NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 50E; GUINEA; THE SOCIETY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: NIS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP01-00707R000200070003-5
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 41
• Document Creation Date: October 25, 2016
• Sequence Number: 3
• Content Type: REPORTS

CONFIDENTIAL
50E /GS /S
Guinea
May 1973
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
CONFIDENTIAL
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

NATIONAL. INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS
The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which is now
published in n bound -by- chapter format so that topics of greater per-
ishability can be updated on an individual basis. These chapters� Country
Profile, The Society, Government and Politics, The Economy, Military Geog-
roohy, Transportation and Telecommunications, Armed Forces, Science, and
Intelligence and Security, provide the primary NIS coverage. Some chapters,
particularly Science and Intelligence and Security, that are not pertinent to
all countries, are produced selectively. For small countries requiring only
minimal NIS treatment, the General Survey coverage may be bound into
one volume.
Supplementing the General Survey is the NIS Basic Intelligence Fact
book, a ready reference publication that semiannually updates key sta-
tistical data found in the Survey. An unclassified edition of the factbook
omits some details on the economy, the defense forces, and the intelligence
and security organizations.
Although detailed sections on many topics were part of the NIS
Program, production of these sections has been phased out. Those pre-
viously produced will continue to be available as long as the major
portion of the study is consiared valid.
A quarterly listing of all active NIS units is published in the Inventory
of Available NIS Publications, which is also bound into the concurrent
classified Factbook The Inventory lists all NIS units by area name and
number and includes classification and date of issue; it thus facilitates the
ordering of NIS units as well as their filing, cataloging, and utilization.
Initial dissemination, additional copies of NIS units, or separate
chapters of the General Surveys can be obtaineJ directly or through
liaison channels from the Central Intelligence Agency.
The General Survey is prepared for the NIS by the Central Intelligence
Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency under the general direction
of the NIS Committee. It is coordinated, edited, published, and dissemi-
nated by the Central Intelligence Agency.
WARNING
T is document contains information affecting the national defense of the United States, within the
meani. g of title 18, sections 793 and 794 of ;..e US code, as amended. Its transmission or revelation
Of its contents to or receipt by an unauthorized rerson is prohibited by law.
CLASSIFIED BY 019641. EXEMPT FROM GENERAL DECLASSIFI-
CATION SCHEDULE OF E. O. 11652 EXEMPTION CATEGORIES
55 (1), (2), (3). DECLASSIFIED ONLY ON APPROVAL OF THE
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE,
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

WAWING
The NIS is National Intelligence and may not be re-
leased or shown to representatives of any foreign govern
inent or international body except by specific authorization
of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with
the provisions of National Security Council Intelligence Di-
rective No. 1.
For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the
portions so marked may be made available for official pur-
poses to foreign nationals and nongoverrment personnel
provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence or
the National Intelligence Survey.
Subsections and graphics are individually classified
according to content. Classification /control designa-
tions are:
(U /OU) Unclassified /For Official Use Only
(C) Confidential
(S) Secret
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

This section was prepared for the NIS by the
Central Intelligence Agency. Research was sub-
stantially completed by March 1973.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

0
u n e
CONTENTS
This General Survey supersedes the one dated
July 1969, copies of which should be destroyed.
A. Introduction
K Structure and characteristics of the society
2
1. Traditional society
2
a. Tribal divisions
2
b. Linguistic divisions
4
c. Social organization
5
d. Values and attitudes
5
2. Social change
6
a. Colonial influences
6
b. Urbanization
6
c. PDG ideology
7
d. PDG organizations
7
e. Popular attitudes
g
C. Population
9
1. General characteristics
9
a. Size
9
b. Density and distribution
9
C. Composition
10
d. Age -sex structure
10
CoNFIDENnAL
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

pa"
Page
l Population -hange
ri
b. Medical personnel
a. Vital statistics
11
c. Preventive medicine programs
22
b. Immigration and emigration
11
G. Religion
23
c. Growth trends and government policy
11
1. Principal religions
23
D. Labor
11
a. Islam
23
1. job opportunities
12
b. Animism
24
a. Traditional employment
12
c. Christianity
24
b. Modem employment
12
2. Church�state relations
2b
I Unemployment
13
H. Education
25
a. Unemployment and underemployment
13
1. Organization
25
b. Government policies to promote em-
a. Primary education
25
ployment
14
b. Secondary education
26
3. Labor laws and wo. king conditions
14
c. Higher education
27
a. Labor laws
14
d. Other schools
27
b. Workin- conditions
15
2. Educational attainment and quality
27
4. Labor organization
15
a. Literacy levels
27
Labor and party relations
16
b. Educational opportunity
27
F. Living conditions and social problems
16
c. Educational quality
28
1. Material welfare
16
3. Government and education
29
a. Income levels
16
a. Administration and finance
29
b. Clothing and housing
17
b. Political involvement
29
c. Subsistence economy
18
I. Artistic and cultural expression
30
2. Welfare programs
18
1. Modes of artistic express ion
&I
a. Private assistance
18
2. Personalities and Institutions
32
b. Government programs
18
3. Government control and support of the
3. Social problems
19
arts...............................
32
F. Health
1. Health conditions
19
19
J. Public information
33
a. Factors adversely affecting health
19
1. Principal media
a. Radio and films
33
33
b. Water supply and waste disposal
20
b. Printed matter
33
c. Prevalent diseases
2. Nutrition and diet
20
20
2. Political control of public information
34
3. Medical care
22
3. Impact of the media
34
a. Health care facilities
22
L Selected bibliogm?hy
35
FIGURES
Page
Page
Fig. 1 Women's groups marching (photo)
2
Fig. 13 Bassari village (photo)
18
Fig. 2 Estimated size of Guinean tribes,
Fig. 14 Typica! rural market (photo)
21
ign (table)
3
Fig. 15 Donka Hospital in Conakry (photo)
22
Fig. 3 Fulani woman (photo'
1
3
Fig. 16 Mosque constructed of thatch (photo)
23
Fig. 4 Malinke mother and child (photo)
3
Fig. 17 Raman Catholic cathedral in Conakry
Fig. 5 Population density (map)
9
(photo)
?A
Fig. 6 Population by geographic area (table 1
10
Fig. 18 Educational system (�hart)
26
Fig. 7 Growth of urban centers (table)
10
Fig. 19 School enrollment (table)
27
Fig. 8 Age-sex profile (chart)
10
Fig. 20 Rural Islamic school (photo)
29
Fig. 9 Women trading in Kankan market
Fig. 21 Stilt dancers (photo)
30
(photo)
Fig. 10 Labor force (chart)
12
13
Fig. 22 Traditional instruments (paintings)
31
Fig. I Labor organization (chart)
15
Fig. 23 Nimba mask (photo'
32
F.g. 12 Urban clothing styles (photos)
17
Fig. 24 Sound truck (phr.o)
33
ii
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA-RDP01-00707R000200070003-5

