduce
the funding by a flat 5 percent across-the-
board, McHugh countered with a 2 percent
reduction, exempting Egypt and Israel. That
compromise passed.
On his other subcommittee, Agriculture
Appropriations, McHugh defends his district's
dairy farmers while pursuing some of his liberal
social values. He was a strong advocate of
distributing surplus cheese and butter to the
poor.
Southern Tier -
Binghamton; Ithaca
have a Republican tilt.
Sullivan County, the northern portion
of which is in the 28th, is the only section of
the district where Democrats enjoy a party
registration majority, although the county
frequently votes for statewide and national
Republican candidates. Heavily Jewish, it
contains many resort hotels, including
Grossinger's. The presence of Sullivan
County in the district makes McHugh's
support for Israel not only politically feasi-
ble but helpful.
Redistricting consolidated Ulster
County in the 28th, uniting portions of the
county previously split among three dis-
tricts. The eastern portion includes the
county seat, Democratic-leaning Kingston, a
textile town of 24,481 people. The' county's
other Democratic pocket - a small one -
lies in Woodstock, the artists' colony that
gave its name to the celebrated 1969 rock
festival that actually was held in Bethel.
Population: 516,808. White 493,022
(95%), Black 14,337 (3%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 4,313 (1%). Spanish origin
9,231 (2%). 18 and over 382,593 (74%), 65
and over 63,593 (12% ). Median age: 30.
Outside the Appropriations Committee,
McHugh has remained committed to the re-
formist politics on which he and most of his
1974 class initially won election. In 1977, when
there was discussion over a bill to provide
partial public financing of House general elec-
tions, McHugh pushed for something stronger.
He introduced his own bill covering primaries
as well as general elections and sharply reduc-
ing private spending levels.
The next year, he called for a new Demo-
cratic Caucus rule requiring a vote in the
caucus on whether any member disciplined by
the House or convicted of a felony should
retain his post. It was passed, with some modi-
fications. Later the caucus approved a rule
requiring indicted chairmen to step aside tem-
porarily.
Beyond McHugh's personal reserve lies a
reservoir of ambition. To make it to the Appro-
priations Committee in 1978, he had to win the
support of the New York state Democratic
delegation. That was a difficult task because
the delegation is New York City-dominated,
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
and the seat's previous occupant was from
Manhattan. There was already an active candi-
date from the city, James H. Scheuer. But
McHugh campaigned assiduously and defeated
Scheuer, 14-11, drawing several city votes.
He was less successful in 1980, when he
tried to become chairman of the House Demo-
cratic Caucus. The other candidates, Gillis W.
Long and Charlie Rose, were both Southerners,
and he saw an opening for a moderate liberal
from the Northeast. But he started late, and in
challenging Long, he was up against one of the
most popular members. McHugh finished a
distant third, with 41 votes to 146 for Long and
53 for Rose.
In the 98th Congress, though, he has his
first important leadership position - as chair-
man of the Democratic Study Group, the orga-
nization of liberal and moderate Democrats in
the House. McHugh won it without opposition.
At Home: McHugh's victory in the 1974
Democratic sweep made him the first Democrat
to represent the Binghamton area in this cen-
tury. He succeeded a popular Republican,
Howard W. Robison, promising to carry on in
Committees
Appropriations (20th of 36 Democrats)
Agriculture: Rural Development and Related Agencies; Foreign
Operations.
Select Children. Youth and Families (5th of 16 Democrats)
1982 General
Matthew F. McHugh (D) 100,665 (56'/.)
David Crowley (R) 75,991 (43%)
1980 General
Matthew F. McHugh (D) 103.863 (55%)
Neil Wallace (R) 83.096 (44%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (56%) 1976 (67%)
1974 (53%)
1990 1976
D 83.039 (38%) D 110,702 (48%)
R 108.287 (49%) R 121,263 (52%)
1 24,117 (11%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
Receipts from PACs itures
1982
McHugh (D) $447,500 $137,702. (31%) $443,864
Crowley (R) $278,409 $92,821 (33%) 8273,911
1980
McHugh (D) $333.196 $90,810 (271/.) 8321.219
Wallace (R) $187.876 $43,409 (23%) $186.537
Now York - 28th District
the retiring Robison's moderate tradition. He
was helped in that stance by the hard-line
conservative campaign of his Republican oppo-
nent, Binghamton Mayor Alfred Libous.
In fact, Republicans have had a habit of
putting up flawed challengers against McHugh.
In 1978 and 1980, businessman Neil Tyler
Wallace demonstrated an abrasive personality
that cost him votes. In 1982 lawyer David F.
Crowley seemed a bright and formidable chal-
lenger until he committed a series of gaffes that
doomed his candidacy. In an attempt to show
how military spending could be cut, for in-
stance, he suggested that the military's
LAMPS III helicopter be scrapped. It turned
out that a plant in the 28th District made parts
for the aircraft.
Before running for Congress, McHugh
served as district attorney of Tompkins
County, at the far western edge of the sprawl-
ing district. As district attorney, he was popular
with the Cornell University community in Ith-
aca. He organized a local drug treatment facil-
ity and demanded peaceful handling of student
protests.
Voting Studies
Presidental Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 8 0
1982 39 53 89 8 19 81
1961 32 68 89 11 19 80
1980 76 20 88 8 11 84
1979 82 16 86 12 16 83
1978 84 15 84 13 12 87
11977 72 20 74 16 21 67
1978 24 75 87 11 18 77
1975 35 63 88 7 11 86
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1962) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1962 100 17 95 23
1981 95 8 73 11
1990 83 21 72 64
1979 89 4 90 13
1978 75 15 80 28
1977 70 10 80 33
1976 80 4 77 32
1975 95 7 95 6
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
New Jersey = 6th District
Bernard J. Dwyer (D)
Of Edison - Elected 1980
Born: Jan. 24, 1921, Perth Amboy, N.J.
Education: Attended Rutgers U.
Military Career. Navy, 1940-45.
Occupation: Insurance salesman.
Family: Wife, Lilyan Sudzina; one child.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Edison Township Council, 1958-69;
Edison mayor, 1969-73; N.J. Senate, 1974-80, major-
ity leader, 1980.
Capitol Office: 404 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6301.
In Washington: Elected to Congress at
age 59 after decades of loyal service to the
Middlesex County Democratic organization,
Dwyer slid right into the groove established by
Edward J. Patten, his Democratic predecessor.
He picked up Patten's staff, his seat on the
Appropriations Committee and even his assign-
ment on the Labor, Health and Human Ser-
vices Subcommittee. About the only thing he
did not assume was Patten's clownish personal-
ity. He is as quiet and low-key as his predeces-
sor was loud and roisterous.
Dwyer's reputation as an unassuming
party loyalist helped him when he decided to
trv for Patten's slot on Appropriations in 1981.
There was only one opening for a first-term
member, and several other freshmen were com-
peting actively for the position. Of all the
candidates, though, Dwyer was the one whose
background virtually guaranteed that he would
deliver his vote when the leadership asked.
After strenuous lobbying on his behalf by fel-
low New Jersey Democrat Robert A. Roe,
Dwyer won the post.
On the committee, Dwyer has specialized
in higher education - Rutgers, New Jersey's
state university, is in his district - and health
matters. When Reagan administration funding
cuts threatened the alcoholism research pro-
gram that had been established at Rutgers,
Dwyer made sure the project was protected. He
also included money in the National Institutes
of Health appropriations package to be used to
upgrade health research equipment at universi-
ties and facilities funded by the National Insti-
tutes.
Like many other House members from
heavily ethnic districts, Dwyer peppers, the
Congressional Record with insertions on such
matters as Soviet annexation of the Baltic
states and human rights violations in Byelorus-
sia. But he almost never says anything on the
floor himself. His sole speech during his first
term in Congress was on behalf of a resolution
he had introduced honoring the Ukrainian Hel-
sinki Watch Group; the measure passed in mid-
1982.
At Home: Dwyer was known in the New
Jersey Senate as a legislative tactician who
avoided the public spotlight and preferred be-
hind-the-scenes maneuvering.
His most notable individual accomplish-
ments attracted little public attention. Dwyer
pushed through a ban on state government
purchase of imported cars and a $50 million
bond issue to weatherize state buildings. Much
of his work was done at the Joint Appropria-
tions Committee, which he chaired at one point
during his Senate career.
In his 1980 campaign to succeed Patten,
Dwyer held off primary and general election
opponents with the confidence born of solid
organization support in a district where that
still means a great- deal.
As the candidate of the Middlesex County
Democratic organization, Dwyer let the party
do most of the work for him. In contrast,
William O'Sullivan Jr. was the candidate of a
badly divided local GOP. He also was outspent
by Dwyer 3-to-1.
Some excitement was generated when op-
ponents accused Dwyer, an insurance salesman,
of using his clout to get a no-bid county insur-
ance contract. However, Dwyer was able to
deflate the issue by producing a letter from the
state Senate Ethics Committee approving his
conduct.
In his first re-election campaign, in 1982,
Dwyer faced Republican Bertram L. Buckler, a
construction company executive. Dwyer won 68
percent of the vote.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
8ornord J. Dwyer, D-N.J.
New Jersey 6
Exxon's giant Bayway refinery, with its
flaring gas and oppressive stench, is respon-
sible for much of New Jersey's image prob-
lem. Travelers seeing the refinery from the
turnpike wonder why anyone would live
near it. But thousands of the 6th's voters
do. They are predominantly white ethnics
and Hispanics, many of them within sight
and smell of the refinery complex.
The 6th extends for miles beyond the
refinery and the turnpike. Covering most of
industrial Middlesex County, it tradition-
ally has been a rich source of votes for the
Democratic Party. On the congressional
level, the Middlesex constituency has been
reliably Democratic since 1961. Before that,
the county was split between two Republi-
can districts.
In state and national elections, how-
ever, partisanship is far from solid. Middle-
sex, which solidly supported John F. Ken-
nedy in 1960, barely went for Jimmy Carter
in 1976 and voted for Ronald Reagan in
1980. In the 1981 gubernatorial election, the
county gave Democrat James J. Florio only
Central - New Brunswick,
Perth Amboy
a scant plurality.
Middlesex is a place where heavy things
are made. The closer one gets to the Arthur
Kill, separating New Jersey and Staten Is-
land, the heavier and dirtier the industry
becomes. Bleak Perth Amboy, now 40 per-
cent Hispanic, illustrates the economic
problems troubling this industrial belt. A
Canadian company opened a new steel
plant there in 1977, but recent layoffs have
dashed any hopes it would spark a resur-
gence.
The presence of Rutgers University and
a one-quarter black population keep New
Brunswick thoroughly Democratic. Though
parts of the city are faded, Johnson &
Johnson is leading an effort to revitalize
New Brunswick by building its new head-
quarters in the middle of downtown..
Population: 523,798. White 458,270
(88%), Black 42,240 (8%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 9,699 (2%). Spanish origin
33,393 (6%). 18 and over 392,465 (75%), 65
and over 48,773 (9%). Median age: 31.
1980
Committees
Dwyer(D)
$154,996
$52,500
(34%)
$149,141
Appropriations (31st of 36 Democrats)
O'Sullivan Jr.(R)
$55,264
$23,376
(42%)
$53,055
Commerce, Justice, State and the Judiciary; Labor-Health and
Human Services-Education.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S
0
1982 General
)
418 (68'/
100
1982 39 57 94 5 22
78
3
Bernard J. Dwyer (D)
.
,
1981 41 57 93 5 16
8
Bertram Buckler (R)
46,093 (31%)
1980 General .
Bernard J
Dwyer (D)
92.457 (53%)
Key Votes
.
(R)
William O'Sullivan Jr
75.812 (44%)
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
N
.
District Vote For President
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Y
N
1980
1976
Index income taxes (1981)
Y
7
53
41%
D
113.745
(52%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
et (1982)
d b
d
N
D
R
1
.5
8
107,163
14.533
)
(
(50%)
( 7%)
R
101,923
(46%)
u
g
Amend Constitution to require balance
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
llon (1982)
5
N
N
Campaign Finance
cents per ga
Increase gas tax by
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
i
Y
1982
Receipts
fr
Receipts
om PAC
Expend-
s Nuns
ngs
Interest Group Rat
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
Dwyer(D)
019
$80
075 (74%) $50,131
$59
1982 90 13 90
27
Buckler (R)
,
$27,817
,
0 $27,489
1981 75 13 93
22
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Bob Stump (R)
Of Tolleson - Elected 1976
Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz.
