NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 48; MOROCCO; THE SOCIETY

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• Collection: NIS
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CONFIDENTIAL
48 /GS /S
Morocco
March 1973
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
CONFIDENTIAL
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This chapter was prepared for the NIS under the
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Agency by the Bureau of Economic Analysis, Social
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ment of Commerce. Research was substantially
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U
CONTENTS
This General Survey supersedes the one dated Jan-
uary 1969, copies of which should be destroyed.
A. Introduction 1
Historical divisions of the society; social effects of
protectorate; current conditions.
B. Stnucture and characteristics of society 2
1. Ethnic and cultural groups 2
Differing groups and their sizes; government
policy; Arab- Berber divisions; linguistic prob-
lems.
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2. Social classes
Mobility, past and present.
a. Rural classes
Traditional society; forces altering the
structure.
b. Urban classes
Traditional social structure; group changes.
C. National elite
Groups forming elite and their positions
in society.
3. Kinship groupings and family
Tribal society; structure of tribe; effects of
modernization; role of men and women; mar-
riage customs; family cohesion.
4. Rural -urban community patterns
Organization in flux; variety in form and
structure; the Moroccan city.
5. Values and attitudes
a. Basic value system
Religion, tribalism, nationalism basis of
central values; conflict of modern and
traditional values.
b. Basic attitudes
Social pluralism; tribalism impeding na-
tonalism; rural -urban divisions; regional
factors; modem influences; attitudes to-
ward government and King; foreign rela-
tions; pan -Arab sentiments; military tradi-
tions.
C. Population
Statistics on growth; family planning; vital rates;
estimatgs and projections.
I. Size and distribution
a Size
Statistics.
b. Density and distribution
Highest density in Maghreb; extreme
variation, ranging from 10 to more than
1,000 persons per square mile; increase in
urban population; size of cities; govern-
ment attempts to check urban migration;
patterns of migration.
Page
Page
5
2. Labor legislation
Major statutes; problems of enforcement;
5
settlement of grievances; wage rates; work
week.
7
3. Labor and management
25
Labor organizatic.,.5_-political affiliations and
7
size; management groups.
E, Living conditions and social problems
26
8
1. Levels of living
26
Per capita income lowest in Maghreb; econ-
omy stagnant; pattern of land ownership least
equitable in North Africa; urban -rural income;
11
cost of living rising faster than wages; hous-
ing stock; growth of slums; land redistribution
and other government programs.
i3
2. Social services
29
i3
Traditionally responsibility of family; govern-
ment programs for modern sector; private wel-
fare organizations.
3. Social problems
31
15
Effects of urbanization and unemployment;
drug addiction.
F Health
31
Level of health low; principal diseases; caloric in-
take and diet; government food programs; food
distribution; water supply; waste disposal; health
17
care and facilities; medical personnel; medical
supplies.
G. Religion 35
18 Dominance of Islam; classical and folk Islam;
18 links between government and religion; religious
brotherhoods; Roman Catholic organization and
activity; Protestant activity; Jewish co
18 official attitude toward minorities.
H. Education 41
2. Age -sex structure 21
Distribution by age; sex ratio.
D. The role of labor
1. The people and work
Subsistence farming major occupation; Labor
pool increasing faster than opportunities in
almost all sectors; unemployment and under-
employment; government programs; labor
productivity.
ii
22
I. The role and problems of education 41
Fails national needs; Arabization of system;
declining standards; private schools; public
discontent and student activists.
a. Traditional education 43
Enrollment dropping; teachers poorly
trained; curriculum primarily religious.
22 b. Modem public education 43
Three main levels of system; shortage
of teachers and use of foreign nationals;
teacher qualifications; curriculums; voca-
tional and technical education; higher
education; teacher training.
t
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Page
2. Educational attainment and opportunity 47
Literacy rate; enrollment growth and limi-
tations; school facilities; higher education.
I. Artistic and cultural expression
48
Heritage; government interest.
Area concentration of ethnolinguis-
1. Literature and drama
49
Few works of distinction; mzjor authors;
33
poetry highly regarded; oral literature and
tic groups (nap)
drama.
Fig. 18
2. Music and dance
50
Classical and popular music; instruments;
Representative Arab and Berber
dance forms.
Fig. 19
3. Architecture
51
Most distinctive cultural manifestation.
types photos)
4. Arts and crafts
52
Fine arts previously inhibited by religion; art
38
schools; decline of crafts; government interest.
Tents used by nomads photo)
Page
J. Public information 54
State of development; government use and con-
trol; foregn informational ectivities.
1. Printed media
Number and importance of newspapers and
periodicals; press services; distribution serv-
ices; publishers; libraries.
2. Radio
Ownership and facilities; content of broad-
casts; foreign broadcasts.
3. Television
Facilities, availability, and programs.
4. Motion pictures
Popularity and source of films.
56
59
59
60
K. Selected bibliography 60
Glossary 62
FIGURES
I
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Page
Page
Fig. 1
Area concentration of ethnolinguis-
Fig. 17
Public water fountain photo)
33
tic groups (nap)
3
Fig. 18
Scenes from the Koran photo)
36
Fig. 2
Representative Arab and Berber
Fig. 19
Muslims prostrated in prayer (photo)
37
types photos)
6
Fig. 20
Hand of Fatima photo)
38
Fig. 3
Tents used by nomads photo)
12
Fig. 21
Young girl jumping over a fire
Fig. 4
Moroccan suq, or market (photo)
13
photo)
38
Fig. 5
Moroccan madinahs photos)
14
Fig. 22
Saint's tomb photo)
39
Fig. 6
Population density map)
19
Fig. 23
Entrance to a local saint's tomb in
Fig. 7
Urban -rural residence by province
the High Atlas photo)
39
table)
20
Fig. 24
Synagogue near Marrakech photo)
41
Fig. 8
Growth of cities table)
20
Fig. 25
Marinid medereseh photo)
44
Fig. 9
Age -sex stucture, Morocco and the
Fig. 26
Fig. 27
Qarawiyin University photo)
Educational system (chart)
45
48
United States (chart)
21
Fig. 28
Literacy rates (table)
47
Fig. 10
Representative working conditions
Fig. 29
Storyteller in Tangier photo)
50
chart)
23
Fig. 30
Drummers and flutists photo)
51
Fig. 11
Household expenditures table)
27
Fig. 31
Classical instruments photos)
51
Fig. 12
Examples of rural housing photos)
28
Fig. 32
Arabesque carving photo)
52
Fig. 13
Bidonville dwellings, Casablanca
Fig. 33
Minaret of the Kutubiya Mosque,
(photos)
29
Marrakech (photo)
52
Fig. 14
Home of an upper class family,
Fig. 34
Detail of the interior of the Mosque
Casablanca photo)
30
of Moulay Idriss, Fes photo)
53
Fig. 15
Flies attack child photo)
32
Fig. 35
Moroccan handicrafts photos)
55
Fig. 16
Meat market, Khemisset photo)
33
Fig. 36
Selected newspapers table)
58
iii
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The Society
A. Introduction (C)
With a rich history encompassing periods of
imperial expansion and foreign conquest, as well as
brilliant cultural achievement and intellectual
stagnation, Morocco has long been recognized as a
distinct country. Nonetheless, the Moroccan people,
divided in the main between Arabs and Berbers, do
not yet constitute a cohesive society. Although the
Berber- speaking minority has rarely manifested
separatist tendencies, Berber -Arab frictions are not
unknown, and the almost universal allegiance to Islam
has not entirely breached original cultural disparities
between the tw:, groups. Moreover, Morocco's urban
and rural areas represent almost two separate worlds,
the one influenced by economic and social
modernization and displaying an essentially French
cultural orientation, and the other clinging to an
ancient, tradition -bound wa of life in which loyalty
to one's kinship groupings takes precedence over
identification with the nation. Independent since
1956, after 44 years of French tutelage, Morocco is
struggling to become a modern state, but progress has
been slowed by a legacy of internal conflict and
economic underdevelopment and by disagreement
over national goals and political procedures. Efforts to
raise living levels have thus been retarded, and the
material well -being of the populace has not kept pace
with rising popular expectations or with the rapidly
growing population. Nonfulfillment of expectations,
in turn, has given rise to economic, social, and
political discontent.
Berbers were the earliest known inhabitants of the
area that is now Morocco. Because of the: strategic
location of their homeland, the Berbers experienced
successive waves of invasion in ancient times,
beginning with the Phoenicians. From the first century
B.C. until the fifth century A.U., the area was a
Roman province, and thereafter Vandals, Visigoths,
and Byzantine Greeks successively ruled. Finally, in
the late seventh and early eighth centuries, Arab forces
from the east lecupied Morocco, beginning the
process of acculturation by which Berbers converted to
Islam and gradually began to adopt the Aral)
language and some Aral) folkways associated with
Islam. Both Arabs and Berlwt, identified themselves
with tribes, which constituted the basic sociopolitical
institution. The rule of the sultan rarely extended
throughout the country, and in fact Morocco's history
was characterized by a constant struggle between hyo
regions, the "lands of dissidence" (bled al -siba) and
the "lands of government" (bled al- nnakhzen).
Geographic and social division, however, was
moderated by unifying economic and religious forces.
and communication between the two zones was
facilitated by pilgrims, members of religious
brotherhoods, and itinerant artisans and students (see
the Country Profile chapter, The Weight of History).
Although contact with European culture was to
transform Morocco after the establishment of the
French Protectorate in 1912, the direct benefits of
modernization were confined to an infinitesimally
small group. Only a fey thousand Muslims received a
French education, and few native merchants were
able to compete with Europeans. Even the well
educated were unable to acquire jobs in the largely
French administration. The French, moreover, made
no systematic attempt to assimilate the Muslim
community, and social intermingling between them
and the Moroccans was rare. Among the principal
agents of cultural change were native soldiers serving
in the French Army, although they were ill equipped
to mediate between the two cultures. The Qarawiyin
University at Fes, administered by religious
scholastics, slowed the pace of soon, change and
helped preserve much of Morocco's traditional
character.
When the French departed in 1956, they left behind
an indelible but uneven legacy. Because they had
created a Moroccan national consciousness as well as a
modern nation, independent Morocco is a more
integrated and interdependent society than ever
before. Social conflict and political crises, formerly
only local in scope, now take on national proportions.
Tribal institutions are in retreat, and social groups are
no longer able to withdraw from national life as they
did in the pass: when challenged by the government.
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Significant progress has occurred since independ-
ence. The new economic a:_l social order has been
broadened and consolidated, rural modernization has
continued, and educational opportunities have been
o._usiderably expanded. Although the Shar.a (Muslim
religious lacy) was not entirely replaced, an
independent civil (-)de drawing on Swiss precedent
has been established. Exposure to foreign ideas,
products, and customs has been widened through
increased cultural exchange, trade, and tourism.
Moreover, the French community in Morocco,
although greatly reduced, continues to exert a
substantial influence, manifested by the use of the
French language and by French teaching methods
and business practices.
Despite some improvement in living conditions,
radical social change his not yet occurred, and sonic
rural areas have remained essentially untouched by
modern life. Many southerners of the Saharan region
still adhere to ancient customs. As a close observer
noted in 1969, their farm tools, work methods, crops,
and clothes have changed little in 1,000 years. Berber
tribal organization has been fairly well preserved, and
traditional attitudes still prevail among many
tribesmen. Probably no more than 10% of the
population are members of the modern social and
economic community; even fewer are financially
secure.
According to some observers, the monarchy
constitutes a partial barrier to more rapid change.
Although serving as an instrument for maintaining the
country's unity, King Hassan is in some ways a
traditional autocrat. Partially European trained, he is
conversant with the modern world and concerned with
achieving .social justice for his people. At the same
time, however, his position is dependent on the loyalty
of traditional elements �the tribes; an army composed
mainly of Berbers; religious leaders who view the King
as an imam, or commander of the faithful; and
important families existing in a client- patron
relationship with the monarchy. To provoke these
groups by promoting a radical social transformation
would likely endanger the King's position and relea:,e
uncontrollable political and social forces.
Hassan's gradualist approach notwithstanding, the
intensity and pace of change have produced a
profound social malaise among many elements of
society. Old patterns have been eroded, and new ones
are not ,et well established. Social relationships are in
flux, resulting in the disorientation of family life and
the development of new classes and new conflicts.
Corruption, never far below the political surface, has
spread throughout society, while nepotism, favoritism,
2
and the traditional baksheesh (h_ adout) appear to
have been institutionalized by the government. For
the first time in Moroccan history, a potential
revolutionary challenge to the royal system itself,
rather than to individual kings or dynasties, has
emerged.
As perhaps manifested by the blood%- coup attempt
of 10 July '.971, in which many government officials
were killed or wounded, and the second attempted
coup on 16 August 1972, Morocco is faced with grave
e conomic social, and political problems. Unemploy-
ment is high, levels of living are low, and social unrest.
particularly among educated youth, is increasing. A
number of observers feel that if the King does not soon
address himself to real and rapid reform, the result is
apt to be increasing instability, perhaps accompanied
by widespread violence.
B. Structure and characteristics of society
(C)
1. Ethnic and cultural groups
Morocco is it pluralistic society composed of
disparate ethnic, linguistic, and tribal groups (Figure
1) held together in large measure by a common
religion and loyalty to an ancient monarchy.
Constituting 99.1% of the population in 1971,
Moroccan Muslims consist of Berbers, Arabs, Negroes,
and those with some Negroid physical characteristics,
who are known in the south as haratin. Although the
Berbers are the indigenous inhabitants of Morocco,
the Arabs are the dominant ethnic group, having
largely shaped the country's political and social
history during the last 1,000 years. Nevertheless,
because the number of Arab immigrants from the
Middle East was at all times a small percentage of the
indigenous population, most Moroccans are simply
"Arabized Berbers." More than 700 Arab and Berber
tribes inhabit Morocco's plains and mountains.
Although their social mores are basically similar,
regional variations exist, and their life stvles are
distinctly different from those of urban dwellers. The
proportion of Negroes and haratin in the country is
probably less than 10% of the Muslim population.
Since independence, the European and Jewish
communities have been dwindling, the former group,
mostly French, declining from 3.4% of the total
population in 1960 to 0.7% in 1971, and the latter
from 1.4% to 0.2% during the same period.
Government policy, on the whole, is tolerant of
these various groups. Berbers serve in the cabinet and
the civil service and are amply represented in the
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Tanpla
'Ti Ian
1
RABA e fb
ca s ibbne
Arabic
Berber
Arabic and Berber
r.: Selected tribal groupings y, T'si
Allad iz
Tan -Tan
Torfayn
501256 1 73
FIGURE 1. Area concentration of ethnolinguistic groups and major tribes (U /OU)
armed forces. According to the constitution, Arabic is
the official language of the country, but Berber is
among the languages used in the state broadcasting
service and in some schools. The European and Jewish
communities are officially protected, although
popular passions may be aroused against them in
times of international crisis or social stress. The French
still exert considerable influence, manifested by the
continued use of the French language in government
and business circles and the prevalence of French
educational and commercial practices. Seizures of
European land have been gradual for the most part,
and compensation is offered. The remaining Jews,
most of whom reside in Casablanca, also retain some
influence, particularly in modFm economic en-
terprises. Some serve in the civil service, a few in high
positions. Nevertheless, many Jews are skeptical about
their future, especially if the King, whom they regard
as their protector, should be overthrown. Conse-
quently, since the July 1971 coup attempt, concern is
mounting in the Jewish community, and while a
whct�,,sale emigration has not occurred, individual
families continue to depart.
