THE STUDENT IN THE USSR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80T00246A042500700001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 111
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 30, 2010
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: June 5, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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INFORMATION REPORT INFORMATION REPORT
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
This material contains information affecting the National Defense of the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Laws, Title
18, U.S.C. Secs. 793 and 794, the transmission or revelation of which in any manner to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
C-0-N-F-I-D-E-N-T-I A-L
PROCESSING COP1
DATE OF
INFO.
PLACE &
DATE ACQ.
REPORT
DATE DISTR. 5 June 1958
NO. PAGES 1
REFERENCES RD
1. A detailed 53-page report, with five appendices, on university student life in 25X1
the USSR
Appendices A, B, and C of the report
are included in the attachment because of their pertinence to the
subject matter.
STATE Ev X ARMY X INAVY x AIR
FBI
(Note: Washington distribution indicated by "X"; Field distribution by "#".)
AEC
ocI Evx
I N FORMATION REPORT I N FORMATION REPORT
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THE STUDENT IN THE USSR
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INDEX
I. Background of the Soviet student.
Who are students? - CP background - Jewish students -
Percentage of females - Admission - Student tlstilyagi".
II. What does the Soviet student know and think about America? 3
Magazines and newspapers available - Reaction to Pravda -
American student influence - General knowledge of America -
Popular American authors - Influence of radio broadcasts.
ITT. What does the student think about political, social and 6
economic questions in the USSR?
Attitude to official communist ideology - Recent ideologi-
cal changes - Doctrines - De-Stalinization - Reaction to
officials and administrators - Desire for and forms of
change advocated. by students - Recognition of class and
economic inequality - Collective farm program - Virgin Lands -
Intelligentsia - Role of student in society - Atheism.
V. What do Soviet students think about the workers and
peasants?
Relations with workers and peasants - Student brigades
on collective farms - Attitudes and illusions - Reactions.
VI. What do Soviet students think about Soviet art, literature 12
and drama?
Interest and opinion of role - Function of authors - Fav-
orite modern authors - Plays - Novels - Poems - Black market
in literature - Knowledge of Western literature - Limited
knowledge of art.
VII. Student morality
VIII.How and what does the Soviet student criticize? 16
Methods of public criticism - Basis of open criticism -
Increase since Hungary events - Non-official discussion
groups - Group leadership - Marxism-Leninism in theory and
practice - Source of criticism - Repression of criticism.
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INDEX - 2 PAGE
IX. Student life - academic 20
University entrance - Examinations - Stipends - Study
of Marxism-Leninism - Preparation for classes - Effect
of communist doctrine on courses - Political aspects of
some courses - Text books - Class criticism.
X. Student attitudes and opinions. 24
Toward Marx and Lenin - Dictatorship of proletariat -
Old revolutionary figures - Co-existence - Inevitability
of war - Nature of future communist society - Attitude to
professors - Professorial attitude to party line - Student-
Professor relations - Trust of fellow-students - Anti-
Semitism.
XI. Student life - Non-academic. 28
Komsomol membership, leaders, and influence - Student
attitude toward Komsomol.
XII. Student press.
Komsomol newspapers - Faculty newspapers - University
newspapers - Wall newspapers - Content and influcence of
student press - Privately published student press.
31
XIII.Other student groups. 33
Debating groups - Literary societies - Clubs - Sponsorship
of groups.
XIV. Student obligations. 34
Student's schedule - Leisure time - Vacations - Forced
work - Summer employment - Job on graduation.
XV. Student Jargon 36
XVI. Student Living Conditions 36
Where do they live? - Hostels - Curfew - Komsomol influence -
General living conditions - Where does student meet friends? -
Where does he study? - Libraries - Student priveleges and
restrictions - Examinations.
XVII.Student Documentation. 41
Passport - "Student ticket" - Komsomol card - Trade Union
Card - Matriculation Book - Mutual Help Fund Card - Library
Cards - Reserve Officers' Card - Foreign student-documentation.
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INDEX - 3 PAGE
42
Meeting other people - Friends outside university group -
Contacting students - Week-ends and vacations - Surveillance
of student body - Room search - Mixing with foreign students -
Meeting and mixing with tourists.
XIX. Secret student groups. 45
Size - Names - Security - Communications - Plans and
Discussions - Inter-group meetings - Protective measures.
XX. Student blackmarket operations.
Participants - Reasons for participation - Relation to
"stilyagi".
47
X.I. Communications, mail and packages. 48
Means of sending mail - Letter registration - Use of
return addresses - Censorship - Komsomol editing of
certain mail - Deliveries at University - Frequency
of delivery - Telegraph service - Sending and receiving
"Packages" and "Parcels" - Mail and wire costs.
XXII. Communications - telephone
Availability of phone books and numbers - Use of
Information - Use of Inquiry Bureaus - Use of aftomat -
Long distance procedures.
XXIII. Parcel checking.
Varying procedures at public buildings - Baggage rooms
at stations and airports - Documents needed.
ANNEXES
Annex A - Soviet Youth's Attitude to the Communist Regime
Annex B - Soviet Youth's Opposition to the Communist Regime
Annex C - The Situation of the Jews in the USSR
Annex D - Slang Terms
Annex E - Foreign Students in the Soviet Union.
51
52
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THE STUDENT IN THE USSR
I. Background of the Soviet Student
A. The majority of the students in the Soviet Union today are
children of intellectuals and officials of the government. The number
of students coming from worker or peasant stock has been considerably
reduced. over the percentage which existed in the 1930's, and today
only an estimated maximum of 10 to 15% stem from these backgrounds.
(A possible reason for this is the fact that until 1956 schooling
from the 8th through the 10th year cost each student 400 Rubles per
year. This represented a considerable cost to the average worker faced
also with clothing and maintaining his children.) However, outside of
the major cities in the provincial institutes the proportion of students
from a worker-peasant background probably runs somewhat higher.
B. The estimate of students coming from a Communist Party background
is based upon those whose parents are members of the party "apparatus",
rather than party members in general. Only 5 to 7% of the Party are
included in this apparatus. 95% of the children of these party appara-
tus members are students.
C. With respect to the number of students who are Jewish, more
accurate figures are possible on the basis of personal knowledge. In
the case of the Philology Faculty of the University of Moscow, prior
to World War II 40 to 50% of the students were Jewish. But this figure
declined after the war until in 1951 only 2 out of 250, in 1954 only 5
to 7 out of 250, and in 1956 only 2 out of 250 graduates in this faculty
were Jewish. In such places as the Institute of Physical Technology
(concerned with atomic energy matters) there are practically no Jewish
students, whereas others of lesser importance and sensitivity probably
contain more than Moscow University. It is assumed that in Odessa or
Kiev the percentage is higher because of the larger Jewish population.
However, in any area it is impossible for a Jew to become a student
without excellent grades or extremely good connections.
D. The percentage of women students runs at almost 70% in the
humanitarian faculties, whereas in the faculties of natural sciences
only about 30% of the students are women. As an overall figure at the
University of Moscow, it was estimated that 52% of the students are
women.
E. Theoretically, in considering students for admission to insti-
tutes of higher learning, preference is given today to those who have
been workers or have served in the Army. Practically, this is not true.
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CON11 )ENTIAL
It is the current policy that if the potential student has been in a
factory or kholkolz for two years, and obtains grades of "3" or higher
on the university or institute entrance examination he is admitted
without regard to his grades in his former school. (The grading system
runs from one to five. If one comes to the university with a gold medal,
representing all excellent grades in preparatory school, he is admitted
without examination. If one has a silver medal representing all excellent
grades except for one good, he is examined only in the one subject most
important to the particular institute.) A student brilliant enough to
have attained entrance to the university without examination, or simply
able to pass the difficult examinations, would hardly have gone to a
factory or farm. If he does approach the university after these two
years, he is not only met with the difficult examination, but frequently
with the hostility of the examining board as well. (The examining board
hostility stems from an apprehension that the student will be unable
successfully to pursue his studies, and thus become a burden to the
university.) To be able to adequately keep up with his studies during
such a long period is possible if not probable for the farm or factory
worker, but for the Army man it is simply impossible. The former factory
or farm worker or Army man thus finds great difficulty in entering the
universities.
F. How man students are "stilyagi"? In such institutes as the
University of Moscow the percentage is so low that none were recalled.
In what were termed the "easier institutes", such as the Mathematics
Faculty at the Pedagogical Institute, the proportion was higher. But
few, if any of the "stilyagi" ever managed to graduate, and for the
most part these young "zoot suiters" exist outside of the universities.
G. The "stilyagi" first began to be noticed in 1948 or 1949, and
were first mentioned in the press in 1953. They are a mixed crowd, many
living off rich parents, others blackmarketing in home-made jazz records
and Western clothes, and others living by a combination of both, depend-
ing upon how much the parents can or will give. In all of Moscow's seven
million people, it is estimated that there are no more than three to five
thousand of this group. An interesting example of "stilyagi" (and from
the parental standpoint, an interesting solution to the problem) was the
son of Orekhovich, the biochemist and member of the Academy of Science.
This son, a big fat boy known because of his appearance as "Burgher",
was a "stilyagi" who failed in three or four institutes but through the
influence of his father was able to continue. The father, after trying
many ways to bring his son to his senses, finally cut him off completely
from financial aid and had him enlisted in the Army.
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3?
II. 10hat does the Soviet Student know and think about America?
A. Since the middle of 1955, a great number of Western and American
publications are to be found in the big libraries of Moscow, Leningrad,
and other major cities. Although available only in these large center
libraries, Time, Newsweek, Life, The New Statesman and Nation, Saturda
Review of Literature, and many others are read by students capable of
reading English, and the contents thereof widely spread by word of mouth.
The publications are not, expurgated. Such things as the Life story by
Don Levine concerning Stalin as a Czarist agent were broadly read and
discussed. From these and other publications, the student is able to
obtain a fairly broad and clear, if not detailed, picture of America.
B. In addition to the above, the student receives considerable
information from newspapers. The London Times, Ameterdam Edition of
the New York Times, Svenska Dagblad, the Spanish "Ariba" and "ABC,
as well as French and East German papers were avai a~ ble in Moscow,
whereas before 1955 only Communist publications were to be found. A
major limitation is the fact that no foreign publications printed in
the Russian language were to be found. The radio, which will be discuss-
ed hereinbelow, was also a major source of information on America for the
Soviet student.
C. Thus many students are able to gain a very cosmopolitan picture
of American life. The picture obtained is often exaggerated with respect
to the wealth and material possessions of the average American, but this
may stem in part from the fact that in many cases there is a wish to be-
lieve more than really exists.
D. As a general rule, the student does not believe what he reads
in Pravda. mat he.reads there about his daily life and the conditions
surrounding him is often a lie uncovered from his own personal experience.
There are occasions, nevertheless, when Pravda plays a role in helping
him get at the truth. If, for example, American news or propaganda
attempts to belittle or cover-up the facts of American racial problems,
Pravda will follow up with comments thereupon. Though these may not be
factual, they exert an influence upon the student by contrast, and he
tends to believe what he reads in Pravda. However, this is the exception
rather than the rule.
E. Although the average student's knowledge of the details of
America is not great, the general attitude is quite positive. On a
higher than average level, the general attitude toward a society which
maintains what is felt to be disproportionate priveleges is critical, be-
cause it is felt that without these priveleges the society might have
been more prosperious and free. Specifically, with respect to foreign
policy, the student feels that America is failing to pursue a positive
foreign policy, and the reaction to such things as the Geneva Conference
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14.
was quite hostile. As one student at the University of Moscow stated,
"It is the greatest tragedy of our time that Churchhill was not an
American citizen." The Truman Administration was preferred to that of
Eisenhower, since the average student feels that Ike is attempting to
carry out in a weak way the positive doctrines begun by Truman. Baghdad
and SEATO are considered failures. American political institutions are
not generally well known - it is the exceptional student who possesses
detailed knowledge in this field. However, despite these opinions, there
is a continuing interest on the part of the student toward US policy and
institutions.
F. The Soviet student has had little opportunity to get to know
American students in the USSR simply because of the scarcity of these.
It is felt that more American should be given the opportunity to study
in the USSR, not only for the effective propaganda results, but because
the Soviet student is tremendously interested in meeting colleagues
from America.
G. Particularly admired by the Soviet student is the outer glamor
of America, since it contrasts so strikingly with his owrr surroundings.