Education: Ariz. State U., B.S. 1951.
Military Career. Navy, 1943-46.
Occupation: Farmer.
Family: Divorced; three children.
Religion: Seventh Day Adventist.
Political Career. Ariz. House, 1959-67; Ariz. Senate,
1967-77, president, 1975-77.
Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576.
In Washington: For years, Republican
officials urged conservative Democrat Stump to
cross the aisle and run for office the way he
voted - in support of the GOP. "Any time he
wants to switch parties," Republican leader
and homestate colleague John J. Rhodes used
to say, "I can guarantee him the Republican
nomination."
In 1981, a few months after he backed
President Reagan in the critical tax and budget
decisions, Stump announced he would finally
make the move. He said he had been a Demo-
crat out of family tradition, but felt increas-
ingly alienated from his party after it began
withholding favors from members who strayed
from the leadership line too often.
Both parties wondered whether his deci-
sion would bring about aftershocks in the
House, prompting other disaffected Democrats
to join the GOP. That never happened. Only
one other Democrat left his party - Eugene V.
Atkinson of Pennsylvania - and he lost the
next election.
Perhaps the most important effect of
Stump's switch was a change in party rules. In
1982 Democrats pushed through a rule provid-
ing that any future member who leaves the
party in the middle of a session will lose his
Democratic committee assignments immedi-
ately. Stump had been allowed to keep his seats
on Armed Services and Veterans' Affairs
through the 97th Congress, despite his declared
intention to run as a Republican in 1982.
As it turned out, the party switch eventu-
ally forced him to give up his Veterans' Affairs
assignment. He won his place there in 1981,
when the Conservative Democratic Forum
pressured Speaker O'Neill to give prize Demo-
cratic committee assignments to conservatives.
But two years later, new party ratios in the
House altered the balance on each committee,
reducing the Republican membership of Veter-
ans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump, being last in
seniority, failed to win a place.
Stump can still pursue his interests in
national defense on the Intelligence and Armed
Services committees. He has been on Armed
Services since 1978 and is a member of its
Investigations and Research and Development
subcommittees. But he is not one of the more
active people there.
Stump seldom speaks on the floor, and he
introduces few bills. He has held one press
conference during his six years in the House -
the one at which he announced he would run as
a Republican in 1982.
But like all Arizonans in Congress, on
water issues Stump is a vocal protector of his
state's interests. When the Carter administra-
tion tried to impose on Western landowners the
stringent federal water controls of a long-ig-
nored 1902 law, Stump simply introduced a bill
to repeal major portions of the law. That bill
never went anywhere; a compromise on the
issue was finally reached after several years of
dispute.
While he was still a Democrat, Stump was
much in demand as a board member for na-
tional conservative organizations, to whose ef-
forts he lent a trace of bipartisanship. He is still
on some of the boards, such as that of the
National Right to Work Committee, but they
have one less Democratic name on their letter-
heads.
At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona
seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had
plenty of time to mull over his long-contem-
plated party switch. When he finally filed on
the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely a
ripple back home.
Stump said his decision would not cost him
any significant support in either party. He was
right. The middle-class retirees who have
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Bob Stump, R-Ariz.
Arizona 3
Once dominated almost entirely by
"pinto Democrats" - ranchers and other
conservative rural landowners - the 3rd
has become prime GOP turf over the years.
The GOP has fared particularly well
here in recent presidential elections. Gerald
R. Ford carried the area within the bound-
aries of the 3rd by a comfortable margin in
1976; four years later Ronald Reagan racked
up 67 percent here, his best showing in the
state.
The majority of the 3rd's population
resides in the Maricopa County suburbs
west of Phoenix. Glendale and Sun City, an
affluent retirement community, are among
the most important towns politically. Both
produce mammoth Republican majorities.
Political organizations among the retirees in
Sun City contribute to turnouts of 90 per-
cent or higher in congressional elections.
In redistricting, map makers sent the
Hispanic areas of southern Yuma County to
the 2nd District. The 3rd kept the more
conservative northern section of Yuma
County. Residents of this section moved to
North and West - Glendale;
Flagstaff; part of Phoenix
set up their own local government in June of
1982, passing a ballot initiative that trans-
formed northern Yuma into brand-new
LaPaz County.
Mohave County, occupying the north-
western corner of the state, is home to three
groups in constant political tension - Indi-
ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re-
publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The
county split between Democrats and Re-
publicans has been close in recent statewide
elections.
Old-time Democratic loyalties persist
in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino County
and the commercial center of northern Ari-
zona. But the heavily Mormon part of Coco-
nino County, closer to the Utah border, is
staunchly Republican.
Population: 544,870. White 468,924
(86%), Black 8,330 (2%), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 27,538 (5%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 3,845 (1610. Spanish origin
64,414 (12%). 18 and over 389,150 (71 '10,
65 and over 79,881 (15%). Median age: 31.
flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent
years brought their Republican voting habits
along, and the conservative rural Democrats
who traditionally have formed the core of
Stump's constituency proved willing to move
across the aisle with him. Stump.coasted to
victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only
House incumbent to switch and survive the
fight in 1982.
The ease with which Stump made the
transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto"
Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom-
inated state politics before the postwar popula-
tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural
Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state
Legislature and rose to the presidency of the
state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When
Republican Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the U.S.
Senate in 1976, Stump decided to run for his
House seat.
In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de-
feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent,
former Assistant State Attorney General Sid
Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25
percent, with the rest scattered among three
others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP
opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the
Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser-
vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice
presidential nominee, Walter Mondale.
Stump was helped in the election by a
third candidate, state Sen. Bill McCune, a
Republican running as an independent, who
drained GOP votes away from Koory.
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Arizona - 3rd District
Committees
Armed Services (7th of 16 Republicans)
Investigations; Research and Development.
Select Intelligence (4th of 5 Republicans)
Program and Budget Authorization.
1982 General
Bob Stump (R) 101,198 (63%)
Pat Bosch (D) 58,644 (37%)
1980 General
Bob Stump (D) 141,448 (64%)
Bob Croft (R) 65,88455 (30%)
Sharon Hayse (LIB)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (85%) 1978 (48%)
District Vol. For President
1980 1978
D 48,133 (24X) 0 63,232 (39%)
R 132,455 (67%) R 95,078 (58%)
1 13,103 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expen-
Receipts from PACs ditures
1982
Stump (R) $280,713 $128,290 (46%) $280,331
Bosch (D) $90,319 $58,250 (64%)
1980
Stump (D) $144,326 $59,397 (41%) $85,154
Croft (R) $2,471 0 $5,229
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 S 0 $ 0
1982 82 13 3 93 96 0
1981 74 18 17 81 97 0
1980 32 65 15 82 93 4
1979 19 73 8 85 92 1
197$ 20 65 14 74 82 4
1977 29 61 16 76 91 3
S - Support 0 e Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 0 95 0 89
1961 0 91 13 95
1980 0 83 17 71
1979 0 96 10 100
1970 5 100 10 82
1977 5 100 9 100
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10 Andy Ireland (R)
Of Winter Haven - Elected 1976
Born: Aug. 23, 1930, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Education: Yale U., B.S. 1952; L.S.U. School of Bank-
ing, graduated 1959; attended Columbia U. School
of Business, 1953-54.
Occupation: Banker.
Family: Wife, Nancy Detmer; four children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. Winter Haven City Commission,
1966-68; Democratic nominee for Fla. Senate, 1972.
Capitol Office: 2446 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5015. - 'Allik /
In Washington: Joking and jostling with
his southern colleagues on "Redneck Row" at
the back of the House chamber, Ireland offers
little clue that he is a graduate of Phillips
Academy and Yale, or that he used to be the
treasurer of the Florida Bankers Association.
He comes as close to being a good old boy as
anybody with his background ever will.
Whether one views Ireland as a corporate
conservative or just an old-fashioned Southern
Democrat, he leaves no doubt about his ideol-
ogy. Except for his first year, he never has
voted against the "conservative coalition" of
Republicans and Southern Democrats much
more than 10 percent of the time. In the 97th
Congress, he was one of only nine Democrats to
back President Reagan on all of five key eco-
nomic votes.
Most of Ireland's legislative work has been
on small business matters. On the Small Busi-
ness Committee in the 96th Congress, Ireland
worked for the "Regulatory Flexibility Act,"
which requires federal agencies to weigh the
effect of proposed regulations on small busi-
nesses - and consider making exceptions for
them. That.bill became law in late 1980.
In 1982, while most members of Congress
were trying to narrow the scope of a bill to set
aside a portion of federal research and develop-
ment contracts for small business, Ireland
wanted to increase its scope by adding the
Agency for International Development to the
list of agencies required to use some small
contractors. His amendment was defeated by a
voice vote.
In 1982 he took an even more direct role to
help small businesses, forming a political action
committee to work on their behalf. He serves as
its treasurer.
On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ireland
has fought to lift a ban on the use of U.S.
foreign aid to spray the herbicide paraquat on
marijuana fields. As a member of the Asian and
Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, he has lobbied
along with Florida citrus growers to persuade
Japan to reduce barriers to the importation of
American oranges.
He is probably best known, though, for his
Washington fund-raisers featuring the Ringling
Brothers Circus, which used to winter in his
district. Ireland puts up a tent and has clowns,
showgirls and midgets entertain contributors
before the show.
At Home: As a wealthy banker, Ireland
had the resources to outclass his competition in
1976, when the open 8th District was up for
grabs. The $144,000 he spent on the effort was
not an unusual amount, but it brought him a
sophisticated campaign. Expert advice from
political and advertising consultants, a care-
fully built county-by-county organization and
Ireland's own relaxed manner compensated for
his political inexperience. -
Ireland and five others sought the Demo-
cratic nomination that year when seven-term
Rep. James A. Haley announced his retirement.
A runoff between Ireland and state Rep. Ray
Mattox was expected, but Ireland won the
nomination outright with 51 percent of the vote
in the primary.
His general election foe was Republican
state Rep. Robert Johnson, who had served in
the Legislature for six years but was not well-
known outside his Sarasota home. Ireland won
58 percent of the vote, a slightly higher share
than veteran Democrat Haley had received in
his last two elections. Since then, Ireland has
met only one nominal foe.
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Andy Ireland, 0-Fla.
Florida 10
All over Florida, land once devoted to
agriculture is being eaten away by shopping
centers, motels and condominiums. But in
Polk County, centerpiece of the 10th Dis-
trict, citrus is still king.
Thousands of area jobs are connected
with the growing, picking, packing, process-
ing and loading of oranges, orange concen-
trate and grapefruit. Polk is the nation's
foremost citrus-producing county.
Phosphate rock, the raw material of
fertilizer, is another key element of the Polk
County economy. Three-fourths of Ameri-
ca's phosphate is strip-mined out of Polk,
although the industry has suffered recently
from slack demand.
About 60 percent of the people in the
10th live in Polk, with the major concentra-
tion in the Lakeland-Winter Haven area. In
congressional elections, Polk has given Ire-
land overwhelming margins; in presidential
contests, however, it usually goes Republi-
can.
Central - Lakeland;
Winter Haven; Bradenton
The 10th has one Gulf Coast county,
Manatee, which accounts for about 30 per-
cent of the district's population. The city of
Bradenton there grew 43 percent during the
1970s, to a population exceeding 30,000.
Manatee County is a popular retirement
area for people from Central and Midwest-
ern states where Republican voting was a
habit. Registered Democrats once outnum-
bered registered Republicans in Manatee
County by 3-to-1; lately the Democratic
advantage has slipped to about 55.45.
De Soto and Hardee counties are also
included in the 10th. Predominantly agri-
cultural, they have cattle ranches, citrus
groves, a scattering of small towns and
conservative Democratic voters.
Population: 512,890. White 435,256
(85%), Black 66,731 (13%). Spanish origin
16,774 (3 %). 18 and over 381,628 (74 %), 65
and over 92,163 (18%). Median age: 35.
Committees
Foreign Affairs (8th of 24 Democrats)
Asian and Pacific Affairs; Europe and the Middle East.
Small Business (9th of 26 Democrats)
Export Opportunities and Special Small Business Problems
(chairman).