The Society
A. Introduction (U /OU)
Since Guinea's independcw-e in 1958, President
Sekou Tourc has plunged the cou try into it far
reaching experiment directed toward the moderniza-
tion of traditional society and the creation of an
egalitarian state. The ubiquitous Denroc�ratic Part of
Guinea (PDG) �the only political party permitted
has led the government's fight to eliminate the
authority of the tribal leaders, the influence of the
French colonial heritage, and the bourgeois elements
in contemporary society. The PDG has established
itself as the vanguard of the "Guinean revolution,"
promoting what the party judges to be genuinely
African and in support of its aims while disparaging
what it deems foreign or anti -PDG. A constant flow of
propaganda in the official quasi- Marxist jargon and
as unending series of organizational changes in public
institutions undoubtedly have left many Guineans
with a profound sense of apathy, but it is nonetheless
apparent that the regime hits been remarkably
successful in instilling popular respect for such ideas
the African personality, national identity, and
detribalizatiou. In practical terms, the party has
prompt d local self reliance, collective labor, and
material sacrifice as necessary steps to achievi.ig
national political and economic independence.
C=uinean society is made up of at least 18 distinct
tribes. In a population of only 4 million, the resulting
linguistic and ethnic heterogeneity has naturally
served to fragment the population and slow
cooperation. The small absolute size of most tithes,
however, has prevented them from individually
aspiring to t olitical or economic autonomy and has
lent an air r inevitability to the creation of a strong
central and rity by the PDG. Tribal frictions are
miAmal �and cooperation possible partly because
historically no single tribe has held effective political
suzerainty over the whole of Guinea. Likewise, no one
ethnic group has a monopoly of political power in
contemporary Guinea, although the Malinke are
overrepresented in both the government and park
hierarchies. Some ethnic groups, notably the Fulani,
continue to resent what they perceive to be Malinke
domination, but such feelings are not manifested in
overt political acts.
Islam was introduced to Moyenne- Guinee (Middle
Guinea) by the Fulani people in the 17th century.
Although the influence of the Fulani �thc largest and
most infhential tribe in preindependence times �has
declined, that of Islam has not. Guinea's three largest
tribes and 73 of the national population claim to be
Muslims, and their common religion constitutes an
important f actor contributing to national unity. The
cultural patterw associated with Islam have injected a
common element into Guineas diverse tribal cultures.
Additionally, religious loyalties have been drawn on to
support the Toure regime's anticolonial, anti
European, and specifically anti Catholic orientation.
National unity has been enhanced also by the
Guineans' tendency to reject the colonial legacy of
French culture, politics, and economics. Alone among
Paris' African dependencies, Guinea in 19:58 refused
an opportunity for continued constitutional associa-
tion with France and declared its independence. The
French promptly withdrew and cut off all aid, leading
to economic chaos. The abrupt French withdrawal
fostered the growth among Guineans of v sense of
revolt against the French colonial past and the
development of a deep feeling of national pride.
The PDG has used selected aspects of Guinea's
traditional social structure, Islam. popular anti
colonial feelings, and its mvn pervasive organization
to mobilize widespread support for its social
revolution. Party affiliated youth, women's, and labor
organizations have replaced almost all tribal leaders
and independent associations, and the PUG exercises
firm control over religious institutions and the
communications media. Armed with these weapons of
control and influence, the party has induced large
numbers of Guineans to modify traditional patterns of
behavior and authority and to take part in political
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

FIGURE 1. Women's groups marching during Independence
Day celebrations, Conakry (U /OU)
activities (Figure 1), at least at the village level. It has
been particularly successful in bringing women into an
active role in the political, economic, and social life of
the nation. Education and welfare programs, although
of widely varying quality and effectiveness, also have
been expanded.
Social and political developments notwithstanding,
the regime has not succeeded in eliminating all the old
values, attitudes, and customs. Persisting differences in
tribal cultures, geogrtphic�cnyironntcnt, an(! historical
experience continue to retard full acceptance of it
common set of national values and objectives.
Furthermore, the regimes continuous attempts to
mobilize- the population in communal efforts have
alienated many of the most e(hic�ated and politically
aware Gttineims. Sizable numbers of Gnineans �at
least 6000)0�have left their homeland since 1958;
the few who have opposed the regime's policies from
within Guinea have faced periodic denunciations and
in some cases arrest, imprisonment. and perhaps
execution. Comprehensive social reforms have been
implemented only because of the continued personal
popularity, charisma, and ruthlessness of 1'resident
Toure. Although Guinea is a poor and overwhelmingly
rural country, its recent social transformation has been
unique and one of the most thorough in con tern purary
Africa. As long as Sekou Toure and the PDG survive,
the Guinean revolution" is Bost certain to
continue.
B. Structure and characteristics of the
society
1. Traditional society (tJ /UtJ)
a. Tribal dirisions
Although Guinea has it population of only modest
sire� roughl% 4 million� history and geography have
c�oubined to fragment it into several culturally and
linguistically distinct tribal groups. Three major tribes,
the Fulani (or Foulah), the Malinke, and the Susu,
together include more than i0'; of the population and
exert a preponderance of social and political power. As
Figure 2 illustrates, no other tribe c�onstitu:es more
than ti.oS; of the population.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