The high style of living, the fancy automobiles, American jazz - these
surface pictures of America have great appeal. And of course, on a
higher plane, the basic freedoms of American are most appealing. But
when an American general makes statements which can be interpreted as
threats, when the term "Russian" is used in all-encompassing fashion,
or when social injustice is not honestly discussed, the Soviet student
finds these particularly distasteful. Why was Paul Robeson not per-
mitted to have a Passport? How did McCarthyism gain such appeal?
H. On the literary side, Hemingway, Steinbeck, Saroyan and
Faulkner (the last not yet well known) are widely read and enjoyed.
American publications such as those previously noted, and including
such specialized ones as Art News and Architecture, are so popular
that precautions exist in the libraries to protect them against being
stolen or mutilated. (When one checks out a magazine from the rack
to the table in the Lenin Library in Moscow, a sign admonishes him to
count the pages first. If one is missing, the last man to have read
the magazine will be held responsible.)
I. Radio broadcasts emanating from outside the USSR supply the
student with a great deal of his information about America and the West.
The BBC is probably the most popular, and for a time during the period
between the Bulganin-Khrushchev visits to England and the Hungarian
uprisings, was not jammed. Not quite as popular as the more calm and
objective BBC is the Voice of America, which although difficult to hear
because of jamming, contains many programs of interest and enjoys a
wide audience. (The VOA has an obnox:ous habit of overworking the words
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"notorious" and "so-called" so that they grate on the hearers' ears.)
Both of these stations are thought to be generally objective, and it is
said of the BBC that it never skips the unpleasant.
J. Of the other radio stations heard, Radio Free Europe has only
a limited audience, since it does not broadcast in Russian. Radio
Liberation was almost inaudible in Moscow, but its broadcasts are
considered excellent, and though high level in tone are presented in
terms which the average student can readily understand. It was very
heavily jammed. Radio Madrid, of small interest, was jammed. Strangely
enough, the Hessische Rundfunk, broadcasting in German from Frankfurt am
Main, was well heard in Moscow. Several of the more popular programs in-
cluded the General Overseas Service of the BBC, London Calling Europe,
the Tribune of History of the VOA, and the London Forum.
K. Students with radios listen to broadcasts if not regularly, at
least on frequent occasions. Programs of interest are widely discussed.
For the most part, because of the day's schedule, evening programs are
listened to, but sometimes the student will tune in on early morning
programs. The student expects to hear information about his own country,
and tends for the most part to believe what he hears unless it definitely
conflicts with his own knowledge or experience. But wherei-er the broad-
cast is reasonable and within the limits of truth it is believed, and
certainly the student prefers to believe BBC or VOA over Pravda or the
official Soviet radio. Even when this turns out to be wrong, there is
a tendency to by-pass the results.
1. If the student could choose what he would like to hear, he
would prefer more cultural subjects - for example, a serialization of
Arthur Koestler's "Darkness at Noon." More news of his own country
would appeal, but this must above all be very authentic. Jazz has a
continuing appeal, as does by contrast objective news commentary which
does not avoid or sugar-coat the unpleasant. A sound criticism of
Communisn would be in order, but criticism of a high order and not the
simpleton statement that Corununism is bad.
M. Generally the Soviet student feels that defectors from the USSR
are qualified to comment by radio. The government attacks on such broad-
casts are objective evidence of their effectiveness. However, in order
to be believed, these broadcasts must be within the language and exper-
ience sphere of the defector and not, as is sometimes the case, merely
the public mouthing of old Western cliches.
N. Although those broadcasts which are in foreign languages are
not jammed, others as noted herein are quite heavily jammed. In Moscow,
for example, this jamming is very effective, yet twenty kilometers out-
side of the city reception may be tolerable. Not only do the students
intensely dislike this jamming, they refuse to accept the official ex-
planations for it.
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6.
III. What does the studentthink about political, social, and economic
questions in the USSR?
A. (With respect to the attitude of the student to official communist
ideology, see Annex A. Soviet Youth's Attitude to the Communist Regime,
which appeared in the April 1957 Bulletin of the Institute for the Study
of the USSR, and Annex B, Soviet Youth's Opposition to the Communist
Regime, appearing in the May Issue of the same bulletin.)
B. The Soviet student has an understanding of the recent changes
in Marxist-Leninist political ideology in the sense that he realizes that
these changes are of a tactical nature, and are not so much changes of
ideology as of phraseology. To those who are actually hostile to the
regime the changes come as no great surprise, and they tend to play the
new forms against the old to the sly detriment of the regime. Amongst
the fence-sitters, there is a feeling of bewilderment - they are baffled
and ask what should be done now, for their life experience and intellect
keeps them from open hostility. However, the result of this reaction is
also, though in a more subtle way, injurious to the present system. Of
course, to the active supporters (and these in most cases give the regime
support out of a desire for personal aggrandizement rather than idealism)
shifting with the tide presents no problem.
C. The doctrine of separate roads to socialism is particularly
pleasing to the hostile student because of its potential world-wide
effect, whereas the fence-sitter has no understanding except in terms
of making up with Tito. During the 1956 Tbilisi riots, the students
attempted to apply this slogan of separate roads to socialism, not with
the intention of separating Georgia from the Soviet Union, but rather
to obtain a slackening of controls. They failed miserably. The slogan
of the non-inevitability of war acts as an escape mechanism to the fear
of war of the fence-sitter, whereas the hostiles are convinced that any
such slogan is without meaning - war will come or not as the regime
pleases. The only sure thing is that blame will be placed upon capital-
ism. The idea of peaceful and parliamentary roads to socialism is ir-
reconcilable with things as they really are - what is true for the home
country is also true abroad, and no communist party has yet come to power
via this road, The students know this.
D. Why do the students believe that de-Stalinization took place?
Stalin used terror not because he was essentially a bad man, but because
as the leader of a new ruling class climbing to power over immense opposi-
tion it was necessary to use terror. Because this terror was directed
against an entire regime and not restricted to the enemies of the rulers,
it could be eliminated once the ruling class reached a secure position.
Since it was no longer needed, and since it was good for no one including
the rulers because of the mass hysteria it induced, and since it is im-
possible to maintain a collective dictatorship based on terror, the
terroristic regime could have been eliminated without degrading Stalin.
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7.
But the present collective dictators knew how much he was hated, and
wishing to make political capital, established under their collective
dictatorship a police state rather than a terror state. The foregoing
represents the opinion of the hostiles. Among the other students, it
is considered that the change took place out of personal envy and
hatred of Stalin, and nothing really changed. The process involved
making a political dollar by kicking the dead.
E. The primary impulse of students on all levels, and parti-
cularly on the average level, is to keep as far away as possible from
all government officials and administrators. Among the intellectuals
in the student body there is a tremendous contempt for party officials
with their dull yellow faces and peasant voices. Khrushchev is often
a laughing stock. Whereas the average intellectual student is continu-
ally looking for things about him to laugh at, no one laughed at Stalin.
The immediate superiors of the students, such people as party and Komsomol
functionaries, are considered to be where they are simply because they
were actively in the party and knew how to break through. They are
treated with a contempt mixed with dislike, since they are as individuals
usually lacking in culture or positive personal traits. The administrators
are considered on the basis of their personal qualities and no general
rule can be made for student reaction to these people.
F. Among the many student ideas for changing or correcting the
present political situation, there are two major trends. One might be
called neo-Bolshevistic or Leninistic, and is based upon the allegation
that the great ideals of the first October days have been corrupted and
distorted and the country bureaucratized. Although the economic system
of the country is generally accepted in this group, it is felt that the
best way to change is to get rid of the bureaucratic system by the insti-
tution of more controls from below. However, the form which these controls
should take is usually indefinite. The other trend might be termed anti-
communist. Stalin and bureaucracy did not happen by chance, but were the
result of a system entirely controlled from the center and completely un-
democratic in nature. To correct this, it is necessary to decentralize
the economy without creating a capitalist class, to establish factories
owned by the workers, to obtain a free market, free elections, and two
or more parties.
G. Student ideas for these changes come from their own experience,
from the evident inconsistencies in Marxist-Leninist doctrine, from the
conflict between that doctrine and reality, and to a certain extent from
abroad. Radio, periodicals, the high US standard of living, rumours,
and even the student's own wishes contribute. The ideas are discussed
quite hotly with many displays of temper, but only within limited circles
of trusted friends. These discussion groups may run as high as seven
persons, but the average runs between two and five.
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H. The students attempt to express their ideas in modified form
before the broadest possible audience - in the Komsomol meetings, for
example. The greatest care is used in the manner of expressions, and
questions are frequently posed as a search for the limits of truth
within the one true doctrine. In this process, a few of the student's
own ideas bubble to the surface. Among those students who write, a
few words of their own are inserted into each piece written, giving it
at least a non-conformist flavor. But here one must be quite careful -
the first and last paragraphs must be completely conformist, since these
are the ones which are always read!
I. The class and economic inequalities existing in Soviet society
are recognized and criticized by nearly all students, excluding those
few supporters of the regime. This criticism is voiced for the most
part in two ways - either the situation does not agree with Marxist-
Leninist doctrine and is the sort of thing which no one fought for, or
the criticism is offered purely from an anti-communist point of view.
In either case, the criticism is directed toward the existence of pri-
vilege not self-earned, and the main target is the system, since it is
difficult to blame someone personally when one knows how the system
works. The anti-communist point of view says that Marxism-Leninism be-
gins with the presumption that all are equal. We know this is not so,
so what are the limits and who imposes the privileges? Both points of
view end with fat bureaucrats lolling in villas, government automobiles
operating without the restraint of traffic rules, enormous privileges
for USSR Ministers and members of the Central Committee, and hosts of
other examples presented daily and irritatingly to the student. And it
is important to note that the basic complaint is one of continual irri-
tation.
J. There are many students who believe that economic concessions
can be wrested from the system, and others who feel that it is a question
of all or nothing. Among the former are those who wish for example to see
higher wages and the elimination of the collective farm system as a means
of curing economic ills. But in the other group there is an understanding
that the system cannot and will not make concessions, and there is no need
emphasizing specific measures except in a tactical sense - to achieve a
change in the system itself is the only way.
K. To the student the collective farm program is evidently ineffi-
cient. The neo-Bolsheviks feel that if the collective farms were volun-
tary and self-controlled, and allowed more initiative, they could be
efficient. In general, these people feel the idea to be a good one.
Among the anti-communists, it is felt that these farms are just another
part of a system which allows for no individual effort or reward. They
can only be replaced by private holdings, or completely voluntary co-
operatives existing alongside of private lands and with members accepted
by the cooperatives themselves. In the matter of the state farm versus
the collective farm, the state farm comes out ahead in the realm of
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efficiency because of its wage and bonus system and the fact that it
is better run. However, this does not justify the system, for only in
a totalitarian state can the state farm be better run than the collective.
L. The Virgin Lands program is considered to be a great adventure,
and it is felt that so far Khrushchev has had a lot of luck with it. But
in the long run, it is felt that the program is bound to fail, for the
basic reason that it is necessary to put more into it than can be taken
out. One student, in a conversation with the Party Secretary in 1956 in
Kurgan, was informed that in 1955 no one went to the fields since there
was no crop to harvest, although in 1956 the crop was good. The invest-
ment would become worthwhile with ten consecutive years of good crops,
but this did not appear possible. It was concluded that the program was
aimed at solving the grain problem without regard to the expense involved.
M. Whom do the students consider to be the intelligentsia, and what
do they consider to be their role in Soviet society? To understand this
question, one must consider first what once made up the intelligentsia in
Russia. In that category fell those with broad humanitarian educations
who maintained an understanding and interest in general subjects and who
stemmed from old intellectual families with considerable caste or pro-
fession pride. They looked down upon those "half intellectuals" who
obtained a special knowledge in their own fields but were unwilling or
unable to obtain outside interests - "American style" specialists.
Humanitarian and intellectual went together in Russia, and only a quite
narrow circle was called intellectual. But this has changed considerably,
and now the intellectual group consists of those with a high education
in special fields, often accompanied by an interest in if not an under-
standing of other fields. This opinion is held by the above average
student, whereas in the mind of the average student an intellectual is
one who has simply finished college. The role of the intellectual in
the mind of the average student is neither well defined or understood.
But in the mind of the above average student, the struggle against the
state belongs to the intellectual, fighting without a vested interest,.
His role is one of leading and organizing. Insofar as the so-called
"party intelligentsia" is concerned, the competence of the party dog-
matists is certainly questioned, and the disbelief of teachers who attempt
to insert dogma into their teachings or who attempt to politicize any as-
pect of.their subjects is very high.
