NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 62; MALAGASY REPUBLIC; THE SOCIETY

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3N
Malagasy Republic
August 1973
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
FOR OFF'CIAL USE ONLY
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Malagasy
Republic
CONTENTS
This chapter supersedes the sociological coverage
in the General Survey dated August 1968.
A. Introduction 1
E. Structure and characteristics of society 1
C. Population
1. Sizc and distribution
2. Age -sex structure
D. Living and working conditions
1. Health and sanitation
a. Health problems
b. Medical care
c. Sanitation
2. Food consumption and nutrition
8
9
10
13
14
14
15
16
16
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
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FIGURES
Page
Page
3. Housing
16
CO. Artistic and cultural expression
29
4. Work opportunities and conditions
17
groups map)
(;?a. people and work
17
H. Public information
33
Fig. 2
Estimated provincial population, by
1. Printed* matter
34
b. Labor legislation
19
2. Radio and television
35
c. Labor and management
20
3. Motion pictures
36
5. Social welfare
Representative Malagasy (photos)
6
Fig. 16
E. Religion
24
I. Suggestions for further reading
36
F. Education
26
Glossary
37
population density table)
10
Fig. 18
FIGURES
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Page
Page
Fig. 1
Geographic distribution of tribal
Fig. 12
Women sowing a ricefield photo)
19
groups map)
2
Fig. 13
Merina family tomb photo)
22
Fig. 2
Estimated provincial population, by
Fig. 14
Mahafaly family tomb photo)
23
tribal group table)
3
Fig. 15
The f amadihana ceremony (phoio)
23
Fig. 3
Representative Malagasy (photos)
6
Fig. 16
Traditional diviners photos)
24
Fig. 4
Estimated population, area, and
Fig. 17
Literacy rates table)
27
population density table)
10
Fig. 18
Schocl enrollment table)
27
Fig. 5
Population density map)
11
Fig. 19
Crowded classroom photo)
29
Fig. 6
Growth of cities table)
12
Fig. 20
Musee du Palais de la Reine photo)
29
Fig. 21
Popular musical instruments photos)
30
Fig. 7
Age -sex structure chart)
12
Fig. 22
The Ny Antsaly Trio photo)
31
Fig. 8
Estimated population, by age group
Fig. 23
Western- influf4nced contemporary
and sex (table)
12
sculpture (photo)
33
Fig. 9
Consumer price index (chart)
13
Fig. 24
Women spinning mohair wool (photo)
33
Fig. 10
Unsanitary rr..a:,et conditions (photos)
17
Fig. 25
Selected newspapers and periodicals
Fig. 11
Characteristic rural dwellings (photos)
18
(table)
35
ii
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The Society
A. Introduction
TllV society of Madagascar (Malagasy Republic)
has an unusual ethnic base, being composed primarily
of peoples who combine Malavo- Polyu(-sian and
Negroid bloodlines. Much of the population is hound
together by various .miifying forces, not the least of
which is religion. The indigenous religion, which
focuses on ancestor worship, is still strongly entrenched
among tile people as a whole, influencing i,e'k.avior
and constituting a restrictive social influence since it
inhibits change. The cohesive forces notwithstanding,
Malagasy society is [narked by it serious dichotomy
between the country's two major social elements: the
important Mciina tribe, whose homeland is the
central plateau, and the cotiers, or coastal people, who
constitute the majority of the population and who
have long resented the domination and the superior
attitude of the wealthier and better educated vie ring.
The 65 -year period of French colonial rule (1895-
1960) did nothing to diminish the advantaged position
of the Werina, who had ruled most of the Malagasy
tribes from the 18th century until the French
conquered the island.
Most of the Malagasy people live in rural areas,
using primitive methods to produce the bare essentials
for subsistence. The country has few natural resources,
and the small modern sector is heavily dependent on
France for financial aid and technical expertise.
Although many of the republic's links with the former
mother country are econc:inic, there continues to be it
strong cultural relationship as well. A number of
Malagasy leaders have graduated from French
univers tics and maintain close personal ties \l ith
French �_itizens. Most importantly, French influences,
including; that of language, still pervade the
educational system. In the vears since independence
there has been a gradual buildup ^Iltllll ilk,
favoring "Malagasization." This sen0inent bc.s been
particularly strong among the intellectuais, most of
whom are Merina; distnrhunces spcarh(-aded by
NOTE �The entire content of this chapter is UNCLASSIFIED
but is FOR OFFICIAL USE. ONLY.