1992 General
Andy Ireland (D)
1980 General
Andy Ireland (D)
Scott Nicholson (R)
151,613 '(69%)
61,620 (28%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1976 (58%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
0 71.059 (38%) D 77,872 (49%)
R 107.348 (58%) R 78,521' (50%)
I 5.857 ( 3%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1982
Ireland (D) $196,145 $76,445 (39%) $155,480
1980
Ireland (D( $261,483 $88,894 (34%) 9221,103
Nicholson (R) $12,394 0 $12,460
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
S
0
S
0
S
0
1982
60
17
22
50
75
5
1981
74
16
29
56
87
7
1960
58
33
47
46
82
8
1979
46
44
42
46
76
12
1978
39
44
30
56
74
12
1977
62
30
42
52
72
21
S = Support
0
= Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992
10
84
6
80
1981
5
74
29
100
1960
6
46
11
73
1979
16
50
11
71
1978
20
78
21
67
1977
15
61
30
75
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Henry J. Hyde (R)
Of Bensenville - Elected 1974
Born: April 18, 1924, Chicago, Ill.
Education: Georgetown U., B.S. 1947; Loyola U., J.D.
1949.
Military Career. Navy, 1942-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jeanne Simpson; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. 111. House, 1967-75, majority leader,
1971-72; Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1962.
Capitol Office: 2104 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4561.
In Washington: Hyde's crusade against
federal'funding for abortions has brought him
national attention beyond the reach of most of
his colleagues. But it also has brought a reputa-
tion for fanaticism that seems to trouble him as
he competes for a leadership role in the House.
"When an issue. develops," he has said,
.,you either evade it or you grapple with it. I
grappled with it, and now it's grappling back."
Hyde would like to be known as a thought-
ful conservative who legislates with restraint on
a variety of issues. But the only subject most
people want to talk about with him is abortion.
And he rarely refuses to talk about it.
Hyde was a freshman when he offered his
first amendment to ban federal funding of
abortions, largely at the urging of Maryland's
conservative Republican, Robert E. Bauman.
At that time, the federal government was pay-
ing for between 200,000 and 300,000 abortions a
year, mostly for Medicaid recipients. The
amendment passed the House, although it was
modified in the Senate to allow payment for
abortions to save the life of the mother.
By 1981, the Hyde amendment was firmly
in place,.upheld as constitutional by the Su-
preme Court. It permitted abortion funding
only to save the mother's life or in cases of rape
or incest. The number of federally funded
abortions has declined to about 2,000 annually.
With that question apparently settled,
Hyde made a conscious effort to concentrate on
other subjects in the 97th Congress. While he
introduced legislation to identify conception as
the beginning of life, he made no real attempt
to move it through Judiciary or on to the House
floor. "We don't have the votes," he admitted.
Instead, Hyde spent much of 1981 arguing
about extension of the Voting Rights Act, an
experience in which he played a constructive
but frequently unhappy role.
When Judiciary first debated extension of
the 1965 act, Hyde felt it was time to ease up on
the restrictions imposed by the law upon
Southern states. All these states have to pre-
clear any election law changes with the govern-
ment; Hyde felt some of them deserved the
chance to "bail out" because of good behavior.
"A handful of Southern states have been in the
penalty box for nearly 17 years," he said. He
talked about writing a new law that would
apply equally to all regions of the country.
But hearings on the issue changed his
mind, and he admitted it with the candor that
is his most appealing quality. "I have learned
from the hearings," he said, "that there are still
enormous difficulties with people getting the
right to vote in the South." Hyde's conversion
was the decisive event guaranteeing that a
strong Voting Rights revision eventually would
pass the House.
Still, Hyde was unable to go along with the
law drafted by the committee's Democrats.
Although he voted to approve it in committee,
he felt it still set too many obstacles against a
state that genuinely had reformed and wanted
to bail out. He thought some of the language
was unconstitutional.
At that point, Democrat Don Edwards of
California, chairman of the subcommittee that
wrote the bill, decided to work around Hyde
and negotiate a compromise with oth& Repub-
licans on Judiciary. Hyde took personal offense
at being bypassed. But after failing to win
approval of a floor amendment designed to ease
the bailout process, he voted for the bill on
final passage.
Several months later, however, when the
Voting Rights bill returned to the House fol-
lowing Senate passage, Hyde and Edwards
again quarreled over the procedures for its final
approval. Hyde stormed out of the House
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Henry J. Hyde, R-111.
Illinois 6
Hyde was given what amounted to a
brand-new district in 1982, with less than 5
percent of his former constituency. The old
6th, almost entirely in Cook County, was
chopped up and grafted in pieces onto the
western ends of underpopulated inner-city
Chicago districts.
The redrawn 6th takes in new parts of
Cook, but DuPage County dominates, cast-
ing more than 60 percent of the vote.
It is an even safer district for Hyde
than the previous one. Before 1982 the 6th
included pockets of Democratic strength in
Maywood and other moderate-income sub-
urbs with significant black populations.
There are no such enclaves in the new
district, whose suburban territory is nearly
all white-collar and Republican.
The 6th follows the route of two com-
muter rail lines that drew Chicagoans west-
ward as early as the 1930s. Elmhurst, Villa
Park, Lombard, Glen Ellyn and Wheaton
spread out from the city in the southern
part of the district. Farther north are Wood
chamber, and shortly afterward he resigned
from Edwards' subcommittee.
Although Hyde has often led the conserva-
tive opposition in his years on Judiciary, his
actions have not been easy to predict. It was
Hyde who fought against a proposal to bar
strikes by Legal Services Corporation lawyers,
arguing that, as private citizens, they had a
constitutional right to strike. It was a very
lawyerlike Hyde who, in 1977, pointed out that
an emergency bill to combat child pornography
might be unconstitutional. "In our well-inten-
tioned desire to attack the revolting crime of
child abuse," he said, "we have let our zeal
overcome our judgment."
On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Hyde is
a more predictable hawk and supporter of U.S.
military aid to right-leaning regimes around the
world. In the 97th Congress, he strongly backed
U.S. help for El Salvador. He opposed efforts. to
restrict American aid to Egypt because of re-
ported human rights violations. But unlike
many conservative Republicans, Hyde does not
reject the concept of humanitarian economic
aid to the Third World. He has risen virtually
every year to defend U.S. aid programs against
Far West Chicago
Suburbs - Wheaton
Dale, Itasca and Roselle, newer suburbs that
are still expanding. Roselle has more than
doubled in size since 1970. Schaumburg,
which was still rural in 1960, has tripled in
size during the past decade, with condomin-
iums and apartment complexes cropping up
around its enormous shopping center.
Less affluent is the area between the
rail lines, including Glendale Heights and
Addison, which have some light industry. A
huge industrial park is located near Elk
Grove Village, another fast-growing suburb
to the north.
On its northeastern border, the 6th
hooks into Cook County to take in the older,.,
prosperous suburbs of Des Plaines and Park
Ridge. Des Plaines, adjoining O'Hare Air-
port, is home to many airline employees.
Population: 519,015. White 494,144
(95 %), Black 4,321 (1%), Asian and Pacific
Islander 14,413 (3%). Spanish origin 15,155
(3%). 18 and over 367,916 (71%), 65 and
over 38,548 (7%). Median age: 30.
attacks by those who work with him on the
abortion issue. When Republicans sought to cut
funding for the Asian Development Bank by
half in 1980, Hyde accused them of trying to
turn back the clock "to the days of the early
1930s." On another occasion, he warned them
that "the biblical injunction to give food to the
hungry and clothe the naked does not stop
when we enter this chamber."
Hyde has been one of the most active
critics of the movement for a nuclear freeze. In
mid-1982, when the House narrowly rejected a
freeze, Hyde led the opposition, calling the idea
"government by bumper sticker." Later in the
year, after the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops had prepared draft language endorsing
a freeze, he persuaded 23 other Catholic mem-
bers to sign his letter urging them to consider
the arguments against it.
Hyde is one of the best debaters in the
House. For all his references to abortion and
other controversial topics as moral issues, he
has never taken himself or his legislative role
with solemnity. When he sees what he thinks is
a flaw in the opposition's reasoning, he pounces
on it with the sarcasm he used for more than a
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Illinois - 6th District
decade as a trial lawyer in Chicago.
One day in 1980, when he was arguing
against a new open-ended appropriation for
child welfare, Democratic leaders told Hyde
they disagreed with the practice in principle,
but thought it was the wrong time to end it. "1
understand." Hyde said. "We'll sober up to-
morrow, but meanwhile pass the bottle."
It was Hyde's reputation for debating skill,
rather than his national anti-abortion follow-
ing, that brought him within three votes of the
Republican Conference chairmanship in a last-
minute campaign in 1979. Dissatisfied with the
front-running candidate, Ohio's Samuel De-
.vine, a group of freshman members persuaded
Hyde to run less than a week before the elec-
tion. Hyde's 74-71 loss was seen as a symbolic
victory by his supporters and appeared to give
him a shot at a higher leadership post later on.
Hyde was briefly a candidate for party
whip in the 1980 election for that job, but faced
an impossible problem - the fact that the
front-running candidate for party leader, Rob-
ert H. Michel, was a fellow-Illinoisan, and no
one state has ever had the top two members of
the leadership. Once Michel's election as leader
began to seem certain, Hyde withdrew.
At Home: Hyde grew up as an Irish Cath-
olic Democrat in Chicago, but like Ronald
Reagan, began having doubts about the Demo-
cratic Party in the late 1940s. By 1952, he had
switched parties and backed Dwight D. Eisen-
hower for president.
After practicing law in the Chicago area for
more than 10 years, and serving as a GOP
precinct committeeman, Hyde was chosen by
the Republican organization in 1962 to chal-
lenge Democratic Rep. Roman Pucinski in a
northwest Chicago congressional district. The
heavily ethnic district had been represented by
a Republican for eight years before Pucinski
won it in 1958. Hyde came within 10,000 votes
of upsetting Pucinski.
Elected to the Illinois House in 1966, Hyde
became one of its most active and outspoken
members and one of its most articulate debat-
ers. He was voted "best freshman represen-
tative" in 1967 and "most effective represen-
tative" in 1972. In 1971 Hyde became majority
leader; he made an unsuccessful attempt at the
speakership in 1973.
In 1974 longtime Republican Rep. Harold
Collier retired from the suburban 6th Congres-
sional District just west of Chicago. Much of
the district was unfamiliar to Hyde, but he
dominated the Republican primary anyway. He
called on his political contacts to help line up
support from area GOP officials and emerged
with 49 percent of the vote in a field of six
candidates.
The general election was tougher. Hyde's
Democratic opponent was Edward V. Hanra-
ban, a controversial former Cook County state's
attorney trying for a political comeback.
Hanrahan had made a name for himself in an
unpleasant way five years earlier, when Chicago
policemen attached to his office carried out an
early morning raid on Black Panther Party
headquarters, killing Panther leaders Fred
Hampton and Mark Clark.
Hanrahan was indicted for attempting to
obstruct the ensuing federal investigation,
which had called into question police reports of
the raid, but he was acquitted. He was beaten
for re-election in 1972.
Nonetheless, Hyde went into his contest
with Hanrahan at a disadvantage. The Demo-
crat's past exploits had given him almost uni-
versal name recognition in the district and had
made him something of a folk hero among some
of the area's blue-collar ethnics. With rank-
and-file Republicans deserting their party in
droves in that Watergate year, the district's
nominally Republican nature was not expected
to hurt Hanrahan.
At the same time, Hyde had the edge in
organization and funding. He launched a door-
to-door campaign that brought him into each of
the district's precincts and gave him a chance
to appeal to traditional Republicans and liberal
Democrats uncomfortable with Hanrahan's
record.
Hanrahan proved unable to keep pace. The
Democrat used his record of antagonism to the
Daley machine to tout his independence, but
traditionally Democratic sources of funding
were dry for. him. His penchant for running his
own show produced a disorganized effort.
On Election Day, Hyde's superior re-
sources won out. Using telephone banks and an
army of precinct workers, his campaign staff
turned out enough voters to give him an 8,000-
vote plurality over Hanrahan at a time when
Republican districts all over the country were
falling to Democrats.