The chief ethnic division in the country is behveen
the Arabized majority and the Berber minority,
although both Arabs and Berbers belong to the
Mediterranean branch of the Caucasoid rac,.
Classical scholarship has generally divided the Berbers
into four basic cultural groups. The Sh1uh (Chleh) are
mostly sedentary agriculturalists inhabiting the
western Iligh (or Ilaut) Atlas and Anti -Atlas
mountains. The Beraber, whose dominant \\av of life
is transhumance, are found in the Middle the
eastern High Atlas, and their southern slopes. The
Jabala- Bhomara- siffi group, interspersed through-
out the northwest, is composed of sedentary farmers.
The smallest group, the Zenata, who are settled
agriculturalists or transhumancs, are located directly
east of the Iiiffians along the Algerian border near
Oujda and on the northeastern spur of the Middle
(Moven) Atlas. A substantial number of Berbers,
moreover, have migrated to the cities where they have
shed their regional and cultural identities.
The Arabs first entered the country during the late
seventh and early eighth centuries as invaders and
bearers of Islam. A second more substantial tribal
3
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incursion occurred in the 11 th and 12th centuries, and
a third group composed of Arabic speaking Muslims
from Spar, not all of them ethnic Arabs, migrated to
the region in the late Middle Ages. After their arrival,
the Arabs established themselves in the cities in much
greater numbers than the Berbers, as well as in the
plains and foothills. The city Arabs have always
possessed broader social horizons than the Berber
tribesmen; however, the life styles of rural Arabs are
not much different from those of ethnic Berbers. Most
are sedentary agriculturalists, although a few
seminomadic pastoralists still exist. The Rguibat
Bedouins, called the" Blue People" because the indigo
dye used on their clothing rubs off on their skin, are
among the last true Sahara nomads, ranging with their
camels across wide expanses of southern Morocco,
Algeria, Spanish Sahara, and Mauritania.
Arabs and Berbers have coexisted for more than
1,000 years. With the exception of language, no sharp
cultural or social boundaries divide them. Both Berber
and Arab core communities maintain similar social
institutions and values; intermarriage has been
frequent, although it has not occurred in all areas; and
despite frictions, strong racial feelings do not exist. A
significant cultural difference, however, involves a
traditionally dissimilar approach to political and
social organization. The Berbers were governed by
customary law until its replacement in 1956 by a
unitary legal system and were ruled by tribal councils
of a protodemocratic nature. Berber society, in fact,
remains generally less differentiated and more
egalitarian than the Arab community. In contrast,
Arab tribesmen were led by individual, often
hereditary, chiefs; city Arabs, more;: er, adhered more
rigidly to Islamic law than did the Berbers; and Arab
tribal organization was more easily modified by the
makhzen, whereas the Berbers were less subject to
government influence.
Negroes are found in increasing numbers from north
to south. Most prominent in the area of the southern
oases, they may account for up to 77l of the residents
of the Oued Draa valley. Many were brought to
Morocco by the slave trade, which ended only in the
early 20th century. Black concubinage was common
among the aristocracy of Fes, and miscegenation was
socially acceptable to Islam. In the south, however,
the haratin are subject to considerable prejudice.
Many live in a client relationship with surrounding
Berber tribes, cultivating their fields and performing
menial work, while others subsist independently as
farmers; a substantial number have migrated to the
cities.
Cultural diversity is manifested most obviously by
linguistic differences. Although the King encourages
4
the use of French among his advisers and, in effect,
within the entire: government, most Moroccans speak
either Berber or Arabic. The number of Berber
speakers cannot he determined. Estimates range fri m
about 25% to just under 50% of the population, but
the number of persons who derive from Berber stock is
greater than the number who speak the language.
Many of them are Arabized, and according to some
estimates, the Arabs together with the Arabized
Berbers constitute about 75% of the population.
Scholars usually place the Berber language within
the Afro- Asiatic family, which includes Ancient
Egyptian, Cushitic, and Semitic. Moroccan Berber is
divided into three regional dialects, Tachelhit,
Tamazirt, and Zenata, which are mutually intelligible
only with great difficulty. These dialects are further
divided into subdialects, which may vary in
pronunciation from village to village and from tribe to
tribe. The primary language of the Shluh is 'Tachelhit:
Tamazirt i., spoken by the Berbers and the southern
tribes of the Jabala- Rhomara- Riffian group; and
Zenata is spoken by the Zenata and by the eastern
Jabala- Rhomara- Riffians. Except for one or two minor
dialects, Berber is an unwritten language spoken
primarily in the mountainous areas. Berber men often
employ Arabic to communicate with Arabs or with
other Berbers and to conduct business; the women are
usually monolingual. Linguistic change, moreover,
has been occurring steadily since the first Arab
migrations; the pattern is typically from Berber to
bilingualism to Arabic.
As elsewhere in the Aral) world, Arabic in Morocco
possesses three levels of formality. Classical Arabic is
the language of Islam. Few other than learned
religious scholars understand it, although ordinary
Moroccans may know some standard prayers, classical
phrases, or passages from the Koran. Literary Arabic is
the modern form of classical Arabic; it has a simplified
grammar and a modernized vocabulary, and it can be
understood throughout the Aral) world. It is used in
the schools, in the communications media, in official
statements by political leaders, and in written
correspondence. Most Moroccan secondary school
graduates can probably understand and, at least
hesitantly, read and write it. Literary Arabic, however,
is not well adapted to modern technical and scientific
terminology. Moroccan colloquial Arabic is a variant
of Maghrebi, a group of mutually intelligible dialects
spo ken throughout northern Africa as far east as
Tripolitania in Libya. However, it is rarely written
and cannot be understood by eastern Arabs. Linguists
have distinguished three major colloquial Arabic
dialects in Morocco: 1) an urban dialect reflecting the
speech of the original Arab invaders; 2) a mountain
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dialect used in northern Morocco, influenced by
speech of Fes,' Rabat, and Tetouan; and 3) a lowland
version which shows traces of the language of I I th
and 12th century immigrants. A fourth _dect has
been traced to Hebrew. The distinction between rural
and urban Arabic is pronounced, the most elegant
forms being spoken in the cities. In the northern
towns, many words of Spanish origin are noticeable.
Foreign languages are not spoken in Morocco
except by educated urban dwellers and the foreign
community. Because of the difficulty of adapting
Arabic to the requirements of science and technology,
French retains its importance as the language of
government, higher education, and modern economic
activity. Attempts to replace French with Arabic in
these areas have met with limited success. Although
Spanish has been eliminated from the formal
educational system, it is still spoken in some northern
areas.
Because both Berbers and Arabs derive from the
same racial stock and have frequently intermarried,
ethnic identification on the basis of physical
characteristics is difficult and often impossible (Figure
2). "Pure" Berbers have been described as individuals
of stocky build, -vith large heads, broad faces, broad
noses, and black or brown eves and hair. Somewhat
taller than most Mediterranean types, they have a
slightly higher frequency of light skin, hair, and eyes,
particularly among the Riffian Berbers of the north.
"Pure" Arabs are short to medium in stature .vith long
to oval heads and prominent high bridged noses. A
tendency toward blondism is evident among those
claiming to be descendants of the Prophet
Muhammad, royal courtiers, and wealthy merchants.
Negroes and haratin can be distinguished from other
Moroccans by their darker skins and kinky hair.
2. Social classes
In traditional Morocco, both rural and urban, an
individual's p=ace in society was determined at birth,
and social mobility was almost nonexistent. The broad
social categories were defined by ethnic affiliation, vet
the major ethnic communities did not always agree on
one another's definition of their rank. Berbers, for
example, did not accept an inferior classification,
dictated by Arabs, who placed them below ethnic
Arabs, Arabic- speaking Andalusian Muslims, and
Arabized Berbers, and just a step above Jewish grid
Christian converts to Islam, Muslin slaves, and Jews.
Class consciousness, moreover, was not well
'For diacritics on place names, see the list of names at the end of
the chapter and the maps in the text.
developed, and strictly defined economic classes, at
least prior t., tho protectorate, did not exist. Within
each ethnic community, however, various distinctions
prevailed. While status was always to some extent
dependent on personal or family wealth, other criteria,
such as family origin, age, occupation, religious
devotion, and relationship to powerful political
leaders, were also taken into account. A saintly though
impoverished person, for example, might consider
himself the equal of his wealthier neighbor and be so
recognized.
In contemporary Morocco, conventional definitions
of class, based on wealth, modern education, and
individual performance, have assumed more
importance, while respect for age and traditional
learning has declined. Where .atus is no longer
determined by the ability to trace descent to a
venerated ancestor, it is sometimes redefined in terms
of occupation. New groups, moreover, are in the
process of formation, others have retained their former
position, and some have iost status. Relationships
bL' individuals and groups of different status are
also in flux. in addition, the pace of modernization is
uneven; traditional status relationships which prevail
in one area of the country may have been abandoned
in another.
a. Rural classes
At the top of traditional rural society %Aere those
with claims to authority over the masses, principally
the saintly families, wealthy landowners, a fewgrands
raids, and local representatives of the maklizen.
Somewhat further down the scale were the small
landlords, local chiefs, marabouts (saints), and minor
functionaries. With the advent of independence, the
grands caids were dispossessed, and local functionaries
were replaced with nonlocal bureaucrats representing
the central government. A new rural elite composed of
these officials and modern farmers is developing, while
the old tribal leaders are having difficulty maintaining
their position. A few of their sons have regained lost
status by entering the civil service, but tile% are
unlikely to recover their former prominence.
The mass of ordinary tribesmen represent a middle
grouping in rural society. Lxcept for their leaders,
many of whom are little more th, first among equals,
few important status distinctions separate one
tribesman for another. Berber society_ is egalitarian,
and privileged social categories do r.ot exist.
Nevertheless, in certain areas, status is largely
determined by the ownership of productive land or
livestock. In northern Morocco, for example, the most
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a
lai
t/
Vo
r�
I
FIGURE 2. Rep esentative Arab (top) and Berber (bottom) types.
Except for small pockets of "pure" Arabs and Berbers, it is
almost impossible to distinguish between the two groups on the
basis of physical differences. Facial tattoos on Berber women
generally indicate tribal buckground. (C)
AP
1
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Y

respected individuals at present are the "gentlemen
farmers" whose "wealth" is based not on material
goods but on the crops they produce.
In many areas, the conditions once favorable to
tribal independence and to a person's sense of pace
have been radically upset. French colonization
profoundly altered the importance of the tribe. Tribal
lands were expropriated, forcing many peasants to
r, become tenant farmers, sharecroppers, or agricultural
laborers. The French presence among tribal
pastoralists near Rabat, for example, created a new
class of rural proletarians who still depend upon wage
employment on large farms. Even rural notables have
u been forced to farm their own land because laborers
prefer to work at higher wages on government
sponsored rural projects.
At the bottom of rural society are various depressed
groups on the fringes of the tribal system. The most
notabic are the haratin, who, in contrast to former
Negro slaves, are looked down upon by both Arabs
and Berbers. Although broadened opportunities under
the French and the independent government enabled
some to purchase property or to migrate to the cities,
many continue to perform low status jobs and to
cultivate Berber fields in return for tribal protection
and one -fifth of the harvest. Other depressed groups,
'raditionally endogamous and without property,
include those engaged in the "shameful" occupa-
tions� musicians, dancers, donkey breeders, black-
smiths, tinkers, butchers, and itinc ant artisans.
b. Urban classes
In traditional urban society there were four broad
social categories. notables, artisans and shopkeepers,
unskilled laborers, and depressed persons. Urban
notables included the religious aristocracy, a small
number of wealthy absentee landlords, and large -scale
merchants (tajirs), some of whom invested heavily in
urban real estate and engaged in international trade.
During the protectorate, many adopted Western
financial procedures and increased their wealth,
creating in the process a new business class. On the
other hand, old families associated with the makhzen,
which the French failed to support, lost their prestige
and influence.
The traditional middle group in urban society
consisted largely of artisans and shopkeepers.
Organized into numerous craft guilds, the artisans
comprised the largest element of the urban population
and were an important factor in Morocco's political
stability. Increasing competition from European goods
has decimated these groups, and those who failed to
adapt have been absorbed into the lower class. In
creating a modern armv and bureaucracv, the
postindependence Moroccan Government greatly
expanded the middle class, which now includes the
lower -to- middle ranks of the civil service, lower
echelon armv officers, policemen, intellectuals, and
schoolteachers and other professionals.
Like some elements of the middle class, the lower
class is a product of economic modernization.
Recently forced off the land by their poverty, many of
its members are uprooted, unskilled, ill housed, and
severely underemployed. Because their number is
growing steadily as migration to the cities continues,
these unskilled and often illiterate workers constitute a
potential threat to national stability. At the base of
city life are also large numbers of economically
marginal persons whose occupations are characteristic
of earlier periods of urban development, such as poor
artisans, d: nkev drivers, and streetcleaners.
c. National elite
At the top of Moroccan society, drawing upon both
urban and rural elements and to a certain extent
uniting them, are a few great families, certain groups
favored by Moroccan independence, and the religious
officialdom. Entry into this elite is limited but not
closed, and its s;ze is expected to grow as economic
and educational opportunities expand. High social
status, for example, is almost automatically conferred
upon those who graduate from a university. At the
center of national power are members of both
traditional and modern groups, informally linked by
ties of family and friendship, mutual self- interest, and
political ambition. In addition to the royal family, the
traditional oligarchy is composed of a small number of
landowners, many of them absentee regional
chieftains, tribal r:heikhs and caids, and various
interlocked urban clans and merchant families. Their
influence has declined since independence, and they
are dependent on the King fv the maintenance of
their privileges. Morocco's financial, managerial, and
professional elite includes wealthy businessmen, senior
officers in the armed forces, and younger officers
serving as provincial governors, caids, and directors of
civic action programs. Most possess occupational skills
useful to the government, and a few enjoy popular
political support.
The weakest elements of the national elite, in terms
of actual power and security of position, appear to be
the religious aristocracy �the ulama (Koranic
scholars) and the shurafa (plural form of sharif, a
descendant of the Prophet). Members of the ulama are
employed as gadis (religious judges), mosque
administrators, and heads of pious foundations. An
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allied group but less respected by orthodox Muslims
are the marabouts, who may possess no venerated
ancestor but who are saints by virtue of their good
works and their supposed ability to perform miracles.
Known as igurramen among the Berbers, a few are
said to be developing new bascs of influence through
participation in party politics. All these religious
groups are cultivated by the royal family in order to
strengthen popular support for the monarchy. Shurafa
families enjoy the respect accorded to distinguished
lineages in a conservative, deeply religious society.
Other status distinctions relate to their learning,
wealth, and barakah (holiness). Highly endogamous,
they still exhibit some aspects of it caste group.
Although membership in a Shurafa family is in theory
strictly hereditary, their genealogical claims are often
spurious.
3. Kinship groupings and family
In the early 20th century, Morocco was in essence a
tribal society. Small cities existed, but urban life was
largely based on kinship ties similar to those which
prevailed in rural areas. Even today, most Moroccans
identify themselves as tribesmen. Tribal customs
remain particularly strong in the south, where
modernization is limited. Nonetheless, political and
economic change is eroding the strength of tribal
organization, and the largest tribal groups tend to
survive only in memory or sentiment. Man\- desert
herdsmen of southern Morocco, moreover, are shifting
to sedentary pursuits, and some have emigrated to
Europe in search of work. Sedentarization, however,
does not necessarily mean a rejection of tribal ways;
most of the northern region, for example, has been
settled for years, but tribal identification is still
important.