Merina students dissatisfied with government progress
in this regard succeeded in loppling thin colier -led
administration in May 1972. Later in the year, it
reaction from colier slllcl(-nts against what they felt to
he excessive haste ill Malagasizing the edw- ational
system �to th(- advantage of the Vlerina� provoked
serious nuts in Tainatave Province.
TlW new Merina- dominated administration of
General Ranianantsoa is now attempting to steer it
middle course in the hope of alleviating, or at least not
intensifying, the longstanding animosity between the
Nlerina and tit( coastal tribes. A major deterrent to
national unity, the tribal cleavage also impedes
government attempts to modernize the society, in
effort which in any case is inadc difficult by the
ingrained reluctanc(- of most of. the people to accept
significant social change.
B. Structure and characteristics of society
TlW people of the Malagasy Republic have a
considerable degree of homogeneity in terms of
cultural h(-r and langnage. despite the sharp
division be' en the Merina who inhabit the central
plate� a region, which is the heartland of the country,
it ad the cotiers who make up [Bost of the remainder of
,he population. Known collectively as Malagasy, the
native tribes share it unique ancestry, combining
Malayo- Polynesian, Negroid, and, in smaller measure,
Caucasoid strains. The exact tint(- and pattern of
migration to the island are obscure, but there is
sltfficient .�vidence to indicate that the first migrants
arrived from the Malay Archipelago possibly as early
as the beginning of the Christian era. Thereafter the
influx continued intermittently, with most groups
remaining for .I period in India, southern Arabia, or
cast Africa and often intermarrying with the local
people hefory they or their descendants proceeded to
Madagascar. Other settlers eventually included Arabs
and Bantn Negroes, many of the latter being import(-(]
from cast Africa as slaves.
Almost 99% of the population belongs to one or
another of the Malagasy tribes, groupings which
generally relate to geographical regions or to historical
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kingdoms. The number of identifiable tribes is usually
placed at 18, but the exact number cannot be
definitely established, and the distinction hehveen
tribes and subtribes is often blurred. No precise
statistics are available on the siie of the various
groups, as there has never been a national census. The
Merina are the most numerous, estimated to comprise
slightly more than one quarter of the totI tribal
population. Next in size are the Betsimisaruka, who
make up about 15 followed by the lietsileo, who
account for approximately 12 Only it few of the
other tribes �the Tsimihety, the Sakala-a, the.
Antaisaka, and the Aatandroy� represent more than
5% of the total. The lietsileo share the central plateau
with the Merina, with whom they ha% some ethnic
kinship; other groups are distributed unevenly
throughout the island, the l argest concentrations being
in the coastal lowlands (Figure l).
Nontribal elements of the native population consist
mainly of descendants of early French colonizers and
Malagasy peoples inhabiting the small island of lie
Sainte Marie' which lies just off the northeast coast of
Madagascar. Alien minorities include immigrants of
Negro and Arab origin from the nearby Comoro
Islands; it declining French community which still
exerts considerable influence in the affairs of the
country; Indians and Chinese engaged in commercial
pursuits; and small groups of Arabs, Greeks,
Portuguese, British, and Americans. Most of the
foreigners reside in urban areas.
The Merina, of predominantly Malayo Polynesian
origin, formed a united kingdom and became rulers of
the island in the latter part of the 18th century.
achieving nearly total control through a series of
successful assaults on other tribes. Merina rule lasted
until the French conquered Madagascar in 1895, and
evev under the French tile\ .were al;le to maintain
much of their power and privile �ed status, having
acquired wealth and experience, as well as
considerable educational advantage as a result of the
efforts of British Protestant missionaries who were
active among them frorr about 1820 onward.
Although political power finally shifted to the cotier
majority with the coming of independence in 1960,
the relatively fair skinned Merina continued to regard
themselves as innately superior to the darker, less
educated cotiers. M orcoVer, the government is once
again becoming Merina dominated.
Primarily Christians, the Merina are concentrated
largely in the highland province of 'Tananarive Figure
'For diacritics on place name; see the list of names on the apron
of the Summary Map in the Country Profile chapter, the map itself,
and rnaps in the text.