Since then, Hyde has become politically
invincible. Because the 1981 redistricting gave
him an almost completely new constituency, an
aggressive primary challenger from the new
area might have caused Hyde some trouble, as ?
he himself conceded. But no one bothered to
challenge him for renomination in 1982. In the
general election, he won more than two-thirds
of the vote, just as he did in 1978 and 1980.
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N.nry J. Nom, R-lll.
Committees
Foreign Affairs (9th of 13 Republicans)
International Security and Scientific Affairs; Western Hemi-
sphere Affairs.
Judiciary (3rd of 11 Republicans)
Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice; Monopo-
lies and Commercial Lew.
199 General
Henry Hyde (R) 97,918 (68%)
Leroy Kennel (0) 45,237 (32X)
1980 General
Henry Hyde (R) 123,593 (67%)
Mario Reda (D) 60,951 (33%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1978 (61%)
1974 (53%)
District Vote For President
1990 1978
D 51.049 (25%) 0 72.192 (33%)
R 126,318 (63%) R 142,229 (65%)
1 21,069 (11%)
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Tear S 0 8 0 8 0
1982 75 17 79 19 86 8
1981 79 20 77 19 . 81 16
1980 53 39 67 29 76 21
1979 42 50 71 25 78 ,19
1978 43 54 75 19 73 20
1977 47 52 77 20 80 .15
1976 76 22 83 14 85 13
1975 79 20 82 15 85 14
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes.
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) P.
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs (turn
1982
,Hyde (R) $267,975 $69,452 (26%) $181,713
Kennel (D) $52,656 $4,550 (9X) $45,271
1960
Hyde (R) $209,818 $57,819 (28%) $144,469
Reda(D) $30,558 $14,750 (48%) $30,147
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 15 86 11 81
1981 10 74 7 94
1980 28 74 26 79
1979 5 77 25 94
1978 10 70 5 94
1977 10 59 26 100
1976 0 70 26 74
1975 5 86 13 94
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Wyoming - At Large
AL Dick Cheney (R)
Of Casper - Elected 1978
Born: Jan. 30, 1941, Lincoln, Neb.
Education: U. of Wyo., B.A. 1965, M.A. 1966.
Occupation: Financial consultant.
Family:. Wife, Lynne Vincent; two children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 225 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2311.
In Washington: Cheney's background as
President Ford's White House chief of staff
made him something more than an ordinary
House freshman in 1979, and it helped him
vault into the top ranks of the Republican
leadership just two years later.
At the start of his second term, he defeated
veteran Marjorie S. Holt of Maryland for the
chairmanship of the Republican Policy Com-
mittee. Considered an audacious move by
some, Cheney 's successful challenge brought
him far more influence than any other member
of his class.
Once in office, Cheney altered the tradi-
tional role of the Policy Committee, which had
been to issue position papers on dozens of
diverse subjects. Instead, Cheney focused on
making the panel an integral part of the GOP
hierarchy, listening to the views of younger
members and giving party leaders an idea of
problems that might be coming up. In the 98th
Congress, Cheney has become more of a leader-
ship figure, spending long hours on the floor
and working to coordinate strategy. His public
statements are a good barometer of what the
GOP leaders are thinking.
While he has been winning influence in
Congress, Cheney also has been developing
close ties with the Reagan White House. As a
Ford loyalist, he was slow to endorse Ronald
Reagan's campaign in 1980, but he has made
the right moves to build alliances, in the admin-
istration. In the 97th Congress, Cheney voted
with the president more often than any other
House member. He lobbied hard for the 1982
Reagan-oriented tax increase while some of the
most militant Reaganites in the House were.
trying to defeat it.
At the end of the year, he gave a well-
publicized speech to a governors' conference
backing the administration's hard line toward
the new Andropov regime in the Soviet Union.
"He speaks English and he likes Scotch," Che-
ney said of Andropov, "but he is not a card-
carrying member of the American Civil Liber-
ties Union."
Cheney has managed to build an image in
the House as a pragmatic conservative, one who
votes Wyoming's anti-government sentiments
but negotiates with the other side on a friendly
basis. During his first term, when a group of
Democrats led by Missouri's Richard Bolling
decided to launch a bipartisan breakfast group
to explore the common frustrations of House
membership, Cheney was one of the first Re-
publicans invited.
Cheney's only committee assignment is
House Interior, but he is a major player there
and an able conciliator between the more ag-
gressive pro-development forces and the envi-
ronmentalist majority. Although originally fa-
vorable toward Interior Secretary James G.
Watt's proposal to open up wilderness areas to
oil and gas leasing, Cheney joined his Demo-
cratic colleagues in opposing the secretary after
learning of several leases pending in the
Washakie Wilderness, near Yellowstone Na-
tional Park in northwestern Wyoming.
Cheney introduced legislation in the 97th
Congress banning oil and gas leasing in Wyo-
ming wilderness areas and adding 480,000 addi-
tional wilderness acres. Unlike the Democrats,
though, Cheney would release potential wilder-
ness areas for development. Democrats had
proposed to extend the ban to potential areas
as well as current ones.
Although the Senate passed the Wyoming
wilderness measure, the House failed to act.
Cheney reintroduced his measure in the 98th
Congress, adding another 171,000 acres to be
designated wilderness.
Cheney was frustrated on a park protec-
tion measure in 1982. He felt the bill, intended
to protect areas "adjacent to" national parks,
was poorly drafted; he searched in vain for a
definition of "adjacent." On the floor, Cheney
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Wyoming - At Large
Wyoming has always been fairly easy to
explain in terms of partisan politics. Demo-
crats are competitive in the five counties
along the state's southern border. North of
these five - Albany, Carbon, Laramie,
Sweetwater and Uinta counties - they al-
most never win, and this makes it difficult
for them to succeed statewide.
The Democratic voting tradition in
southern Wyoming goes back to the early
days of the state when immigrant laborers,
many of them from Italy, were imported to
build the Union Pacific rail line through
those southern counties. The state's first
coal miners followed. Like their counter-
parts in other states, most of the working-
men were drawn into the Democratic Party.
Although the southern counties remain
the most Democratic area in the state, today
their residents are conservative on most
issues and in recent years have often sided
with Republicans. Ronald Reagan easily
carried all five southern counties in 1980.
The few Democrats who have won
statewide in recent years - notably former
Sen. Gale McGee and Gov. Ed Herschler -
have done so by restraining the growth of
the Republican vote in the south. In 1978,
when Herschler won re-election by 2,377
votes, he did it on an 8,000-vote plurality in
the five southern counties.
Three of the four largest towns in Wyo-
ming are in this region, including Cheyenne,
the state capital, and Laramie. In 1980
slightly more than a third of the state's
read a letter from Secretary Watt objecting to
the measure. Despite - or perhaps because of
- Watt's objections, the House. passed the bill
overwhelmingly.
In his first term, one of Cheney's interests
was a historic preservation bill offering federal
money to include new buildings in the National
Register of Historic Places. Cheney complained
that buildings should not be added to the
register without the owner's permission. He
threatened to hold up action on the bill at the
end of the 96th Congress, but ultimately nego-
tiated a deal that added the consent language
he wanted and allowed the bill to become law.
He was less conciliatory toward the new
Energy Mobilization Board President Carter
wanted to create to speed up the approval of
residents lived in the southern corridor.
The northern part of the state is the
Wyoming of ranch and rock. Its dry pla-
teaus and basins accommodate the cattle
ranches that make Wyoming the "Cowboy
State." The mountains and valleys contain
most of the state's mineral wealth.
This is conservative country, and
ranching interests have traditionally domi-
nated it. The gradual shift from ranching to
mineral development and the ensuing popu-
lation growth changed the power structure
in some of these counties in the past decade,
but did little to shake the region's Republi-
can voting habits.
Casper, in Natrona Country, ?is the
state's largest city. A 1970s energy boom
town with 51,016 people, Casper finally
passed Cheyenne, the traditional leader, in
1980. Once a trading center, Casper has
become the hub of Wyoming's mineral oper-
ations.
The population boom is changing the
face of northern Wyoming, with new towns
and subdivisions sprouting like prairie
grass. Nevertheless, the people are still
widely scattered. Apart from Casper, Sheri-
dan is still the only town in northern Wyo-
ming with more than 15,000 inhabitants.
Population: 469,557. White 446,488
(955x? ), Black 3,364 (1 % ), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 7,094 (2%). Spanish ori-
gin 24,499 (5%). 18 and over 324,004 (69%),
priority energy projects. The board was a sensi-
tive issue all over the Rocky Mountain West,
which feared it would override existing state
law and clear the way for projects depriving the
region of scarce water.
Cheney fought the board both in commit-
tee and on the floor. Managers of the legislation
accepted his floor amendment blocking the
board from overriding any existing state law
regulating water rights. But most Westerners
still found the idea dangerous and when the
issue came back to the House as a conference
report, Cheney joined the majority that killed
the legislation outright.
Cheney also served a term on the House
ethics committee, investigating the kickback
case of Michigan Democratic Rep. Charles C.
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Diggs Jr. and the Abscam bribery charges.
More restrained than many junior Repub-
licans, he refused to vote with a majority of
them to expel Diggs at the start of the 96th
Congress, after he had been convicted in fed-
eral court. When the ethics committee later
recommended Diggs' censure rather than ex-
pulsion, Cheney argued the case for it on the
floor, saying expulsion would deprive his con-
stituents of their right to representation. On
Abscam, he backed the committee's decision to
expel Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers of
Pennsylvania after viewing tapes of Myers ac-
cepting bribes from an FBI agent.
At Home: Cheney grew up in Wyoming,
but his long absence from the state while he
worked in national politics subjected him to
carpetbagging charges during his 1978 House
campaign. He countered with literature stress-
ing his local roots and education, and effec-
tively played to home state pride as a Wyo-
mingite who had served at the top in
Washington.
Committees
interior and Insular Affairs (6th of 14 Republicans)
Water and Power (ranking); Public Lands and National Parks.
1982 General
113
236 (71%)
T Cheney (R)
Ted Rommel (D)
,
46,041 (29'/.)
1982 Primary
093 (891/6)
67
Dick Cheney (R)
Michael Dee (R)
1880 General
,
8,453 (111/0
Dick Cheney (R)
116,361 (69X)
%
Jim Rogers (0)
)
53,338 (31
Previous Winning Parean/agr.
1978
(59%)
District vote For Praaidmt.
1980
1976
0 49 427
0 (63%)
R D
62.239 92
717 (~~)
R 110,70
1 12.072 ( 7%)
,
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts
from PACs horn
1982
Cheney(R) $110,733 $71,906 (65%) $109,171
Hommet (D) $5,923 $100 (2%) $5,863
Wyoming -At Largo
The future of Cheney's congressional ca-
reer was placed in doubt during the summer of
1978, when he suffered a mild heart attack. But
he recovered quickly enough to' resume a full
schedule of campaigning for the nomination
against popular state Treasurer Ed Witzen-
burger, who stressed that he had been a Reagan
man in 1976 - the popular choice in Wyoming
- while Cheney had been working for Ford.
Cheney beat Witzenburger by 7,705 votes, and
the general election was no contest. He has
been re-elected with landslide margins since.
Cheney was a political science graduate
student in the late 1960s when he came to
Washington on a fellowship. He stayed to take
a job under Donald J. Rumsfeld at the Office of
Economic Opportunity, followed Rumsfeld to
the Ford White House and replaced his mentor
as White House chief of staff in 1975. Cheney
shared some of Rumsfeld's moderate 'Republi-
can reputation during his White House years,
but he is entrenched in Wyoming now as a
clear-cut Mountain conservative.
1680
Cheney(R) $110,949 $58,020 (52%) $97,959
Rogers (D) $9,814 $1,150 (1Y/.) $8,854
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
$ 0
S 0
S
0
1982
87 10
83
7 93
3
11
1981
83 14
83
13 84
1980
38 53
66
83
10 83 85
11
1979
30
S- Support
0
- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Yea ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1982 5 100 0 80
1981 5 79 7 100
1980 6 95 11 70
1179 11 100 11 94
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Bob Livingston (R)
Of New Orleans - Elected 1977
Born: April 30, 1943, Colorado Springs, Colo.
Education: Tulane U., B.A. 1967, J.D. 1968.
Military Career. Navy, 1961-63.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Bonnie Robichaux; four children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. Republican nominee for U.S. House,
1976.
Capitol Office: 306 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3015.