The Moroccan tribe, according to conventional
definition, is the largest politi pally autonomous unit in
the countryside. Although the Arabic- speaking tribes
have not been as well investigated as the Berber tribes,
both appear to be structurally similar. Most tribes
claim to have a common ancestor, and overall social
cohesion is based on this fact. The principle of group
segmentation through descent from different ancestors
within the same tribe helps to preserve internal order
by maintaining a balance of power between opposing
kin groups. Genealogical knowledge usually does not
extend beyond one's grandfather, at least among the
Berbers of central Morocco, although the most
prestigious saintly families can often trace their
ancestors through some 40 generations back to the
Prophet Muhammad.
8
Traditionally, tribal cohesion also depended upon
blood feuds, customary law, and the effectiveness of
tribal leadership. External threats were instrumental 4.
keeping tribal groups together, as lack of cohesion
usually resulted in military defeat. When the French
disarmed the tribes and eliminated insecurity in the
countryside, they removed a central pillar of the tribal
system. Nonetheless, blood feuds, although dormant,
are not dead. Shared memories remain, and tribal
enmities persist.
Tribal law has been affected by recent changes, but
has not been abolished. in the central Atlas, for
example, the collective oath, in which an accused was
required to swear his innocence publicly before his
male agnates (paternal kinsmen) and the plaintiffs,
now takes place in a mosque and is sworn on the
Koran in the presence of government officials.
Punishment of criminal acts, however, at least
officially, is no longer it tribal prerogative.
Traditionally, it murderer, if not killed outright by the
victims relatives. was exiled by his tribe, and blood
money (diva) was paid by his family to the deceased's
kin. The French sent murderers to jail, although blood
money was still paid. In most tribes, theft was
punished according to Islamic law; either the thief
paid it fine equivalent to four times the value: of the
stolen object, or he suffered the loss of a hand. 'These
Koranic rules, however, have been considerably
modified by the secular criminal code.
The institutions of tribal government also have been
.weakened and the authority of chiefs and councils
diluted. Arabs have depended more on hereditary
leaders than have Berbers, whose chiefs were formerly
elected on an annual basis. Although this system has
been officially abolished, informal mechanisms have
probably been established to accomplish the same
purpose. In the Bif, a tribal council rather than it
single chief has prevailed, the council being composed
of village sheikhs and lineage chiefs. The councils,
however, are subject to greater government influence
than before, and their powers are limited. The nain
function of the council in the village of Mediouna, for
example, is to adjudicate disputes concerning arable
land.
The largest tribal grouping is the confederation,
which has been of little practical significance except
during periods of extreme crisis. Below the
coltfederation, in order of complexity, are the
subconfederation, tribe, clan, subelan, lineage,
extended family, and nuclear family. The average size
of a tribe is said to be about 10,000, but membership
may range from several thousand to 150,000. Group
descent from a common ancestor is implied. Although
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the tribe may have a patron saint, shared traditions,
and occasionally a common flag, it coalesces only in
time of danger.
The clan is the largest segment below the tribe
whose members claim a common ancestor, real or
imagined. Some clans constitute a political federation
of hamlets or villages which may contain several
hundred families; however, any one clan may exist in
two or more widely distant parts of the tribal territory.
Village life is usually conducted at the level of the
subclan, whose functions have traditionally concerned
local administration, ceremonial activities, adjudica-
tion of disputes, maintenance of the mosque and
cemetery, distribution of water for irrigation, and the
division of inheritances. The subclan may be quite
large, numbering over :3,000 people. Further
subdividing the subclan is the lineage, the largest
effective social group whose members can and do trace
their origins to a common ancestor; it may constitute
the population of a small village or a village segment.
A typical Berber lineage consists of from two to four
extended families.
The extended family, composed of three genera-
tions, is the basic social and economic unit of rural
Moroccan life and, to a much lesser extent, of urban
life. As in other Muslim societies, descent is reckoned
through the male line, and sons frequently continue to
live with t11eir parents after marriage, either in the
same domicile or in a nearby dwelling. The ranking
male of the household, who is not necessarily the
eldest, regulates virtually all aspects of his agnates
lives, including their financial affairs, occupations,
marriages, and travels away from home. Nonetheless,
although family responsibilities ordinarily take
precedence over personal desires, the individual is not
totally inhibited by kinship obligations. By the mid
1960's, moreover, the nuclear family had reportedly
become the predominant kin group in some areas.
As Morocco modernizes, family cohesion dimin-
ishes, particularly in urban areas. Expanded
educational and occupational opportunities have
reduced the need for the extended family as a refuge
or informal instrument of social security. In lower class
families, fathers may have less control over their
children because they have few resources on which the
children depend. Independent work does not always
lead to emancipation of the young, however, and
married sons living with their fathers are known to
deposit their earning with the latter. Many urban
women have become heads of households, some
supporting partially or even totally unemployed
husbands. Employment of women, moreover, is
creating family tensions by equalizing or, in a few
cases, reversing traditional Muslim male- female roles.
The sire of the household appears to be decreasing
with continued migration to the cities, %where the
family's patriarchal character is less pronounced. In
1960, family size was estimated to average 4.9
persons -5.2 in rural areas and 4.4 in urban areas.
1'he typical family is dominated by .he male; wives
and other women play a subordinate role, both in the
household and in society at large. Men spend little
time at home with their families, and children,
although traditionally under their fathers absolute
authority, are in closest contact with their mother. In
theory, women Is rights are well protected. According
to law, women may administer their m.n wealth and
engage in business without consulting their spouses.
Women played an important role in the nationalist
movement, and after independence obtained the right
to vote. In practice, Nwonrer rarely participate in
contemporary political life or in modern commerce
and business, even though each political party an!.]
labor union maintains a women's branch. I'c ;iic
opinion, both male and female, is generally opposed
to women who work; in fact, female workers are
xpected to turn over their earnings to their husbands.
Attitudes are changing, however, and parents more
frequently allow daughters to choose their own
occupations. Although most urban Aral) still
swear veils, the young arrant garde are abandoning the
practice as a symbel of female subordination.
Nonetheless, Moroccan women exert a powerful
social influence, as reflected in the old proverb, "What
the devil does in a year, an old woman does in an
hour." Thew perform a significant role i rearing
children, teaching religious values, arranging
marriages and, through extensive social contact with
other women, mediating intrafanrihal disputes.
According to one scholar, their general lack of
education makes them "the defenders of tradition,
superstition, religious forms, and obscurantist
policies."
In traditional Berber society, nun and wornen
apparently constituted almost two distinct societies,
each with its own customs, beliefs, and language.
Riffian men, even today, are extremely jealous of their
women, \vho are kept secluded. Among most other
groups, however, it is common only for the wealthy to
practice seclusion, since women of poor families must
help their husbands in the fields. Berber women,
nevertheless, are evidently permitted a greater degree
of independence than Aral) women.
Early marriage is still the ideal and the norm,
especially for the girl. Civil marriage laws enacted in
1957, and as amended, established the legal marriage
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age of females ;;t 16 and of males at 18, and stipulate
that if either partner is not yet 21 the written consent
of the parents o: legal guardian is required. These
laws, ho%% -.ver, are frequently violated. In the mid
1960's, the mean age at marriage for all rural women
was 15.5 wars. Of 656 rural mcr. surveyed, 36
married for the first time between the ages of 15 and
19, the mean age being 22.3 years. An important
reason for early marriage is the desire of parents to
restrict opportunities for premarital sexual relations
%which, if discovered, would disgrace the family and
probably bring retribution upon the girl from her
father, brothers, or uncles. Once a girl marries,
however, she becomes the responsibility of her
husband. Until that time, she is closely watched and
supervised.
According to Islamic la a man may have up to
four wives. Polygyny, however, is uncommon. It
remains a social desideratum among many transhu-
mant tribes; ideally, a man %with two wwives 17- one
at his permanent home to help with the harvesit and
sends the other to the mountains to tend the sheep,
but such cases are apparently rare. The 1957 ci%. ii code
permits a wife to stipulate in the marriage contract
that her husband may not take another wife; this
provision provides her .vith grounds for divorce if he
does. In addition, a prospective bride is entitled to
know the marital status of the man she expects to
marry.
As elsewhere in the Arab world, marriages are often
contracted within a small group. Among the Berbers,
marriage is usually endogamous at the level of the clan
or lineage. Riffians frequently marry outside the local
tribe, but they do not marry Arabs, whom they
consider socially inferior, or Berbers from other
regions. In the Middle Atlas, marriage Nvith the
daughter of one's fathers brother is apparently the
norm. Among some Berber groups, in fact, it suitor
who is not related to the males of the family must
obtain permission to marry from the prospective
bride's patrilateral cousins Endogamy, hoNvever, is an
often violated ideal. The marriage taboo, for example,
between at least one Ait Atta clan and the haratin,
their traditional subordinates, has broken down, and
mixed marriages between Muslim men of the
Western- oriented elite and European wornen have
increased.
Many marriages, even among sophisticated
urbanites, continue to be arranged by the family.
Future spouses are often not personally acquainted,
and even young, educated men of Mowing persuasion
are known to ask family elders for permission to marry,
although their ideology rejects this practice. However,
10
a father's right to oblige his daughter to marry has
been modified by civil law. During the protectorate,
the number of marriages designed to advance one's
f.snily nosition markedly increased. As a result, in all
r r cities, members of the commercial middle class
arc ,nterew netted in what an observer has termed
an enormous web of marriage alliances."
In rural society and among the more conserv-'ive
urban families, marriage arrangements and cerC,:io-
nies are conducted in the traditional manner.
Typically, the young man's father negotiates the bride
price with the girl's father, sometimes a lengthy
process. According to civil law, the marriage contract
must be witnessed by two notaries and a judge before
it is considered valid. Considerable time often
separates the signing of the contract and the wedding
festivities, which may last several days or up to a .week
if the families are wealthy.
Newly harried couples usually desire children as
soon as possible. The husband .wants to prove his
virility, while the wife wishes to retain her husband by
producin sons, failure to do so being grounds for
divorce. In addition, children are often desired to
provide security in their parents old age.
Bovs may be circumcised in the first year or later.
Because the ceremony, which symbolizes the boy's
confirmation as a Muslim, is expensive, poor families
occasionally share the cost b; havi,ig several children
circumcised together. In 1971, the circumcision of the
Crown Prince was celebrated in week -long national
festivities, during which 40,000 needy youths were
circumcised in ceremonies sponsored and subsidized
by the King. Boys and girls are generally segregated in
late childhood, and dating in the Western sense is rare.
There is no special ritual at puberty, but it is
traditional for adolescents to begin observing the
Ramadan fast at that time.
Although family cohesion is weakening, personal
conflict do not appear to be widespread. Divorce has
alwa\s been common, partly because society
emphasizes parental agreement rather than individual
choice in marriage and partly because Koranic law
strongly favors the man, who simply expresses
repudiation of his wife, before witnesses, three times
on three separate occasions. Male grounds for divorce
are unlimited. While some Berber groups allow the
wife to initiate proceedings, women can only obtain a
divorce upon proof of nonmaintenarce, abandon-
ment, physical cruelty, or sexual abstinence. Among
some Berbers of the High Atlas, if the husband agrees
to a divorce at his wife's request, he has the right to
stipulate the men she cannot marry, although the
number is limited by law. This practice was designed
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to prevent wife stealing. Fey men evidently remain
faithful to their wives. In some areas, many frequent
prostitutes.
4. Rural -urban community patterns
Patterns of community organization in rural areas,
as well as in the cities, are in flux. Change in the
countryside has been caused by the disruption of the
tribal system and the introduction of new administra-
tive units, such as the commune. Instituted after
independence, the commune is designed to facilitate
rural modernization and government control in a
hitherto highly dispersed, particularistic, and tribal
environment. Some government administrators, who
see the tribe as a barrier to progress, view the
commune as an instrument for destroying the tribal
system altogether. A number of commune districts
overlap tribal boundaries, others divide tribes into
more manageable unity, and still others regroup small
tribal segments into larger organizations. Each has a
governing council, whose responsibilities are limited to
problems of local economy, administration, and social
and religious affairs. Another government- sponsored
effort to modernize rural life with a much greater
potential impact is the support of village self -help
projects, including the constuction of such community
facilities as water line:;, sewers, streets, shops,
communal ovens, public baths, and dispensaries.
Climatic, geographic, and status factors have
determined the great variety in form and structure of
Moroccan settleint Ats. The most desirable home
sites �those nearest the ritosque, local shrine, or
streambed �ar. frequently occupied by the com-
munity's most prestigious members, such as saints,
major landowners, or tribal chiefs. The isolated
farmstead, most common in northern Morocco, has
become more typical in other areas since security has
been established in the countryside. There are also
numerous mall hamlets comprising only two or three
households. Middle and High Atlas villages are
usually located on hillsides for protection against
formerly hostile: neighbors and for proximity to valley
fields. They are often extremely compact; houses in
Zaouia Ahanesal, for example, are frequently joined
by a common wall, with the flat roof of one house
serving as the base or courtyard of a dwelling higher
up on the slope. The Isar (walled fortress community)
is the main settlement unit of the southern oases. Built
on flat ground, it is a rectangular structure with corner
towers. Inside the walls, houses are situated close
together and ar, usually taller than most rural
dwellings in order to conserve arable land in a
semidesert environment. Some of these communities
contain imposing buildings called casbahs (kasha'),
which once served as fortresses in tribal wars. Now the
old sections of the cities are called casbahs or
madinahs, a %%ord meaning literally city but used to
distinguish the old from the new sections. These urban
casbahs or madinahs F.)use hundreds of people. Thee
consist of dwellings connected by a complex, maze
like system of passageways.
Among Morocco's nomads and seminom uls,
community patterns are determined by the type and
extent of tribal wandering. The Rguibat are pastoral
nomads living in tents the entire year (Figure 3), with
a movement cycle dependent on available pasturage
and water. Transhumants tend to migrate between
fairly fixed boundaries, some clans traveling more
than 60 miles from their base camp. The Ait Attu, for
example, make two moves per year: in the spring they
leave their permanent dwellings in the valleys for the
Middle Atlas, where they live in tents and pasture
their animals; in the autumn tt..: return to the
valleys. Other tribes reside in the mountains but
migrate down the slopes for winter pasture. Still
others, such as the Beni Mguild, live in a middle
region between summer and winter pastures. French
colonization severely disrupted old transhumant
patterns by sharply reducing available grazing lands
and by requiring land registration, a process which
fractured many communally owned tribal lands.
"Tribal patterns of land ownership, however. still have
not been radically altered.
A central feature of rural life is the market, or stiq
(Figure 4), which for many villagers remains the main
point of contact with the outside world and an
important economic and social center for the exchange
of goods and information. The rural market is usually
located on ar, open site. some distance from the
nearest village, vet conveniently situated within the
general trading area which it scarves. The large stigs
have permanent buildings for the display of Nyares, but
most sites are deserted e\cept on the weekly market
days
Although, in the past, cities were small and fey in
number, urbanization in Morocco has deep historical
roots; Fes, for example, was founded in 808 and
Marrakech in 1070. Located in the plains regions for
defensive purposes, the cities were almost always
surrounded by fortified walls. A central square with a
large mosque was common. Major cities were divided
into quarters haeas) and wards (haunias), largely on
the basis of ethnic, tribal, or occupational differences.
Many have survived intact. In the early 20th century,
Marrakech contained a Muslim quarter (madinalt),
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further subdivided into individual .vards for different
tribes; a Jewish quarter (mellah); and a military
quarter where troops were stationed. In most of the
cities, with the exception of Casablanca, there were
also separate wards for the various occupational
guilds.