FIGURE 2. Estimated size of Guinean tribes, 1971 (U /OU)
PERCENT Ot'
�ro�rnt.
ritIHK sir. r: POPULATION
Thousands
r
Fulani I ,:iAll 41. 1
\lalinke 720 18.1;
Sustt -150 1 .0;
Ngere 250
hissi 11)1 ;.l1
Koranko 1.10 3.1;
'Coma 1 1111 1.1;
Dialonke SO
Konyanke DSO
Baga 55 1.4
hono �Ill l.r/
Badiaranke
Bassari g
Koniagi
Landunta ss sss
Nlandenci
Nalu.. ss sss
Tiapi ss sss t {S l
*Also known as the louerie; includes the related %fail() tribe. FIGURE 3. Fulani woman (C)
**Less than 20,000.
***Less than 0.5 percent.
The Fulani of Guinee� arc the couutry's
largest single tribe; they comprise -11 c(' of the national
population and a portion of the roughly 7 million
Fulani who are scattered over at least 1.1 west African
states. Prior to Guineas independence in 19,38. the
Fulani were the country's most powerful and
privileged tribe. Ilistorically, they had derived
considerable power and influence front c�oncluering or
uprooting other tribes in the pursuit of Islamic
expansionism. Approxinwtely 90r(' of I ulani consider
themselves to be Muslims, and their culture reflects
the thorough influence of Islam; it is male dorninated
and socially stratified ants is characterized by clearly
centralized patterns of authority. I ui.u)i superiority
prevailed in much of what is now Guinea until the
advent of French colonial rule. but neither I ranc�e's
preindepe title nce alteration of the traditional political
order nor President Sekou Tour- postindependence
egalitarianisn has con)pletely elin)inaled residual
Fulani elitism. Fulani feelings of tribal ide�mtih' are
reinforced by their physical appearance �many have
copper colored skin, straight black hair, and relati
thin noses (Figure :3). The Fulani are a fusion of
Ncrgroid and Caucasoid racial stocks and the only
Guinean tribe that is not strictly Negroid.
The dominant tribe in Ilaute- Guinee (Upper
Guinea) is the Malinke (Figure 4), half of whose
members reside in Guinea, where they comprise nearly
19'/ of the population. Formerly subjected to control
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 4. Malinke mother and child (C)

by the Fulani, the Malinke are now in it position of
political superiority. Sekou Toure is part Malinke, and
many of his fellow tribesmen serve in his government.
The political power of the Malinke is clue in part to
their demonstrated adaptability to modern influences.
They have migrated to Guinea's cities and towns in
substantial numbers, both in search of governnu�nt
jobs and to pursue their proclivity for private
commercial trading. Like the Fulani, most Malinke
ore Muslims, but they adhere to it highly syncretic
form of Islam and look to the !own of Kankan as it
religious center. Malinke traditional society, unlike
that of the Fulani, was not characterized by
centralized political control, although it did include
an heredit aristocracy. E authority was
concentrated at tine level of the autonomous village in
the hands of the chief, the council of elders, and the
leaders of secret societies.
The third of Guinea's major tribes is the Susu.
concentrated in .the coastal area of Barse Guinee
(Lower Guinea) around Conakry. Although the Susu
constitute h�ss than 12i of the population, they have it
significance out of proportion to their numbers
because of their location, because the% ar absorbing
some neighboring tribes, and because they dominate
the economy of Basse- Guince. Susu social customs
closely resemble those of the Malink teat differ in that
the Susu had no here�dit:ary aristocracy. 'Their local
government rested on it presumed supernatural
relationship between the� community land and the
lineage which first settled it. The majority of Susu are
nominally Muslim, but animist practices continue to
be widespread among them. Politically and
economically the Susu have lagged behind th- N ulani
and the Malinke, but their location in Conakry and
their early contacts with foreign influences have
guaranteed them an important role in modern
Guinean society.
Guinee Forestiere (Forest Guinea) is the home of
many small tribes including the Ngere, Kissi, Baga,
and '1'oma. The Ngere tribe is the largest of the group.
constituting 6.31 of all Guineans. Much of the
homeland of these tribes consists of dense rain forest
and steep terrain, resulting in the long isolation of
these groups from each other and frorn outsiders. Each
community has developed into a self sufficient and
self governing unit, and most of these communities
continue to resist change. The basic social pattern of
the forest tribes is egalitarian; the hierarchical class
systems characteristic of the country's larger tribes did
not develop among the smaller groups. Kinship is the
primary bond of allegiance, and although the
government discourages age -sex groupings and secret
societies, such social organizations persist among (hest�
predominantly animist peoples. The tribes of Guince
Fore�stiere are hostile to Islam, and Guinea', Muslim
population in turn considers the forest !ribes to Ie particularly primitive.
h. Linguixtic divisions
Guinc:urs speak more than two dozen languages or
dialects which are related but in general are not
mutually intelligible. All of the country's indigenous
languages belong to the Niger -Congo family,
although the% ry divided between the Nest Atlantic
and Mande uibf:unilics, both of which are groups of
tonal languages. Fulani, the most widely spoken
Guinean language, is among the West Atlantic group.
Malinke and Susu are of the� Mande group, one of
whose relatively minor variants, 'I'nrna, is the only
language indigenous to Guinea that can boast a
written form. 'I'll(- large� number of African languages
in Guinea is it major impediment to national unity,
although in practice many of tit,- country's smaller
tribes have adopted it simplified form of one of the
major tongues Fulani, Malinke. and Susu. The
widespread use of Fulani and Malinkc heyond
Guinea's borders provides it cultural link betc�ecn
Guineans and large numbers c�r their fellow tribesmen
scattered throughout west Africa. Similarly, many of
Guineas minor languages are also spoken in
neighboring states, notably Liberia.
French was introduced into Guinea during the
prolonged period (if colonial rule lasting �ntil 1938,
and it continues to be widely used by everyone with
any education or exposure to urban life. Even in
remote areas there are some who understand
rudimentary French, although they may not speak it.
Politically, it has been impossible to replace French as
Guinea's official language, primarily because none of
the country's indigenous languages is spoken by more
than it minority of the population. and to emphasize
any one of them would be to risk rekindling generally
dormant tribal animosities. As a result, French remains
the language of governme the medium for
conducting all significant commercial transactions,
and the primary language of instruction in the schools.
The use of foreign languages other than French is not
widespread, although a few Guineans speak English,
an -1 a handfu! of the most highly educated Muslims
have some familiarity with classical Arabic.
The continued predominance of French in
independent Guinea is politically unacceptable to
President Toure, who since 1961 has highlighted the
need for literacy in the Guinean vernaculars. During
the late IWW )'s an alphabet was developed for use in
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