In Washington: After several years of
looking after Louisiana water projects and fo-
cusing on the ethical conduct of colleagues,
Livingston turned his gaze toward world affairs
in the 97th Congress.
In 1981 he became a member of the Appro-
priations subcommittee handling foreign aid.
This seemed an unusual choice since, as he
later admitted, he had "never been a supporter
of foreign aid." Yet with a Republican in the
White House, he quickly became convinced of
the need for aid as an instrument of foreign
policy.
One of several Americans tapped to ob-
serve the 1982 elections in El Salvador, Living-
ston left more convinced than ever of the need
for American involvement in that country. "If
we in the United States subsequently listen to
"
those who would have us pull out altogether,"
Livingston said when he returned, "... then we
would be doing a great disservice to the people
of El Salvador and to ourselves."
Generally, Livingston has supported the
foreign aid mix endorsed by President Reagan.
Like Reagan, he prefers a tilt toward military
aid, but has been willing to accept some eco-
nomic spending as well. He was one of only
three Republicans on his subcommittee to back
Reagan's 1981 request for $850 million for the
International Development Association, an arm
of the World Bank that gives loans to the
poorest nations. In 1982 he was on the losing
end when his subcommittee voted to deny
Reagan $301.5 million he wanted in additional
military aid.
On his other subcommittee, Labor and
Health and Human Services, Livingston has
followed a more traditional cost-cutting line, at
least for projects that do not benefit Louisiana.
In the winter of 1982, when states were com-
plaining that they had exhausted their low-
income energy assistance funds, he opposed the
additional $123 million the subcommittee
wanted to give, arguing that states could trans-
fer money from social services block grants if
they were running out.
During the 96th Congress, Livingston
spent most of his time on the Committee on
Standards of Official Conduct.
He took a quiet interest in the details of
the numerous ethics cases that came up during
the Congress, often asking factual questions at
the panel's open hearings. But he proved one of
the harsher members of the committee, arguing
strongly for the expulsion of Pennsylvania
Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers in an
Abscam bribery case and for censure of Charles
H. Wilson, the California Democrat accused of
several kickback charges.
Livingston also spent two terms on a pair
of committees more important to his district,
Public Works and Merchant Marine.
On the Public Works Water Resources
Subcommittee, he had an opportunity to look
out for the flood control interests of his fre-
quently threatened lowland district. On Mer-
chant Marine, he voted the interests of his local
fishing industry. He supported a resolution to
increase the tariff on imported shrimp.
At the start of the 97th Congress, Living-
ston left both Public Works and Merchant
Marine for Appropriations.
At Home: The 1st District did not come
close to electing a Republican to the House for
a century after Reconstruction, but now that it
has one, it seems quite satisfied. Livingston has
had no difficulty holding the seat he won in a
1977 special election. Most of his constituents
accept him as a logical replacement for his
famous' predecessor, Democrat F. Edward He-
bert.
A prosperous New Orleans lawyer, former
assistant U.S. attorney and veteran party
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Bob Livingston, R-La.
Louisiana 1
New Orleans casts more than 60 per-
cent of the 1st District vote. While the
district has some of the fashionable neigh-
borhoods along Lake Pontchartrain and
around Loyola, Tulane and Xavier universi-
ties, it includes few of the city's tourist
spots; most of the district's New Orleans
portion is in middle- to lower-income neigh-
borhoods.
Some of this territory is in the northern
and eastern parts of the city; the rest is
along the west bank of the Mississippi River
in a section known as Algiers. These are
ethnic communities, "marble cake" mix-
tures of Italians, Irish, Cubans and the
largest number of Hondurans outside Cen-
tral America. St. Tammany Parish, with
just over 20 percent of the district's popula-
tion, is a booming suburban haven. Once an
isolated vacation area for residents escaping
the heat and humidity of New Orleans, it
has become a popular home for New Or-
leans oil executives.
During the last decade St. Tammany
showed a 74 percent population increase,
the largest of any parish in the state. Many
of the newcomers are transplants from the
East and Midwest who have maintained
Republican voting habits. St. Tammany
gave Ronald Reagan 63.7 percent of the vote
in the 1980 presidential contest, his second
Southeast -
New Orleans
best showing in Louisiana.
Down river is the low, flat marshland of
Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes. For
generations Plaquemines has been a world
of its own, ruled with an iron hand by
segregationist Leander Perez until his death
in 1969. Reflecting Perez' wishes,
Plaquemines cast more than 75 percent of
its presidential ballots for Dixiecrat Strom
Thurmond in 1948, Barry Goldwater in
1964 and George C. Wallace in 1968. But
Perez' descendants have not matched his
influence; they played only a minor role in
the 1980 campaign. Reagan carried the par-
ish with 54 percent of the vote.
Lying closer to New Orleans, St. Ber-
nard has a growing blue-collar population;
many of its residents work in large Kaiser
Aluminum and Tenneco plants. The blue-
collar element often votes Democratic in
closely contested statewide races. Jimmy
Carter carried the parish narrowly in his
1976 presidential bid, although Reagan won
it in 1980 with 60 percent of the vote.
Population: 524,961. White 357,946
(68%), Black 154,454 (29%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 7,474 (1%). Spanish origin
20,693 0%). 18 and over 367,614 (70%),65
and over 50,290 (10%). Median age: 29.
worker, Livingston made his first bid for Con-
gress in 1976, when Hebert stepped down. But
he lost narrowly to a labor-backed Democrat,
state Rep. Richard A. Tonry. The result was
due in part to the independent conservative
candidacy of former Democratic Rep. John R.
Rarick, who drew nearly 10 percent of the vote.
Livingston did not have to wait long, how-
ever, for a second try. Tonry's 1976 primary
opponent succeeded in pressing a vote fraud
case against him, and Tonry resigned from the
House in May 1977. He sought vindication in a
second Democratic primary that June, but lost
to state Rep. Ron Faucheux. Tonry subse-
quently pleaded guilty to several violations of
federal campaign finance law and was sent to
prison.
Livingston was ready to run again as soon
as Tonry resigned. He mounted a well-financed
campaign against Faucheux that drew signifi-
cant blue-collar support as well as backing from
more traditional GOP' voters in white-collar
areas. Spending more than $500,000, Living-
ston launched an advertising blitz that showed
him in his earlier job as a welder and as a
devoted family man (in contrast to Faucheux, a
young bachelor).
The Republican did not stress his party
ties in the traditionally Democratic district.
Instead he emphasized his background in law
enforcement and claimed that he was in the
conservative mainstream that had elected He-
bert to Congress for 36 years.
With organized labor refusing to support
Faucheux, Livingston won easily. Since then,
the Democrats have not run a formidable chal-
lenger against him.
The only threat to his House career was
posed in 1981 by the Democratic Legislature,
which passed a redistricting bill that would
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bob Livingston, R-La.
have forced Livingston to run in a substantially
changed district that included large blue-collar
sections of Jefferson Parish. When Republican
Committees
Appropriations (16th of 21 Republicans)
Foreign Operations; Military Construction.
1182 Primary.
Bob Livingston (R) 76.410 (86%)
Murphy Green (I) 6.660 ( 8%)
Suzanne Weiss (I) 6.026 (7%)
1160 Primary.
Bob Livingston (R) 81.777 (88%)
Michael Musmeci Sr. (D) 8,277 ( 9.1.)
M Louisiana the primary is open to candidates of all parties. If
? candidate wins 50% or more of the vote in the primary no gen-
eral election Is held.
Previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (86%) 1977? (51%)
Special Election.
District Vote For President
"Be 1976
D 79.279 (42%) D 79.056 (50%)
R 103,597 (55%) R 75,879 (48%)
1 4.074 ( 2%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs ttttres
Livingston(R) $242.558 $41,607 (17%) $134.169
11160
Livingston (R) $249,967 $54,375 (22%) $138,724
Gov. David C. Treen threatened to veto the
plan, the Legislature backed off and gave Liv-
ingston a district in which he could win easily.
Voting Studies
Msidantial
Support
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
$ 0
$ 0
?
0
1182
79 14
76
20
84
11
1181
76 21
71
20
76
17
1180
41 51
72
15
61
7
1179
23 72
80
16
90
5
1176
30 67
82
11
Be
5
1177
42 53t
80
lot
87
4t
S - Support 0
7 Not eligible for all recorded votes
- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) X
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 7
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Vast ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1182
5
100
5
82
1M81
20
62
27
94
11160
11
83
5
84
1979
11
83
10
.94
1976
10
92
15
82
1977
0
78
29
89
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Bob McEwen (R)
Of Hillsboro - Elected 1980
Born: Jan. 12, 1950, Hillsboro, Ohio.
Education: U. of Miami (Fla.), B.B.A. 1972.
Occupation: Real estate developer.
Family: Wife,_Elizabeth Boebinger.
Religion: Protestant.
Political Career. Ohio House, 1975-81.
Capitol Office: 329 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5705.
In Washington: A one-time aide to Re-
publican Rep. William H. Harsha, his 6th Dis-
trict predecessor, McEwen landed a seat on the
Public Works Committee, where Harsha had
spent eight years as ranking minority member
before his retirement in 1981.
Harsha was known as a gifted player of
pork barrel politics; McEwen is doing his best
to match him. At a time when budget cutbacks
are delaying or eliminating many federally
funded projects across the country, McEwen
uses his congenial personal style to convince
colleagues that the 6th District should be an
exception to the rule.
In the 97th Congress, McEwen helped pre-
serve funding for a gas centrifuge uranium
enrichment project at Piketon, in his district.
Though the plant has been plagued by costly
construction delays, McEwen argued that
abandoning the effort would be even more
costly and would hamper the nation's nuclear
enrichment program.
He prevented Reagan administration ef-
forts to delete money for two bridges that will
cross the Ohio River and link southern Ohio
with Kentucky. And he secured money for
completion of a floodwall project that protects
the city of Chillicothe from the vagaries of the
Scioto River.
Those and other plums are the stuff of
which re-elections are made; McEwen's dis-
trict, though politically conservative, is amena-
ble to almost any plan that will help it fight
economic decline.
At Home: McEwen is a real estate devel-
oper, but his - entire adult life has revolved
around politics. He was elected to the state
Legislature at age. 24, and directed two of
Harsha's re-election campaigns. When Harsha
retired in 1980, McEwen quickly emerged as
the favorite to succeed him.
Harsha remained publicly neutral in the
eight-candidate GOP primary because the field
included two other candidates with whom the
congressman had past political associations.
But McEwen was the choice of the local GOP
establishment and, as a state legislator, the
only proven vote-getter. In the Ohio House,
McEwen had gained visibility by working to get
the state to dredge a flood-prone creek in his
district. He also advocated abolishing the Ohio
lottery.
McEwen won the primary easily, sweeping
10 of the 12 counties in the district. He made
particularly good showings in Scioto County
(Portsmouth) and three counties he repre-
sented in the Legislature - Clinton, Fayette
and his home base of Highland.
He enjoyed Harsha's backing in the gen-
eral election and presented himself as a conser-
vative protege of the retiring incumbent. He
favored the death penalty, opposed legalization
of marijuana and called for an end to federal
regulations that he said hurt industrial devel-
opment. His campaign attracted fundamental-
ist Christian backing.
McEwen also had a campaign treasury
about twice as large as that of Democrat Ted
Strickland, a minister who had a Ph.D. in
psychology and counseling. Democratic leaders
tried to get a stronger candidate, but promi-
nent Democrats in the district, such as state
House Speaker Vernal G. Riffe Jr., were not
interested.
Redistricting added to the diversity of the
6th, pushing it northwestward. But against an
underfunded Democratic challenger in 1982,
McEwen had no trouble emerging as an exam-
ple of the "sophomore surge." He was re-
elected with a tally nearly 5 percentage points
higher than the vote he drew in 1980.
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Bob McEwen, R-Ohio
?
Ohio 6 .
The 6th is a mixture of suburbia and
Appalachia. Republican majorities in the
Cincinnati and Dayton suburbs and the
countryside nearby enable the GOP to win
most elections. But when the Democrats
run well in Appalachia, as they occasionally
do, the outcome can be close.
Nearly one-third of the voters in the
6th live in a suburban sector between Cin-
cinnati and Dayton, part of which was
gained in redistricting. The new territory,
which lies north of Interstate 71, the major
Cincinnati-to-Columbus artery, is Republi-
can.