The protectorate fundamentally changed the
character of Moroccan cities. Almost immediately
affected were the guilds, whose decline led to a
disintegration of the urban social structure, paralleling
the detribalization of much of the countryside.
Muslims adopted new habits and occupations, moved
into new quarters, and lived in new kinds of houses.
Extensive runAl migration to th ities accelerated the
decay of residential segregation by ethnic group and
irreparably weakened the system of social control by
ward and quarter. In Marrakech, for example, there
are no longer any definitive rules governing residence
or occupation, and the customary "zoning" practices
which determined where businesses could operate:
have been discarded. Moreover, the large -scale Jewish
exodus has virtually eliminated the mellah. The
madinahs, with their old buildings (Figure 5), are in
decline everywhere.
The European ci'y imported to Morocco represents
the archetype of the early 20th century garden city
12
movement, which emphasized wide converging
boulevards, separate industrial, commercial, and
residential quarters, and numerous parks, gardens, and
tree -lined streets. As a result, urban areas contain
sections that a:e essentially modern, others that arc
almost completely traditional, and still others that are
transitional. Casablanca's basic radial concentric
'avout dates from the French master plan of 1922: in
the center is the old, compact, Muslim town, while
near[)\ are 20 -story skyscrapers and what remains of
the first French city. laid out in straight narrow streets
lined by four- to five -story houses. European villas lie
farther out, while bidonvilles (shank and
barracks -like low- income housing are scattered on the
periphery. In order to absorb a growing population, it
number of new towns have been built, accomno-
dating 30,000 to 40,000 people. Designed as self
sufficient, low income, residential communities with
central shopping centers, the\ have more amenities
and wider streets than the madinalts. In the 1960's,
the Moroccan Goverrun ^nt sponsored the construction
of several tie" towns surrounding Marrakech;
Mohammedia, for example, is supplied with schools,
hospitals, recreation areas, commercial districts, and a
bus se ice linking the town with central Marrakech.
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FIGURE 3. Tents are usually divided into two compartments, one for sleeping, the other
for entertainment and family life. Household equipment and utensils are primitive and
kept to a minimum. This scene is of a festival (moussem) held at a saint's sanctuary
in Tan -Tan. During May the nomadic tribes gather here. (U /OU)

FIGURE 4. Every Moroccan tribe
arranges for markets or sugs. They
generally take place in the open
country and are always called by
the name of the day they are
held. (U /OU)
5. Values and attitudes
a. Basic value sysfern
The central values of society are drawn from three
main sources �the Islamic religion, Aral)- flerber
tribalism, and nationalism. Since the beginning of the
20th centh.ry, traditional values have undergone
substantial transformation in r,�sponse to Western
political and economic influences, although the extent
of change should not be exaggerated. Nloroccans
remain it basically conservative people, attached to
the old ways but receptive to gradual change Many
would agree with the Aral) proverb: "Slowly, oh
slowly, my children, for we are not in it hurry." While
ancient religious and tribal practices have been
seriously eroded, virtually all Moroccans, regardless of
ideological persuasion, still regard themselves as
Muslims, and in the rural areas, at least, a person still
tends to identify with it particular tribe. Furthermore,
while traditional society shared many cornmon bonds,
it was, nonetheless, it varied society whose disparate
groups struggled to preserve their o\yn particularistic
values and stele of life, even to the point of fighting
one another.
Among traditional values which most impress the
foreign observer are hospitalit\, self reliance, tribal
egalitarianism, it concern for proper behavior (c�aido)
and the avoidance of shame (hshunaa), and it deep
respect for piety and learning. Berber mountaineers
stress the virtues of physical hardiness, fighting ability,
and frankness of speech and tnanner. while educated
Arabs of the cities attach greater importance to the
possession of formal Islamic learning, mental subtlety
and it gift for discussion and argument. Aggressive or
flarnboyant personal behavior- is not countenanced,
and reticence is seen as it social responsibility. Stylistic
flourishes of language and exaggerated rhetoric are
commonplace, but this stems in large measure from it
passionate love of the Arabic language.
Although the outward forms of traditional behavior
arc still generally obscnrd, including deference to the
family head, many younger Moroccans reject such
13
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FIGURE 5. The madinahs are characterized by maze -like streets and crowded condi-
tions. Most inhabitants are petty traders or traditional artisans. (left) Bab Bou Jeloud,
one of the entrances to the ancient madinah, Fes. (r;ght) An alleyway in the madinah,
Rabat. WOU)
patriarchal values as filial p;ety and female seclusion
as symbols of backwardness and humility inappropri-
ate to a modern nation. Uiscontent is rising among
certain groups, particularly urban youth, and old
civilities and conventions are often abandoned. These
Moroccans, whose new ideas and social horizons were
unknown to their parents, value secular education,
individual achievement, and material slrccess. Because
they no longer completely believe in the superiority of
their culture, they are left with a serious problem of
cultural identity. The sense of dislocation and
insecurity felt by Borne social groups is well expressed
by the protagonist in a 1964 Moroccan novel:
People say its better to have no life at all than a life
full of holes. But then they say: Better an empty sack
than no sack.... I don't know how it's going to come
out, all this.
The changes occurring in Moroccan values are
illustrated by the royal family. the late Mohamed V,
who changed his title from Sultan to King, considering
the latter more appropriate for a modern monarch,
was essentially a traditionalist caught between the
demands of religious life and the substance of secular
14
life. Ile secluded his wive! hilt unveiled his daughters
and gave there a modern education, wore Western
clothes in private but donned traditional robes in
public, rationalized the governmental pure aucraev
but at the same time continued the ancient procedures
of the court. King Hassan received a modern French
education and is familiar with Western thought. in
governing Morocco, however, h appears as a
conservative, appealing to tradition and using Islamic
symbols to justify his rule. In his accession speech in
1961, Hassan set the tone for his reign by promising to
perform his duties "in conformity with the principles
of Islam, with its spiritual values and with our
national secular traditions." Nevertheless, aware of
the demands for chanY_e of his leftwing opposition, he
has declared that Islam is not incompatible with
modern socialism.
Members of the Istiqlal party doubt the
governments commitment to Islamic values, decry
the alleged abandonment of moral principles in
society and the increasing use of alcohol and drugs,
and stress the importance of Islamic education. Those
of leftist persuasion, on the other hand, emphasize
secular values and call for the government to
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undertake a radical restructuri ng of societ along the
s lines of a socialist welfare state. Both groups, despite:
their different emphases, draw on French ideological
and organizational concepts, and bath stand in sharp
j
contrast to the religious scholars and other
traditionalists -who oppose all change as a departure
from Muslim law and the original precepts of Islam.
Most Moroccans are preoccupied with their private
affairs, unaffected by crosscurrents of political
activism. Traditionally, Moroccans have been
manipulated rather than consulted by their leaders,
and royal authoritarianism continues to inhibit the
growth of public participation in political life.
Although democratic values and an individualistic
ethic are gaining strength in the cities, the social and
political norms of the majority are still drawn from the
tribe, where family and patriarchal values are
paramount. Even those Westernized Moro-cans who
scorn the notion of filial piety rarely renounce their
family ties.
b. Basic attitudes
Social pluralism has severely restricted the
development of a strong national consciousness. The
unifying influence of Islam is counterbalanced by
cultural differences, regional animosities, tribal
feuding. and a lack of consensus among the
intelligentsia. Although independence contributed
somew to a sense of national solidarity, tribalism is
still pronounced, and Morocco continues to be
confronted with the problem of unification.
Moroccans take great pride it the country as a historic
center of Muslim civilization, vet loyalty to the person
of the King is a more developed feeling than lovalty to
the state and its institutions.
The legacy of tribalism has been a major influence
impeding the growth of modern nationalism. Prior to
the arrival of the French, feuding within and between
tribes was endemic, often originating in disputes over
land, water rights, or women. Even today, a general
pattern of hostility among component units of many
tribes can be detected. Internal tribal animosities have
created a considerable amount of mistrust among the
people, who tend to suspect one another's intentions.
In'(ertribal feuding also has a long tradition, and
although widespread violence between tribes is
generally a thing of the past, occasional brawls still
occur, particularly in the south, between nomadic and
sedentary tribesmen. As late as 1969, armed
government intervention was required to contain a
tribal clash in Beni Melia] Province.
The tribal world has changed considerably during
the 20th century. With the development of modern
communications, its exclusiveness has broken down,
and tribes have been forced to admit outsiders into
their once remote lands. Among many long- settled
rural migrants to the cities, moreover, the concept of
tribe is losing its meaning. The tribal sector, however,
is not fully integrated into the nation. Identification of
nomadic tribes with the central government is slight,
and ethnic particularism is still pronounced in some
area%. The se;f- identity of the Riffian tribes, for
example, remains strong, fostered in part by memories
of Abdei Krim's short -lived Riffian republic in the
1920's and in part by resentment of domination by
non- Riffians since independence. The Riffians, in fact,
revolted in 1958 -59. The insurgency. which was
forcibly put down by the army, was not an attempt at
secession, but rather a protest against government
neglect, poor administration, and a lack of
educational and employment opportunities. While the
government is sensitive to the potential for tribal
rebellion in such areas as the Rif, the trend since the
early 1960's seems to be one of increasing loyalty to
the national government.
The balance between rural and urban forces has
alwave been precarious, and the continuing division
between town and country constitutes a major social
problem. Some authorities view the rural -urban
dichotomy as essentially a conflict between the
agrari oriented Berbers and the more sophisticated
Arabs of the cities, for whom rural values have little
meaning. While the Arab townsmen tend to look
down upon the Berber tribesmen and accuse them of
being "bad Muslims," the Berbers reject the inferior
social status which urban Arabs impose on them and
claim to be the only "true" Moroccans. As late as
1967, strong "separatist" feelings were said to exist
among Berbers of the mountains and the southern
plains, stemming from resentment of the political and
economic control exercised by city Arabs, especially
the elite of Fes. However, it is difficult to know
.whether these sentiments are significantly different
from the traditional tribal opposition to the central
government. Despite frictions, the political manifesta-
tions of Berber -Arab differences have been intermit-
tent and generally unorganized since independence.
The main problems are cultural and linguistic; racial
antagonisms are muted or noncsistent.
Divisive attitudes based on re factors are not
unknown. Some hostility, for em exist.; between
the Riffian Berbers of the north and the Sussi Berbers
of the southwest. There are also intercity rivalries and
prejudices. A well -known case i, that of Marrakech
vis -a -vis Fes. The residents of Nlarrakec "t reportedly
regard the Fassis as intellectual snobs, while the latter
criticize the Marrakechis for their carefree ways.
15
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25X1

exploitation of Algeria's iron ore fields. Subsequently,
the two nations signed a treaty providing for the
demarcation of disputed areas.
Moroccans have a strong tradition of respect for
military qualities; many are descendants of tribal
warriors. The French and Spanish protectorates
recruited Moroccans, chiefly Beabers, into their
national armed forces during World Wars I and I1, in
which they established a creditable. record. Although
Morocco has been generally unwilling to use force to
achieve its territorial claims, guerrilla forays against
the Spanish Army in Spanish Sahara and Ifni were
encouraged in 1917 -38, and serious fighting with
Algeria over the disputed border took place in October
1963, with Morocco winning a limited military
victory. These conflicts notwithstanding, Morocco
views its military role as a defensive one, and the
army, .which continues to rely on Berber units, remains
small.
C. Population (U /OU)
As the result of a consistently high birth rate and it
high but declining death rat" Morocco's population
has grown rapidly, having risen by more than 50 1 5' o
during the period from independence in 1956 until
mid -1972, when it was estimated at slightly more than
15.8 million. During the years 1960 -71, the population
increased at an average annual rate of 2.554, and the
figure would have been higher had it not been for the
departure of over 400,000 Moroccan Jews and
foreigners, as well as several hundred thousand
Moroccan Muslims seeking work in Western Europe.
The Moroccan Musli,ii population, for example,
increased at an average annual rate of 2.95C' during
1960 -71, and it must be assumed, with the departure
of most Jews and foreigners from the country, that the
annual growth rate during the late 1960's and at the
beginning of the 1970's was no less than 2.9% and was
probably higher. Growth of such magnitude is a
serious hindrance to official efforts to raise living levels
through programs of economic and social develop-
ment. E\ en in the 1960'x, population growth exerted
heavy pressure on scarce economic resources and
contributed to rising unemployment. Although
Morocco has instituted a well- conceived family
planning program, there is a wide gap between policy
and execution, and to date the program has not served
to curb population growth.
Family planning is a sensitive issue from political,
sociological, and religious viewpoints. Although
increasingly desirous of limiting the size of their
families, Moroccans still regard children as an asset
and as a form of social security in old age, with from
three to five children being considered the ideal
number. Nonetheless, concerned with the tendency of
population growth to outstrip economic gain and
perhaps stimulated by the family planning program
inaugurated in Tunisia in 1964, the Moroccan
Government since 1963 has cautiously and at times
hesitantly developed its own family planning
program. A High Council on Population was created
in 1966, and family planning centers, where
instruction in contraception is given and interuterine
devices are inserted without charge, were subsequently
established in all urban health clinics. In August 1967,
the government abrogated a 1939 law forbidding the
advertising or sale of contraceptive devices, and in
1968 the Ministry of Public Health began the
distribution of oral contraceptives. In the same \rar,
the family planning program was incorporated into
the Five Year Plan (1968 -72), and it was subsequently
labeled a national priority objective. A project
involving the sale of condoms at reduced prices in
tobacco stores in Casablanca was initiated in 1969,
and a Demographic Research Center was created in
1971.
The primary goal of the family planning program is
to inform Moroccans of the various possibilities of
limiting family size and of the different contraceptive
methods available. Ultimately, the government hopes
that the program will effect a reduction in the birth
rate, but to date the program, hampered by weak
administration and the strong opposition of certain
political and religious leaders, has achieved minimal
results. In urban areas the basic infrastructure has
been established and personnel trained, but rural areas
remain largely unaffected. Moreover, no significant
effort to educate the population in matters of family
planning has yet been undertaken. Sizable segments of
the population are still basically apathetic or ignorant
about contraceptive methods, particularly in the
countryside few persons are even aware of the
government's family planning program. Knowledge of
contraceptive practices is more widespread among city
residents, but it is by no means universal, and the
practice of contraception is extremely low. According
to one survey of urban couples, more than 90% had
never clone anything to prevent conception.
Because births and deaths are grossly underreported
in Morocco, it is impossible to determine prevailing
birth and death rates accurately. The U.N., however,
rh
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has estimated the following vital rates for Morocco for
the decades of the 1950's and 1960's:
The U.N. estimates for the period 1965 -70 are
basically in accord with the official estimates of the
Moroccan Statistical Service. In 1966, that agency
assumed that Morocco had a birth rate of 50 per 1,000
population and a death rate of 17 per 1,000.
As the U.N. estimates indicate, birth and death
rates have been declining since 1950. During 1950 -70,
the birth rate dropped by approximately 2 1 /i whereas
the death rate decreased by about 56 the result Wi%s
rapidly increasing population growth. The rate of
natural increase rose by 34% during the 1950 -70
period, culminating in a 3.3% annual rate during
1965 -70. Emigration, however, served to lower
somewhat the average annual rate of grwvth during
the late 1960'x.
According to U.N. estimates, life expectancy at
birth rose from 42.9 years in 1950 -55 to 50.2 vears in
1965 -70, and has been projected at 56.5 years in 1975-
80. IDespite the improvement between 1950 and 1970,
life expectancy at birth is somewhat lower in Morocco
than in any other Maghrebian country.