2
Tribal Groups
Mriunga
f Q
y-
r
CO
amafave
Co
o
Q 4 /"Tananarhve ,r
v
Tsmbftna
Mo ondava
M 7
r;, f, �vS
B
1 4
arafangana
4�,
Y
50176) 6.73
FIGURE 1. Geographic distribution of tribal
groups
2), which contains the similarly named capital city,
but at consid, cable number arc als, found in other
parts of the island. Energetic and industrious, rural
Merina are competent rice farmers. The Merina elite
in the cities supply a majority of the Republic's
administrators and intellectuals, including most
members of the Malagasy diplomatic service and most
officers in the armed forces. Educated Merina have
assimilated much of the French culture while at the
same time managing to retain their own cultural
identity.
me Betsimisaraka tribe derives from a confedera-
tion of groups formed in the 17th century. They are
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FIGURE 2. Estimated provincial population, by tribal group, 1 January 1970
(Percent)
PIt(IVINCF
1)leg(1-
I' lillla-
TIt111A1. on(IIIP
'roTAL
Slnlrez
ralltsalt
11111J11 111;i1
Tit IIIILt1lVC
hSIInl1171:IV1!
hllleilf
Merin............
26.6
3.4
3.3
8.4
6.7
J4.8
1.8
13etsinliylraka.....
1
22.8
7.3
2.8
69.9
0.4
0.1
Betsileo..........
12.2
2.4
38.1
8.6
0.8
3.1
4.9
'I'Sinlillety'
7.3
28.7
/nsig
40.3
/.7
0./
Insig
Sitkitlnvit.........
6.0
13.8
I nsig
16.8
0. l
0.':
18.5
Antnisnkit........
6.9
5.4
10'
4.7
0.8
0.l
4.9
Antiuulroy'........
6.4
3.6
C.4
1.9
0.7
11.(;
30.0
1'nnnlit...........
3.9
0.8
14.1
1.2
l ilsig
0. 1
1.2
Antainloro........
3.6
4.3
10.8
2.2
1.0
0.l
0.4
131tra
3.4
0.7
4.5
1.6
0.1
0.3
12.9
Sihunaku.........
2.6
0.4
1nsig
3.8
12.6
0.1
0.1
Antimosy'.........
2.4
0.8
0.2
0.4
0.2
1 nsig
14.2
Mahufaly'.........
1.7
0.6
!nsig
0.4
0.1
!nsig
10.0
Anti ifasy..........
1.2
0.9
3.9
0.6
0.3
I nsig
0.6
Makoa...........
1.1
3.7
1 nsig
6.0
0.2
1 Haig
0.6
13ezunozano.......
0.8
0.1
Insig
0.3
4.4
0.1
Insig
Ant tkaruna.......
0.6
7.4
I nsig
0.1
1 nsig
Insig
I aaig
Antanlbahoitka....
0.4
0.2
1.2
Insig
0.5,
1nsig
1 nsig
Total..........
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
spread out along the cast coast over roughly half the
length of the island and are dominant in the
important port city of Tamatave, where they have
long had contact with foreigners. In general, the
Betsimisaraka are well integrated into the modern
economy as a result of their cultivation of commercial
crops such as coffee, cloves, and vanilla. They are it
peace loving, hospitable people who are fond of music
and excel at dancing.
The Betsileo inhabit the central plateau south of the
Merina and like the latter are good rice farmers; they
are also skilled craftsmen. Historically, they were less
competent as warriors and administrators and
therefore accepted Merir -t rule without serious
resistance, reportedly receiving favored treatment
from the conquerors because they were considered to
be distantly related. The Betsileo have assimilated
many Merina customs.
North of the central highlands are the Tsimihety, an
ethnically heterogeneous group who constitute one of
the most robust and prolific elements of the Malagasy
population. Chiefly rice farmers and cattle herders,
they are a mobile, hard- working, independent people,
proud of having successfully resisted Merina conquest.
The Tsimihety are believed to be descended from
various Malagasy peoples who interbred with Arab
traders and African slaves as well as with European
pirates who frequented the island in the 17th and 18th
centuries.
Inhabiting areas throughout the western coastal
plain, the Sakalava comprise it confederation of
subtribes or clans, the best known of which are the
Vezo, who fish along the coast near Tulear, and the
Masikoro, who farm in the hinterland. Most of the
other Sakalava are herders who disdain farm labor.