Immediately east is rural Republican
country. Clinton and Highland counties and
the southern portion of Fayette County lie
on the outer fringe of the Corn Belt. and
Farther east the land is poorer
Republican strength begins to diminish.
When one enters Adams County, one is in
Appalachia. Adams, Pike and Vinton coun-
ties are three of the four poorest in Ohio.
Nearly one-half the land area of this
South Central -
Portsmouth; Chillicothe
Appalachian portion is enclosed in the
Wayne National Forest. What little indus-
try exists is concentrated in Portsmouth
(pop. 25,943) and Chillicothe (pop. 23,420).
While steel and bricks have been linch-
pins of Portsmouth's economy throughout
the century, the largest employer in the
district is the nearby uranium enrichment
facility owned by the Atomic Energy Com-
mission and operated by Goodyear. In Chil-
licothe, 44 miles due north of Portsmouth,
nearby forests support a large paper plant.
. Spurred by a revival in the coal indus-
try, the Appalachian 6th was one of the
fastest-growing parts of Ohio in the 1970s.
But as the coal boom ebbed, unemployment
soared. In 1982, five of the region's seven
counties had rates over 17 percent.
Population: 514,895. White 501,745
(97%), Black 10,499 (2%). Spanish origin
2,531 (1%). 18 and over 359,641 (70%), 65
and over 56,017 (11%). Median age: 30.
1980
Committees
McEwen (R) $183,324 $89,001 (491/.) $182,387
Public Works and Transportation (9th of 18 Republicans)
Strickland (D) $76,622 $32.250 (421.) $76.212
Aviation: Economic Development: Water Resources.
Veterans' Affairs (5th of 12 Republicans)
d
Voting Studies
Compensation, Pension and Insurance (ranking): Hospitals an
Health Care
Presidential Party , Conservative
lition
C
.
oa
Support Unity
Year S 0 S 0 S
0
1912 58 34 77 18 77
17
1982 General
1981 76 24 90 8
Bob McEwen (R)
92.135
63.435
(59%)
(41%)
S = Supper 0 = Opposition
Lynn Grimshaw (D)
1980 General
288
101
(55%)
Key Votes
Bob McEwen(A)
,
235
84
(45%)
Y
Ted Strickland (D)
,
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
N
District Vote For President
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
N
1980 1976
Index income taxes (1981)
Y
4,96 38%) D 85,675 (48%
D 61
)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
1982)
t
V
.
577 (57%) R 91,021 (51%
R 93
(
Amend Constitution to require balanced budge
N
.
1 6.356 ( 4%)
Delete MX funding (1982)
ressional salaries (1982)
n con
i
Y
Campaign Finance
g
ng cap o
Retain exist
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Ratings
G
N
Receipts
Receipts from PACs
Expenct-
itures
roup
Interest
Yew ADA ACA AFL-C10
CCU$
1982
McEwen(R)
Grimshaw(D)
058
$144
154
$67
(47%)
$141,631
1962
30 77
83
,
$81.344
.
$13.100
(16%)
$71,085
/N1
0
30 86
20 09
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Jim Wright (D)
Of Fort Worth - Elected 1954
Born: Dec. 22, 1922, Fort Worth, Texas.
Education: Attended Weatherford College; U. of Texas
1940-41.
Military Career. Army 1941-45.
Occupation: Advertising executive.
Family: Wife, Betty Hay; four children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. Texas House, 1947-49; Mayor of
Weatherford, 1950-54; defeated for U.S. Senate,
1961.
Capitol Office: 1236 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5071.
In Washington: The early months of
Ronald Reagan's administration were a special
source of embarrassment for Wright, who had
to watch as the president carried vote after vote
by raiding the majority leader's own in-House
constituency of Southern Democrats.
Within his Texas delegation alone, at least
a dozen Democrats deserted Wright for Reagan
on the crucial budget and tax votes. "I feel like
the wife who was asked whether she ever con-
sidered divorce," Wright said at one point.
"She answered 'Divorce, no, murder, yes.'
That's how I feel about those guys."
As second in command to Tip O'Neill
within the House leadership, Wright had a
special assignment at the start of the 97th
Congress. It was his job to establish 'decent
working relations with the Southerners whose
votes had made him majority leader but who
were personally and politically reluctant to
oppose the incoming president.
Wright went out of his way to help the
most conservative Democrat of all, Phil Gramm
of Texas, win a place on the Budget Commit-
tee. He joined Gramm in introducing legisla-
tion that would have required the president to
offer Congress a balanced budget by 1984. But
the results of this effort at .detente were nil.
Gramm cosponsored the Reagan budget on the
House floor, and neither Wright's personal
pleading nor his famous rhetoric turned more
than a handful of Southern votes against it.
When Reagan's tax cut came to the floor in
August of 1981, Wright urged Southerners to
be careful. "Stay with us," he warned. "Don't
commit yourselves too early. You don't want to
be in the position of giving $6.5 billion to the
super-rich." But 36 Southern Democrats, in-
cluding eight Texans, helped Reagan win eas-
ily.
That Christmas, the majority leader called
1981 'the hardest year I've experienced in the
Congress - the most frustrating year." He said
he had been "singularly unsuccessful in provid.
ing the kind of leadership the post would seem
to require."
More important from the point of view of
some liberal Democrats, Wright showed no
immediate interest in punishing the conserve.
tive renegades for their pro-Reagan posture.
"We're going to open the door and invite them
back in," he said early in 1982. We're just going
to love them to death."
But if those events hurt Wright perma.
nently among House Democrats, there have
been few clear signs of it. By early 1982, the
majority leader had a new assignment: strate-
gist and spokesman for the effort to move s
public jobs program through the House. After
working all summer with Budget chairman
James R. Jones of Oklahoma and Education
and Labor chairman Carl Perkins of Kentucky,
Wright offered the first Democratic package in
September of 1982. It would have provided $1
billion for 200,000 jobs.
That legislation passed the House, at-
tached to a supplemental labor appropriations
bill. It did not become law, nor did a more
ambitious version Wright worked on a few
months later, to spend $5 billion and create
350,000 jobs. But early in the 98th Congress,
the president gave in to the House leadership
and agreed to support legislation to provide
more than $4 billion for job creation.
Wright's work on the jobs issue helped
restore his credentials among liberal Democrats
who had complained openly that he was going a
little too far in his effort to make friends with
the likes of Phil Gramm. The majority leader's
image as a national Democrat was further
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Texas 12
Less than half the size of neighboring
Dallas, and declining in population, Fort
Worth projects a blue-collar and Western
roughneck image that contrasts with its
more sophisticated neighbor.
But that image of the city - which
comprises nearly 60 percent of the 12th's
population - is not entirely accurate. Cele-
brations such as the Southwestern Expo-
sition Fat Stock Show and Rodeo may recall
Fort Worth's heyday as a cattle marketing
center, but since World War II the city has
been a major manufacturer of military and
aerospace equipment, and electronics is in-
creasingly prominent. General Dynamics
and Bell Helicopter, which lies just beyond
the 12th's eastern boundary, are among the
area's leading employers; both firms regu-
larly net huge defense contracts.
As many middle- and upper-income
Fort Worth residents have fled the city,
formerly rural territory in surrounding
Tarrant County has sprouted shopping
malls and suburbs. Old residential neigh-
borhoods on the city's Near South Side are
now largely black; the Near North Side
hosts a sizable Hispanic community.
Efforts have been made to upgrade
helped by his vocal opposition to the constitu-
tional amendment for a balanced federal bud-
get, which came up on the floor in October of
1982. Although it involved changing the Con-
'titution, this measure had some similarities to
Wright's own proposal of early 1981. But he
helped work out the strategy against it, a
conspicuous gesture in a liberal Democratic
direction.
By March of 1983. Wright had clearly been
restored to the position of Speaker-in-waiting
- if he had ever lost it. O'Neill, in announcing
his own intention to run for re-election in 1984,
delivered what amounted to an endorsement of
Wright for the time when the Speakership
finally opens up.
Few Democrats thought of Wright as a
likely winner in 1976 when he announced for
majority leader, offering himself as an alterna-
tive to the bitterly antagonistic front-runners,
Richard Boiling of Missouri and Phillip Burton
of California. But on the day of decision, he
eliminated Boiling by three votes on the second
ballot and Burton by one vote on the third.
Fort Worth;
Northwest Tarrant County
urban Fort Worth. A northern portion of
the city once given over. to stockyards now
hosts Billy Bob's, a huge Western-style
complex where urban cowboys drink, shop
and watch live rodeo.
The affluent western and southwestern
sections of the city and its suburbs give the
12th a Republican vote of some significance.
The northeastern Mid-Cities area in the
corridor between Fort Worth and Dallas is a
pocket of affluent, GOP-minded voters. The
redrawn 12th narrowly favored Ronald Rea-
gan in the 1980 presidential race.
But the combined forces of organized
labor, liberals, low-income whites and mi-
norities - Hispanics and blacks make up
more than one-fourth of the district's popu. .
lation - generally lift Democrats to victory
here. The 12th gave Democratic guberna-
torial nominee John Hill 54 percent of the
vote in his unsuccessful 1978 Statehouse
bid.
Population: 527.074. White 399.839
(76%), Black 90,979 (17 ^i ), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 2.773 (1 i ). Spanish origin
54,697 (10%). 18 and over 374.579 (-#1%),
65 and over 53,166 (10%). Median age: 29.
The Texan had one enormous advantage.
Unlike his two rivals, he had few enemies. He
had always compromised personal differences
when possible, or disagreed gently if he had to.
He aimed to please - if not everyone, then as
many as possible. When he had something good
to say about a colleague, he went out of his way
to sav it.
Shortly before the 1976 balloting, Wright
addressed newly elected Democrats. With elab-
orate courtesy, he said something flattering
about each of his opponents, and then, almost
as an afterthought, suggested he might he a
combination of the best in each of them.
In courting senior Democrats, he had an-
other advantage. From his position on Public
Works, he had done countless small favors,
making sure there was a dam here or a federal
building there. He reminded New Yorkers he
voted for federal aid to their city. He noted
one-third of the House Democrats came from
Southern and Southwestern states and said
they deserved a spot in the leadership.
As majority leader. Wright has been a loyal
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Texas - 12th District
O'Neill lieutenant, serving as the leadership
man on the Budget Committee and on the ad
hoc panel that assembled President Carter's
energy bills in the 95th Congress. He still aims
to please. He never misses an opportunity, for
example, to say Tip O'Neill is the smartest man
alive at counting votes in the House.
If Wright is ingratiating, however, he is not
modest. He sees himself as a voice of reason, an
accomplished writer and a well-read and
thoughtful member of Congress. He is proud of
his reputation for oratory in a chamber where
such talents are dying out. He is florid and
sometimes theatrical, slipping unusual words
into his speeches and rolling them slowly off his
tongue, savoring each syllable. He is alternately
loud and very soft, forcing listeners to lean
forward to hear him and then surprising them
by turning up the volume.
He is sometimes preachy, sometimes
patronizing. "I am deeply humble and grate-
ful.... I want the president [Reagan) to suc-
ceed very much because I want the country to
succeed.... We've got to dream bold
dreams.... We sat down and hammered upon
the anvils of mutual understanding...."
House GOP leader Robert H. Michel has
referred to this style as "the syrup and the
eyebrows." Critics see it as trite or self-indul-
gent. But it can be effective. Wright changed
numerous votes with his eloquent speech in
1979 against expelling Michigan Democrat
Charles C. Diggs Jr., who had been convicted
on kickback charges. "We do not possess the
power," Wright said, "to grant to any human
being the right to serve in this body. That gift
is not ours to bestow."
In the exchanges of House floor debate,
Wright sometimes surprises people with emo-
tional excess. He has a hot temper. Several
times during any Congress, when he is angry at
an opponent, he will blurt out something un-
kind and be forced to apologize later. But even
then the ingratiating side soon takes over.
Wright's apologies are often so effusive the
entire episode balances out as a compliment.
When he became majority leader, Wright
had to give up his membership on the Public
Works Committee, which he was in line to chair
in 1977. Wright's years on Public Works helped
to define his politics. He is a bread-and-butter
Democrat who speaks in proud terms about the
roads, dams and other forms of tangible gov-
ernment largesse his old committee specializes
in. His support for public jobs in 1982 was no
short-term political gesture - he has been
pushing a public works solution to the unem-
ployment. problem for nearly 30 years. He has
never felt comfortable with the environmental-
ist argument that the nation has enough water
projects and enough highways.