Because of the uncertainty of future levels of
fertility and morality, as well as the magnitude of
emigration, it is difficult to predict the level of
Morocco's population in the years to come. Observers
agree, however, that the current age structure is highly
conducive to accelerated population growth in the
future and that the population call he expected to
continue to grow rapidly during the 1970's and 1980's
whether or not the birth rate declines. In fact, the birth
rate is likely to continue the very gradual downward
trend begun in the 1960'x. The death rate has alreadv
dropped substantially, but the current level of
mortality is sufficiently high to respond positively to
improved health conditions, and the death rate
probably will continue to fall. In particular, the infant
mortality rate, estimated at 145 deaths of children
under age I per 1,000 live births in 1970, is expected to
decline as health conditions gradually improve.
The U.N., in its estimates aril projections of the
Moroccan population, has assumed that the
population will grow by 3.4% per year in 1970 -75 and
that the rate will increase to 3.5% during 1975 -80
before dropping to 3.3% during 1980 -85 aril to 3.2%
during 1985 -90. Should these assumptions prove valid,
9
the population would reach 20 million in 1978 and 30
million in 1990. Even at the 2.95'' annual growth rate
imi)lied for the Moroccan M41Alin1 population in 1960-
7 1, the 1972 population wokk(k] double in 24 years.
I. Size and distribution
a. Size
According to the preliminary results of the census of
20 July 1971, Morocco had a population of
15,379,259, a 32% increase over the number
enumerated in 1960 and a 65% increase over the figure
officially estimated for the area in 1952. By midyear
1972, the population had risen to an estimated
15,800,000. Morocco thus ranks as the most populous
of the four Maghreb nations. It also has a larger
population than any of the other Arab states except
Egypt and the Sudan, and it is the seventh most
populous country in Africa.
b. Density and distribution
Morocco's population is spread over broad and
well- watered coastal plains, in contrast to other
countries of the Maghreb, where the population is
often concentrated in a fairly narrow coastal belt.
Nonetheless. Morocco is the most densely populated
country of the Maghreb. With a land area of
approximately 158,100 square miles, Morocco had a
density of almost 100 persons per square mile at
midyear 1972. Its neighbors to the east and south are
much less densely populated.
Extreme variation in rainfall and physical
geography underlie diverse patterns of settlement,
which range from in unsettled nomadic state in the
arid southeastern desert area to fairly dense rural
settlements and great concentrations of urban
population along the fertile Atlantic coast.
Intermediate between the desert and seacoast are
extensive mountain regions, where settlement patterns
range from those of scnlinomadic pastoral groups at
the higher altitudes of the Atlas Mountains to those of
settled agriculturalists who crowd the foothills of the
Rif mountain chain.
Excluding the areas around Casablanca, Rabat, and
Tangier, population density in 1960 ranged from
fewer than 10 persons per square mile in districts in the
desert and semidesert regions of the southeast to more
than 400 in districts in the west and far north (Figure
6). Rural densities as low as 1 per square mile were
reported in Tarfaya Province, and as high as 209 in
fertile agricultural zones near Marrakech and Rabat.
The mountainous regions are generally more densely
settled than the and regions of the southeast. This is
especially true in the mountainous areas of northern
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RATE oT
BIRTH
DEATH
\ATURAI.
RATE
RATE
INCREASE
1950 -55
50.4
25.7
24.7
1955 -60
50.4
22.7
27,7
1960 -65
50.1
19.6
30.5
1965 -70
49.5
16.5
33.0
The U.N. estimates for the period 1965 -70 are
basically in accord with the official estimates of the
Moroccan Statistical Service. In 1966, that agency
assumed that Morocco had a birth rate of 50 per 1,000
population and a death rate of 17 per 1,000.
As the U.N. estimates indicate, birth and death
rates have been declining since 1950. During 1950 -70,
the birth rate dropped by approximately 2 1 /i whereas
the death rate decreased by about 56 the result Wi%s
rapidly increasing population growth. The rate of
natural increase rose by 34% during the 1950 -70
period, culminating in a 3.3% annual rate during
1965 -70. Emigration, however, served to lower
somewhat the average annual rate of grwvth during
the late 1960'x.
According to U.N. estimates, life expectancy at
birth rose from 42.9 years in 1950 -55 to 50.2 vears in
1965 -70, and has been projected at 56.5 years in 1975-
80. IDespite the improvement between 1950 and 1970,
life expectancy at birth is somewhat lower in Morocco
than in any other Maghrebian country.
Because of the uncertainty of future levels of
fertility and morality, as well as the magnitude of
emigration, it is difficult to predict the level of
Morocco's population in the years to come. Observers
agree, however, that the current age structure is highly
conducive to accelerated population growth in the
future and that the population call he expected to
continue to grow rapidly during the 1970's and 1980's
whether or not the birth rate declines. In fact, the birth
rate is likely to continue the very gradual downward
trend begun in the 1960'x. The death rate has alreadv
dropped substantially, but the current level of
mortality is sufficiently high to respond positively to
improved health conditions, and the death rate
probably will continue to fall. In particular, the infant
mortality rate, estimated at 145 deaths of children
under age I per 1,000 live births in 1970, is expected to
decline as health conditions gradually improve.
The U.N., in its estimates aril projections of the
Moroccan population, has assumed that the
population will grow by 3.4% per year in 1970 -75 and
that the rate will increase to 3.5% during 1975 -80
before dropping to 3.3% during 1980 -85 aril to 3.2%
during 1985 -90. Should these assumptions prove valid,
9
the population would reach 20 million in 1978 and 30
million in 1990. Even at the 2.95'' annual growth rate
imi)lied for the Moroccan M41Alin1 population in 1960-
7 1, the 1972 population wokk(k] double in 24 years.
I. Size and distribution
a. Size
According to the preliminary results of the census of
20 July 1971, Morocco had a population of
15,379,259, a 32% increase over the number
enumerated in 1960 and a 65% increase over the figure
officially estimated for the area in 1952. By midyear
1972, the population had risen to an estimated
15,800,000. Morocco thus ranks as the most populous
of the four Maghreb nations. It also has a larger
population than any of the other Arab states except
Egypt and the Sudan, and it is the seventh most
populous country in Africa.
b. Density and distribution
Morocco's population is spread over broad and
well- watered coastal plains, in contrast to other
countries of the Maghreb, where the population is
often concentrated in a fairly narrow coastal belt.
Nonetheless. Morocco is the most densely populated
country of the Maghreb. With a land area of
approximately 158,100 square miles, Morocco had a
density of almost 100 persons per square mile at
midyear 1972. Its neighbors to the east and south are
much less densely populated.
Extreme variation in rainfall and physical
geography underlie diverse patterns of settlement,
which range from in unsettled nomadic state in the
arid southeastern desert area to fairly dense rural
settlements and great concentrations of urban
population along the fertile Atlantic coast.
Intermediate between the desert and seacoast are
extensive mountain regions, where settlement patterns
range from those of scnlinomadic pastoral groups at
the higher altitudes of the Atlas Mountains to those of
settled agriculturalists who crowd the foothills of the
Rif mountain chain.
Excluding the areas around Casablanca, Rabat, and
Tangier, population density in 1960 ranged from
fewer than 10 persons per square mile in districts in the
desert and semidesert regions of the southeast to more
than 400 in districts in the west and far north (Figure
6). Rural densities as low as 1 per square mile were
reported in Tarfaya Province, and as high as 209 in
fertile agricultural zones near Marrakech and Rabat.
The mountainous regions are generally more densely
settled than the and regions of the southeast. This is
especially true in the mountainous areas of northern
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Persons per square ank
0 28 78 130
Persons nor square kkanoter
Based on 1880 census
501549 173
FIGURE 6. Population density (U /OU)
Morocco, where population d_;sities in the Rif and its
foothills frequently rise to more than 100. Densities of
more than 1,000 were recorded in 1960 along the west
coast �in Casablanca, Rabat, and Tangier. The most
densely settled area in the country is a 90 -mile coastal
strip from Casablanca northward to Kenitra. A belt of
high densities also extends eastward from Rabat
through the Taza corridor, which separates the Rif and
Atlas mountain chains. In 1971, about 83% of the
population of Morocco resided in the northwestern
half of the country. The rest lived in the area southeast
of a line drawn roughly between Nador in the north
and Agadir in the south.
Morocco is still a predominantly rural country, but
the proportion of the urban population to the total
population has been rising steadily, as shown in the
following tabulation:
1926
10%
1936
16%
1952
25%
1960
29%
1971
35%
At current rates of growth, the urban population is
expected to constitute 40% of the total population by
1980. The process of urbanization, however, is uneven.
Most of the major urban centers are within 100 miles
of the Atlantic, primarily in the northwestern quarter
of the country; there are no settlements with a
population as large as 15,000 in the southeast or in the
far south. Moreover, the urban areas witnessing the
most rapid growth are those located along the Atlantic
coast. Such traditional inland centers of population as
Fes and Marrakech, while growing, show a rate of
population increase below that of the coastal cities.
During the 1960 -71 intereensal period, the urban
population increased by 58 compared with 21 for
the rural population. The number of cities with
100,000 or more inhabitants rose from eight to 11, and
in 1971 these 11 cities made up 69% of the total urban
population. At that time, about half of all urban
dwellers lived in Casablanca or in the twin cities of
Rabat and Sale. Among the 19 provinces, Tangier had
the highest proportion of urban residents, Ouarzazate
the lowest (Figure 7). Generally, the northern and
19
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FIGURE 7. Population, by administrative area and urban -rural residence, 1971 (U /OU)
western provinces had a much higher proportion of
urban residents than the southern and eastern
provinces.
By far the largest of Moroccan cities, Casablanca
accounts for slightly more than 40% of the total urban
population and about 10% of the total population.
With a population of 1.5 million in 1971, it was almost
three times as large as Rabat -Sale, the second largest
urban complex (Figure 8). Increasing largely as the
result of migration from the countryside, the
population of Casablanca grew at an average annual
rate of 4.1% during the 1960 -71 period. Overall, the
urban population increased at an average annual rate
of 4.3% during 1960 -71, compared with 1.8% for the
rural population.
Moroccan officials have estimated that the net
volume of migration to the cities averaged about
30,000 persons per year in the 1936 -52 period, rese to
50,000 in 1952 -60, and has since increased to about
100,000 migrants annually. Economic factors are the
underlying cause of this rural exodus. As a result, cities
with the greatest economic potential have been the
preferred destinations. These include Casablanca,
Kenitra, and Safi, with Casablanca being the prime
magnet for rural migrants. Sale is also the destination
for many, partly because influx to its cross -river twin
city, Rabat, has been zealously blocked by authorities
intent on keeping the country's capital free of
bidonvilles and discernible unemployment.
Morocco's cities have been unable to cope with the
number of migrants arriving from the countryside.
They have become overcrowded, already inadequate
FIGURE 8. Growth of cities of 100,000 or more
inhabitants in 1971 (U /OU)
PERCENT
ADMINISTRATIVE AREA
URBAN
RURAL
TOTAL
UR RAN
Province:
AVERAGE
Agadir
170,600
993,028
1,163,628
11,.7
Al Hoceima
22,496
224,098
246,594
9.1
Beni \lellal
117,296
542,395
659.691
17.8
E.1Jadida
92,185
498,738
590,923
15.6
Fes
383,904
687,512
1,071,416
35.8
Kenitra
308,477
1,034,498
1,342,975
23.0
K houribga
143,170
185,134
328,304
43.6
Ksares Souk
46,595
424,525
471,120
9.9
llarrakeeh
393,118
1,159,410
1,552,528
25.3
Meknes
363,499
420,561
784,060
16.4
Nador
44,176
436,341
480,517
9.2
Ouarzazate
29,048
493,328
522,376
5.6
Oudja
:315,188
318,640
633,828
19.7
Safi
193,619
704,327
897,946
21.6
ettat
112,947
542,422
655,369
17.2
Tangierr
187,894
27,608
215,502
87.2
T arfaya
11,826
12,335
24,161
48.9
Taza
73,218
501,338
574,556
12.7
TetouaP
278,882
:117,396
796,278
35.0
Prefecture:
Casablanca
1,576,272
149,501
1,72:1,773
91.3
Rabat Sale
539,056
102,658
641,714
81.0
All Morocco
5,403,466
9,975,793
15,379,259
35.1
NOTE -Data are based on the preliminary results of
the 20 July 1971
census.
western provinces had a much higher proportion of
urban residents than the southern and eastern
provinces.
By far the largest of Moroccan cities, Casablanca
accounts for slightly more than 40% of the total urban
population and about 10% of the total population.
With a population of 1.5 million in 1971, it was almost
three times as large as Rabat -Sale, the second largest
urban complex (Figure 8). Increasing largely as the
result of migration from the countryside, the
population of Casablanca grew at an average annual
rate of 4.1% during the 1960 -71 period. Overall, the
urban population increased at an average annual rate
of 4.3% during 1960 -71, compared with 1.8% for the
rural population.
Moroccan officials have estimated that the net
volume of migration to the cities averaged about
30,000 persons per year in the 1936 -52 period, rese to
50,000 in 1952 -60, and has since increased to about
100,000 migrants annually. Economic factors are the
underlying cause of this rural exodus. As a result, cities
with the greatest economic potential have been the
preferred destinations. These include Casablanca,
Kenitra, and Safi, with Casablanca being the prime
magnet for rural migrants. Sale is also the destination
for many, partly because influx to its cross -river twin
city, Rabat, has been zealously blocked by authorities
intent on keeping the country's capital free of
bidonvilles and discernible unemployment.
Morocco's cities have been unable to cope with the
number of migrants arriving from the countryside.
They have become overcrowded, already inadequate
FIGURE 8. Growth of cities of 100,000 or more
inhabitants in 1971 (U /OU)
(Population in thousands)
AVERAGE
ANNUAL
POPULATION
RATE OF
GROWTH,
CITY
1960
1971
1960 -71
Casablanca
965
1,500
4.1
Rabat
227
375
4.7
M arrakeeh
243
333
2.9
Fes
216
322
3.7
Meknes
176
248
3.2
Tangier. I
142
188
2.6
Oudja
129
176
2.9
Sale
29
156
16.5
Kenitra
87
139
4.4
Tetouan
101
139
2.9
Safi
81
129
4.3
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services have deteriorated, and urban administration
has been aggravated by the heavy burdens caused by
the migrants. The Moroccan Government has long
sought to check migration from rural areas to urban
centers bi undertaking programs designed to create a
rural counterattraction to the cities. "These have
involved agricultural development projects, road and
school construction, and other economic and social
endeavors. An attempt has also been made to round
up recent migrants and send them back to their rural
homes. Because controls in the urban areas have been
effective only periodically and because the rural
development schemes have been too limited, the rural
exodus has continued more or less unabated.
Although definitive statistical data are riot
available, some well defined patterns of recent
internal migration are nonetheless apparent. Most
migrants to the cities come from rural districts in the
southern part of the country, where rainfall is lowest.
Specific areas of out migration occur in the arid and
semiarid lands of the Sous and Draa river valleys, and
in the vicinities of Tafilalt and Figuig. Mountainous
areas have also contributed their share of migrants;
these include the dry Anti -Atlas arid western High
Atlas ranges and the rugged Rif region of the math.
Out- migration has also occured in some of the fertile
Atlantic plains areas, i.e., Abda, Chaouia, and
Doukkala, where the problem is one of too little land
and too many people.