The tribe was long thought to be headed for extinction
because of disease and widespread alcoholism, but this
trend apparently has been reversed, as its numbers
have increased in recent years. The Sakalava are not
an aggressive people, and they continue. to lose their
more fertile lands to cnte prising migrants.
The Antaisaka of the southeast coast, although of
diverse origins, are it cohesive group noted for their
insistence on conformity to custom, particularly as it
relates to indigenous religious practices. Partly to
escape from the tribe's opprcsive rigidity, many
young Antaisaka men leave the 'home area to become
either permanent or seasonal laborers on the
plantations of the north and vest.
To an even greater extent than the Antaisaka, the
Antandroy leave their and home area in the extreme
south to engage in seasonal work elsewhere. They
have, in fact, become the country*s chief source of
migrant farm labor. For those who remain at home,
cattle raising is the principal economic activity.
Traditionally, cattle has been the most prized
possession and the prime symbol of status annong the
3
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k"
x
members of this group. In the past it was the custom
for Antandroy males to prove their manliness before
marriage by stealing cattle.
Seven of the smaller tribal groups are concentrated
in the south centr and southeastern regions of the
island. Listed in order of sire, these are the Tanala, the
Antaimoro, the Mara, the Antanosy, the Mahafaly, the
Antaifasv, and the Antambahoaka (Figure I). The
Tanala are it forest people, primarily hunters and
woodsmen, but they also engage in some farming.
While unable to withstand either the Merina or the
French conquerors, they rebelled against both from
time to time. Active against the French in the 19 =17
revolt, they suffered heavy losses from which they
have not recovered. The Antaimoro, coastal
coffeegrowers, claim descent from Arab traders, and
they do in fact exhibit strong Arabic influences which
set them apart from most other Malagasy tribes.
Islamic beliefs and customs are widely obscr%ed
among them. The Bara are seminomadie herders who
disparage fanning. Like the Antandroy, they place
great value on their herds and frequently steal cattle
from one another. A high rate of natural; increase
within the tribe has forced many Baru to leave, the
home area for other parts of the island. The Antanosy,
although decidedly Negroid in appearance, consider
themselves to be of Arabic origin and follow Islamic
practices. Predominantly rice farmers, they also
engage in cattle raising and fishing, and Anata nosy
men are reported to be good blacksmiths and
carpenters. The Mahafaly are essentially it pastoral
people, noted for their unusual funerary monuments.
Until conquere by the French, this tribal group had
successfully resisted most outside influences and had
retained its own distinctive political and cultural
traditions. Adjacent to the Antaimoro on the southeast
coast arc the smaller Antaifasy and Antambahoaka
groups. The Antaifasy are it hard- working, docile
people who have a reputation for cooperating closely
with the central government. The A ntamb ,t oaka
tribe is still another group claiming Arab antecedents;
however, they are not Muslim.
The four remaining identifial,:c tribes are the
Sihanaka, who inhabit un area northeast of the
Merina; the neighboring Bezanozano to the southeast;
the Makoa on the northwest coast; and the
Antakarana in the far north. Dwelling in the region of
Lac Alaotra, the country's l argest body of freshwater,
the Sihanaka have the benefit of rich agricultural
lands. An industrious people who pursue farming,
herding, and fishing, they have made their homeland
into one of the most productive areas of the island.
The Bezanozano consist of numerous small clans, once
4
grouped into kingdoms. Living mainly by huntitg
and fishing, they have little tribal organization today.
'I'le Makou are considered to be the most Negroid of
all the tribal groups, consisting prioiarily of
descendants of African slaves brought to Madagascar
in the 19th century. Although it few have intermarried
with other Malagasy peoples, the Makoa as a whole
tend to remain aloof in the small coastal sector which
is their home. The Antakaruta comprise it stroni tv
Islamized group which is believed to have emerged
through the intermarriage of Arab traders with
members of northeastern coastal tribes.
Because of their varied ethnic heritage and the
resultant racial mixtures, the Malagasy people
encompass an interesting variety of physical types
ranging from the largely ivlalavo- Polynesian Merina
elite to the almost totally Negroid Makoa. The degree
of racial intermixture differs front one tribe to another
and even it given tribe, and lightness of
coloration attributable to a greater infusion of
Malayo- Polynesian or Caucasoid blood �is one of the
priniary measures of social status. A wide range of
clothing styles also is characteristic of the society. The
Mcrina, particularly those in urban areas, wear
Western clothes, or it combination of Western; and
traditional dress. At the other extreme a ;re the
Mahafaly, who wear few garments of any kind.