writing the eight Itil%ll languageN that arm� dmignated
'�Ila litilla l hilmllom" h' ilani. %lalinke� Simi, Ki%%i,
Nigere. '1 11w4mri. .Ind Kon::lgi. bight
publicized valnlxlign promoting lileraec in tht�se
langtlagm wa% Ilexim in 1114ici, and crm+itlerable
rate e% wen� 11114milml to it% ilnpleulemtatiotm. The
ptoven111>rnt im mlh n�fer+ Ili 'he remilh of its lileracs
ctimpaign in glouing term+, hilt in mitt IK2 Tour�
him..rlf a dmilted that it was fa IN hind %c�ht�tlnle. The
ruling Purh National (:o�:ucil of the Hevolution 'I:.
jummtl rewlutiom r�tluiring Ov its officer IN- able to
read and write in a vernacular languaKi. and
rMimmernling the estahli+hnu�nt of an acadt-111% of
national langualt4n. Even if tht�w� call are hevilml,
however� the earl% n�placemenl of French is highh
tmlikely.
C. Social organisation
Within imi%t Guinean MIN-%. mwial aril {nlilical
relalionship% ary unden -wgxl prinmrily in kinship
term+. In a m%ihival wow. kinship is thought to Iw
t�crtemlinom Kith trilx� or clan affihi- 'film. but in
reality Iht�w t.ogrn�ht,n.iye wc�ial units are imlttrtant
ooh antonit terlain Fulani clans which Immuss a
highh centralized of authorih. The hulk of
Gttinrans identih kinship s+ith lint,atct, �Ile stK�ial
unit v rmptr ed of w�-eral extruded families. which im
turn incllxle file miclear famih plus chow- relative.. :111
iutlividual s identification as a nmt,ndot�r of is lineage
and Ili% place vithin it-- determine his mwial st.thls.
ev onormic and n�ligious r %jwiie.;ililiv%. mill political
influence. The lineage k the tillinm:ae unit nithin
which di+ptitm concernim; inheritance, succession.
marriage�, and pmlK�rl% rights store hi%t
n�wIved. %hnt Guinean trilm are patrilimml: their
memlx�r Irate dement back four or five gc�neratons in
the nude line to it follntler %ho in the pant was the
sourer� of uuthoril% %ithin lilt- trilt�. For the resolution
of wntielal dispute%, lineage memlx�r tlefermtl to the
eldt�+t living nude as the emlrexlinu�nt of juridical will
ceremonial {)tower. A hm40mdful of the smaller forest
trilx�s are matrilineal: tht�m� include the Nalu.
l4anothima. and 'rende.
Elalmorlte lxilterms of mocial +tritificalion were until
mcenth quite etrmnlon in the culturm of Guinea'%
largmt :uxl nest important fill". Fulani mrc�iet
int�hmled a rider al the lop. bin councillors. malty
4- whiefs, an hereditary arislovracv. and It,sw�r mwial
%trat for wom arlb-tm, anti +lase%. %l ablike mwiets
Mir much h�.+ %tratifie�d, bill it also had ;ill heredilan
ari+lex�mory and a variety of mortilxmlional dasses. The
Simi am Ix11h the +umwliml and the mml egalitarian of
llw ma0ir hill�%. although tla�% (cote had a slave caste.
\11tollK all Guinean there existed in traditional
mK�ieI% elaborate noliom of social class based on
kin,hil. age, sex, occupation, mid religion. Among the
more cgaiitariar and less hierarchically organized
forest tribes, age sex groupings and st societies
provided the primar melhfKls of conferring social
status. liigitl social stratification and meaningful tribal
org;rnizations have all but clisappearxl among most
trilt�%. Among a few, inducting the Fulani, thc%-
remain irrtltrt:mt in social will religious matters but
have L,t yirtim11% ali of their ecommic and political
significance.
lit matter (if routine life style, the practices of the
m�ver:lI 06twim tribes have much in common. The
individual tribe, generally are not distinguishable by
lilt pattern in which their villages are laid out. The
village, of the NIusli�n majority typically arc� built
around a rnosttue; those of the animist southern foetst
trilx�s often are built arotiml a religious shrine. Guinea
is ;tit overwhelmingly rural country in which the
,Hrimlatitrt� except for some of the Fulani �live in
compact seltlenn�ttts surrounded by agricultural land.
Indiyt�lual villages are usually clistinc�t entities with a
substantial degree of local autonomy. Smaller
ctotrnuoiliv% continue to he inhabited chiefly by
mu�nmbers of the same kinship group, normally it
lineage; larger communities somethrivs contain several
lineage,.
d. Values and attitudes
The c!Ittrral values held by Guinea, tribal societies
reflect the important role of kinsLiv ties and
obligations. The individual is only it single clement in
it cornplex of human relationships that includes not
on!% his living relatives bttt also his ancestors and
ex {t coed pmgen :%s such. the individual's needs are
subordinated to those of the collectivity. and his
lre�ronal sec�urit is derived from the welfare of !Ito
group. Ile respects first the rights and responsibilities
%%hich stem from his c�xtenclecl family int�ntbership.
then Le defers to his lineage. clan. 1.111d tribe. The
paramount res{��c�t which society accords to kinship
Likes on religions form through ancestor worship.
economic� form through obligations to share ones
wealth with relatives. and social form by determining
{rt�ronal status and marriage partners. (n return for his
deference to kinship obligations. the individual
rt crises reciprocal emotional and material support
from others.
The Iferona) couyic�tions of individual Gilincans
reflect in part their country's Islamic heritage and in
part their pre- Istar,uc� traditional culture: the behavior
of most Gidiwan Muslims corresponds in only it casual
way with the rigid teachings of the Koran. Islamic
:5
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