2. Age -sex structure
Although age -sex data from the 1971 census are not
yet available, Morocco is known to have a very voting
population. At midyear 1970, according to an official
Moroccan estimate, the median age of the Moroccan
Muslim population (99% of the total population) was
16.4 years, more than 11 years below that for the
United States. Moreover, the figure for 1970 was 2.5
years lower than that ascertained in 1960, pointing up
the trend toward an increasingly youthful population
than is expected to continue in the near future.
At midyear 1970, almost one -fifth of all Moroccan
Muslims were under age 5 and slightly more than 46%
were under age 15. At the other extreme, only 2.5%
were age 65 or older. All together, 49.2% were in the
dependent ages (0 -14 and 65 or older), while 50.8%
were in the working ages (15 -64), providing a ratio of
967 persons in the dependent ages per 1,000 in the
working ages, a figure some 57% higher than that in
the United States. k such countries as Morocco,
however, the formal dependency ratio tends to
overstate the actual degree of dependency, as many
children under age 15, especially in rural areas, are
engaged in some form of work activity, and persons
Age
and over
70 74
65 -69
60 -64
55 -59
50 -54
45 -49
40-44
35 -39
30 -34
25 -29
2024
I5 -19
10 -t 4
5 -9
0 -4
Percent
NOTE: Moroccan Muslim population
FIGURE 9. Age -sex structure, Morocco and the United
States, midyear 1970 (U /OU)
age 65 or older are often compelled by economic
necessity to continue working.
Morocco's population profile, compared with that
of the United States (Figure 9), shows that the
proportion of the population under age 5 is more than
double that of the I- 'sited States, attesting to
Morocco's much higher level of fertility. In fact,
Morocco has a larger proportion of persons in all age
groups under .35 than has the United States.
Converselv, 'ne proportion of the U.S. population in
the middle ed to spi ad a I)()lndar
\ersion of Islam and re instrumental in prr,\iding
\lc,r()c�co \\ith i t sense ()f unite through it countn\side
d()uriant) ()f it house often has it handprint painted ()n
it to gain pr()tcc�ti()n f()r the household. Fvvn Weslern-
edrlc�atecl \lorocc�ans nut car it khuntsu I>end;ult to
avoid bad luck.
Folk Islam stresses it personalized sic\% of nature.
Fc,r example, the death and resurrection of fields and
nu�Ml()\%s is bclic\ -d to he i, regular occurrence. and
the practice ()f it griculhl.e is marked h\ ark )its
seasonal fesli\als and rites. \t its must printili\e lox d,
the popular religion ex()k('s into an almost
undisguised nature \%orship. Certain high
places, springs, rocks, and trees are generated, (It i\e
offerings [wing spade al such sites. In sonic areas,
��h()I\ trees are considered to have the p()\%er to
facilitate cunc�eptic,n. Shnilarl\, the elennents ()f ater
and fire arc frcduentI\ linked to fcrlilit\: 'dung
married w( nnen nta\ he inuncrsed in \utcror mule to
jump over fire (F igure ?1 in the belief that this kill
prevent sterilit\.
characteristic of North :kfricim Islann, the cull of
saints has been effec�tivel\ incorporated into popular
.Moroccan belief. Saints, c,r marabouts, are believed to
have hurakuh and the abilil\ to perform nniracles. The
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FIGURE 20. This pendant of five fingers is worn to
counteract the evil eye. It is sometimes called the hand
of Fatima, after the Prophet's daughter. (U /OU)
FIGURE 21. Young girl jumping over a fire, a ritual
practiced in parts of southern Morocco in the belief
that it will insure fertility (U /OU)

network of zau'ira /ts (lodges or fueadyuarters) during
the late middle ages, a period of ssrak central
government and strong tribalism. 13% the mid -19th
century. mane had degenerated into aggre-gations of
mystics Nyhose ecstatic excesses %%ere opposed by the
mama, the guardians of orthodox Islam. Otber
hrotherhoods in that period turned to politics, and
sonu' hec�ane nuclei of early resistance to French and
Spanish encroachments. With fe\ exceptions, the
"lost active orders in the first half of the 20th century
were Berber in character, nruty of these c�ollahorated
s%ith the protectorate regime, Mlic�h encouraged their
antinatiol'Aisl tendencies� By supportirig these
brotherhoods and sponsoring ne%% ones, the French
hoped to wean the Berbers front Islam, the
nationalists of orthodox persuasion, and strengthen
their os\n position. However, tic French un\yittingl\-
helped to diminish the importance of the brotherhoods
by centralizing the government, thereby elininating
certain functions which they had formerly performed.
1'hc y were further x\eakened in the early 1900's b\ the
Salafiyah reform noyentenl, I sought to
eliminate heterodox religious practices, as nunifestecl
in the orders, by encouraging a return to orthodox
Islarnic principles. Mohamed V. father of the present
King, trltinnutely identified luinuself with the reformers,
and in 1946 he forbade the esta I isli nt of ney
brotherhoods and the formation of zauiyahs withocut
royal permission. With the brotherhoods i decline by
the mitt- 1950's, the Sulaf'iyah also lost much f its
force, but its spirit still infuses the pro"ouncc'nu�nts of
Istiylal leaders and others c�oiwertwd with the
preservation of national and religious values.
Still functioning in contemporary Moroccan soc�iet
but scorned hs the educated elite. the� religious
brotherhoods c�unuhine elcrnents of Islamic nystic�isn,
or Sufism, animistic- beliefs, and Sumo theology.
brotherhood is headed by it sheikh, the group
spiritual leader, anti each has its o%%n ceremonial
rituals, special pra\cr, and ernbh'nu. In the past, the
rituals of some irwluded self flagellation, violent
dancing, and snakehandling. %lenubership is on an
infornntl basis. In 1962, the uunuberof active "ethers
in the country \\as placed at about IOS( of the
population. "11ie tsco largest brotherhoods at that lime
xyerc� the "I'idjani\a and the Derkawa, both of sshich
were organized in the Pith century. The "I'idjanis,
syhic�h has its mother zatriyah in Fes, is considered the
most orthodox of the groups. L'nlike "lost brother-
39
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FIGURE 22. This plain, domed, whitewashed building is
typical of many saint's tombs that dot the Moroccan
landscape (U /OU)
FIGURE 23. Entrance io a local saint's tomb in the
High Atlas. Strips of cloth, left by a worshiper, may be
seen hanging on the door. (J /OU)

hoods, which draw the majority of their members from
the lower strata of the population, the Tidjaniya
recruits some from the middle class.
The Christians of Morocco are located chiefly in the
larger towns and cities, particularly Casablanca,
Rabat, Tangier, Tetouan, Oujda, and the Meknes
area. Similarly, the Jews are concentrated primarily in
the urban centers. A significant reduction in the size of
the Christian and Jewish groups has occurred in the
past 20 years. The Christian community totaled about
535,000 in 1952 and the Jewish community
approximately 215,000 in the same year, in contrast to
1971 estimates of 180,000 and 31,000, respectively.
Most of the decrease in the number of Christians
reflects the exodus resulting fro:cr independence, wbile
the decline in the number of Jews has been caused
primari by large -scale emigration io Israel.
The beginnings of Christian missionary activity in
Morocco date back to 1234, when a Roman Catholic
Franciscan priest was appointed Bishop of Morocco.
The succession lasted until 1566, at which time the
jurisdiction passed to the Archbishop of Seville. In
1630, the Apostolic Prefecture of Morocco was
established at Tangier, and there has been no
interruption in the Moroccan succession since that
time. However, the Catholic community remained
small until the establishment of the protectorate in
1912 and the subsequent influx of Europeans. In 1923,
a separate apostolic vicariate for the French 'Lone was
created at Rabat. Both jurk''ictions were eventually
raised to the status of archdiocese, the see of Rabat in
1955 and the see of Tangier in 1956. The archdioceses
of Tangier and Rabat conic under the direct authority
of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the
Faith in Rome, as Morocco is considered a mission
territory. The Archdiocese of Tangier, which
comprises only Tangier and former Spanish Morocco,
ministered to about 25,000 baptized Catholics in
1970. The Archdiocese of Rabat, encompassing the
remainder of the country, served approximately
150,000 Catholics in the same year. Each archdiocese
is subdivided into parishes, which constitute the basic
unit of church organization. The Franciscan Order is
administratively responsible for the church in
Morocco. Franciscans occupy the highest positions in
the hierarchy and predominate at all levels of the
ecclesiastical organization. Church leaders tradition-
ally have been born outside the country. The
Archbishop of Rabat is a French citizen and the
Archbishop of Tangier is a Spaniard.
Statistics relating to the Roman Catholic
establishment in Morocco for 1970 indicate that there
were 86 parishes and approximately 65 places of
40
worship. "These "ere served by 294 priests, about two-
thirds of whom belonged to religious orders. In
addition, there were 591 nuns. Schools conducted b
Catholic religious personnel numbered 56, and
church -run charitable institutions, including hospitals,
totaled 22. A number of lay organizations function at
the parish level, one of the most active being the
Society of St. Vincent de Paul, a welfare organization
whose local units are federated into a central council
for all of Morocco.
There has been some Protestant activity in Morocco
by British, L'. S., French, and internationally
supported groups since 1883. The missions usual]\
have been prudent enough not to arouse hostility, but
they have made few converts. Information derived
from the 11 "orlci Christian handbook for 1968
indicates that the only established Protestant
dem:tnination at that time was the Evangelical
Church of Morocco, of French origin, which claimed a
total community of 2,500 persons. Missionary groups
listed were the Bible Churchmen's Missionary Society,
the Emmanuel Mission, the Gospel Missionary Union,
the North African Mission, and the Seventh -day
Adventist Mission. The North African Mission
claimed a membership of 350; no figurca were
presented for the others. North American Protestant
sources in 1970 reported a number of other
denominations and missionary organizations having
representatives in Morocco. These included the Berean
Mission, the Church of the Brethren, the Churches of
Christ, the Fellowship of Independence Missions, the
Mennonites, the Southern Baptist Convention, and
the United Church of Canada. The number of North
American missionary personnel active in Morocco was
given as 73.
Most of Morocco's Jewish population has consisted
of Arabized Jews, descendants of immigrants of
ancient times and converted Berber tribespeople.
Practically indistinguishable from their Muslim
counterparts, they speak a Judeo- Arabic dialect and
share some of the animistic beliefs which have
influenced Islam in Morocco. The emigrants to Israel
have conk almost exclusively from this group. Jewish
leadership in Morocco, as elsewhere in North Africa,
rests in the hands of Sephardic Jews, descendants of
refugees from 15th and 16th century Spain. Stressing
education, both religious and secular, tLev constitute a
small, skilled group whose services are valued and who
frequently have a high social status.
The central body of Moroccan Jewry is a Rabat
based Moroccan Jewish Communal Council, in which
local communal councils are represented. The central
council exercises no supervisory responsibility over the
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local councils brit sen es as the official point of contact
%%ith national authorities. Menrbership in the local
bodies caries in size and is restrictcd to promincnt Jews
Of the conununits. suc�i as s\ nagogue administrators
and well -to -do businessmen. Responsibilities of the
conun(unal councils relate to welfare activities for the
needy .end for xo(ttII, provision fur religious
obsen ance. and a(Iministrrtiun of c�onununal
financial affairs. The actual scope of their actin ities
has d(�pended on local leadership, and \%ith the steal\
decline in the nunnber of Je\%s, mane of the councils
have ceased to operate effec�tivel\. S\nagogues are
found in most cities which have a Jewish quarter and
uc�casionaII y in the cornntr\ side l I igur(- 2 -1). There are
three in Casablanca. which has the largest and most
active Jewish comrn(rnity. Casablanca is also the
Moroccan headquarters for it number of international
Jewish organizations which have been "forking to raise
health, educational, and vocational lei els of the
generally poverty- stricke Moroccan je%\s.
Despite tic consen'ati\e character of the national
religion its it is offic�iall\ expounded. %lor(,cco has
been fairly tolerant of its religious minorities.
permitting freedom of worship for both Jews and
Christians. The 1958 Code of Moroccan Vationalit\
made Jews full and equal citizens of the state, an(I
their persons and property are legally protec-ted.
Nevertheless, it fcs% Jess s(rre subjected to personal
attacks after the 1967 Arab- Israeli \car. The Penal
Code prohibits religious proselytism by non- Mctslims.
and the government tends to view as subversive am
interest vvincvd by Moroccan Muslims in otL�er
religions. The N1inister of Islamic Affairs and
Properties (a post no\% combined with tic Ministr of
FIGURE 24. Synagogue in the Atlas
foothills outside Marrakech (U /OU)
(:ulturc) asserted in 196 that (:hristian missionan
acti\itics \%crc an inc�ileneenl t political dislmjlt\.
since the hiug is not only tit(. head of state but also the
religious lvader. It is assunn (1 hucew r. that Leo
Moroccan Muslim could ever \%isle to forsake ("lane.
and the threat of social ostracism has als\a"s scnrd as
a p(merf(rl deterrent to c�onvcrsiou.
1 -I. Education (U /OU)
1. The role and problems of' education
Moroccan eduwation�a h\ brid of scc�cnL�rr and
religious, public an(1 private, and Arab zmd I'rcncle
elcments �fails to reach more than hall of the s(�hool-
age population and is ulhen(isc unsuited to national
n CC( Is. At indepen(lenc( the nation inherited tiro
),Im el but essentially iu(Icpencicnt c(lucatiunaI
s;stvnns, one traditional and the other modern. Since
that time, despite resi"tancv bs c�nnscnati\cs. the
irnportanc�e of traditional education ha" tended to
diminish, as the gerernnrent has promoted declup-
nnent of the nnoderre system. Its dexclopnnent.
howc\cr, has been retarded b\ a chronic scarc�it% of
funds and b\ the inabilit\ of gmernntenl polio
makers and educators to implcnnent a fe;nsible
c(luc�ation Ilan and to resokc c�ert;nin lorgstanding
problems that plague the sstenn. One of the most
serious difficulties, for example, concerns the language
of instruction. Most Arab parents are illiterate and
entplo\ collog(rial Arabic at home: yet, school
children are required to learn litcran Arabic. as \%ell as
I' rench. a ktim\ ledge of hic�h is v irtuaII\ a
prerequisite for admission to sec�ondar\ school. Berber
"peaking children, un the other hand. must learn both
41
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colloquial and literary Arabic, in addition to French;
consequently, these children often enter secondary
school without an adequate knowledge of any of the
three.
4 After independence, the government undertook a
r rapid expansion of public education, particularly at
the primary level. Simultanec us';y, Moroccan
educators and politicians endeavored to "Arabize" the
system by reforming curriculums, replacing foreign
instructors with M oroccan nationals, and promoting
the use of Arabic as the language of instruction.
Another major objective was that of unifying
Moroccan education. Having recognized the
importance of developing an integrated and relevant
educational system, as well as the desirability of
fostering a knowledge of Moroccan history and
culture, the people generally have supported these
policies. Sharp differences have arisen, however,
among national leaders regarding the means and pace
of implementation. During the immediate postin-
dependence period, largely at the urging of Istiqlal
partisans, programs designed to Arrbize the
educational system were pushed vigorously. The
resulting decline in academic standards, coupled with
difficulties that arose concerning the instruction of
modern ;kills and sciences in Arabic, subsequently
forced policymakers to slow the pace of Arabization
and to reinstitute some of the French pedagogic
methods and practices. As a result, bilingual
instruction in Arabic and French is ewnmonplace in
primary schools, and French is the main language of
instruction in postprimary education. Moreover, the
most important educational goal �that of free and
universal instruction �has eluded the government.