Representative Malagasy types are shown in Figure 3.
All of the tribal groups speak essentially the sane�
language. Malagasy, although several murtnally
intelligible dialects are used throughout the island.
Malagasy is basically un Austronesian language with
an dntixhtrc of Arabic. Bantu, anc! Sanskrit words.
along with some derived from French and English. It
is related to other Austronesian languages, particularly
"Tagalog and the languages of Indonesia. Early in the
19th century, Christian missionaries and a French
adviser to the Merina monarchy succeeded in
applying the Roman alphabet to the Mcrina dialect of
Malagasy, thus making it it written tongue, and it
thereupon became the national language. The
republic has two official languages, ivlalagasy and
French. Employed in government and commerce, as
well as in the higher levels of the educational system,
French is the language of the country's intellectuals.
Late in 1972, langt!��pc became an issue in serious
disturbances over a government plan to give education
it more "national' character. Rioting cotier students
accused the Merina of trying to impose their version of
Malagasy upon the population at the expense of
coastal dialects, specifically that used in Tamatave. In
December` 1972, General Ramanantsoa declared that
the official Malagasy language should he enriched by
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the vocabularies of all (lialects, an(I he anrtounec(I the
creation of a National Commission ot L.:uaguage a"d
Civilization to carry out this task.
I listorically, most of the Malagas tribes had a
hierarchical structure. At the ape:; was it small group
of 'nobles" who constituted the donainunt clement
and from whom a king or oth--r tribal leader was
chosen; belOw the nobles were the free commoners,
and at the bottom were the slaves, comprising
prisoners of war, social misfits, and, hack Africans
purchased from traders. Among the Merina during the
days of its monarchy, these three castes item known
respectively as the an(Giuna, the hove, and the
andevo. The free commoners were the principal
landoa tiers of the island, but hoth they and the nblcs
depended largely on slaves to do file agricultural
labor. When slavery was officiall abolished in 189(1,
the formerly enslaved peoples had no resources with
which to establish their own farms, and many became
sharecroppers for their former masters. ;\Meanwhile, the
Merina monarchy was (lissolve(i the French, and
the power of the nobles throughout the island
diminished sharply as they began giving wa to a new
national elite composed of well -to -do busincss"nen,
civil servants, and professionals, mainly members of
the socially dortlinanl Merina group.
The most important aspect of the Malagasy social
structure today is the cleavage between the Merina
and the rotiers. Although this is often expressed in
racial terms, Nvith the lighter skinned Merina claiming
a greater infusion Of Malayo- Polynesian bloocl, it is
strongly reinforced by other factors stemming from
historic social and economic disparities. Educational
differences, arising from the earlier acquisition of
modern schooling by the Merina, significantly
widened the gap behyeen the two groups, and
religious differences developedI as Protestant
missionaries throughout ti 19th century built their
following among the Merina while Roman Catholic
missionaries at it later period proselytized among the
c�uliers. Merina exposure to modern education and
Western commercial practices, cOnPled with their
traditional social an(I political dominance, gave them
a considerable advantage over the cotiers in the
economic sphere. During their century of rule over the
island, the Merina exacte(1 tribute and taxes from the
subjugated coliers.
When the French took over the island, they made
an ineffective attempt to decentralize: the economy
and foster the development of the coastal peoples, but
limited fiscal and administrative resources soon
persuaded them to be content with the existing
disparate economic base. Tananarive, in the heartland
of Merina territory, became the conunereial as well as
the political and administrative center of the'colonv.
Aided by the presence of a large market for consumer
goods and of the necessary physical and social
substructure, the cco of Tananarive Province
developed far faster than that of the coastal areas. By
the encl of the French colonial period, therefore, the
eco;untic inequity between the Merina and the cotiers
had been accentuated rather than alleviated.
Moreover, although the French established a public
school system which favored the cotiers, the Merina
headstart in e ducation has not been overcome.
At the tribal level, the basic unit of social
organization is the extended family. Beyond the
family, typically, is the lineage or clan, a g ;outs of
families tracing their relationship to each other
through several generations. The "lost important bond
linking the lineage families is the treasured right to be
buried in the ancestral tomb. Endoga"ny prevails
among all tribes except the Antaisaka, the Bara, and
the Betsi!co. In rural areas, where most of the people
live, residence is generally patrilocal: in a few tribes,
however, patrilocal residence is limited to the eldest
son, will ultimately become the family head.