N. In considering the role the students themselves think they should
play in Soviet society, one should bear in mind that self-esteem among
the students is disproportionately high. Moral indignation against the
system is great. But the system gives him a chance for disinterested
thinking, and an opportunity to do something according to his circum-
stances and initiative. (Examples of these "somethings" are found in
Annexes A and B to this paper.)
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U VIN r'Ilir;IN "1'IAL
0. Atheism as an official policy is apparently not a matter of
particular concern to the student. As a matter of fact, no student was
known who believ?Sin God, and there was a consequent general lack of
understanding of questions of religious interest. Nevertheless, the
policy of church prosecution was much criticized by the student because
of the inhumanity of the policy. But neither Khrushchev's statement that
as far as the state is concerned church activity is a private thing, nor
the Party's contention that church and party membership are incompatible,
are of particular interest to the student. If one is interested in the
church, it is necessary only to be decent and respect his beliefs.
IV. What does the student think about life in the USSR?
A. The students are dissatisfied with life in. the USSR. They
feel that the workers live better than they did before the revolution,
but still not well enough. The life of the peasant is worse. They feel,
however, that the general standard of living has improved but in a way
which might be expressed by the fact that if one has been robbed and
left quite naked, and is then handed a fig leaf to cover himself, he is
no longer quite so naked, and has thus improved over his former state.
In this area of standard of living, the few improvements made are tremen-
dously exaggerated by propaganda, and where no personal knowledge on the
part of the student exists, the propaganda has a certain effect. And
although the students generally do not like the life in the Soviet Union,
they feel it is better than it was under Stalin, not from a material point
of view, but in the sense of a less tense atmosphere, with fear no longer
so great. Under Stalin, one was afraid of one's on shadow - now only
other people, not shadows, are feared. The standard of living will con-
tinue to improve, but not at a great pace, since the pressure to improve
it is not great. There is a little possibility of more freedom being
granted, but there is more freedom being taken, if only for short periods.
And this taking of more freedom will increase in intensity, if not in
frequency. (At the last Plenum of the Union of Soviet Writers in May
1957, the writers were soundly chastised and criticized - and they re-
mained silent. None stood up and engaged in self-criticism, none con-
fessed his sins against the partyl) Since Hungary, however, according
to the Soviet press, life has been a bit worse in the Soviet Union be-
cause of stricter application of regulations and the withdrawal of small
priveleges. But under the collective dictatorship terror will not return
because the two cannot exist together.
B. To the student a better life is represented by socialism and
freedom - a modern, democratic state with legality guaranteed, with no
overpriveleged class, and a decent standard of living. The students feel
that they can help attain this at the present time by being basically
decent, by not "snitching" on friends and performing the other nasty
little tasks one is expected to perform. They can engage in a limited
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U UN r'11JL+ XI IAL
spreading of hostile ideas and propaganda. In terms of a proper set of
circumstances, there is a large group of students who speak of being
willing to fight, but this is only talk, and as such merely an indicator
of mood rather than actuality.
V. What do Soviet students think about the workers and the peasants?
A. Since 90% of the students are members of the Komsomol, and since
as Komsomol members they are required to do "agit" work among the workers,
the student develops an official knowledge of the worker which sometimes
serves as the basis for an unofficial relationship in the course of which
each tries to find out more about the other. There is a mutual curiosity
on the part of each, and after a while spent at these official meetings in
talking propaganda, the workers ask questions which are not always easy
to answer, but which the student hostile to the regime welcomes because
of the opportunity they give to introduce unorthodoxy into the discussion.
A specific example of this was the student who was questioned about the
lack of doctors and the dirty hospitals. The "correct" answer to this is
that the condition is only a temporary difficulty which will be overcome
in a short while, and that everything would be all right if only it were
not necessary to build a large defense installation to repel the Americans.
The unorthodox answer is that the expense of developing a large army and
heavy defense industry is quite large, and thus there are not enough con-
sumer goods or doctors. However, this is what the government and party
think is necessary. If the worker asks why it is necessary, the answer
is,"I don't know - that's what they think." Thus the student is able to
influence the worker in many cases, and through the fact that he is being
observed, the worker in turn casts his influence upon the student,
B. In the summers, brigades of students go to the collective farmq
to work, and many of these are deeply shocked at the way of living of
the peasant. This shock is further emphasized by the fact that the students
live more or less as do the peasants during this period. There are almost
no young men on the collective farms and this, plus the fact that the
peasants are reluctant to work and thus create a need for these summer
brigades, is in itself an impressive thing. The student talks to the
peasant, and being less passive, drags him out conversationally and finds
that life before the revolution was better than it is today. The student
sees the peasant's backwardness and his unwillingness to accept or use
modern farm machinery. Although these contacts are important in the
effect they have upon the student, unfortunately they are only occassion-
al and by no means universal.
C. Although a fairly large number of students attain. some knowledge
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(JUN 14118 N 1'uAL
of how the workers and peasants live through this personal observation,
the influence thereby exerted is of an impermanent nature. When their
knowledge is struck by the steady propaganda stream, some of the students
forget what they see. It is estimated however, that about 70% of the
student population have some knowledge of the truth. And among these
not only the students who are hostile to the regime, but all capable
of sympathy take the side of the worker and peasant if only for the
moment. The cult of the people influences the majority of the students,
and the shock of seeing the condition of those people in whose name the
system operates is great. The result is that most of the students wish
to provide living conditions which will correspond to their view of what
the status of "the people" should be. The hostile students feel that if
there is a force which will ever overthrow the regime, it is these workers
and peasants.
D. As to whether or not the students look down upon the workers
and peasants, it would be impossible to answer this except on an indivi-
dual basis. But certainly the people as a whole look up to the students
because the student represents something which is considerably beyond
their immediate experience. In one remote village, for example, two
visiting students were hailed almost as dignitaries, and were furnished
a village petition concerning certain wrongs to be righted. On the other
hand, a worker or peasant who is successful in becoming a student is
usually dissatisfied with his new lot.
E. Most of the students are under no illusions that the workers
control industry, or that the peasants control the collectives. The
evidence of their own eyes coupled with the related information which
they obtain is much too strong. The average student feels that the
state controls industry and the collectives, whereas the above average
student feels that the "ruling bureaucracy" exerts this control.
F. The student sees that the worker and the peasant are dissatis-
fied, and in a broad sense feels that unrest exists in these groups. But
he has little concrete knowledge of specific, overt incidents of unrest
among the workers or peasants, simply because the efforts of the regime
to suppress such evidence are for the most part quite successful. Whether
or not the student hears of, or experiences personnally such evidences of
unrest as strikes is purely a matter of luck.
VI. What do Soviet students think about Soviet art, literature, and
drama?
A. Under Stalin, and continuing into the first years after his
death, an estimated 70% of the Soviet students were not particularly
interested in either literature or the arts. Their literary choice was
limited either to the classics or to propaganda, and the blank cards in
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13.
the libraries for the propaganda books are ample evidence of the student's
choice. Writers produced only what they were able to get published, and
though it was possible even during this period to pick out unorthodox
points, few strayed from the one true path of straight propaganda. The
writer of today believes that he should be published if his product is
something the public wants to read - the result of a gradual change pro-
ducing more and more interesting novels with considerably less propaganda.
B. The student's opinion of the role of the author and artist in
the Soviet Union reflects in some ways what might be aescribed as a re-
turn to the traditions of the Russian author of the 1860's. Basically
it is felt that the author should be essentially honest, describing
accurately what he sees in naturalistic terms. The author in addition
should play an active and direct social role - what he creates should be
reflected in his public utterances. One other attitude is also popular
among the students - that literature should be free, not only from
sociology, but from dependence upon good or bad politics. This purely
aesthetic approach to art and literature is not to be found on the average
student level, but is prevalent among higher levels and in the professional
and critic groups. In neither case, however, do any of these attitudes
reflect the official view of the artist, whom the regime looks upon as
a servant of the party and the people.
C. The student feels definitely that the author should be able to
criticize life, the state, communism and anything else falling within
range of his critical eye. In what other way is real literature to exist?
The other road leads only to propaganda. But unfortunately the authors
as a group do not exercise these functions. Some cannot because they
have the will but are not permitted. Others, brought along during Stalin's
time, have attained a one-track mind which makes them abject servants of
the state simply through lack of knowledge of any other way of living.
They have no will to change, and their only merit is that they can express
themselves within this framework. This is particularly true of the so-
called "national" writers, who present a facade of national literature
through their use of the language and through local color. They are
hand-picked men capable of nothing else.
D. Who are the student's favorite modern authors of Soviet fiction?
In this category it is well also to consider the Soviet poets, since none
of the novelists enjoy a permanent popularity to the extent of that of
the leading pets. Foremost and most generally liked among the poets is
Maykovski. He is followed by Akhmatova and Pasternak (Who has been trans-
lated into English by Archibald LacLeish.) On a somwhat lower plane,
Tvardovski is well liked. His "Vasili Tyorkin in Hell", which appeared
after Stalin's death, although never published has enjoyed a wide circu-
lation in manuscript form. Among the novelists, early Ehrenburg is
popular for the illusions of high class he offered. "And Quiet Flows
the Don", by Sholokhov is much read. The war novels and stories of
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14.
Sindnov such as "Days and Nights", reach a wide student audience, and
his poetry is particularly appealing to the girls because of its strong
male flavor. Among the younger authors Kazakevich, and especially his
"The Star", which was published in English in Moscow, is appealing to
the student. These authors find favor in the eyes of the students
either because they are completely untouched by propaganda or because
they are good, naturalistic writers, whose characters are alive, full
of flesh and blood, and to an extent overstride the limits of propaganda.
E. The plays produced in the Soviet Union during the 1930's were
quite often bold and experimental. This tradition carried on throughout
World War II, and the theaters were always crowded. But in 1917 the
theater began to be swamped with propaganda plays, and although from time
to time interesting plays did appear under Stalin, these usually did not
last long because of the severe criticism launched against them. One
rare exception to this was Akimov's Theater in Leningrad, but such
theaters as the Moscow Art Theater, more famous in the West, became
petrified. Today, melodrama is permitted, for example "The Love of Anna
Beryezko". Only recently have such problem plays as Rozov's "Good Luck"
appeared. Both Russian and foreign classic plays remain-popular - Wilde's
"Ideal Husband" has always enjoyed a full house. Recently and for a
short period such Western plays as "Desire Under the Elms", "The Inspector
Calls", and "Cyrano de Bergerac" have appeared. A Chinexe play, "The
Notes of the Western House" was seen in Moscow. Among the Russian play-
wrights, the permanent favorite among the students is Maykovski, although
his plays were not staged for a long time after he committed suicide in
the 1930's. Now two of his plays, "The Bath" and "The Bedbug", both very
sharp and very anti-regime, are extremely popular. One other form of
theater is very popular - comic opera, produced in such fashion as to
remind one remotely of western musical reviews.
F. "Not By Bread Along", first published in three issues of Nov
Mir, made a tremendous impression and was quite popular. Subsequently,
90,000 copies were printed. At first there was no official criticism,
but when the last installment appeared in Novy Mir in the month of the
Polish and Hungarian events and caused great discussions and attacks
against the regime, Pravda made certain reserved comments. This was
in October, and shortly thereafter Pravda's criticism increased, and
the novel was dubbed "anti-popular". It is believed that this book has
sold on the black market for as high as 100 Rubles per copy.
G. The Olga Bergholz poems published in Novy Mir are widely read
by the students, but they are not so popular as ' N~ Not By Bread Alone".
One reason is that they are more difficult to read and absorb. Zorin's
"Guests", one of the first attacks on the regime to follow Stalin's
death, was published only in Theater magazine, a professional magazine
for theater people. It has never been produced, is difficult to procure,
and is not widely read. Kornechuk's "Wings", although it made a large
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15.
initial impression, is now almost forgotten. It represented the first
time the MGB was ever mentioned in any form of Soviet art.
H. Yevgeni Yevtushenko's "Railroad Station - Winter" is politically
loaded, but good verse, and is much read because it reflects the mood of
the younger generation and the Soviet students.
I. There is quite a large black market in literature, although
nothing printed in a foreign language was seen. On Sundays, it operates
on Arts Theater Street in Moscow, while its everyday stand is on Kuznetski
Most. There is a large variety of literature to be purchased. Many of
the old pre-revolutionary magazines are bound together and sold at fancy
prices, and one can also purchase the classics. A subscription to Dost-
oyevski could be obtained, but at a premium price representing about 100%
profit. International Literature, a magazine containing the works of many
western authors published before 1940, is now literally worth its weight
in gold on the black market.