As the public school system has expanded, academic
standards have declined markedly, and graduates of
primary school often are little more than functionally
literate. Even those who graduate from secondary
school, where a classical curriculum has been
emphasized at the expense of scientific and technical
training, find it difficult to obtain jobs. Disenchant-
ment with public schools has sustained a high demand
for private education, especially among members of
the elite, many of whom prefer to send their children
to schools operated by the French University and
Cultural Mission (MUCF) and later to Frcnch
universities. Thus, during the late 1960's and early
1970's, somewhat over of all secondary students
attended private schools; about 60% of all MUCF
students were Moroccans. In addition to facilities
administered by the MUCF, private schools also are
operated by a Spanish cultural mission and by
Muslim, Catholic, and Jewish groups. Because a
42
number of entities are involved in the operation of
private schools, and because governmental regulations
concerning curriculums are not uniformly enforced,
the content of private education differs considerably
from that of public education. The curriculums of
modern private schools tend to resemble those of
Western European educational systems rather than
those of Arab systems, whereas many of the Muslim
operated private institutions adhere to a traditional
curriculum.
The public school system, including higher
education, is financed almost exclusively Dy the
central government Private Muslim schools also
receive governmental support in the form of loans and
subsidies for teachers' salaries. Educational expenses of
the Moroccan Government increased almost fourfold
during the years 1956 -71, but the proportion of the
national budget allocated for education changed little
during the period. Most foreign educational assistance
emanates from France; in accordance with provisions
of a French- Moroccan agreement, moreover, MUCF
schools are staffed with French teachers who are paid
by the Government of France.
Although the government has made progress in
building new schools and increasing enrollment, it has
been less successful in adapting a largely French-
oriented system to the realities; of domestic life. Many
groups are sharply critical of government educational
programs, and frustration and social discontent among
youth are widespread. Secondary school and
university students, occasionally aided by their
parents, frequently go on strike over issues relating to
educational policies, poor housing facilities for pupils,
and the lack of job opportunities. Opposition political
parties frequently denounce the slow pace of
educational reform but evidently lack realistic
,programs of their own. Nevertheless, Moroccans
generally agree that education is important for
national development and should have a large share of
public funds; most approve of state control of the
educational system, as well as of the government's
authority to regulate private :schools.
Since 1970, student activists have manifested a
greater tendency to stray from purely educational
issues and to become involved in political matters. The
Janu ary -April 1972 student strike, which disrupted the
educational process, stemmed from both educational
and political grievances. Moreover, the leading
student organizations appear to have strengthened
their links with national political parties. Formed in
1956, the National Union of Moroccan Students
(UNEM) is the largest student organization. Although
aligned with the UNFP, a non Communist leftwing
party, the UNEM is basically autononu;;,. I'he
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UNEM claims a membership of almost 6,000, but few
are activists. I Laving a pronounced radical orientation,
UNEM leaders generally express more strident
opinions concerning foreign capital, agrarian reform,
and state intervention in the economy than do other
students, and they frequently complain about the
King's "reactionary," "feudal," and "despotic"
personal power. The UNEM's strong antimonarchistic
sentiments and predilection for radical political
change are shared by some trade union youth and
increasingly by university students in general, but
these views have not formed the basis for a cohesive
political movement. Because of its antiregime stance,
the UNEM has been dealt with harshly by the
government.
In c�)ntrast, members of the General Union of
Moroccan Students (UGEM), the Istiqlal youth wing
which was also formed in :956, advocate respect for
Moroccan traditions and champion conservative
causes. To discuss student and political issues, the
UGEM holds annual conferences which, like those of
other student entities, must he approved beforehand
by the government. The organization claims 4,000
members, but there are probably no more than 100
active participants.
a. Traditional education
Designed to impart it thorough knowledge of Arab
history and culture, as well as of the tenets of Islam,
traditional studies can be pursued at all levels
(preprimary through higher) and in both private and
public institutions. Enrollment in traditional
education declined steadily during the 1960'x, and by
the close of the decade only about 15(1 of all pupils in
public primary and secondary schools were engaged in
traditional studies. The enrollment in private
institutimis specializing in traditional studies also was
low (perhaps tinder 5,500 in the 1969/70 school year).
As of 1970/71, moreover, public primary schools
devoted exclusively to traditional studies (kuttabs)
were phased out, elements of traditional education
evidently having been incorporated in the curriculum
of modern public schools.
"Teachers of traditional studies are generally poorly
trained, often being little more than semiliterate
scribes (fighs). Nonetheless, Istiqlal Party officials
regularly defend traditional education, regarding it as
the "sole guarantee of preserving the Arabic language
and Islamic culture." This position has probably been
instrumental in the retention of specialized traditional
institutions at the preprimary and postprimary levels
of public schooling. As of 1970/71, 8,383 pupils, or
3.1% of all those enrolled in secondary education,
attended traditional secondary schools (ntedereselts)
(Figure 25).
Although courses in science and mathematics; were
added to the traditional curriculum during the 1960's
so as to give pupils some preparation for modern
studies, nredere-veh graduates are not admitted to
Morocco's leading institution of higher learning,
Mohamed V University, which is part of the modern
educational system. Instead, the\ must attend
QaraNviyin university, in Fes, or its affiliated Ben
Youssef Institute, in Marrakech; in addition, the
university operates the Iladith Institute in Rabat and
a branch in Tetouan. As of 1969/70, 859 pupils, or
6.75(1. of all students at the level of higher education,
were enrolled in these institutions. The total included
33 female students and 20 foreign nationals.
Having rivaled the leading universities of Europe in
the training of scholars during the medieval period,
Qarawiyin University (Figure 26) had declined
sharply in importance by the 20th century. Despite
attempts since independence to modernize the
institution, the content and methodology of courses
have remained basically unchanged; the curriculum,
for example, continues to focus on Islamic lacy, Arabic
literature, theology, and Hadith (traditions of the
Prophet), subjects which arc taught in separate
faculties. In 1969/70, about 69io of all students in
traditional higher education pursued religious studies,
the remaining 31 1 /r" having specialized in literary
studies. Being essentially unprepared for entry into
modern occupations, graduates often serve as judges
(gadis) in the Islamic court system, while others
engage in scholarly research, teach in traditional
schools. or lecture in mosques throughout the Arab
world.
b. Modern public education
Morocco's system of modern public education
comprises three main levels� primary, secondary, and
higher (Figure 27). A fourth level, that of preprimary
education, began evolving prom the traditional
Koranic schools during the late 1960's; as of 1970/71,
however, few children attended modern preprimary
schools. Primary education extends over 5 pupils
normally entering at age 7. One year of so- called
"secondary observation," designed to develop student
proficiency in the French language, is required prior to
admission into regular secondary studies. Regular
secondary education, which consists of tyo -\-ear
cycles, is normally attended by youngsters ages 13 -18.
The first cycle consists of general academic studies,
whereas the option of undertaking specialized
training, in either academic or technical fields, is
available in the second cycle. Additionally, vocational
and technical training programs designed to improve
worker skills are sponsored by various government
agencies. 1 1igher education is provided at Mohamed V
43
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FIGURE 25. Ablution courtyard,
the 14th century Marinid school
Bu'lnaniya, which is the largest
medereseh (secondary school) in
Fes (U /OU)
l niversitN a d at \a riot s spec�ialized nonunkcrsit
institutes operated I)\ grncrunu�nl agencies. \s ill the
h'rench cdttcatioual sstcnt. successful contplclion of
c�omprehcnsi\e ev,minalions is re( lnired for ackance-
ment front grade to grade and for admission to
secondary and higher schools. Bcc�artsc� of the
i lit portanc�r� altac�hed to cxanlina )II.
s. students
throughout the sxstcnt rely hcuil on the
memorization of' lessons.
"Throughout public cdllc�ation, a shortage of
instructors constitutes it nutjor ohstacle to progress. In
19_10 /i I. the pupil- teacher ratio in priniar\ schools
\%as 35: that in sec�nnclar\ institutions was 21:I. The
pupil- teacher ratio in Mohan ed V Univcrsih :i \cars
earlier \%as about 20:1. As a result c,f gmerntncntal
programs to \rahizc public education, all but 18 of
the nations 32.050 primar\ tcac�hcrs were Nloroc�can
nationals in 1970 I. II(m( uunrr�rous forcien
nationals, nt�st of lhcm hrenc�h, ha\ c�ontirtuecl to
cr\t as tcachcrs in public postprimar\ education. \t
the sccmidar. Ic\cl. foreign rtationak constituted 52';
(d the s\stenI's 1 i.009 teachers in 19 7 10 7 I. and
although the lot llnivcrsit\ IIigIIerlc\clinstitIItcs lit \c
probably been staffed Im- dontinantk Im \lorocc�ans.
fomign n;tlionals c�ontprised appro \imatel.\ 5r;r; of the
facull of lohanu�cl l'ni\ersit Is rec�eIItI as
196( (iS).
'In Ink itIt schools during the .ear 1911 T I. tltr pupil teacher
ratio at the keel of primar\ education \cas consideral,ls losccr
(2.5:1 1. hot that al the scc�ondan lea(-1 seas highor 1:311:1 than in
pul,lic institutions. Prisate primim schools seer( staffed I,c' 22
it- ,tchers. I t`( of Ihem htreign nationals. \%Iwreas pricalc second;tn
schools etnPlo,'ed I .ti -1 teachers, 66 of Ihcnt foreign. :\n
estimated K.Otlo French h�ac�hers acre emplaced Ihnntghoul
Mfimc�co. in 1,oth public and prkate institutions, during 19711 T1.
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i

FIGURE 26. Courtyard of the
mosque at Qarawiyin University,
Fes (U /OU)
A more serious problem than the scarcity of teachers
is the lack of qualification among those available. In
1969 7 0, only about 30(' of all teachers were fulls
tr ained and qualified, the remainder having included
trainees, teacher assistants, or substitute instnu�tors.
Qualified teachers are concentrated in the main cities,
and the resulting shortage of competent instructors in
rural areas account in large measure for the
deficiencies in rural education. In addition, secondary
teachers are often recruited from the ranks of the
experienced primary staff, thereby tending to depress
the general level of qualification anwng primary
instructors; nevertheless, probably no more than half
of all native secondary teachers have a secondary
school diploma, or haccalaureat, possession of which is
ostensible the minimum qualification for teaching at
the secondary level.
The curric of public priman education
includes arithmetic and elctnentary geometry,
Moroccan history and geography, and Islamic
religious studies. As of 1969/70, the official language
of instnuction in the first two grades was Arabic,
whereas Arabic and French were given equal
inportance in the remaining three grades. Having
repeatedly endorsed the maximum utilization of
Arabic, by the early 1970's public officials had conk
to recognize the need to retain I rench indefinitely as
the language of instruction in most of the modern
disciplines such as mathematics.
Partly because fey secondary text hooks are
available in Arabic, the curriculum in secondary
schools is largely patterned after that of the French
educational system. Students, however, are given the
opportunity to enro in it monolingual program, in
which the language of instruction is either Arabic or
1 rench, or in a bilingual progran. Because of
limitations inherent in the monolingual program, most
pupils -80fi of all those enrolled during 1968/
choose the bilingual program; the remaining pupils
are nearly equally divided between the two kinds of
monolingual instruction. As of 1969/70, Arabic was
reportedly the language of instruction in one -third of
al! courses in the first cycle of secondary education: in
the second cycle, its usage was limited to courses on
Arabia language and 1;terature. The use of Arabic,
however, is to be gradually increased. In 1969/
3,175 pupils were-awarded a boccalaureal, which is
requisite for adnission to university studies and
teacher training.
Despite repeated reorganization of vocational and
technical education, there appears to be litte incentive
for :he nation's youth to undertake such training. In
45
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PRIMARY SECONDARY HIGHER
1 a 2 3 4 5 1 j 1 1 2 1 T T 4 1
5 6
(IstCycle) (2nd Cycle)
Arabic Letters
,a BAC
Modern Letters
o BAC Teacher Training
Experimental Science a C.A.P.E.
Advanced Teacher Training
a BAG
Economics
o C.A.P.E.
o BAC University
Mathematics
Primary O.S. General
L. o D.E.S. o D.n
o BAC
C.E.P. n C.E.S. a
Industrial
D.T.
Agricultural
D.T.
Commercial
D.T.
Hotel
D.T.
C.E.P.
Certificate of Primary Education
(Certificat cr Etudes Primaires)
O.S.
Secondary Observation (Observation Secondaire)
C.E.S.
Certificate of Secondary Education
(Certificat or Enseignement Moyen Secondaire)
BAC.
Upper Secondary School Certificate
(Baccoloureat)
C.A.P.E.
Education Training Proficiency
Certificate (Certificat d Aptitude Pedogogique a
r Enseignemenf)
D.E.S. Post graduate Diploma
(Dipi6me d' Etudes Superieures)
L. First University Degree (License
D. Doctorate (Doctorate)
D.T. Technical Diploma (Diplome Technique)
FIGURE 27. Basic structure of the modern system of public education, 1970 (U /OU)
1969 /70, about Wi of all pupils in the second cycle,
or less than 5% of the total enrollment in public
secondary education, received vocational or technical
training, chiefly in industrial and commercial arts;
1,106 students received technical diplomas that year.
Most programs are terminal, fogy pupils being able to
pursue postsecondary instruction. The type and
quality of training, moreover, are said to bear little
relationship to national manpower needs, and a
considerable proportion of graduates remain
unemployed or are forced to accept jobs outside their
46
field of specialization. In yie\y of the limitations of
public vocational and technical education, the
government established new training programs during
the late 1960's and early 1970's outside the regular
channels of public education and expanded existing
ones. Designed principally to improve the skill of
john eynien workers and to r. train workers for ne\y
jobs, the training is supported by various agencies, the
most important being the Ministry of Labor. Soci ;d
Affairs, Youth, and Sports, which operated 21 training
centers in 1969/70. A national vocational training
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center to coordinate and execute all of Morocco's
training needs is scheduled to be established during
the period of the 1913 -7 Five fear Plan.
Higher education is provided mainly at Mohamed
V University, which was established in 1557 at Rabat,
and has branches at Casablanca, Fes, Marrakech, and
Tetouan. The university comprises four faculties
Letters and humanities; Juridical, Economic, and
Social Sciences; Mathematical, Physical, and Natural
Sciences; and Medicine. In addition, the university
has three affiliated entities �the Institute of
Sociology; the Moharnmedia School of Engineering;
and the Advanced Normal School (Ecole Normale
Superieure �ENS). Modeled after French universities,
Mohamed V University awards the equivalent of U.S.
bachelor of arts, master of arts, and doctorate degrees.
Undergraduate programs last 3 or 4 depending
on the field of specialization; postgraduate programs
cover an additional 2 or 3 years. Possession of a
baccalaureat, or its equivalent, is requisite for
admission. Entry may also be gained, however, by
successful completion of a special examination.
Faculty members are civil servants, as the university is
attached to the Ministry of National Education. In
addition to Mohamed V University, several
government operated training facilities have the
status of higher institutes. (laving been organized
chiefly to train administrative and technical personnel
for the civil service, the institutes generally caulnot he
regarded as integral parts of the public educational
system.
Most teacher training takes place in two types of
postsecondary institutions, the so- called regional
teacher training institutes, which prepare primary
school teachers as \yell as t;Iose for service in the first
cycle of secondary education, and the ENS, which
trains teachers for the second cycle of secondary
education. In addition, the government administers
an extensive in- service training program, of 2 years'
duration, at some 60 centers throughout the country.