PolygYaty was once prevalent among tilt: Malagasy
tribes, and although no"y illegal it is still practiced in
some areas. Where polygyny exists, the family head
maintains it separate dWellirg for each wife and her
offspring, but the first Wife enjoys favored status.
In many of the non- Christian tribal groups, sexual
freedom before marriage is condoned, and a period of
trial cohabitation is customary before it marital union
is made permanent. A bride price of some kind
appe to he universal, but the value is often
nominal. The Malagasy people place great emphasis
0 11 having offspring. Large families are the norm. and
childless couples or those with small families
frequently adopt children. Sons arc more prized than
daughters, being regarded as future heads of families
and therefore as links in the ancestral chain. The eldest
"male is the primary authority in the family, making
the important decisions and claiming respect and
obedience from all family members.
In most tribes, and particularly among the Merina,
women enjoy it higher status than is common on the
African mainland. Nevertheless, they continue to be
looked upon as distinctly inferior to men and are
disadvantaged in many ways. For example, until
recently women were not allM ed to initiate divorce
proceedings, and while they may do so to(lay, a
divorced wife is entitled to receive only one -third of
the goods accumulated during the marriage, while the
husband acquires two thirds. In rural areas, the
5
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-sr r rr I .rc ..ter .rr.
traditional division of labor between the sexes requires
women to engage in the cultivation and processing of
agricultural products� mainly rice �in addition to
household duties and the rearing of children; the
plowing and irrigation of ricefields is viewed as men's
work, as is hcrding. kmong the less developed tribes it
is considered demeaning for it man to carry a burden if
.,there is it woman available to do it; a man will neither
fetch water nor tend a fire, these being regarded as
women's tasks. Because the status of women is highes
among the educated element of the population,
Merina women, generally speaking, ire in a much
more favorable position than those of other tribes.
Age -old and deeply entrenched custom demands
that children show reverence for their parents and
other older relatives. rhe young traditionally have had
the responsibility of caring for parents should the. latter
survive beyond middle age and, moreover, have been
obligated to provide costly funerals for them when
they die, as well as subsequent ceremonial
disinterments and reinternients. This obligation,
closely related to the ancestor worship on which the
indigenous religion is centered, often represents it
serious economic burden leading to long periods of
debt. Most of the Republic's young people are still
bound to the family and lin.!age- oriented en-
vironment, where individual roles are determined
largely by custom and tradition, hilt it growing
number are obtaining some modern schooling and are
leaving the home village to seek work in urban areas.
Although many such youth maintain family tics
through periodic visits home, kinship bonds and
parental au+,ority are usually weakened as nc%w urban
associations are formed and modern influences are
absorbed.
Values are rooted in the indigenous religion.
Traditionally, the Malagasy tribesman has wanted to
live as his ancestors did, avoiding ne\w experiences and
passively accepting his lot. This common regard for
the sanctity of custom and concomitant resistance to
change are not merely devices to disguise indolence;
respect for custom is universally felt to he an essential
safeguard against evil and .iisfortune. To the average
Malagasy it is in the highest tradition to propitiate the
spirits of his ancestors by carefully following their
example. Thus, as in the case of his forefathers, his
wants are few and easily satisfied� enough land to
grow rice for the family's sustenance and to house the
family tomb, and it few head of cattle for status and
sacrificial use. A little extra .work is regarded as
justified at times in order to purchase a special item,
but for the most part the typical Malagasy sees little
reason to exert himself. Christian teachings and
h
RVVVLVVVOVV'FL'I
FIGURE 3. Representative
Malagasy
1
l
Mahafaly woman
Antandroy girls
r
Mahofaly youth
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r v v. .rw. rvvv. vv. v.
i
1
rrj
Sakalava elder
W ow a 0
t
t h
Merino man
e*i
I
Il
Betsileo woman
r
J
r
9
Antaifasy man
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Bara man
Upper class Merino women

Western -type education have undeniably altered the
values of a minority of tllv, Malagasy, particularly
those %%'to comprise the sipper class, but the basic
values of most of the island's people have been
affected little if at all.