J. The scope of the students knowledge of western literature is
varied, and runs from a knowledge of only those Communist writers who
have been translated since World War II to, in more limited groups, an
understanding equal to that of the best students in the west. Prior to
1940, practically everything of interest was translated into Russian,
and the magazine International Literature noted above was tremendously
popular and offered wide variety. From 1945 until 1955, practically
nothing but Communists were translated. In 1955, a magazine called
Foreign Literature began to appear each month. Put out by the State
Publishing house in Moscow, it is generally speaking a very good publi-
cation, and is very widely read by the average student. It has contained
works by Steinbeck, Faulkner, Saroyan, Mauriac, and Grahaa Greene. (It
is interesting to note that many of the pieces published in this magazine
are subsequently criticized.) Those students who have the leisure time
to sit in the libraries and read, but who do not have foreign language
knowledge, have an excellent knowledge of pre-war literature, but limited
post-war familiarity. In that limited group who know foreign languages
and have the time, the knowledge of western literature is quite good,
running as high in some cases as that of any professional in the west,
and the appreciation is outstanding. But although access is limited,
the interest on the part of all is great, and such things as Graham
Greene's "Quiet American", published in Foreign Literature, are extremely
popular.
K. The literary god of all those who read foreign literature is
Ernest Hemingway. Steinbeck, Sherwood Anderson, Scott Fitzgerald, and
Langston Hughes are the popular representatives of the pre-war era.
Since the war Erskine Caldwell, Arthur Miller, Howard Fast and Albert
Maltz (the last two travelling in fast company) have found popularity.
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Although noted in paragraph J. above, Faulkner bears repeating because
he is quite popular if not yet well known.
L. In the final analysis, the average student's actual knowledge
of western literature is based not so much on quality as on what is
available to him. (Note the inclusion of Maltz and Fast in the list
of popular authors.) If one were to rank other western literature after
American, the progression would run from English, French and German
through Italian.
M. The average student's knowledge of art is much more limited
than his knowledge of literature, because exhibits are extremely limited.
The status of art may be best described by the fact that impressionism
is still a topic of current discussion as a modern art trend. In the
west it has been a matter of history for years.
VII. Student Morality.
A. The press idea of morality in the Soviet Union is based upon
the ideal worker, as close to the machine as possible, who works well,
raises a family, does not have too many ideas, and is inspired not by
developed moral standards, but by the standards set by the state. This
creation of the ideal Soviet men clashes with what the press terms the
immorality of the student. On the average student level, morality as
it is known in the west is prevalent, including relations between the
sexes, and on a higher plane, relations between people. There is,
however, a group which is criticized for its desire for easy living,
excessive drinking, black marketing, debauchery and the like, but this
is far from a universal rule. If one wishes to criticize the average
student on moral grounds, it would be more correct to say that he is
guilty of amorality, rather than immorality. This amorality springs
from his desire not to conform to theideal Soviet man, not to be what
the state desires and which he believes to be wrong even though he is
not clear as to what is right. Among the few exceptions to this are
the offspring of the wealthy, who may be more correctly accused of
immorality in terms described by the press. The outlets for the great-
er funds available to them are limited and their search for variety
frequently leads to immorality.
A. Although the students are officially not permitted to voice
their criticisms, they succeed in doing so. This criticism takes place
at different levels - among circles of close friends, among other students
(but not as intensely as among close friends),and on the highest level,
at official functions and meetings. In this last category, the expres-
sion of criticism is of course more delicate than in any other case.
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For example, at a Komsomol meeting, after the main report has been read,
if this report contained a controversial point of direct interest to the
student, discussion of this point might well go beyond the point itself
and lead eventually to the unorthodox question and the insertion of the
student's own view, regardless of its nature. (During an April 1956
Komsomol meeting in Moscow, the main report was concerned with the system
whereby the government assigns positions to students upon graduation. The
question which opened this particular discussion was: why accept the
appointment of the government board if something better is available to
the graduating student? The response was that this service of the govern-
ment was of great benefit to the student and should not be refused. The
discussion then proceeded considerably further on the basis of the state-
ment that if this service is a benefit, why can the student not accept or
reject it as he sees fit?)
B. These criticisms are usually well received by the audience if
they meet certain basic criteria. They must be well timed, well worded,
and not over the heads of the audience. When this occurs, they are fre-
quently applauded.
C. After Stalin's death, small circle talking and criticism in-
creased in volume if not in intensity, but open criticism did not appear
until 1955. This open criticism seemed to grow from the feeling that now,
if one talked openly, he would not end up in jail - the elimination of
terror seemed to be followed by an increase in criticism. In a way,
Khrushchev's secret speech of 1956, which was read in the Komsomol meetings,
was a landmark. This speech warned very precisely against free discussion -
and by the very warning encouraged the studentsl It did not mark the be-
ginning of open discussion and criticism, but certainly it was during that
period that the student began to realize more clearly that he should cri-
ticize and discuss. If the regime is so afraid of this discussion, then
perhaps it is well worthwhile for it to be further pursued. Out of this
came two of the most telling questions the Soviet student can ask:
- Where are the guarantees that the horror experienced under
Stalin will not come again?
- How long are we going to live for our grandchildren? The
students remember what Lenin said in 1921 to a gathering of the Komsomol -
that they would not experience the benefits of socialism, but that their
children and grandchildren would. And though lip service can be paid,
it is the nature of the beast that there can be no guarantees against
the return of terror
D. Since Hungary, according to press reports, criticism has in-
creased substantially, because of the confusion in the explanations
given for these events. A lack of explanation was followed by conflict-
ing explanations. At the same time in the Soviet press Chinese and Polish
versions of what was happening appeared bearing little resemblance to the
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Soviet version. The criticism reached its height with the expulsion of
certain students from the University of Moscow, and after that the brakes
were on for a time. But criticism is again on the increase.
E. Non-official student discussion groups exist today even as they
did under Stalin. In 19118, for example, there began in Moscow a small
circule of 5 to 8 students who met at the home of one Leibermann, a member
of the Moscow Fine Arts Museum. Most of the participants were fine art
students, and the subjects discussed included literature and the fields
closest to the students' interests. They attempted to avoid directly
political problems, and succeeded during irregular meetings spanning a
period of about two years until the development of mutual distrust caused
the meetings to cease. Many similar groups meet today. A general dis-
cussion among two or three students will lead to occasional meetings, the
invitation of other trusted friends, and finally the development of a
small intimate group, meeting irregularly at various places. These groups
do not in any sense constitute a political force, but act rather as a pre-
paration for politics. (There are, in addition to these unofficial groups,
many semi-official clubs being founded. Last fall, in Kalaga, a student
organization known as "Torchlight" was begun, but as the result of so-called
harmful or unhealthy tendencies, was soon placed under Komsomol control.
As one Komsomol leader stated, it is not necessary to be afraid of the
student clubs, it is only necessary to lead them.)
F. Student membership in these non-official groups may be said to
be limited to a maximum of 10 per group. In terms of the entire student
body, the majority are interested in the subjects they study, and realiz-
ing that what is stated in the lectures is often far from the truth, wish
to make further inouiry and to discuss what is discovered. Others are
led to the groups through an awareness of something beyond their immediate
environment, an awareness which can be fed to some extent through parti-
cipation in open discussion with other students. Thus, in considering
the student body participation in these groups as a whole, a careful
estimate of those participating would be from 20 to 3Oyo.
G. Group leadership varies. In some cases, the leader is an older,
experienced man with good professional background. The Soviet Academi-
cian Gudzi, whose "History of Old Russian Literature" is a classic in
its field, often invited his favorite students to tea. The result of
these gatherings was an unofficial discussion group. Quite honest and
clever, sincere but somewhat childlike, Gudzi would have been outraged
at the mere insinuation that he was leading a political group. On the
other hand, students themselves act as leaders - in any gathering of
students without experienced leadership, who is to say who leads? And
with meetings held at irregular intervals, with irregular attendance,
and at various private dwellings and apartments, leadership is bound to
fluctuate continuously.
H. In discussions of Marxism-Leninism in theory and practice, it
was the practice of the student under Stalin to avoid crossing "t's" and
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dotting "its". Now the reverse is true, and particularly of late,
detailed examination and comparison of theory and practice has been
a favorite subject of discussion in small groups and in casual conver-
sation. It is difficult to say with any certainty whether students do
or do not criticize Marxism-Leninism itself. There is no uniformity
here - some do, some do not, and the extent varies in each category.
One sector of student opposition considers that the Soviet society
does not reflect the ideals of Marxism, and this opposition to the
regime is often formed. by quotations from the classics of TMiarxism-
Leninism. Another sector feels that a colossal historical mistake has
been made, and everything achieved in the USSR in the past forty years
has been attained not because of but in spite of the regime.
I. The contemporary interpretation of Marxism-Leninism is just not
taken seriously by the majority of the student body. As was stated before,
ideology has been replaced by phraseology. But although most criticisms
are presented from the Marxist if not the Leninist point of view, the
student finds much to criticize in the practice of Marxism-Leninism:
1. Foremost is the highly priveleged, closely knit ruling
society which has been created.
2. There is no longer justification for continuation of the
dictatorship of the proletariat. Its proletarian character is denied,
it has outlived. its usefulness if ever such existed, and is now only a
dictatorship of those who profit by it.
3. The ideological, spiritual and intellectual degradation
existing in the Soviet Union today carry a large burden of the student
criticism.
L.. The general economic policy under which no one is interested
in producing more, or bettering service, is criticized as developing a
r'thief psychology", encouraging one to get one's fat cut and get out.
5. The neo-Bolshevist criticizes the entire party policy.
Through all of the student criticisms runs one basic theme - the dis-
crepancy between the promise and the fulfillment.
J. Where do the students learn their criticisms? First of all,
from the most obvious source - a reading of Marx and Lenin. Classic
Russian literature also makes a contribution. Some Soviet publications,
themselves under fire at times, furnish fuel for the student. The
foreign press and radio noted before contribute. The student's own
observations of life around him and his independent study and thought
also contribute. Two major exceptions should be pointed out - there
is practically no church influence, anc very little from the parents.
K. It is true that the average student is more openly critical of
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Soviet society because he has never been personally affected by the terror
which existed under Stalin. Even if you know that you can be beaten, it
is not so impressive as personally knowing some one who was or having been
beaten yourself. The rehabilitation program has given pause to some
students - man whose beard has been pulled out hair by hair is striking
evidence. But the time when all this happened is gone, and theoretically
at least, will not come again. If a friend is afraid to speak out through
fear of the regime, then let him be. Where the need is felt and the de-
sire strong enough, the words come.
L. Student criticism is repressed through several means, but out-
side of the security arms of the government, primarily through the medium
of the Komsomol. One may be required to stand up before a meeting and
give an account of what he is, thinks, and. believes. He may be informally
requested by Komsomol officials to keep quiet. Formal reprimand follows
more serious offenses, and may be accompanied by expulsion from the univer-
sity and exile from the city.
M. Repression exists because the regime fears the birth of a poli-
tical organization out of the labor pains of the student discussion groups.
It is necessary to prevent the infection of the non-conformist thoughts
and expressions of one student or group from spreading throughout the
entire student body. And last, but by no means least, the appearance of
a monolithic structure must be maintained before all strangers.
A. Upon successful completion of ten years of school, the student
receives a diploma, or matura, on the basis of which he may continue his
education at a university or institute. If, in addition to his diploma
he has been awarded a gold medal (representing all excellent grades) he
is not required to take examinations. If he has been awarded a silver
medal (all excellent grades except for one good) he is required to be
examined only in the major subject of the university or institute which
he desires to enter. It is possible also that the student may have gone
to a technical school for the last three years of his ten years schooling.
In this case, he may upon graduation go to a university without examina-
tion if he is in the top 5% of his class, since he is supposed to have
received both a general and technical education. If not in the top 5%,
he must work for three years before applying for admission, and then may
apply, but only in the field in which he has been working. One other
factor affects his ability to take the examinations or enter the univer-
sity - political undesirability. His father may have been in a concen-
tration camp, he or his family may be Jewish, or he may simply be tagged
politically undesirable. In this event, further education becomes ex-
tremely difficult, if not impossible for him.