Modern higher education has generally failed to
meet the nation's needs, particularly in technical
fields. Enrollment is heavily vweighted toward law and
jurisprudence, letters and humanities, teaching, and
medicine fields which attracted 87%, of all
postsecondary students in 1969/70. Disciplines related
to agriculture, science, engineering, business, and
sociology attracted only 13% of the total enrollment.
2. Educational attainment and opportunity
According to the 1960 census, only 13.1 of all
individuals age 10 and over were literate, with the
FIGURE 28. Literacy rates, by age group
urban
rural residence, 1960 (U /OU)
53,307
Total
1,175,277
(Percent)
Public
298,380
Private
30,500
AG F: GRLII'I'
I'll It AN
If UIt Al.
AREAS
10 11
1 ;0.0
18.2
?J.8
15 19
43.1
9.8
/9-9
20 29
213.8
I;.;
1, .3
:30 :39
17.7
6 .1
y .H
10 :i!)
15.1
60 and over
10. I1
;.G
5.7
All ages 10 and over...........
27. 6
8.3
1:3.1
literacy rate ar:wng the urban population being more
than three times higher than among rural residents
(Figure 28). Monolingual Berbers were considered
illiterate, as Berber is an unwritten language. In 1965,
literacy among urban residents \was estimated to be
4051 for males and 17'(' for females; among rural
dwellers, the figures were 18 and less than 251,
respectively. 13% 1970, the national literacy rate had
increased to perhaps 20 illiteracy having remained
considerably higher in Morocco than in other north
African countries.
Prior to independence, educational opportunities
were extremely limited. In 1944, for example, only
$(1,000 students out of an estimated 2 million eligihic
children \\ere reportedly in school, almost all in
primary or vocational institutions. While the French
generally discouraged mass education, they estab-
lished a fe\w schools designed to impart basic literacy
and to develop agricultural, industrial, and clerical
skills useful to the modern economy. Modena
institutions of higher learning did not exist (141 110
protectorate, although a few students pursued luglu'r
studies in other Arab countries or in Europa.
Since independence, total enrollment in primary
and secondary education has increased more than
threefold, from 450,732 during the 1956/57 academic
year to 1,474,157 in 1970/71. In the latter year, as
shown in the following tabulation, primar school
pupils outnumbered secondary ones by almost four to
one:
Primary:
Public
1,121,970
Private
53,307
Total
1,175,277
Secondary:
Public
298,380
Private
30,500
Total 298,880
47
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Enrollment at the secondary level has not only been
held down by the scarcity of facilities and teachers,
but also by the higher academic standards that prevail
at that level, as educators have concentrated on
upgrading the quality of secondary schooling while
tending to neglect that of the primary level. A high
proportion of pupils are disqualified for further study
during the preparatory, or observation, year of
secondary school, while others fail after having
attended only 1 or 2 years; in 1967/68, for example,
only 9ii of all individuals enrolled in secondary school
were in grades 10 -12.
To accommodate increased enrollment, the number
Of schools has multiplied about threefold during the
postindependence period, primary facilities alone
having increased from 2,132 in 1956 to 5,570 in 1965.
Although schools constructed since independence are
generally modern in design, many old schools.
including former military barracks, remain in use.
Irrespective of age, however, most facilities are
inadequate and overcrowded, new school construction
having failed �in view of the rapid growth in
enrollment �to overcome the deficit in classroom
space that existed prior to 1956. In addition,
widespread disparities exist in the distribution of
school equipment; most facilities are underequipped,
particularly with respect to laboratory materials, and
are poorly furnished. Arabic- language textbooks, other
than grammar hooks which are imported from
countries of the Middle East, were unavailable in
Moroccan secondary schools until 1960, and there are
still virtually no scientific or technical textbooks in
that language. Generally, the condition of private
schools is superior to that of public facilities. In the
private sector. Muslim- operated schools were attended
by 45.7% of the total number of primary and
secondary students, whereas MUCF schools were
attended by 29.25 of the pupils, Hebrew schools [)y
7.5 and all other facilities by 17.65('.
It is estimated that roughly one -third of all
Moroccan children aged 7-18, the group which
normally comprises individuals pursuing primary and
secondary schooling, were actually enrolled during the
early I970's, compared with about one -fifth in
1956/57. Moreover, the educational opportunities for
females and rural residents remain quite restricted.
Although opposition to equal educational opportunity
for females declined during the 1960'x, and the
enrollment of girls in all levels of education grew
substantially, parental resistance is still pronounced.
Traditionally, girls learned to sew and perform other
household tasks but received little or no formal
education. In contemporary society, rural girls are
48
usually withdrawn from school at the c)..g(. of puberty.
In 1970/71, fernales constituted :33.95; of the total
primary level enrollment and 28. Vi of secondary
enrollment; a year earlier they made up 14.3`,1 of those
receiving postsecondary training.
Although the nation is predominantly rural, over
709" of all primary and secondary pupils enrolled
during 1970/71 attended urban schools. The scarcity
of opportunities for secondary education in rural arras
results, in part, from the low population density.
which makes it economically infeasible to construct
schools in many areas; in addition, many parents are
unwilling to release their children from family chores,
and rural parents are more reluctant than their !:roan
counterparts to send daughters to school.
The number of students attending institutions of
higher learning is extremely small. In 1969!70 there
were 12,770 postsecondary students in Morocco, about
875(' of them attended Mohanmd V University; an
additional 3,302 students pursued studies in foreign
countries, including 2,010 in Prance. Among those
ho studied abroad. 2, �792 were enrolled in
universities, the remaining 610 attended specialized
technical schools. Conversely, only 638 foreign
students, or about 55z of all individuals enrolled in
higher education, attended Moroccan institutions.
I. Artistic and cultural expression (U /OU)
Morocco has a varied cultural heritage, the product
of its location between Europe, Africa, and the Middle
Fast. At the base of the Moroccan cultural tradition
are Berber music, dance, and folk arts, to which has
been added the Arab Islamic contribution of literature
and learning. The Aral) invasion, beginning in the
.,eventh century, [)"ought a body of Islamic beliefs and
scholarship which provided the framework for the
intellectual life of the region for more than 1,000
years. European influences ;ire also present,
specifically those of Spain and Prance, the former
steaming from Morocco's long association \yith Spain
in the Middle Ages and the latter from the 20th
century French presence in the country. Noticeable,
but of much less importance, are Ottoman 'Turkish
and African influences.
Intellectual expression in Morocco historically has
been the domain of the few. In a society which is
essentially pastoral and tribal, the literati has enjoyed
considerable prestige, for among the rural people the
written word is invested with a certain mystic
importance. For centuries, the city of Fes has been the
traditional intellectual center of Morocco. Founded in
A.D. 808 by Moulay ldriss 11, it had acquired
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considerable fame by the 10th century. Koranic
theology and Muslim law were taught in its mosques,
and respected scholars lectured on philosophy,
mathematics, astronomy_ medicine, and music. Fes
reached its zenith of intellecturai renown in the
Muslim .world in the 13th and 14th centuries under
the Merinid Sultanate.
Although the vitality of the late medieval period is
long past, the nation's cultural legacy remains a source
of pride and inspiration for Moroccans, and the
government is showing an increasing interest in
fostering cultural expression as part of its effort to
encourage a national consciousness and achieve a
national identity. A Ministry of Culture was
established in 1967 to coordinate official activities in
the fields of art and literature, and is is no%y combined
with the Ministry of Islamic Affairs and Properties.
Comprising departments of Archaeology, Architecture,
Cultural Action, Libraries and Archives, Museums
and expositions, Performing Arts, and Plastic Arts, the
ministry has been concerned with the study of various
aspects of Moroccan culture, the sponsorship of
concerts, theatrical productions, and lectures, and a
variety of other activities directed toward promoting a
wider awareness of the nation's cultural heritage.
1. Literature and drama
Although traditional Moroccan literature included
histories, commentaries, biographies, poetry, and
tales, the heaviest emphasis was placed on studies of
the Arabic language, the Koran, and religious
traditions. Literary accomplishment was in harmony
with the general syllabus of Islamic learning. In time,
the formalism of the religious approach tended to
cramp literary creativity, and verbal perfection came
to be sought above originality. A new twist given to an
old theme, or a small step toward stylistic perfection,
especially in poetry, served to justify the writer's
labors. Inherited forms were faithfully preserved.
There has been no notable renaissance in Moroccan
letters, and few literary Nvorks of distinction have been
produced in the 20th century. Modern Moroccan
prose might be said to have emerged in the 1930's,
influenced by Arabic translations of Western authors.
The dominant theme has been that of political and
religious revolt. From 19.17 to 1956, many clandestine
works of a militant nature were circulated, reflecting
the concerns of the nationalist movement. Since
independence, literary expression has dealt largely
with the Moroccan- French struggle and with social
problems and reform.
The best known Moroccan authors write in French.
One of the few prominent literary figures is novelist
Driss Chraihi. Among his best known .works is Les
Boucs (The He- goats), in .which he condemns
Europeans for attracting non Westerners and then
rejecting them on racial grounds. Another is Le Passe
Simple (The Past Perfect), .which deals with the
conflict between a dogmatic Muslim father and his
Westernized son. Through the character of the son,
Chraibi boldly criticizes Moroccan institutions.
Another swell -known .writer of fiction is Ahmed
Sefrioui, who has published short stories dealing with
the life and people of Morocco. His best known
collection is Collier d'Ambre (Necklace of Amber). It
has been said that Sefrioui, in his stories, achieves a
harmonious mingling of oriental sensibility with
occidental culture. An unusual figure in Moroccan
letters is Mahjoubi Ahardane, who is both a poet and
an artist and who has long been active in Moroccan
political life, having served as Minister of Defense
(1961 -64) and of Agriculture (1964 -66). In February
1968, a collection of his poems Cela reste Cela (It
Stays the Same) �was published in Paris at the same
time that some of his drawings were being exhibited in
Versailles.
Traditionally, poetry has been regarded as the
highest use of language, and the ability to express
oneself in poetry is still considered a mark of the
cultivated man. Rhymed prose is also admired and has
been used extensively even in scholarly works. Onlv
recently have modern poets begun to digress from the
traditionally strict rules governing meter and rhyme.
Recognized contemporary Moroccan poets include
Fmbarek Kittan -i, Ben Brahim, and Ahmed Ziani.
Oral literature is one of the most enduring of the
folk arts in Morocco. Tales and poems in Berber and
dialectal Arabic are a familiar source of entertainment
among the rural population and can he heard also in
the cities. The subject matter is immensely varied
historic incidents, ancient myths, tribal origins,
exploits of heroes and saints, animal fables, and
romance. Stories and poems are delivered by traveling
storytellers (rawis) before gatherings in marketplaces,
local festivals, and at family celebrations (Figure
29). Sometimes they are sung by the performer, either
self accompanied or accompanied on a single musical
instrument by a companion. Common among the
Berbers of central Morocco is the tanshat, a kind of
socioreligious poem delivered in the form of a chant.
The poet performer (anshad) composes the tanshat,
using comtemporary themes which he relates to the
virtues of Islam. This kind of poem is frequently heard
on Berber language radio programs. Especially noted
are the poet performers of the Ait Haddidou tribe,
49
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FIGURE 29. Storyteller entertaining a
large audience in Tangier (C)
whose verses often include harped political and social
commentary reflecting adversely on the competence of
the central government.
Drama is not a part of the Berber or Aral) tradition.
The theater was apparently unknown in Morocco
until it was introduced by the French in the 20th
century. Although early Moroccan nationalists
employed their own acting companies and experi-
mented with original theatrical productions to
promote their cause, drama is still regarded primarily
as a European art form and is generally restricted to
urban areas. 'Theater groups function in several cities,
some under private sponsorship and others supported
By the government. 'I'here is also a Moroccan National
"Theater, as well as it government sponsored dramatic
research center and a dramatic arts school. Most of the
plays produced are the works of European dramatists,
both classical and modern. Development of it more
widely available native Moroccan theater is inhibited
by several factors, including it shortage of financing
and a difficult language problem. 'I'hc majority of
Moroccans are unable to understand classical Arabic,
and the colloquial version of the language is generally
unsuitable for expressing abstract ideas.
2. Music and dance
What is cornmoi-Iv referred to as "classical"
Moroccan music is partially Andalusian in origin.
Contain;ng Spanish, Moorish, and Aral) elements, it
50
consists of lengthy ensembles of musical unities called
nauhahs, each of which has five measures. 'I'herc are
four fundamental modes solemn, gentle, fiery, and
serious �each following a precise pattern. Poems of a
romantic nature are frequently set to this type of
music. Important orchestras in the larger cities
regularly play Andalusian music, and there is a
government sponsored Andalusian Music Association
which maintains a school of classical music ;n
Casablanca.
Although some of the popular music heard in the
cities, particularly in the northern part of the country,
borrows front Andalusian melodic strains, much of it is
likely to be of Western or Egyptian origin. U.S. jazz
and rock are said to especially attractive to Moroccan
youth. Moroccan folk music, heard as an accompani-
nent for storytellers and dancers on festive occasions
and for singers of religious chants (Figure 30), derives
from ancient Berber tribal music and the folk tunes of
roving Bedouins and camel herders. R is dissonant to
the Western ear, and its rhythms are complex,
reflecting African influences. Some urban Muslims
consider it barbarous, and sporadic efforts to suppress
it were reportedly made after independence.
"Traditional musical instruments include the rehab,
a one- or two- stringed viol; the kemanjah, a two- or
three stringed fiddle; the oudh, or lute, a stringed
instrument; the tahr, a tambourine; and the
drbugkha, a drum Figure 31). Both the rehab and the
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FIGURE 30. Drummers and flutists of a national
brotherhood (U) OU)
keiiianjah are pla\rd \\ith a boy\. \\Idle� the oudh
requires it plectnnn. :k snwil drum, the ar;ual, is used
b\ itinerant nusic�ians and stun tellers. Other popular
instruments associated \\itli moro(ViIII folk music are
the sanar, it double pipe \\ith t%\o reed nuluthpieces:
the awicada. it flute %ehic�h has also been used
traditionall\ for purpose of divination: and the
raitah, an oboe, frcyuenll\ pla\ed at celebrations of
ssrddinL!s and circ�unu�isions.
Dancing has been c�losc�I\ associated \ritli folk
music. It is it c�oninion feature of Berber social life,
taking place on Inau\ oc�c�aSions c�alliug for
celebration. In the opinion of al least one scholar, the
folk dance and its ic�c�ompan\ ing music constitutes the
Berbers most creali\c ac�livit l�:ac�II tribe or region
has its it distinct dances to be performed at local
festivals, and the best of the performing groups
participate in an annelal F'estiv al of l olklore held It
Marrakech. t\picul dance form. \\idol\ observed in
the central Grande :WaS. is the haidu.s. The haidus is
associated particularl\ \%ith the festivities common on
Hie nights of ilamildan. AIthoug I it is usuall\
performed nu�n, some versions iI v nle,I and
W0111Vn (lancing shoulder to shoulder. Another \cell
know n Moroccan folk dance' is the ghedra, popular iI:
the southern regions of the c�ountr\. Ilestric�tcd to
women, the ghedra is performed iuclividuall\ cold
re(liires intense concentration, the dancer assuming cI
kneeling position and moving the head, shoulder,,
arms, hands, and fingers in a complicated rhythmic
pattern. :\(cording tc. one obsery er. the dance is
unrnistakabl\ African in its forcefulness and its
strongly erotic undertone.
FIGURE 31. The classical orchestra is made up mai