influences are embodied in the attitudes which direct
everyday life, notably in the institution of male
dominance. Traditionally, women were considered to
he the inferiors of men, were subordinate to their
husbands, and were judged by a rigid double standard
of sexual morality. Marriages ofte:t were polygynous
unions designed primarily to implement kinship
alliances, and wives enjoyed fewer legal prerogatives
than did their husbands. The Islamic culture also
affected attitudes on broader suhjects� respect for
religious learning disposed most Guineans to seek
modern formal education. "Those who are literate look
clown on manual labor, as did the uneducated
Guineans %vlr., in the past associated manual labor
with the inferior status of the conquered tribes.
Collective class and tribal attitudes also are based in
part opt religious differences. Almost without
exception, Guinean Muslims consider themselves the
social superior.; of the animist tribes. Among the
Muslim groups, the Fulani possess an elitist outlook
based on their historical role in introducing Islam into
Guinea, on their success in subjugating or enslaving
other tribal groups, and on the greater orthodoxy of
their faith. 'rhe Malinke, who are less orthodox than
the Fulani, tend to belittle the non- Muslim forest
tribes as primitive; the latter in turn resent the former
for being aggressive and for trying to convert them to
Islam.
2. Social change
a. Colonial influences (U /OU)
The French first settled permanently in Guinea in
1849, and they exercised effective control of the
country from the 1890's until their precipitate
withdrawal in 1958. In the earliest years of colonial
rule, the French took h a',^ direct action to alter tit(-
existing society, although in some areas they
discredited the institution of chieftaincy by installing
their own puppets. They also stamprd out intertribal
warfare and abolished slavery and serfdom. lit the
long run, French influences led to profound social
change. Paris introduced it single political authority
and an administrative system, launched plantation
agriculture and a modern economy, initiated the
construction of basic public services in education,
health, communications, and transport, and promoted
the adoption of French culture and language.
Initially, all of this affected the masses only
minimally, but it inspired widespread dissatisfaction
with the torpor of rural life, set off a migration to the
towns, and contributed to the eventual erosion of
existing cultural patterns.
h
Contemporary Guinea is controlled by Sekou Toure
and a group of nationalist politicians who emerged
from the country's labor tnoveme ;.t. Guinea's leaders
are not the products of French universities, did not
serve in the French Army, and are not married to
French women. "These men show some signs of reeling
uncomfortable with their Francophile colleagues who
wield power in some other French- speaking African
states. At the same time, they point with pride to the
fact that they have minimized their acceptance of the
French life style and values and have imbued the
mastics with a pride in their African l;ackground.
"There is undoubtedly less French cultural influence in
Guinea than in any other French speaking African
country, although individual Guineans continue to
use the French language and follow French social
customs. Similarly, the Guinean Government
continues to use many administrative and bureau-
cratic procedures originally learned from the French.
b. Urbanization (U /OU)
Guinea's few urban centers attract large numbers of
mi };rants in search of jobs, although the cash economy
can provide regular employment for only a few. 'Those
who gain employment and establish residence in the
cities find that the social difficulties associated with
their it(-%% status tend to change their behavior patterns
and attitudes. 'I'll(- wag(- earner often is besieged by
requests for financial help and :wconiniodations for his
relatives as they in turn mt,ve to the city. Such
formerly legitimate personal demands, when made in
an urban context devoid of their traditional
justification, produce stresses which undermine the
individual's willingness to accept h;s kinship
obligations. In time, the nuclear family becomes the
focus of attention and support at the expense of the
extended family and lineage. Alst,, status �no longer
dependent on tribal or family tics conies to be
defined in terms of education, occupation, or political
position.
With family constraints removed, the urban
individual is at greater liberty in making personal
decisions, including the selection of it marriage
partner. In general, the social and economic realities
of urbanization have had the effect of helping to
reduce the number of polygynous marriages and have
wog ked toward the emancipation of women. In it
li,uited way, urban life has also promoted marriages
across tribal lines, which were unusual if not forbidden
in the past. Despite the greater heterogeneity of urban
life, however, intertribal contacts are limited i-ven it
the largest cities by the almost universal propensity of
the population to segregate itself into tribal quarters.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

powerless segments of the T pulation, the PDG has
effectively altered traditional attitudes of subservience
and inferiority.
Special committees for women parallel the
organizational hierarchy of the PDG. Women are
represented from '.he level of the 8,000 local
committees to the member National Committee of
Women. Through their participation in the party,
women have achieved a substantial measure of
freedom; they constitute a growing proportion of wage
earners, they are increasingly well educated, and they
are included among high party and government
officials. The PDG has taken tangible steps to alter
many restrictive social practices which discriminate
against women; it has moved to regulate the bride
price, to enforce a minimum age for marriage, to
outlay forced marriages, and to insure equitable
divorce proceedings. At the Eighth Party Congress in
1967 the PDG forbade government and party officials
to contract polvgynous marriages, and in M*8 the
regime called for the abolition of polygyny throughout
the country. It is candidly recognized even in
government circles that these innovations will not be
readily embraced in a population that is 75% Muslin,
but they have been sufficiently widely respected to set
off substantial changes in social practices.
Guinean youth were organized nationally into the
Youth of the African Democratic Revolution (JRDA)
in 1959. The JRDA theoretically includes all youth
from the time they join the National Pioneers at age 7
until they become members of the regular PDG at age
25. Additionally, the JRDA provides the personnel for
the militia, it Cuban trained paramilitary organiza-
tion of roughly 8,000 militants. The youth
organizations have been important to the success of
the domestic "cultural revolution" which has been
emphasized by the part- since IW8. "Their role is to
push party reforms and to serve as exemplars through
their militant devotion to Guinean ideals. Beginning
in 1967, all students graduating from secondary and
higher institutions of learning were required to give at
least 2 years of national service in the interior of the
country, primarily in agricultural developn.on,. i here
is no doubt that the JRDA has raised the nation's level
of political consciousness and the general level of
support for Toure, both at the expense of traditional
attitudes and patterns of authority.
Guinea's labor unions, lot,g under PDG control,
were formally converted into adjuncts of the party in
1969. The regime regards the unions as an "arm of the
revolution," acting in concert with the state, and
unionism is viewed as but another vehicle for the
transformation of society. Specifically, the role of the
labor union is to raise production, implement new
labor norms, promote literacy, and indoctrinate
workers in the ideology of the PDG. The unions have
at times chafed in their postirtdcpendence role, but
their activities remain firmly under th control of the
regime. &cause they enroll many fewer ,persons than
do the women's or youth organizations, a0 because
their tnembet,f ip is typically somewhat removed from
tribal society, the unions have played a less importaut
role than the other party affiliated organizations in
engineering social change.
e. Popular attitudes (U /OU)
The PDG exercises complete control over Guinea's
communications media and the political behavior of
its citizens. Such controls obscure the true extent of
p,11pular support for the party and its policies. It is
clear, however, that the tribal authorities have made
no substantial effort to resist the erosion of their
lowers, and the PDG has usurped from them the
loyalties of some perennially disadvantaged but
tradition minded groups. Even the conservative rural
public applaud Toure's veneration of selected aspects
of African culture, and the is an almost universal
pride in the party's nationalist, anticolonialist
orientation. Beyond this emotional approval, it is not
clear that the public genuinely has accepted the
PDG's institutional ref rms or that those reforms are in
reality mere than temporary measures which will be
ahundoned by a basically apathetic population with
the passing of Sekou Toure. Many party members
probably feign their militancy and participate in the
PDG and its affiliated organizations in order to survive
and to enhance their personal status �a propensity
which is encouraged by the party's constant search for
ideologically orthodox job c andidates.
There are no organized outlets for social discontent,
although evidences of social, economic, and political
dissatisfaction have surfaced from among the more
emancipated and modernized sectors of society.
Students, women's organizations, and the labor unions
have at one time or another criticized the government,
albeit in cautious ways. The most significant evidence
of protest and dissatisfaction is that many thousands
of Guineans have emigrated to neighboring countries
in search of trading opporttmitic.- permanent jobs,
student status, or political refuge. Despite these firm
indications of substantial popular discontent, there is
persuasive counterevidence that the PDG is well
organized and widely respected and that Toure�
although an erratic administrator -is an fective and
charismatic political leader.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