B. Entrance examinations are competitive. In the humanitarian
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colleges, students are examined in five subjects, both written and
orally, including Russian language, Russian literature, General and
Russian history, Geography, and a foreign language, in most cases,
English or German. On the basis of a marking system of 5 equal to
excellent, four to good, 3 to satisfactory and 2 to bad (the number
system is the official one, whereas the adjectival system is used by
the students) a total of 25 is possible, and at the University of Moscow
practically is required because of the number of applicants. To pass
the examinations, generally a total of 15 points is required. If honesty
reigned in the examinations and. examining board, the system would be a
fair one, but unfortunately dishonesty is not uncommon. Pressure on the
examining board by prominent families as well as actual bribery exists.
(In the winter of 1955 at a Komsomol meeting, Natasha Margheladze, a
University of Moscow student who had worked during the preceding summer
for the examining board, reported that the Dean of the Philological
Faculty, Shanki, in charge of the examining board, had said in her
presence that the board had been "warming their hands".)
C. In most universities, students are guaranteed a stipend every
term during which they received either a 5 or 4 in the term examinations.
In the event that the student receives all 5's, his stipend is increased
by 25% as long as he maintains such grades. The stipends vary according
to the type of university or institute attended, and in some cases accord-
ing to the student:
1. In institutes of lesser importance such as the pedagogical
institutes, the opening stipend is 220 Rubles. To this basic stipend
is added 25% if grades received are all 5 in any term. On this sum,
taxes are paid as well as the mandatory state loans. The total deductions
come to about 15%.
2. In the universities and technical colleges, the basic
stipend is 280 Rubles, and the conditions for increase as well as the
deductions are the same. Over a period of 10 terms, the beginning figure
can increase considerably. An exceptional philological student was re-
ceiving 455 Rubles after deductions in his last term in 1956.
3. In the military institutes, where most of the students are
from the army, the base pay of the army is drawn, and in addition a
flat sum of 300 Rubles, regardless of grades received.
4. Such courses at the University of Moscow Department of
Physics as atomic physics and mathematical logic grant a base stipend
of 500 Rubles and the 25% increases for top grades. This is also in
effect at the Atomic Science Institute.
5. Sons of persons who have performed special services to
the state receive a stipend of 500 Rubles regardless of their marks
for as long a period as they are students.
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Thus the student who performs adequately during his terms at the univer-
sities manages to exist, if not in luxury, and the incentive to maintain
higher grades is held forth by the increasing stipend possible.
D. From the standpoint of the state, some of the most important
hours spent in the universities are devoted to the study of Marxism-
Leninism. These classes and lectures are incorporated into the complex
of political sciences, which extends throughout the five years spent
in the university. For the first two terms (one year), two hours per
week are spent in lectures and two hours in seminar on the political
economy of capitalism. During the third term, the same periods are
spent on the political economy of capitalism and socialism, and in the
fourth term these periods are devoted entirely to the political economy
of socialism. (These first four terms were formerly spent in the study
of the foundations of Marxism-Leninism, actually a history of the CP.)
During the fifth and sixth terms, two hours of lecture and two hours
of seminar weekly are devoted to the fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism,
and in addition to this, throughout the seventh and eighth, two to four
hours per week of the fundamental of dialectical and historical material-
ism are added. At the universities only, the ninth term-includes four
hours per week of the history of philosophy.
E. The amount of time spent in preparing for these classes and the
seriousness with which they are taken is purely an individual matter.
There are a limited number of students who simply take what they are given
and swallow it. For them preparation is merely a matter of memorizing
formulae, and remaining "close to the text of Comrade Stalin", as one
history professor put it. The vast majority of the students see that
something is wrong with this philosophy and that it bears no relation
to life, and thus try to dodge it during the seminars, preparing only
for the examinations. The third group, although a minority, are intent
upon finding out the truth, sometimes at the risk of getting into a lot
of trouble. These prepare very well, and in fact attempt to know more
than the professors, Then they proceed to ask awkward questions, and
the fun begins. Of course, the cutting of these classes is not officially
permitted, but they are cut frequently.
F. Marxism-Leninism has a far reaching effect upon the other
courses. The law and social sciences are almost completely abolished
as sciences, and become only the tools of propaganda, with their funda-
mentals changing as the party line changes. It is not possible to change
the flow of a river, but in geography it is possible to make economic
changes, and these reach the point of ridiculousness. The picture of
the American farmer behind his one horse plow is laughable to the Soviet
student. Certain facts in history are necessary, but the closer one gets
to contemporary history, the more inconcientious becomes the teaching.
Modern history since the October Revolution is pure nonsense. The in-
fluence upon biology has been so strong that the only way it is possible
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23.
to find out what is going on is for individual groups to get together
informally. As an example of the depths to which it has sunk, Professor
Barski, who some time ago announced that the biology faculty at the
University of Moscow was engaged in a collective effort to find the
basic law of nature, is still holding his chair. The physicists are
fortunate in that they are limited only in the philosophical interpre-
tation of their studies. The only purge which has taken place in
chemistry was connected with the theory of resonance, a theory coming
from France which was described as "Bourgeois cosmopolitanism". There
are certain limitations in the field of mathematical logics which lead
to wild theory, but for the most part mathematics has not been touched -
the mathematicians are hardly likely to be understood by the Marxist-
Leninists. The influence on pedagogy is quite destructive - such things
as the theory of labor education are comple iy inapplicable. It was
possible in pedagogical courses to attend no lectures, and in 30 hours
to prepare for and pass the examinations. In the field of literature,
the application of Marxism-Leninism has resulted in much falsification
and the omission of pertinent facts and persons. There is considerable
post-humous editing, and the ascribing of statements never dreamed of by
the original authors.
G. The political aspects of these courses have varying effects upon
the students, some of which have been noted above. In mathematics, for
example, the political aspects are ignored, whereas in the humanitarian
fields, a number are led astray. The students tend to discover where
the falsification begins either from their own observation, experience
or study, or from the hearing of the truth from other students who know.
In recent years there has been a tendency to voice disbelief, even on the
part of those who were not sure of what they were disbelieving. The
professors in the politicized fields are disbelieved to a great extent,
including even those who have something reasonable to sayl The end
result is that if the student wishes to learn, it is necessary to check
out almost every fact for himself. To the extent that this is not
possible, and to the extent that the politicized courses are presented
in a believable light, they have an effect upon the student.
H. In many of the politicized fields there are no text books,
becaase the party line changes so quickly that it is not possible for
a publisher to keep up. Instead, printed lectures are utilized. There
is no standard text, for example, on either Soviet or western literature
from the 18th century on. There is no standard text in philosophy, nor
in Marxism-Leninism. In certain areas remote from ideology (special
fields of history and literature) there are still good studies published.
Pre-revolutionary books, and older books up to the 1920's and 30's both
Soviet and western, are available in unexpurgated form. However, for
the student with foreign language capabilities wide fields are open,
and his entire study is made much easier through the availability of
texts and standard works.
I. At the University of Moscow, there were practically no text
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24.
books in the field of Philosophy. A standard text on old Russian lit-
erature by Gudzi was used, as was the Cambridge History of English Lit-
erature. The Introduction to the Study of Linquistics was used for a
short period. For the most part, the notes of lecturers were used as
texts. Stalin's Short Course is still used, especially the sections
treating doctrine, but the entire text is not utilized, and so far no
book has replaced it. The 1954 edition of Political Economy is no
longer used - it contained a chapter on the economy of Yugoslavia, and
the role of Tito's bandit clique! The new edition eliminates this, but
otherwise there are few changes. Students are required to read the 20th
Congress Party Report, and officially claim to know it almost by heart.
As a matter of fact, they do know it rather well, but unofficially claim
not to, and utilize their knowledge for harassment purposes.
J. The extent of criticism which the students. engage in during
class depends upon both the individuality of the teacher and the class.
Whenever people known as "public eyes" are present, there is almost no
criticism. However, if the audience and the teacher are both favorable
there is often quite free and lively discussion and criticism - provided
there is no direct attack, or unveiled criticism of the party or govern-
ment. One must be discreet, an d speak about a subject without calling it
by name. For example, the principle of party control cannot be attacked,
but one may get away with criticisms of the way the principle is applied,
and thus indirectly attack. It is a question of the individual ability
of the criticizer, what he knows, and how far he senses he can go in
the light of the known attitude of both the professor and the audience.
Official criticism is permitted within the limits prescribed by the most
recent party announcements of what is good or bad. For example, within
the limits of the latest official report, it would be possible to criti-
cize openly the cult of personality. But the students do not like the
controls exerted by the government over their freedom of discussion and
criticism, and they play Lenin's statements on student suppression against
today's policy of the party.
X. Student Attitudes and Opinions.
A. There is a general attitude on the part of the students toward
the teachings of Marx and Lenin which is almost universal within the
student body. This is an outward acceptance of the doctrine for the
express purpose of playing the revolutionary and utopian aspects thereof
against the present regime and the current policies of the government.
To the vast majority, Marxism-Leninism is just another subject to pass
and forget. For some, who really believe in it, it is a belief of what
they themselves read into the doctrine. For others who accept certain
of the dogmas, it is a question of proceeding to criticize from within
on the basis of these accepted principles. The future party careerists
simply accept it.
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25.
B. At the center of those tenets of Marxism-Leninism which are
disbelieved is the principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat -
this is probably more strongly criticized than any other aspect. Either
the whole concept is rejected, or its possibility in Russia is rejected,
or it is rejected as a once necessary requirement for the suppression
of the bourgeoisie now unnecessary. This last view is one which must
be accepted by those who wish to accept Lenin. On the other hand, those
purely theoretical aspects of the doctrine, such as the labor theory of
value, are accepted by even a very large majority of those who are opposed
to the present regime. Such theoretical sides of the doctrine have no
relation to reality and are extremely difficult to criticise in themselves
(the objectivity of matter is a good example) and are therefore generally
acceptable to the mass of the student body. The sociological aspects of
the doctrine are accepted according to the way the individual understands
socialism, and here, as has been pointed out earlier, there are several
opinions. However, in this area, the most commonly accepted theory is
that capitalism has to change, or be changed into socialism. The innova-
tions of Stalin - the theory of industrialization, colonization, and
the sharpening of the class struggle - are unconditionally rejected.
C. The old revolutionary figures are very popular, and are associated
with the present days and with the aspirations of the students of today.
If their ideas can be associated with the present, the old revolutionaries
will often find favor in the student's eyes. Herzen is popular for his
ideas of humanity, and. some of his books have the attraction of forbidden
fruit, particularly where he bitterly attacks Marx. Bielinski has been
almost deified as one of the predecessors of Marx, and though he is
generally rather dull and uninteresting, his "Letter to Gogol" is an in-
spired pamphlet against oppression which is quite popular. Aksakov is
known only as a writer. Khomiakov with his ideas of Mother Russia show-
ing the light to the rotten, godless, West, is absolutely unpopular.
Plekhanov, whose ideas have a direct bearing on today, is popular although
he is not too well known. This is equally true of Bakunin. The works of
Bukharin are extremely difficult to obtain, but still, and possibly for
this reason, he is very popular.
D. "Co-existence" is not thought of by the average student so much
in terms of a political idea as in the direct advantages which would
accrue to the student if such a policy were adopted. It would mean to
the student a free flow of Western ideas, of art, films, writers and
many of those things which are so hard to come by now.
E. On the "inevitability of war", it is the student belief that
only a grave misfortune or particularly unfavorable developments could
bring war. It is not possible for the Soviet Union to win a long war,
according to the students, simply because they do not have the heavy
industry required - the only victory possible would be through a blitzkrieg.
But they realize that the Soviet government might start a war if the
Soviets possessed a decisive strategic weapon which the West did not have,
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26.
of, if being very much pressed on the home front, they were forced into
a long slow retreat. The student does not believe that the Americans
want war despite the intensive propaganda launched in this field, and
no student believes that it was the Americans and South Koreans who
started the Korean war. It is a favorite argument in response to the
atatement that the Soviet Union will not risk aggression to say that
they already have done so in Korea.
F. With respect to the nature o=' the future Communist society,
there are many illusions of a very utopian nature still in existence in
the student body, but these are used primarily as a weapon to be turned
against the present regime. Engel's leap from the kingdom of necessity
into the kingdom of freedom is often quoted by the students. They
think not only of political freedom, but of freedom from the power of
money and the power of privilege. It is the vision of the thousand year
kingdom, and is important in the effectiveness with which it is utilized
by the student in his attacks against the present regime. And all of
the resolutions of the 20th Party Congress did nothing to change this
attitude of the students.