However, French rule, lasting from 1895 to 1960,
can be said to ha"Ve had a definile impact on the
society as it whole, viewed in terms of civil
administration, economic institutions, and the
educational system. So widespread has been the
French influence in these spheres that it persists
vigorously in the second decade of independence,
resulting in a growing Francophobia among the
educated Merina, who have never forgiven the French
for abolishing their monarchy and for favoring the
cotiers during the colonial period. The Merina have
been particularly` discontented with the F._-nch-
oriented educational system. This dissatisfaction was
one of the causes of it series of disturbances, brought
on by striking students in Tananarive in May 1972,
which led to the downfall of the government of
Philibert Tsiranana, a cotier who had served as
President since the cchievement of independence. I Iis
`Merina successor, Gen. Gabriel Rama nantsoa, acutely
aware of cotier resentment against the former vlerina
overlords, appointed members of both groups to his
cabinet. The better qualified Merina once again
dominate almost all of the key ministries, however,
and Rarnanantsoa's close personal advisers are
Merina.
Tensions bet e.joi the two rival groups heightened
late in 1972 and early in 197:3 as a result of efforts to
reform the educational system. Cotierstudents believe
the reforms, designed to reduce French influence in
the system, are working to the benefit of the Merina.
They especially resent efforts to increase the use of the
essentially Merina Malagasy language, and they want
Merina teachers replaced by cotiers. In December
1972, agitation by secondary school students from
cotier tribes in the cast coast city of Tamatave
developed into violent clashes between cotier and
Merina students, which in turn lud to 3 days of
intertribal rioting in the area, accompanied by looting
aad burning. The government declared a state of siege
in and around Tamatave, and General Ramanantsoa
attempted to restore calm in a radio address to the
nation in which he declared himself to be against
unduly rapid changes in the educational system and
promised the creation of a new national language
synthesizing the major dialects. That he faces a serious
test in trying to assuage cotier fears and at the same
time deal with dissatisfaction among radical Merina
elements who believe the government is carrying out
8
reforms too slowly was indicated by the additional
disorders which broke out in Majunga and Giego-
Suarez in February 1973, even though the criminal
code had been amcruded to provide the death penalt
for disruption of public order.
The animosity between the Merina and the cotiers
has increased since independence, ''constituting the
most serious obstacle to national tinity. Except for the
longstanding friction between these two sectors of file
population, relations among the Malagasy tribes are
generally good. Partly because there has been no
intense competition for land, but also because a
considerable amount of internal migration has
furthered mutual understanding, the cotier tribes have
few quarrels with one another. Moreover, all but file
most isolated have an awareness of national identity
and even. to some extent, a sense of national solidarity
based on commonly held traditions and values, the use
of a single language, and shared historical experience.
Of the alien minorities, the least popular among the
Wiagasy as a whole arc the Asians �the Indians and
"linese who are active in the commercial sector. They
,,cc resented for their monopoly of certain areas of
trade and for their "separateness" and reluctance to
become involved in local problems. The Indians, in
addition, are accused of questionable business
practices. During the rioting in Tanwtave in
ceniber 1972, mail\ Indian and Chin(se shops were
looted and burned. The immigrant Coniorians arc also
disliked, primarily because Idwy compete with the
Malagasy for the available jobs along the northwest-
ern coast. Restrictions arc now in effect to stem the
flow of Comorians from their overpopulated
homeland islands.
Most Malagasy tend to treat all foreigners with
reserve. Culturally and geographically isolated, they
have developed an insular point of view, are markedly
ethnocentric, and would prefer to be left to their
traditional time- honored pursuits. An interesting
aspect of their attitude toward foreigners is that lhc\
tend to disparage the more Negroid peoples who have
come to the island in re decades. The Malagasy
have a superior altitude toward Africans and insist on
making it known that theirs is not an African nation,
although it does hold membership in several African
international organizations.
C. Population
Although population growth has not been as rapid
in the Malagasy Repuhlic as in many other
underdeveloped countries, there has nonethcicss been
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a sizable increase. Between January 1953 and January
1973, the estimated population rose by 60 as
indicated below:
1953 4,460,000
1958 5,065,000
1963 5,695,000
1968 6,395,000
1973 7,141,000
Even with this increase, however, the republic is not
densely settled and is considered by most Malagasy
leaders to be underpopulated.
Population growth is wholly the result of natural
increase. In fact, the usual excess of emigrants over
immigrants serves to curb population growth slightly.
During the 15 -year period 1956 -70,