Few Guineans wholly accept the attitudes
associated with modern urban society, but corre-
spondingly few remain completely untouched b
those attitudes. Public figure exist in a transition zone
between the urban and rural cultures, exhibiting
manifestations of both. The extent to which tribal
values are held varies markAly from region to region,
but the overall trend is clearly toward their alt ration
or destretion as more persons are brought into urban
society and the cash economy. Because Guinea is one
of the least urbanized countries in .west Africa,
however, social change is slow. From 1955 to 1970 the
proportion of the national population living in cities of
over 20,000 inhabitants increased from 851 to only
e. PDG ideology (U /OU)
The egalitarian ideology of Sekou Toure has been
successfully- spread by the PDG. Toure's philosophy
consists of a unique amalgam of concepts drawn from
African values, French philosophy, and Communist
tenets. In implementing this philosophy. PDG
partisans have sought with considerable success to
stamp out parochial tribal and regional loyalties by
replacing them with modern dogmas of national
identity and solidarity.
Selected elements of the tribal value system have
been transformed by the PDG to support several of its
programs. which in turn undermine tribal society. For
example, PDG ideology applauds the veneration of
the group over the individual and the attendant
disposition to share one's wealth in promoting the
collective welfare; the party cites such con% fictions and
practices to gain acceptance for its cooperativ labor
and welfare schemes. Similarly, the focee regime has
adapted the accepted notion of collective d
making to its current needs. Just as communal
discussion led in the past to single decision :which the
tribe was obliged to obey, so the party now makes
decisions for which all are responsible and all must
respect. The PDG relies on Communist rh etoric in
describing this as democratic centralism.**
The PDG is critical of the social stratification
characteristic of Guinea's larger tribes. The Toure
regime has largely eliminated the authority of the
"elitist" tribal leaders. It also downplays those aspects
of Isl w hich sanction centralized authority in tribal
society, and it campaigns against the� bourgeois
elements in modern Guinea. Although the� PDG's
propaganda contends that Guinea is now an
egalitarian state with no social classes, society in fact is
stratifi Social status, formerly determined on the
hasis of tribal, religious, or kinship ties, and then on
education, occupation, and income, is repioly coming
to depend on dedication to the PDG and on the degree
of revolutionary clan that one displays. Party and
government officials constitute the new e lite. 'I'l
PDG's efforts to eliminate bourgeois mentality and to
inhibit the growth of social classes concentrate on
attacking or seeking to eliminate "antirevolutionary"
forces: merchants, planters, and corrupt officials, all of
whom serve as scapegoats and are regularly
denounced by the regime. Artisans and poor farmers,
on the other hand, are considered "revolutionary
classes" which are "ready for the revolution" because
of their formerly low status and history of exploitation
under both the colonial and traditional societies.
d. PDG organizations (C)
An extensive network of PDG and party-affiliated
organizations has been instituted throughout Guinea
to supplant the traditional authorities. Within it
decade after independence the PDG organization was
able to draw on representatives of its 6,000 base
committees and its affiliated women's and youth
bodies to create Local Hevolutionary Authorities
(PBL) in ever village, town, and urban ward. By the
late 1960*:, each Pill. made up of several brigades
which were responsible for .wide areas of conunuanity
activity public works, health, education, the militia,
consumer cooperatives, and production and sales. In
some areas the party organization functions effectively
to provide rural Guineans with essential material
benefits and social justice that were not available
under the past tribal leadership; in other areas, as with
the regime's collective agricultural schemes, tit(-
party's role has b(-(-n judged an imposition, and its
programs haw(- failed. Whatever the true extent of its
administrative successes or popular acceptance, the
PDG organization has succeeded in replacing the
form structure of authority to it degree unparalleled
in tit(- rest of west Africa.
By rewarding participation in PDG affiliated
women's, youth, and labor organizations, the part
has eliminated almost all nonpart associations such
as age -sex groupings and secret societies. The officially
sanctioned organizations provide wom(-n and youth,
in particular, with avenues for upward social and
Iwlitical mobility .which were unavailable to th(-m in
tit(- past. As it result. those organizations have� r (-c(-i% e�d
enthusiastic suplx)rt from most of the population, and
their members Iave in turn holstered tit(- success of tit(-
Toure regime and its policies. Through its promotion
of political and social activism by low status and
H
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