G. Although the attitude of the students to their professors has
been earlier discussed, the political attitude of the average professor
and his relations with the students should be pointed out. In all of
the non-political subjects, the professors, if they have any political
attitude, keep it to themselves in their capacities as professors. In
the politicized subjects, almost all those teachers who had attempted
to remain objective were purged after the war. What is left are those
who have an ability to learn something and then repeat it without think-
ing - these the students term "wooden head". There is another group
which keeps its knowledge and opinions to itself, and does what it is
supposed to do. Of this older group, only the best are left in those
fields such as archeology where training comes quite slowly and where
replacements are difficult if not impossible to find. Of most importance
in the professorial class is the new generation coming up. Some of these
are extremely well educated, very conscientious, and highly respected.
It is surprising that people brought up under such a system should turn
out so well, and much of the answer may lie in the fact that what they
have done they have done for themselves - independent thought and study,
search and research for the truth. Whether they will continue in this
vein is not clear, and the pressures surrounding them may force them to
revert to the ways of the older professors.
H. Whether or not a professor is a member of the party is not of
particular importance, but how he acts or reacts with respect to the
part line is. It is hardly possible to speak the truth within the limits
of the party line, and the more foolish professors who attempt to match
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their lectures to the weavings of the line are the laughing stock of
the student body. Direct opposition to the party line is not expressed,
but on the professional issues most pertinent to the individual professor,
he finds a way in his lectures to give his point of view as a specialist
while at the same time paying attention to the line. This is not only
true of the young aggressive group coming up who are very brave to do it,
but many of the old timers who are sure of their positions and who know
they would be hard to replace engage in the same activities. But none
ever come to the point of direct attack, or even completely understandable
hints, and all restrict themselves to professional issues. The more in-
dependent the professor is, the more popular he is with the students -
something fresh and new has come into their existence, and this appeals
to the student everywhere.
I. Where the professor slips, is caught, and removed, it is
interesting to point out that his fate is often anything but hard. Con-
sider that he has been a member of a highly paid profession in the Soviet
Union - a full professor makes 6,000 Rubles per month, and in addition
to that frequently has an outside income from writing, editing and the
like. He manages to live well and to save money. Many of those who
were purged after the war withdraw, were rehabilitated, and poured out
their writings. Others simply took another job.
J. Outside of the class, the student - professor relationship
follows the customs of the rest of the academic world. The professor
associates with the best students or with those he is especially in-
terested in, for whatever reason. This association takes the form of
casual conversation, invitations to tea or dinner, and informal dis-
cussion groups. These contacts are significant because the professor
tends to be more frank and outspoken than he is in his normal class
procedures. Professor of English Literature Anikst of the University
of Moscow, some of whose work has been published abroad, was removed,
and one of the charges against him was that he said different things
in his lectures than he said in his conversations with his students.
K. Do Soviet students trust their fellow students? Perhaps it
would be best to answer by saying that there is no feeling of mutual
distrust in the student body, and, in fact, a great deal of mutual
trust. There are exceptions - one learns quickly who the "public eyes"
are, who has close relations with the party bosses, and who is the
hard-driving careerist. These people are left alone.
L. Anti-Semitism has grown in the universities, but only official-
ly. The Jews represent a clearly discernible group of political non-
reliables, Stalin was and Kruschov is anti-Semitie, and it is easy
officially to follow the old gag of the Jews against the world and
the world against the Jews. Within the Soviet Union there is a clearly
defined tradition of anti-Semitism - on the one hand the peasant concept
of the Jew as the devil incarnate, a sort of witch who is hated and
feared as an individual but not as a group, and on the other hand the
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group anti-Semitism of the upper classes which is utilized for political
aims and effect. But in the student body itself, there is literally no
anti-Semitism, the students are in fact strongly opposed to this. From
1951 until 1956, a Jewish student at the University of Moscow encountered
not one case of anti-Semitism. (See Annex C.)
A. 99% of the student body belongs to the Komsomol. As to whether
or not this joining is compulsory, the students tell the old revolutionary
story of the Commandant in the army-occupied village in the Ukraine, who
ordered everyone capable of carrying arms to report to the local garrison
headquarters - all who did not report would be shotl Joining is thus a
"voluntary-compulsory" affair - no one forces you to join, but if you
do not you lose so much that it would be far better to have joined.
Since most become members at the age of lit or 15, and since this is an
enthusiastic age in any land, there is initial enthusiasm, but this is
lost rather quickly. There are practically no recruiting pressures,
since if one knows that he is hardly likely to get into the university
unless he is a Komsomol member, and that he will be continually asked
why and given no peace if he does not belong, he finds it simpler to join.
B. Two or three big Komsomol meetings are held during each term,
and smaller group meetings are held about once each month. There are
usually about 30% absent from the meetings, but such absence is a risky
business. For frequent misses one is reprimanded officially before the
board of the Komsomol, and for many students it is not amusing to stand
there beating ones' breast and crying mea culpa. Continual offenses may
result in expulsion from the Komsomol, a most unpleasant experience, since
this is automatically accompanied by dismissal from the university. It
is therefore by far the lesser evil to attend at least a minimum of meet-
ings.
C. In practice, the Komsomol leaders come from the student body.
There are two types: the outstanding student without the courage to
resist the "election" who is needed for a facade and who does not do
very much after he takes office, and the student who is preparing him-
self for a career in the party and is.quite outspoken about this. In
this latter group are the ambitious people as well as those who realize
that their personal limitations are such that the only decent career
they can have is in the party. The position may also be profitable,
for the Komsomol secretary for a faculty at the university is paid 800
Rubles a month in addition to his stipend.
D. In reality, the Komsomol is lead by the Party Organization and
the Party Secretary in the faculty where the Komsomol is organized.
Officially the Party Organization has only an advisory capacity with
respect to the Komsomol, but as a matter of fact, they direct all of
its activities. They select the candidates for office in the Komsomol,
who are theoretically then elected by secret ballot. But here that old
devil "democratic centralism" rears its head - there are only as many
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candidates nominated as there are vacancies, and there must be a majority
against any individual in order that he not be elected. This occurs in
the case of a student who is particularly disliked, although it is quite
rare, and then the party organization merely selects a new candidate and
holds a new election.
E. The Komsomol plays many roles in the university activities. They
supervise attendance at lectures, especially in the political subjects.
Practically all activities not strictly private in nature are under
Komsomol control - sports, public discussions, meetings, and work. They
take an active interest in the political reliability of the student. In
the realm of post-graduate study they exert a tremendous influence, for
the Komsomol leaders must approve all selections for such work. They are
thus able to, and do stack the post graduate schools with students on
whom they can depend for party work around the university. This results
in poor scholastic accomplishment, and over 70% of the post-graduate
students do not even present their theses.
F. The Komsomols exert a considerable amount of influence within
the universities, for almost all non-academic activities and a part of
the academic activities are under their direction or supervision. At
one time they exerted moral influence as well, but this has largely dis-
appeared in view of the fact that the Komsomols are no longer a chosen
group - nearly everyone is a member. The work is so dull and formal
that it is performed only out of necessity, and enthusiasm is completely
lacking except in the budding party careerists. Nevertheless, the
functions of control noted above give the Komsomol much physical if
not moral control.
G. An example of the Komsomol's waning moral influence was noted
in an issue of the Komsomolski Pravda. Here the story is told of two
Komsomol students traveling in a train compartment with several other
people. The students asked the conductor for the loan of a chess set,
and the conductor informed them that they will have to make a 30 Ruble
deposit before he can oblige. The students reply that they are Komsomols,
and therefore would not steal. To this the conductor snorts that he
knows their kind, and that whether or not one is a member of the Kom-
somol does not matter - the important thing is to be decent fellows.
H. Since there is not much difference in the Soviet Union between
politics and compulsion, the political influence of the Komsomols is
considerable. They can force the student, with rare exception, to do
just what is wanted, fran taking up leisure time with discussion groups
to going to the collective farms to work. However, at meetings, no one
would dream of discussing politics or suggesting political resolutions
except those which are in support of the Central Committee, although
of late there is a tendency among the more aggressive students to use
the forms of Komsomol democracy as a tool for the criticism of the regime -
particularly where the contrast between form and reality is especially
evident.
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I. The most prevalent attitude among the students toward the
Komsomols is to be a member in name only, and to "keep one's nose clean 1"
The Komsomol is taken for granted, it exists, one must belong. There
is no Komsomol cameraderie. Some of the activities are appealing, but
not because they are Komsomol activities - the student does not associate
politics with an evening of dancing. The hostile students, however, have
special aims in the performance of their Komsomol duties. One student
was assigned the task of reading lectures to groups of young army recruits,
stressing patriotism. He quoted a passage from Tolstoi in which Czar
Nicholas I meets a young high school boy. Nicholas does not like to
see such young, healthy types not in uniform and begins to question the
chap. "Are you a gymnasium student?" "Yes, Your Majesty." "Do you like
to wear a uniform?" "Yes, Your Majesty." "Do you think it looks fine?"
"Yes, Your Majesty." "Would you like to be with the military?" "No, Your
Majestyl" To which the Czar replied, "Go away, you idiot." The defense
to any criticism of this dory is that it has been told as illustration
of Tolstoi protesting against the military rule of the Czar - it is an
unmasking of Czarism. The influence hoped for is something else.
J. The student attitude toward the Komsomol varies according to
the personal qualities of the leader, of which there are many. (In the
University of Moscow, there are 55 Komsomol secretaries - one per faculty
for the eleven faculties, and one per year for the five years. In addi-
tion to these, each dormitory or hostel has a Momsomol organization).
The careerists are easy to recognize and to stay away from - their show
of authority and obvious industry points them out at once. But in many
cases, the leader helps his career by participating fully, but at the
same time tries to understand the other students as human being and
avoids taking a firm stand. Tnhen this occurs, it is possible for the
student who wishes to do so to avoid many activities.
K. There are many attempts made to make the Komsomols more interest-
ing through the sponsoring of dancing parties, games, sports activities,
parades and other festivities. But it is difficult to combine political
indoctrination with social activities, and for this reason the Koms omols
are quite successful in attracting people to their social affairs. At
an evening party, for example, the official part begins with speeches,
during the course of which the most applause is received by the speaker
with least to say. This lasts for an hour or so, and then begins the
dance or concert, bearing little or no relation to the official part of
the evening. The slogans and pictures on the wall have about the same
effect as that well known ad "Drink Coca-cola". One is aware of its
existence, but it has little effect on whether or not you drink the
stuff - either you have been drinking it for years or you simply do not
care for it.
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A. The student newspapers are of particular importance in a
consideration of the life of the Soviet student. They are, generally
speaking, divided into three categories:
1. The Komsomol organization for a given year (one through
five) produces a newspaper for students which is plastered on the walls
in various locations. This is usually typed on thick sheets of normal
white paper which are in turn pasted on a large sheet of paper about
the size of a standard desk. The editor and staff correspondents of
these papers are voluntary workers and receive no pay - the Komsomol
considers this social work. The editor orders the materials, articles,
editorials, and determines what is published and what not. He submits
the paper before publication to the Party Organization for censorship.
Frequently "politically unripe" material is thrown out and controversial
matter goes to the next higher party level for decision. Often, before
the argument as to what should stay and what should be eliminated is
finished, the paper has been published.
2. Each faculty at the University also has its wall newspaper,
and its format, production and control are identical with that of the
smaller paper. It is merely larger and is sponsored by the Trade Union
Organization.
3. In the big universities a regular newspaper in news format
appears about twice a month under the sponsorship of the Party Organization.
In this case, the editor is not a student, but a full time employee who
is paid accordingly. Here too, control of content is much more strict than
in the case of the other papers, and the editor is fully as responsible
as any other editor in the Soviet Union. Except for feature writers,
the correspondents are students working voluntarily. The editorials are
usually written by the editor and follow the party line exactly.
B. The editors of the wall newspapers are elected at Komsomol
meetings along with the regular committees. Usually the editor is some-
one offered by the Komsomol, although on occasion an individual not
offered is elected. In the case of the printed newspaper, the editor
is appointed by the party organization. Correspondents are chosen by the
editor,
C. The content of these newspapers in 1953 was impossibly dull,
repeating the current slogans on raising the political level of the
students, studying better and so on. On accasion the papers were used
for denunciation purposes, and when the Komsomol Committee singled out an
individual for denunciation, the process was begun in the papers. But
since 1953, the newspapers, especially the wall papers, are getting more
lively all the time. They contain very free discussions of art problems,
new books and finis. They talk about student affairs, including what
lectures should be attended and which ones should not. On many walls,
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32.
one can find examples of student poetry. The wall newspaper of the
Philological Faculty at the University of Moscow 9 (called Komsomolia)
sometimes published quite unorthodox things, and as a result was attached
by the printed newspaper, Moscow University.