In his early years on Public Works, Wright
took the lead in exposing what he called "the
great highway robbery," " trying to root out
fraud and corruption in the massive Interstate
system. But he never lost his confidence in the
system itself.
He has been similarly consistent in his
backing for water projects and has been some.
thing of a water policy specialist. At the start of
the Carter administration, he played a key role
in trying to bargain with a president deter.
mined to eliminate a long list of water develop-
ment projects. But he avoided criticizing Carter
publicly when other Democrats were doing so.
Outside Public Works, Wright has been a
strong supporter of defense spending and espe.
cially helpful to General Dynamics, his dis.
trict's leading employer and producer of the
TFX fighter plane. For years, Wright exercised
his oratorical skills on behalf of the much
maligned TFX, sparring with members from
the state of Washington, home of Boeing, Gen-
eral Dynamics' chief rival. In more recent
times, Wright has continued to speak up for
successors to the TFX.
He is similarly enthusiastic about syn.
thetic fuels development and has worked hard
to convince other party leaders that synfuels
ought to be included in any future Democratic
energy agenda. He was instrumental in over-
whelming House passage of a loan guarantee
system for synfuels development in 1980; the
next year, when the Reagan administration
sought to scale down the program, Wright
gathered the signatures of 30 Democrats and 4
Republicans on a letter arguing against it. But
symfuels enthusiasm has been waning since
then.
Wright once wrote a magazine article,
"Clean Money for Congress," noting that he
accepted only small campaign contributions.
But in recent years, like many members, he has
become dependent on larger givers. His fi-
nances have been complicated by debts he
incurred in running for the Senate in 1961, and
he has spent years trying to straighten them
out. In 1976, he raised $132,000 at a $1,000-a-
plate Washington fund-raiser and used $84,000
to pay off debts still outstanding from the old
Senate race. He had taken out personal loans to
try to repay his contributors, and his personal
and political finances had become entangled.
He said he had been a poor financial manager
but violated no law.
At Home: As majority leader, Wright
must support and defend national Democratic
policies that are not always popular in Fort
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Worth. Republicans tried to portray him in
1980 as too liberal for the 12th, but the GOP
effort was a costly failure, and Wright now
seems safely ensconced in a district that per-
ceives him as a centrist despite his close associ-
ation with Speaker O'Neill.
For most of the 1970s, Wright was so
secure at home that he was able to devote most
of his campaigning time to other Democrats
'across the country. This field work augmented
Wright's influence in the House; candidates
elected with Wright's help often became his
allies in Congress.
In 1980, national GOP strategists decided
to take a serious shot at Wright, partly just to
keep him occupied at home, but also to see
whether he had lost touch with Tarrant
County, which was being lured rightward by
the candidacy of Ronald Reagan.
The Republican nomineee was Jim
Bradshaw, a former mayor pro tempore of Fort
Worth who insistently denounced Wright as
beholden to liberals and the Washington estab-
lishment. Bradshaw - young, well-known and
articulate - convinced conservative money
that Wright could be beaten; the Republican
collected more than $600,000 from local and
national sources.
But Wright would not be outdone. He
raised and spent more than $1.1 million, using
the money to tout his congressional influence
and his ability to draw military contracts and
other federal plums to Fort Worth. He even
sent a letter to local businessmen, telling them
to back Bradshaw if they wished, but remind-
ing them he would still be around and would
remember it. Wright retained his seat with
ease, winning 60 percent of the vote even
though Reagan carried the 12th over Carter in
presidential voting.
In 1982 Republican resistance to Wright
was minimal. Only carpenter Jim Ryan entered
the GOP primary; outspent by more than 10-
to-1, he won fewer than one-third of the No-
vember ballots.
Majority Leader
Budget (2nd
of all Task Forces.
1982 Gen"
Jim Wright (D) 78,913 (69x)
Jim Ryan (R) 34,879 (31%)
Inc Ganaral
Jim Wright (D) 99,104 (606/6)
Jim Bradshaw (R) 65,005 (39%)
Jim Wright, D-T.xas
For virtually his entire adult life, Wright
has been immersed in politics.'In 1946, shortly
after returning from combat in the South Pa-
cific, he won a seat in the Texas Legislature. He
lost a re-election bid two years later but in 1950
began a four-year tenure as mayor of
Weatherford, a small town about 20 miles west
of Fort Worth. In 1953, he served as president
of the League of Texas Municipalities.
Wright was known in those years as a
liberal crusader, thanks to his support for anti-
lynching legislation and for federal school aid.
In 1954 he challenged the conservative incum-
bent, Rep. Wingate Lucas, in the Democratic
primary. Wright was opposed by much of the
Fort Worth business establishment, but he
turned that to his advantage by portraying
himself as the candidate of the average man.
He defeated Lucas by a margin of about 3-2.
Once established in the House, and recog-
nized as a young man of talent and ambition,
Wright had to decide whether to stay there.
"You reach the point," he complained, "where
you're not expanding your influence." The Sen-
ate beckoned, and in April 1961 he ran in a
special election for the seat vacated by Vice
President Johnson. The field of more than 70
candidates badly split the Democratic vote, and
Texas elected John G. Tower, its first Republi-
can senator since Reconstruction. Wright
placed third, narrowly missing a runoff he
probably would have won.
Wright next considered running for gover-
nor, but gave it up and began to aim for a 1966
Senate campaign. His vote the year before to
repeal state "right-to-work" laws increased his
following in organized labor, but it chilled his
support in the Texas business community and
made it difficult for him to raise money. Low
on funds, he made an emotional statewide
telecast appealing for $10 contributions to the
half-million-dollar fund he said he would need
for the race. Only $48,000 flowed in, mostly
from his district, and Wright was forced to
abandon his candidacy.
Preriau Winning Paresntoo" 1978 (69%) 1976 (.76%)
1974 ( 791/6) 1972 (100'/.) 1970 (100%) 1988 (10(P%)
1W (100%) 1994 ( 69'/.) 1982 ( 61%) 1980 (1001%)
1959 (100%) 1998 (100x) 1954 ( 99x)
1989 1918
D 77,202 (48%) D 74.846 (53%)
A 79,254 (49%) R 63.612 (45%)
1 3,272 (2%)
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?
Jim Wright, D-T xas
Campaign Finance
1962 75 22 63 26 44 50
1961 54 12 52 9 39 9
N
a
Y
N
Y
N
Y
N
Y
S - Support 0 - Opposition
1992
Key Votes
Wright (D)
9557,636
$237.036
(43%)
$448.471
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Ryan (R)
$45.033
95,902
(13%)
$34,520
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
1990
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
ht (D)
Wri
458
131
$1
073
$345
(30%)
$1,193,622
Index income taxes (1981)
g
Bradshaw (R)
,
,
? $524,203
,
$83,757
(16'/.)
$523,684
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Consenatm
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 48 48 79 16 56 36
1981 49 43 60 23 63 28
1980 74 16 78 5 32 48
1979 69 14 77 9 35 52
1978 68 22 77 12 33 57
1977 77 16 62 9 27 64
1976 45 49 61 29 59 32
1975 52 45 64 31 59 36
1974 (Ford) . 50 26
1974 53 32 62 26 49 36
1973 39 45 71 19 44 47
1972 57 38 62 26 50 38
1971 67 19 43 27 48 23
1970 52 31 57 26 43 39
1969 55 23 65 16 38 53
1968 64 16 57 16 35 4,1
1967 76 9 78 8 30 52
1966 72 11 68 13 32 38
1965 76 4 60 9 22 45
1964 81 10 76 8 33 50
1963 76 7 76 7 40 27
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
9982 55 39 75 38
1981 30 28 67 29
1950 39 29 71 73
1979 37 8 59 41
1976 35 29 83 33
1977 45 4 95 29
1976 30 19 86 50
1975 32 46 65 24
1974 30 31 70 50
1973 40 24 80 44
1972 19 41 80 33
1971 24 40 86 -
1970 32 35 -
1889 33 17
1988 50 5 - -
1967 60 7 - 22
1966 29 29 -
1965 42 6 - 20
1964 72 12 73 -
1963 - 13
1962 63 24 73
1981 50 - -
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?
Robert H. Michel (R)
Of Peoria - Elected 1956
Born: March 2, 1923, Peoria, Ill.
Education: Bradley U., B.S. 1948.
Military Careez- Army, 1942-46.
Occupation: Congressional aide.
Family: Wife, Corinne Woodruff; four children.
Religion: Apostolic Christian.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2112 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6201.
In Washington: While Howard H. Baker
Jr. was drawing unanimous praise in 1981 for
persuading a Republican Senate to pass a Re-
publican economic program, his House coun-
terpart was doing something much more im-
pressive - quietly moving that same program
through a chamber in which the GOP was a
distinct minority.
Through months of bargaining and lobby-
ing over President Reagan's budget and tax
bills, Bob Michel was the man the White House
depended on for a sense of strategy and timing
in the House. To pass those measures, Michel
had to steer them through the factional prob-
lems of both parties, working with the White
House to sweeten the legislation for conserva-
tive Democrats without alienating moderate
Republicans from the urban Northeast. The
real tribute to his skill was the virtual unanim-
ity of the GOP vote: a combined 568-3 on the,
trio of decisive tax and budget decisions during
1981.
Michel had a different approach for every
Republican faction. He made it clear to the
moderate "Gypsy Moths" that their overall
budget support would count later on when they
wanted specific financial help for their dis-
tricts. He persuaded the militant Reaganites
not to pick any fights with the moderates while
the key legislation was still pending. "You can't
treat two alike," he explained later. "I know
what I can get and what I can't, when to back
off and when to push harder. It's not a matter
of twisting arms. It's bringing them along by
gentle persuasion."
As sweet as those victories were for Michel,
he did not have much time to savor them. By
the time the House returned from its August
recess that year, Reaganomics was under attack
even on the Republican side for the high inter-
est rates and budget deficits it seemed to be
generating.
Michel began striking a posture more inde-
pendent of Reagan, one he would maintain
through the rest of the 97th Congress. In Octo-
ber 1981 he announced that Reagan's proposed
$16 billion in new domestic spending cuts could
never pass. The next January he declared that
Reagan's proposed 1983 budget would go no-
where unless the deficit were reduced. A few
weeks later, he began lobbying the White
House for a tax increase to get the deficit down,
a tactic the president eventually supported.
In the spring of 1982 Michel loyally worked
for the revised budget backed by Reagan and
managed its passage after weeks of stalemate.
By that time, though, he was facing his most
determined opposition from the Republican
right, whose members complained that the
Reagan-Michel compromise was too soft on the
social welfare programs against which the pres-
ident had campaigned.
As he moved toward a moderate Republi-
can position - in favor of lowering the deficit
through a tax increase rather than more heavy
spending cuts - Michel was meeting his con-
stituent needs both inside and outside the
House.
Over the years, his Peoria-based district
had moved beyond its earlier Corn Belt conser-
vatism and developed the problems of a declin-
ing Frostbelt industrial area. Some of the
Reaganomics votes that were popular for
Southern and Western Republicans did not
play very well in Peoria, as Michel's brush with
defeat in 1982 was-to prove.
And within the chamber, Michel had de-
veloped strong personal ties to the Gypsy Moth
Republicans. They had been his primary con-
stituency in his campaign for party leader in
1981; most of the hard-line Reaganites had
backed Guy A. Vander Jagt of Michigan. Gypsy
Moth leaders such as Carl D. Pursell of Michi-
gan had swallowed hard and backed the Rea-
gan budget partly as a favor to Michel in 1981,
and Michel responded sympathetically when
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Illinois 18
The 18th zigs and zags from Peoria
south to the outskirts of Decatur and
Springfield and west to Hancock County on
the Mississippi. A mostly rural area, it is
linked by the broad Illinois River basin,
ideal for growing corn. The only major ur-
ban area is made up of Peoria, with 124,160
residents, and neighboring Pekin, Everett
M. Dirksen's hometown, with 33,967.
Although redistricting in 1981 gave Mi-
chel more than 200,000 new constituents, it
did not hurt him on a partisan basis. The
GOP may be even a bit stronger within the
new district lines than in the old ones;
Ronald Reagan's 1980 vote was 60 percent
in the old 18th, and 61.2 percent in the new
one.