C. Population (U /0V)
In late 1972 the Cuincan Covcrunent was
preparing to take a national census. Pri- :o that time
no adequate census had been taken, and few
government puhlications of any kind have dealt with
demographic questions. Population statistics and
projections are based on a 1954 -55 sample survey
organized with some care by the Drench, on it 1961
party- sponsored census of questionable reliability, or
>n estimates of local administrators. 'These data
suggest that Guinea's population is growing at an
average annual rate of roughly 2.7% �a rate which
appears to be outstripping economic development.
Population growth would be even more pronounced
were it not for the sizable numher of Guineans who for
economic and politica: reasons have left their
homeland to tat rep permanent residence in
neighboring countries and in France.
1. General characteristics
a. Size
The May 191:7 census of Guinea, described as it
"crude nose comiC by an U.N. observer, recorded a
Persons per square mites
0 25 78
L_ .l�
0 (0 30
Persons Per square Kilometer
TOMA Selected tribe
501P9B 473
FIGURE 5. Population density, 1967 (U/OU)
population of :3,520,40.1, it :37ii increase over the
African population of 2, estimated as the result
of the 19;55 survey. The implied average annual rate of
growth between the earlier stirvey and the 1967 census
was 2.35`ib. The United Nations estimates that
Guineas average annual rate of natural increase was
2.2I ci from 1965 -70, although the Guinean
Government has used it 2.7 figure in K, planning
projects. The U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis,
0epartmenl of Commerce, rstimates a population of
40K WO as of I January 1973.
b. Density and distribution
Guinea is thought to have a population density of
about 41.8 persons per square mile, but the
distribution of the population is uneven. The highest
concentrations are found in the coastal area around
Conakry, in the central portion of motetainous
Moyenne- Guinec, and in the southern forest area
along the borders with Liberia and Sierra Leone
(Figure 5). The lowest concentration is in the dry,
infertile savanna of Ilaute- Cuinee; however, fairly
high concentrations occur along the� Niger and Milo
rivers which run through this section. The absolute
9
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

FIGURE 6. Population by geographic area, 1967 (U/OU)
Total 3,520,904 1 W. Il
and relative sizes of the population by geographical
area as of 1967 are shown in Figure 6. Great disparity
in density existed in 1967 among the countn's 29
administrative regions, ranging from a high of over
1,600 persons per square mile in Conakry to a low of
about 16 in Kouroussa. In terms of the total
population, the most populous of the administrative
regions were Labe, Nzerekore, Conakry, and Siguiri,
each in a different geographical area of the country.
The least populous were Kerouanc and Fria.
Guinea remains one of the least urbanized nations
of west Africa. At mid -year 1970. it was estimated that
only ubout 420,000 persons, or roughly 1 I c; of the
total population, lived in the six urban centers,
defined as communities with 20,000 or more
inhabitants (Figure 7). Metropolitan Conakry,
growing at a rate of about 7 0 rc per year, had an
estimated population of 242,000 and accounted for
58% of the total urban population. It had almost five
times more inhabitants than Kankan, the principal
city in Haute- Guinee, and almost six times the
number of inhabitants of Kindia, a center for banana,
pineapple, and coffee plantations. In addition to the
six cities with 20,000 or more inhabitants, there were
several whose populations were in the 10,000 to 20,(X)0
range. These ,included Bokc, Fria, Macenta, and
Siguiri.
FIGURE 7. Growth of urban centers (U;OU)
POPULATION
URBAN CF.NTFR
1945
Pr.RCF.NT or
1965
1970
THE TMAL
26,000
POPULATION
POPULATION
Jtoyenne- Guinea
1,202,035
'14.;J'
Guinee Forestiere............
848,350
.'/,.1
Basse -G uinee
754,590
;?1.4
Haute- Guinee
715,929
20.3
Total 3,520,904 1 W. Il
and relative sizes of the population by geographical
area as of 1967 are shown in Figure 6. Great disparity
in density existed in 1967 among the countn's 29
administrative regions, ranging from a high of over
1,600 persons per square mile in Conakry to a low of
about 16 in Kouroussa. In terms of the total
population, the most populous of the administrative
regions were Labe, Nzerekore, Conakry, and Siguiri,
each in a different geographical area of the country.
The least populous were Kerouanc and Fria.
Guinea remains one of the least urbanized nations
of west Africa. At mid -year 1970. it was estimated that
only ubout 420,000 persons, or roughly 1 I c; of the
total population, lived in the six urban centers,
defined as communities with 20,000 or more
inhabitants (Figure 7). Metropolitan Conakry,
growing at a rate of about 7 0 rc per year, had an
estimated population of 242,000 and accounted for
58% of the total urban population. It had almost five
times more inhabitants than Kankan, the principal
city in Haute- Guinee, and almost six times the
number of inhabitants of Kindia, a center for banana,
pineapple, and coffee plantations. In addition to the
six cities with 20,000 or more inhabitants, there were
several whose populations were in the 10,000 to 20,(X)0
range. These ,included Bokc, Fria, Macenta, and
Siguiri.
FIGURE 7. Growth of urban centers (U;OU)
POPULATION
URBAN CF.NTFR
1945
1955
1965
1970
Conakry
26,000
50,000
170,000
242,001)
Kankan
14,000
25,000
36,500
51,200
Kindia
7,000
24,000
30,500
42,800
Labe
11,000
12,000
25,400
35,100
Nzerekore............
na
10,800
20,500
28,600
Mamou
na
5,800
14,500
211,300
NOTE. Population figures (as of midyear of the
indicated
year) are estimates.
na Data not available.
10
c. Composition
More than 99c/c of Guinea's population is of African
origin, with non Africans consisting of approximately
I,(XX) resident Lebanese, fewer than 500 Frenchmen,
and smaller numbers of persons of other nationalities.
Of the total African population, most are indigenous
to Guinea, although slightly more than I(X),(XX) are
immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Ivory
Coast, Mali, Portuguese Guinea, Senegal, or Sierra
Leone. A majority of these immigrants are men;
frequently they are married to Guinean women, a
almost always they are fo1nd in Conakry or the other
urban centers.
d. Age -sex structure
Guinea's age -sex c0ntpos;tion reflects tle primitive
conditions under which the majority of the country's
inhabitants live. Familial and tribal customs and
mores foster a high level of fertility; poverty,
superstition, and a shortage of health facilities all
contribute to a high level of mortality. Guinea's age
sex profile (Figure 8) reveals a large proportion of
children and young adults and a small proportion of
middle -aged and older persons. The age structure is a
serious handicap to the development of the country.
because the bulk of any economic growth must go to
support the large dependent portion of the population.
According to the 1967 census, slightly more than half
of Guinea'!; population were in the dependent ages,
although in reality many children under 14 engage iu
some form of work activity, and persons over 65 are
often forced by economic necessit% to work as long as
they are physically able. The large and growing
number of children places especially great bur(lens on
the educational system.
L
75
Mid MW
70-71
U.
55-59
50-Sr
1549
25-29
70-21
15-19
10-11
5
0-4
10 0 a 4 2 O Z 1 a a to
Iwa a
FIGURE 8. Age -sex structure, Guinea and the United
States, 1967 (U/OU)
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