D. The wall newspapers at the universities and institutes are no
doubt the freest branch of the Soviet press. Access to the papers is
easy, and they hang on the walls from four to six weeks before being
replaced by a new edition. In Komsomolia, at the University of Moscow,
in the spring of 1956 an article was printed concerning the poetry circle
at the University and their activities and poems. This article revealed
that certain of the poems published in an earlier issue had been attacked
by the party press for pessimism and various other "crimes". The article
went on to answer this criticism in a very aggressive manner, and hung
this answer right alongside the party criticism. The wall newspapers
tend to sneak in the truth in discussions of art and literature and the
policies of the government pertaining to these. They are very frank in
their discussions of the cultural programs of the regime. Poems or
stories which would see the light in no other publication find their way
into them. A student who has visited a village will publish honest notes
on the life there. But it is impossible to make direct attacks on the
government, and this is not even attempted.
E. Their influence upon the students is great, for they represent
a means for the broad distribution of news. Until the article on the
poetry circle noted above appeared, very few students had heard of this
group, and interest increased thereafter. The satirical section of
the papers has a corrective influence in many cases, because such of the
satire is directed against just plain bad students. In other instances
the satire wacks away at over-regimentation. As a medium of propaganda
and denunciation, the positive influence of the papers overbalances the
negative. No one reads to the end anything which is apparently propaganda
whereas there is free discussion of the rest of the paper. The printed
newspapers on the other hand, have an influence not much different than
the average Soviet paper. They occasionally contain academic articles
of influence, but their political and ideological articles fail to in-
fluence to any degree like those of the wall newspapers.
F. Although in the last few years a few strictly student papers
have appeared, the preference is for oral discussion, and the product
has been less of a newspaper than a satirical piece produced for the
amusement of a few friends. Although interest in these is great, their
influence is extremely limited because of their limited distribution.
An interesting example of this type of publication was'Die Hefte des
Buchanismus", published in a limited edition at the University of Moscow
during 1954 and 1955. This was a little book published in three copies,
of which the pages were typewritten and then illustrated by hand painting.
It was satirical but not directly politically biased, relying for its
effect on a subtle ridicule of the new Soviet aristocracy as examplified
by Buchan, the sone of a political commissar who had been brought up
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in occupied Germany and was then attending the University of Moscow.
Buchan was one step above an idiot, but had plenty of money and an
apartment, and some of the poorer intellectuals at the University
associated with him for the last two reasons while at the same time
developing a satirical philosophy based upon Buchan's life and experi-
ence. Articles in the book were devoted to "Croce and Buchanisumus",
the "Effects of Buchanismus Upon the Political Development of Sartre",
and even a story of Buchan's search in Leipzig for a virgin, using as
bait three tins of beef and a jar of honey. (He finally found onel)
These volumes were extremely popular, and were known by a number of
students who had not read them. But their distribution was very limit-
ed - according to the publishers, very few were intellectually ready
for the impact of Buchanismus.
G. Such student efforts as "The Figleaf", "The Azure Bud", and
so on, including "The Bell", were known from the Soviet press, but had
not been read.
VIII. Other Student Groups
A. There is a tendency among the students to organize small de-
bating groups or study groups devoted to specialized fields in which the
students are interested, or in other cases directed toward fields which
are outside the immediate interest of the student for the purpose of
broadening cultural knowledge. These range from the history of art to
aeronautics. Such groups are highly informal, and when the Komsomol
organization finds out about them, they usually disappear.
B. Scientific debating societies on special problems according to
the faculty involved are organized within the universities. These are
made up of only the best students, and the discussions are conducted on
a high plane beyond the official curriculum.
C. There were "literary circles" at the University of Moscow which
were officially sponsored by the university. The discussions of these
groups sometimes went far beyond the limits officially set for them,
and politically loaded debates, particularly in the humanitarian faculties,
were frequent. Whenever this occurred, the group came in for heavy
criticism by the Komsomol.
D. Chess clubs were usually under the sponsorship of the Komsomol,
as were the sport activities. Theater groups (there is a good one at the
University of Moscow) were partly under faculty sponsorship and partly
under that of the Komsomol. The Komsomol also organized debates on
specific literary or political subjects from time to time. For example,
in the winter of 1955, one topic for debate was Granin's novel "The
Searchers". This was participated in by the Philological Faculty of
the University of Moscow and the Aeronautics Institute under sponsorship
of the Komsomol. A large audience was present, and a furious debate
on the use of half truths resulted which was not appreciated by the Komsomol.
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34.
E. When these groups noted above are sponsored officially, meetings
are usually held in the appropriate faculties, whereas non-official meet-
ings are held in private homes or apartments. Where technical matters
are involved, frequently they are lead by professors, or by an individual
gifted in the particular field. The result of some of the more interesting
sessions may be an increase in participation in the next session, but in
any event, the discussions started in the debates frequently carry to a
broader audience and find further discussion in small groups of students.
XIV. Student Obligations
A. The schedule of the average student is a heavy one. During the
first two or three years, the average time spent in class runs to about
36 hours per week for a six day week, or three two hour lectures per day.
Later on lectures are decreased until in the fourth year the student has
about 20 to 26 hours each week. In the fifth year this time is even less,
and in the last term of the fifth year there are no lectures. There are
variations in the weight of the load in various terms and faculties, and
of course, according to the capabilities of the student. But if the
student works conscientiously all the time, he has very little leisure
time, and is under fairly constant pressure. For example, at the Univer-
sity of Moscow a course called World Literature ran eight terms. The
average required reading per term was about 20,000 pages, and the student
was examined at the end of each term. At the end of every two terms, a
paper was required. Because of this load, there is a tendency now to cut
ax many seminar and lecture hours as possible in favor of voluntary work
and some lectures are almost always skipped.
B. The student has therefore only as much leisure time as he is
willing to take, and since the Komsomol wants the student to spend all
of his leisure time in their activities or those of the party, it is
also a question of how much of this can be avoided. Some of it is not
avoidable - agitator work in election campaigns and lecture work in the
factories or to the Army come up from time to time. "Sunday work" is
a favorite Komsomol pastime, when the students are rounded up for such
work as laboring on building projects, or in the fall for potato digging
at the nearby farms. This work is nearly impossible for the average
student to avoid, and impossible for the elected Komsomol and Party
personnel.
C. Vacation time usually comes in July and August, (there are no
summer terms) and those students whose families do not live in the town
where they study try to go home. Many vacation in rest homes. But 50
to 60% of the students are drafted for summer work by the Komsomols, or
to go to the collective farms for two weeks or more. Many go to the
Virgin Lands for the fall two months($cam which they all return), or in
Moscow, to labor on buildings under construction.
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35.
D. Avoiding this forced work becomes an art. If one has money or
privelege, and can get through the summer without the summer stipend
(which one will receive anyway in the fall) the trick is to get out of
town before the heavy hand of the Komsomol falls upon your shoulder.
Work assignments for the summer are not announced during examinations,
because of their possible effect on the examinations themselves. There
is a brief period after the exams and before the stipend is received
when the student who does not wish to work leaves town quickly. When he
returns to town in the fall, and the Komsomol asks where he disappeared
to so fast, the student says in amazement that he did not know he was
wanted. He then collects his summer stipend and goes aoout his work.
E. On principle, most of the students are opposed to this idea of
forced work - the idea of being made to do something has no appeal. It
is only natural that they should prefer a gay time at the beach to a
summer of back breaking work on the farm. But there are some students
who participate willingly in these summer programs because of the oppor-
tunity it gives them to learn a little bit about life elsewhere in the
Soviet Union. If the programs were conducted without the use of so much
compulsion, there would probably be a great deal more participation.
F. For the student to be employed during the surimer as an Intourist
guide requires considerable pull, unless he possesses capability in a
rare language such as Swedish, Persian or Chinese. Not many succeed,
although many are filled with a desire to do so for the opportunity it
gives to meet and talk to people from outside the Soviet bloc. Sometimes,
as occurred in August 1955 during the World Student Council in Moscow,
relatively large numbers of students are employed as interpreters. (In
the case cited, they were employed by the Anti-Fascist Council of
Soviet Youth.) But Intourist employment is that most desired, not only
because of the foreign contacts, but also because of the high pay and
the travel and expense accounts involved.
G. When the student graduates, a situation confronts him which he
resents highly. He must serve three years in a post to which he is
appointed by a selection board, and this appointment usually bears no
relation to his desires, or in many cases to his abilities. He may
avoid this if he is chosen for post-graduate work, or if his parents are
so ill that it is impractical for him to leave the city. If one has
pull or can find some one to ask for you, it is possible to appoint
yourself - find a job wherever, and then get the boss to send a demand
to the Distribution Board for your services. This will usually be
effective. This last action is also used sometimes as a pretext. The
party workers naturally chose their own jobs. It is estimated that at
the University of Moscow about 50% of the students graduating are able
to dodge this selection process by one means or another.
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XV. Student Jargon.
A. There is a slang usage of ordinary Russian words which is utilized
in broad circles of students and others. For example, the Russian word
for great in pre-war slang was Nikolaiski, now replaced by Staatski, which
is also the word for pertaining to the USA. There are frequent political
overtones in this usage of ordinary words for slang, whereas in the case
of the stilyagi the slang used is completely indescernible to outsiders,
has no political overtones, and may be completely different from Russian.
B. Attached hereto as Annex D is a brief list of Student Jargon.
XVI. Student Living Conditions.
A. Soviet students live with their parents or relatives while
attending school, or rent rooms in town, or, and this last category
includes the majority of the students, live in the hostels or dormitories
provided. The students live in the hotel of their choice, frequently with
roommates of their choice, and although they can make changes later on,
they must go through such red tape that it is hardly worth the trouble.
B. An average size hostel in the old buildings at the University
of Moscow will hold about 1.70 students, living in rooms which range in
their capacity from one to ten students. Single rooms are given to fourth
and fifth year Soviet students and to married couples. There is consider-
able overcrowding in these hostels, to the extent that when applying for
entrance to the University one must state whether or not he will require
a room in a hostel. If he does, this diminishes his chances of being
accepted.
C. There is an official curfew set in the hostels of midnight, but
practically speaking, no one is nasty if the student does not make it
unless there is other reason for suspicion. To remain out all night for
one night results only in the studentts becoming the subject of jokes,
but to repeat this too often may well cause trouble with the Komsomol.
There is no sign out procedure, but in each hostel there is a document
check point at which the "student ticket" (see below) is checked every
time the student passes. This rule was enforced strictly at the Univer-
sity of Moscow even during the day. Guests are permitted in the rooms,
but these must be signed in, and the person being visited checked to see
if he wishes to receive the visitor. Regardless of the sex of the guest,
if he or she fails to leave before curfew or an hour or two thereafter,
it is best to remain all night. These rules also apply on the week-ends.
D. In each building, there is a Komsomol organization, a party
organization, and a student committee. This last committee is primarily
concerned with the technical side of life in the hostels - with keeping
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the place clean and generally in order. The Komsomol organization is
concerned with the political and moral supervision of the students, and
in the hostels can be a vicious affair. There is much petty gossip in
the hostels, and this results in many students from the hostels coming
before the Komsomol meetings, to account for their statements or actions.
Student committees and. Komsomol organizations are chosen at general
meetings, and although the committee is supposed to be an independant
organization working with the Komsomol, it is merely another arm of the
Komsomol.
E. Faculty members normally do not live in the hostels, but this
is not a firm rule, especially in view of the housing shortage. Post-
graduate students live in the hostels if they wish. In addition to
these, there are two or three "commandants" per hostel. These people,
often retired soldiers, check documents, look after the students, and
generally are in charge of the preservation of law and order.
F. Attendance in the dining rooms is not compulsory, but if one
does attend those in the hostels, it is necessary to go through the
usual identification procedures upon entering.
G. Storage space in the student's rooms is at a premium, and though
it of course depends upon the size of the room, usually the occupants
rely upon one cupboard and after that go on a catch as catch can basis.,
Linder the beds, in the corners, wherever there is a oit of room. There
is normally a book shelf shared by all in the room, but no desks. It is
thus extremely uncomfortable, if not impossible, to study in the hostel
rooms, even when only two or three are sharing the room. Hostels for
the women are usually much cleaner and better ordered, although their
size and arrangement and lack of adequate space results in the same
difficulties which confront the men. One dormitory may be used for
women one year and for men the next. However, in the new dormitories
at the University of Moscow, there are corridors for boys and girls in
the same building. The men and women can visit each oth6r in their rooms,
but they usually.don't bother because of the competition with three or
four roommates. A few have single rooms, and an attempt was made to
prevent this visiting when these were first opened. This attempt met
with no success.