Michel's hometown of Peoria, however,
is a troubled industrial city. It is dominated
by the Caterpillar Tractor Company, which
makes its international headquarters there
and employs more than 30,000 people in the
district at five different plants. Peoria has
lost much of its other industry in the past
decade, including a once thriving brewery.
Pekin is n grain processing and shipping
they told him they could no longer accept
Reaganomics.
Late in 1981, when several conservative
Republicans said they wanted to form a pro-
Reagan pressure group to counter the Gypsy
Moths, Michel talked them out of it. "They're
ton, good as people to dismiss," he said of the
Gypsy Moths at that time. "I love those guys,
even if we've been voting on opposite sides for
years."
Whatever the failures of the.Reagan pro-
gram, Michel emerged from the twists and
turns of the 97th Congress with a broad respect
few House leaders have generated in modern
times. That respect extended clear through
Democratic ranks: On election night, when it
was clear that Michel had survived, Speaker
O'Neill openly expressed his relief, breaking an
unwritten rule of partisanship that House lead-
ers are supposed to-obey.
Michel won his position as Republican
leader in 1981 on the same qualities that have
traditionally won House GOP elections -
cloakroom companionship, homespun Mid-
western conservatism, an appetite for legisla-
tive detail and a knowledge of the rules.
center; it produces ethanol, both for fuel
and for drink.
In the 1960s Peoria anchored the south-
ern end of the district; in the 1970s it was in
the center. For the 1980s it is perched at the
northern tip. Peoria and Tazewell counties
are the only territory remaining from the
district that elected Michel in 1970. As
redrawn, the 18th is a particularly frag-
mented constituency. Michel once repre-
sented eight counties and most of a ninth,
but now he is responsible not only for eight
complete counties but also parts of eight
more.
Seven of the eight entire counties in-
cluded in the district gave Reagan at least
60 percent of the vote in the 1980 presiden-
tial election. In the 1982 governor's race,
GOP incumbent James R. Thompson car-
ried seven of the eight.
Population: 519,026. White 490,556
(95%), Black 23,919 (5%). Spanish origin
3,728 (1%). 18 and over 368,659 (71 %), 65
and over 62,341 (12% ). Median age: 30.
When Republicans chose him over Vander
Jagt by a 103-87 vote, they opted for Michel's
"workhorse" campaign arguments against Van-
der Jagt's oratorical flourishes. Michel has as
good a baritone voice as there is in the House,
but he is not exactly an orator; his sentences
often begin with volume and emphasis and end
in a trail of prepositions. But Michel is at home
on the House floor, where Vander Jagt has
been a stranger most of his career, and in a
newly conservative House, most Republicans
decided strategy was preferable to speeches.
Like his two immediate predecessors as
Republican leader, John J. Rhodes and Gerald
R. Ford, Michel is a product of the Appropria-
tions Committee. Like them, he has spent most
of his career arguing over money and detail
rather than broad policy questions. But a quar-
ter-century on that committee made Michel a
top-flight negotiator, skilled in the trade-offs
and compromises that are the hallmark of the
appropriations process.
Concentrating on the Labor-Health, Edu-
cation and Welfare Subcommittee at Appropri-
ations, he was in a minority for years against a
working majority of liberal Democrats and Re-
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
publicans. Every year, when the subcommittee
reported its spending bill, he took the House
floor to say that it cost too much and wasted
too much. But his efforts to scale back spend-
ing rarely succeeded.
About the only exceptions came in cases
where he could suggest a hint of scandal. In
1278, after the Health, Education and Welfare
(HEW) inspector general issued a report show-
ing widespread waste and fraud in Medicaid,
Michel was able to get the House to adopt an
amendment requiring the department to trim
$1 billion worth of waste and fraud from its
budget. HEW said it could not find that much
of either, but Michel followed up the next year
with a second $500 million cut.
The effort was largely symbolic, but it was
not lost on presidential candidate Ronald Rea-
gan, who made the elimination of such abuses a
key part of his campaign.
Michel also anticipated Reagan by making
an issue of entitlements - the programs like
Social Security and Medicare that are not lim-
ited by regular congressional appropriations.
Arguing that 75 percent of the domestic budget
is now in this category, Michel has insisted
repeatedly that federal spending can never be
brought under control unless the rules are
changed on entitlements. In 1979 Michel intro-
duced an amendment that successfully blocked
the House from making child welfare payments
a new entitlement.
Michel's conservatism is primarily fiscal.
Although he is a strong opponent of abortion,
he has never had much in common with the
New Right social conservatives who began en-
tering House Republican ranks in large num-
bers in the late 1970s. .
At the beginning of 1979, when the aggres-
sive class of GOP freshmen accused Rhodes of
being too compliant in his dealings with the
majority Democrats, Michel found himself un-
der attack as part of the Rhodes leadership. He
chafed privately at talk that he was not com-
bative enough, citing the years he had spent
fighting to cut HEW budgets. But he found it
difficult to defend himself without appearing to
break with Rhodes.
Rhodes announced his impending retire-
ment as party leader in December 1979, and
from that time on Michel and Vander Jagt were
open competitors for the leadership job.
Michel started out with a big advantage
among senior members, who knew him well,
and among most moderates, who found him
less strident than Vander Jagt. But Vander
Jagt, as chairman of the campaign committee
that donated money to GOP-challengers, had
the edge among those recently elected.
Illinois - 18th District
The sparring between the two candidates
extended to the 1980 Republican convention in
Detroit. When Vander Jagt was.selected as
keynote speaker, Michel's forces ' complained,
and their man was made floor manager for
Ronald Reagan.
In the weeks before the November elec-
tion, it was clear that Michel had an edge.
Vander Jagt needed the benefit of an unusually
large new 1980 Republican class to have any
chance.
The returns actually brought 52 new Re-
publicans, more than even Vander Jagt had
hopefully anticipated. But by-installing Repub-
lican control in the White House and in the
Senate, the election also helped Michel. It
allowed him to argue successfully that Presi-
dent Reagan needed a tactician to help him
move his program through the House, not a
fiery speaker. Vander Jagt got his majority of
the newcomers, but it was not a large enough
majority to deny Michel the leadership.
At Home: Michel's role as Reagan's
spokesman in the House nearly thrust him into
the growing ranks of Peoria's unemployed in
1982. Voters in the 18th were so enraged with
Reaganomics that they gave 48 percent of the
vote to Democrat G. Douglas Stephens, a 31-
year-old labor lawyer making his first bid for
elective office.
A narrow escape from defeat had been the
furthest thing from Michel's mind at the outset
of 1982. In January his re-election seemed
cinched when the filing deadline for congres-
sional candidates passed without any Demo-
cratic entry in the 18th. But Stephens and
another Democrat, state Rep. Gerald R. Brad-
ley, realized that the Democratic nomination
would be worth having in November if by that
time a substantial number of voters had lost
faith in the restorative powers of GOP eco-
nomic policy.
So Stephens and Bradley launched write-
in efforts in the March primary. With strong
support from labor unions, which he had served
as a lawyer in disability cases, Stephens gener-
ated three times as many write-in ballots as
Bradley.
In the fall campaign, Stephens told voters
that Michel's role as chief mover of Reagan
programs in the House put him at odds with
the district's factory workers, farmers, small-
business people, poor and elderly, all of whom
Stephens said had been adversely affected by
Reagan policies.
The Democrat criticized Michel particu-
larly for failing to convince Reagan to lift U.S.
sanctions on selling natural gas pipeline equip-
ment to the Soviet Union. Those sanctions cost
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Robert H. Michel, R-Ill.
Caterpillar and other Illinois heavy equipment
companies lucrative contracts, exacerbating al-
ready high levels of unemployment in the 18th.
The national Democratic Party did not
give Stephens a great deal of financial help, but
it did focus attention on the campaign, hoping
to pull off an upset that would be seen as a
resounding rejection of Reaganomics from the
heartland. Michels. task was complicated also
by redistricting, which gave him a territory
where some 45 percent of the people were new
to him.
Initially slow to counterattack, Michel be-
gan to cast Stephens as a puppet of organized
labor and a negativist foe with few constructive
suggestions and a limited record of involvement
in community activities. Michel proved capable
at blending modern-style media appeals with
traditional person-to-person campaigning.
Shortly before the election, Reagan ap-
peared in the district on Michel's behalf and
hinted at the forthcoming removal of sanctions
on the sale of pipeline equipment to the Sovi-
ets.
In the two most populous counties of the
district - Peoria and Tazewell - Michel was
held to 51 percent. Stephens finished first in
four other counties, but Michel's slim margins
in the district's 10 remaining counties pulled
Elections
1162 deneral
Robert H. Michel (R) 97,406 (52%)
G. Douglas Stephens (D) 91,281 (48%)
1160 General
Robert H. Michel (R) 125,561 (62%)
John Knuppet (D) 76.471 (38%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1178 (66%) 1976 (58%)
1974 (55%) 1912 (65%) 1970 (66%) 1966 (61%)
1966 (58%) 1964 (54%) ?1962 (61%) 1160 (59%)
1956 (60%) 1956 (59%)
District Vote For President
1160 1976
D 71,861 (32%) 0 92,613 (44%)
R 137.198 (61%) R 114.120 (55%)
1 12,710 ( 6%)
Campaign Finance
Receipt. Expend-
Receipts tram PACs Rurea
1962
Michel (R) $697,067 $471,129 (68%) 6652,773
Stephens(D) $174,559 $96,460 (55%) $165,777
.11160
Michel(R) $168,667 $98,624 (5854) $134,540
Knuppel (D) $34,894 $5,750 (160/6) $34,483
him to victory by a margin of 6,125 votes. In his
victory speech on election night, Michel said he
had come to realize that his constituency ex-
pected some modifications in Reaganomics to
relieve unemployment.
Prior to 1982, Michel's re-election margins
were rarely overwhelming, but he encountered
close races only in the Democratic years of 1964
and 1974. Relative peace at the polls gave -him
time to concentrate on mastering the politics of
Congress.
Michel was born in Peoria, the son of a
French immigrant factory worker. Shortly after
graduating from Bradley University in Peoria,
he went to work for the district's newly elected
representative, Republican Harold Velde.
Velde became chairman of the old House
Un-American Activities Committee during the
Republican-dominated 83rd Congress (1953-
55) and received much publicity for his hunt
for Communist subversives. Michel rose to be-
come'Velde's administrative assistant.
In 1956 Velde retired and Michel ran for
the seat. Still not very well-known in the dis-
trict, Michel nevertheless had the support of
many of the county organizations, whose politi-
cal contact he had been in Washington. He won
the primary with 48 percent of the vote against
four opponents.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity . Coalition
Year s 0 6 0 s 0
1162
83
1881
80
1980
37
1979
30
1978
42
1177
44
1976
78
1975
88
1974 (Ford)
65
1974
79
1973
75
1912
51
1971
75
1970
74
1969
64
1166
42
1167
37
1966
32
1965
27
1964
35
1963
18
1162
18
1161
22
12 81 16 89 10
17 82 11 83 13
51 84 8 79 12
58 76 12 85 6
56 77 14 80 12
44 75 10 82 4
12 87 8 85 10
8 82 9 82 10
22
9 69 15 77 15
17 84 7 86 5
24 72 10 77 7
16 74 10 76 6
9 74 7 70 7
28 69 20 80 11
38 66 13 63 18
51 84 7 81 7
44 71 4 65 5
54 76 10 76 12
58 71 10 83 17
55 67 . 9 53 27
65 75 5 81 0
60 . 69 14 78 9
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove We of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index acorn taxes (1981) Y
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
1177
1s
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
1171
5
Delete MX funding (1982)
1975
16
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
1974
9
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
1973
0
1972
6
1971
3
1970
20
"Be
7
Interest Group Ratings
1968
25
rer
ADA ACA AFL-CIO
ccus
1967
1666
7
6
1162
5 87 10
80
1965
0
1111
10 86 0
100
1964
8
"so
6 82 11
74
1963
1979
5 87 10
100
1962
14
1171
15 75 5
89
1961
0
Illinois - 18th District
88. 9 94
61 9 94
61 9 100
93 18 100
68 0 100
94 30 90 .
96 0 -
82 14 as
75 33 -
90 75
89 0 100
75 8
84 - 90
83 27 -
87 9
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