H. Cleaning and servicing of the dormitories is supposed to be
done by the students, with the assistance of the commandants noted
above. In addition, there are charwomen who come in at intervals,
usually in the mornings.
I. Toknen the student is so fortunate as to have his own room, he
will usually meet his non-university friends there unless he has a
particular reason for not wishing to do so. There are also sitting rooms
in the dormitories, especially in the new buildings, with TV sets and
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38.
other entertainment devices, but these roams are usually so noisy and
full of people that they are hardly suitable for quiet conversation,
although strangely enough, chess players are found there frequently.
The older dormitories do not possess even these small advantages, and
the crowding is prohibitive. When the student is living with his
parents and wishes to take a friend home, he is again faced with the
overcrowding problem, unless his parents are wealthy enough to have a
private home. Probably the best solution to the entertainment problem
is to have a room of one's own in town. But it is the unusual student
who can find or afford such luxury.
J. Where the student studies depends upon the profession for which
he is preparing himself and the conditions under which he lives* When
technical work is involved, there is much studying done in the labora-
tories, which are frequently available two or three evenings a week.
The public libraries are used, as are the University libraries. In
Moscow, for example, there is a library at the University of Moscow
which is organized on a faculty basis - each faculty having its own
library. In addition, there is the Lenin Library, the Foreign Literature
Library, and the Historic Library as well as other specialized ones.
K. In the libraries at Moscow, there is a strong hierarchy of
reading rooms. At the lowest level is a general reading room, open
to all, where the average student does his work. Next in order is
the Scientific Reading Room, open to instructors, assistant professors,
post-graduates, and a few students who manage to get cards through
pull or because their proficiency is such that the professors will grant
this privelege. Next is the Professors Reading Room, which is strictly
for professors, although others do manage access. At the very top is
a Special Library Fund, which requires special access frequently, though
not automatically given to those who have access to the scientific room.
In this room one can get practically everything published anywhere in
the world except Russian emigree literature. To enter, it is necessary
to have a special letter signed by the Dean saying that there is a need
for access. In this room, the rules are quite strict. If one copies
something from a book, these notes are supposed to be left for inspection
and picked up later on. Exceptions to this exist but are rare, and
usually involve old well-known readers in special fields. When one is
first admitted to these rooms, it is necessary to sign a certificate
saying that the spreading of the information received from publications
obtained there except for scientific purposes is a punishable offense
under Article 5810. Student access to this room is very limited.
L. Library hours at the University of Moscow were from 0830
uhtil 2200 daily except Sunday when the library closed at 1800. The
public libraries were open from 0900 until 2300 daily. A library card
for the public libraries is-obtained by presentation of one's Passport
and police registration. In restricted rooms, it is necessary to obtain
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special documentation. The student obtains his library card for use
at the university library by presenting his Passport and his student
identification card. Students cannot draw books from the public
libraries - only professors and organizations are thus priveleged.
Books in limited supply and reference books cannot be withdrawn from
the university libraries. Books in the Special Fund cannot be removed
from the room.
M. i'-iaterial which is being used in the libraries, including the
books, can be left in care of the librarian for a period of up to
ten days. It is put on a special shelf, and identified by the library
card. number of the student. At the end of the ten day period, the
books go back on the shelf unless they have been extended. Extension
may be granted unless there is an unusual demand for the book wanted.
N. The Lenin Library is an interesting example of the procedures
which are required in some libraries, although in this case the controls
are somewhat stricter than normal. At the entrance to the library is a
policeman, to whom one must show a library card in order to enter the
building. Immediately after the entrance, there is a table at which
sits a woman known as the Library Controller. She is shown the library
card, and in return she hands the student a Control Card, on which full
name, library card number, and category as reader are entered. With
this slip and the library card, one proceeds to the appropriate reading
room. At the book counter in the reading room, library card and control
slip are presented and the desired books are requested. The number of
books taken is entered on the control slip. One can then read in relative
peace. When the books are returned at the counter, the control slip and
library card are again presented, and the control slip is stamped accord-
ingly. The student then returns to the Library Controller, who stamps
an exit permit on the control slip provided the entries from the reading
room are correct. As one leaves the library, this control slip is turned
over to the policeman at the door, and. one goes on about one's business.
0. Literature in the Russian language published abroad is not
available even in the special fund library. In the big cities, in the
big libraries, since 1955 periodicals in English and French and other
languages are obtainable. There are also books on a wide range of
subjects - philosophy and economy and fiction included, but for the
literature of the 1920's written by the so-called enemies of the people
in Russian, special permission is required. This is also true of foreign
language publications which are directly anti-Soviet or anti-Communist.
P. Both Soviet and foreign students receive certain priveleges.
Among the Soviets, these include those whose families have good connections
or are very good in the academic field, or are very high in the CP or
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140.
Komsomol hierarchy at the University. "Spanish children", those off-
spring of the veterans of the Spanish revolution, receive special pri-
veleges. All foreign studetns receive special priveleges. These
priveleges take the form of more financial support in some cases - the
"Spanish children" receiving a flat 500 Rubles per month instead of the
normal stipend. Children of those who fell in World War II get a pension
varying according to the rank and service of the parent, until the com-
pletion of their education, They have the alternative of drawing either
the pension or stipend, whichever is greater, but they may not draw both.
Secretaries of the Komsomol organizations get 800 Rubles per month in
addition to their stipend. The fact that a wealthy student, or one
living at home, is also paid oa stipend constitutes an additional fin-
ancial privelege. However, for none of the students are there special
prices, nor are there special shops for their use. All receive free
books from the libraries which must be returned at the end of the second
term. The student assumes financial responsibility for these books, and
must pay for loss or damage. There is no such thing as free quarters,
since all who live in the hostels must pay about 140 Rubles per month.
Whatever spending money exists must come from the stipend unless the
student has private means or an additional grant of money.
Q. No special restrictions are exerted over the coming and going
of the students. Except for a few restricted areas, one simply goes,
and as a general rule this also applies to foreign studetts, with the
proviso that if the citizens of their country of origin are permitted
travel in any area, so are the students from that country. (The students
from the satellites do not seem to have this privelege, but the details
of their restrictions are not known.)
R. There is no exemption from Komsomol membership for the Soviet
student. Whether or not the Soviet student can skip the required work
groups and week-end details depends upon his own dodging ability. The
courses in Marxism-Leninism are mandatory - there is no exemption from
these for anyone, and it is possible to cut only very few of the
lectures or seminars. All of the students perform roughly the same
amount of academic work, but from a non-academic standpoint, this can
vary a great deal, particularly if one is engaged in the time consuming
party or Komsomol activities.
S. All students must take examinations. However, if one comes from
an influential family, or stands well in the party or Komsomol hierarchy,
pressure can be brought to imporve graces or to obtain a passing instead
of a failing mark. This is particularly true of bearers of famous names
or Komsomol officials. The student may obtain permission to skip lectures
or parts of a course if his relation with the professor is good, and may
even arrange to take his examinations earlier. But none of this applies
to the lectures or examinations on Marxism-Leninism, or to the political
courses.
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T. In general, good relations on the part of the student with the
instructor result in the same advantages as in the free world, except
that emphasis on establishing good relations is greater in the Soviet Union
if one wishes to have access to other than the normal instruction or refer-
ence. It is, for example, through this medium that access to foreign or
Russian literature is obtained. But the instructors have nothing to do
with participation in party or Komsol activities, and can do nothing for
the students, regardless of their academic standing, to alleviate this
requirement.
A. Each Soviet student is equipped with the following documents:
1. Passport, obtained at the local police station. This
document is checked upon application of the student for admission to
the university, and is again checked before the student receives his
diploma upon graduation. In addition it is checked at hotels when
registering, for normal travel purposes, and for the occasional police
checks occurring usually in the evenings. It is used when changing
residence, at which time one must check out of the old residence with
the police, and check into the new residence.
2. "Student Ticket", issued at the Dean's Office of the Univer-
sity, identifies one as being a student at a particular institute. This
document is also used for identification when traveling. It is supposed
to be checked each time one enters and leaves a university building,
but practically this is not done. It is checked when entering the
dormitories, and. when receiving books at the university library.
3. Komsomol Card, issued by the Regional Committee of the
Komsomol Organization. In addition to identifying one as a Komsomol
member, this card must be presented when entering Komsomol meetings.
4. Trade Union Card of the Trade Union of University
Students and Teachers, issued by the Trade Union Committee at the
appropriate university. This card is almost never checked.
5. Matriculation Book, issued by the Dean's Office, and
checked at every examination. This card serves in part as a report of
the students progress, but in addition constitutes a record of all
examinations completed, grades received, and semester hours completed.
When the student has completed his university work, this card is ex-
changed for his diploma. For the student, it is a particularly valuable
card.
6. Mutual Help Fund Card, issued by the Trade Union Committee.
This Fund is one into which each student pays a small amount of money
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each month, and from which he can borrow from 150 to 700 Rubles to be
repaid by deduction from his stipend on a monthly basis without interest.
Money dan be borrowed for almost any purpose, from buying a new coat to
paying bills. In the event the student has not used the fund, he is re-
paid his total contribution when he leaves the university. The card for
this fund is checked only when the student borrows money.
7. Library Cards, one for each library used, are issued by
the library, and must be shown each time the library is used.
8. Reserve Officers Card. This card is carried only by those
students who, after four years reserve training at the university, pass
the state examination in military training and become reserve officers.
This card is issued by the Regional Military Kommissariat.
B. The foreign student in the Soviet Union carries only the Soviet
Passport for foreigners, the student ticket, and the library cards.
A. There are no rules preventing the Soviet student from meeting
anyone from any class of society. In fact, whether wittingly or not,
the government sponsors rather broad contacts on the part of the student
in sending him to collective farms and through the Komsomol's giving him
an opportunity to observe the workers during the reouired political work
in the factories. (These opportunities are discussed elsewhere in this
paper.) For the foreign student, although access to the various groups
of Soviet society is not normally prohibited., there is simply less op-
portunity, since to begin with his accent makes genuine contact and con-
versation difficult, and he is not assigned to the work jobs which come
the way of the average Soviet student.
B. Prior to the Yugoslav split, there was a great deal of visiting
between Soviet and foreign students at the homes of the Soviet students,
but the split with Tito caused those people who had Yugoslavian friends
a considerable amount of trouble. After that more care was taken. In
general, it was not prohibited, but was not recommended to invite foreign-
ers home. Today it is easier in the sense that the general feeling of
relaxation also contributes to this aspect of life, but despite that,
it is still an extraordinary event for a Soviet to invite a foreign
student to his home.
C. It is not known whether or not certain areas of the university
of Moscow are closed to Soviet or foreign students, nor whether areas of
Moscow, except for military posts, are closed.
D. Whereas Soviet students meet with their Soviet friends according
to their individual tastes and the possibilities which present themselves,
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the meetings between Soviet and foreign students do not normally take
place on the campus. If either possesses private rooms in town, the
meeting will take place in those rooms, otherwise usually in a public
place such as a restaurant. It is necessary that these meetings be open
and informal, since invitations of this nature are still not common.
E. Going with, or meeting with someone other than the university
group presents for the Soviet student a special problem, since here he
risks what is sometimes called "putting oneself in opposition to the
collective", or going with one individual rather than the group. The
Komsomol organization is on the look-out for this sort of thing, and
it is therefore advisable not to meet these friends on the campus, re-
gardless of the type of friendship. (As a matter of fact, this is a
wise procedure even in the case of other university friends, since one
must always take care to give the Komsomol nothing to talk about) This
problem is eoually applicable to the satellite students, but does not
confront the foreign student to the same degree.
F. It is not difficult to contact a Soviet student if one knows
only his name, provided one knows the city in which he lives. Except
for Moscow, every town has an Address Board, which retains the name of
all persons living in the totrn, having obtained these from the police
registration. One should know the name, patronymic, and family name of
the person being sought.
G. The schedule at the university permits only one free day per
week - Sunday, and even this day is not completely free. Summer vacation
runs from the last days of June through July and August, and in the winter
there is a two week vacation period which extends from approximately the
last week of January th:uF