2. Population change
a. Vited statistics
Guinea has no compulsory registration of vital
events, and the few, sporadic attempts to collect data
on births and deaths have stet with little success. As a
result, although birth and death rates are known to lit-
high, it is impossible to determine their level pn isely.
Estimate; of Guinea's birth rate during the 1950's and
1960's range from a low of 46 to a high of 70 per I,(XX)
population; estimates of the death rate range as high
as 40 per I,(M population.
b. Immigration and emigration
A lack of official data relating to the movement of
people into or e.ut of Guinea, and the ease with which
Guineans can cross the national frontiers. which cut
across tribal areas, make difficult any assessment of
the scope of immigration an($ emigration. 'There is
apparently little movement into the country, although
many Guineans return to their homeland each year
after completing studies abroad, after ending seasonal
work in nearby countries, or after being deported by
neighboring states. The number of Guineans who have
left their country for political or economic reasons is
quite large, however; at (cast 600,000 have emigrated
since independence, and many others leave on it
seasonal basis. The majority of emigrants are poverty-
stricken persons seeking to improve their living
conditions, but a few are skilled individuals. The most
skilled, the best educated, and the most ambitious are
the some 3,000 who live in France, many of whom
were students who refused to return home when their
studies were completed.
President Toure said in October 1972 that anvone
who is dissatisfied may leave Guinea, but in the past
the government has discouraged emigration. It
propagandizes against those who are "tempted to seek
economic fortune and it better life" outside Guinea,
citing examples of those who have returned "destitute
but wiser." The government, however, does not
always welcome back those wlu have departed. The
regime fears that returnees may have become
"enemies of the state," and it recognizes that the
return of any sizable number would place a severe
strain on the precarious economic situation.
c. Growth trends and government policy
Guinea's pres ?nt population structure is conducive
to accelerated growth, as the large number of babies
born during the 19.50's are gradually moving into the
principal childbearing ages. Although data are
inadequate to predict future levels of fertility with UNy
degree of confidence, the birth rate is not expected to
decline in the near future. Poverty, the tradition of
large families, and the general lack of knowledge
about modern methods of birth control all operate to
keep fertility at very high levels. 'Trends in mortality
rates will probably accelerate population growth,
because the mortality rate is expected to decline
slightly in the future as the most prevalent diseases are
brought under control and as public health facilities
are expanded.
As it matter of policy, the Government of Guinea is
strongly opposed to family planning and birth control
measures. Individual physicians, however, have been
interested in birth control, and news of the availability
and effectiveness of birth control devices is spreading
slowly by word of mouth, at least within Conakry. In
part because of persisting high infant mortality rates,
Guinean officials do not view the high birth rate with
alarm. Some, in fact, have stated that the country is
underpopulated and that an increase in pxpulation
could lead to increased productivity. Representatives
of Western groups with family planning objectives
have visited Guinea but have ieen received with little
enthusiasm, health officials evincing as much, if not
more, interest in causes of infertility as in family
planning programs. Despite its opposition to birth
control programs, the government has taken some
actions to modernize society which may have a�u
indirect effect on fertility rates. It has decreed certain
restrictions regarding marriage, for example, and it has
limited family allowance benefits per family to six
children under age 12. The effects of these: regulations
have not been measured, however, and their long
range implications are difficult to predict.
D. Labor
A basically unskilled labor force concentrated in
agriculture, high rates of unemployment and
underemployment, poor working conditions, and low
productivity typify Guinean labor conditions. The
PDG is committed to alleviating these conditions and
to promoting economic development, but it frequently
has exhibited a marked lack of realism by basing
economic decisions on political rather than econcmic
grounds. III conceived legislation providing for
pervasive government controls over the labor
movement and the management of industry tends to
limit productivity in the modern sector; politically
inspired controls and artificially low prices reduce the
output of the agricultural sector. (U /OU)
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

The International Labor Organization (11.0) has
estimated that in 1970 the Gninvan labor force
numbered 1,870,((X) persons, or 18.90 of the national
population. In addition, there are several hundred
thousand children between the ages of 6 and 15 who
are not enrolled in school and who are presumed to he
economically active, at (cast on a part -tithe basis.
Furthermore, those 13- to 19 -rear -old students
enrolled in the Centers of itevolutionir% I-Atication
(CER) theoretically contribute to production by
spending 3 days per week in practical agricultural
work. (U /OU
I. job opportunities (U /OU)
a. Traditional employment
More than 90 of the labor force is self employed
or is employed in an unpaid status in varions
traditional activities of the sirbsistenc�e econonly. The
most common traditional occupation is agriculture, as
all tribes engage in farming to produce their
foodstuffs. Nlany tribes, however, are associated also
with other economic activities; the Fulani combine
farming with cattle raising, the Malinke are petty
traders, and the� forest tribes combine the cultivation
of foodstuffs with the collection of produce ;,nd
hunting. A growing proportion of the rural population
occasionally works for wages as opportunitie arise and
customary tasks permit.
The rate of participation h., women and children in
traditional activities is high. In general, woren and
girls undertake the daily work of raising garden crops
for household use for sale in the local markets, and
women are responsible for producing most handicrafts
and for handling much of the petty trading on which
the peasant family depends for its cash income Figure
9). Young boys work alongside their fathers in driving
and guarding livestock, an.! they help in raising field
crops such as rice and millet. During the planting and
harvesting seasons almost everyone in the village
works in the fields, the men doing the heavy work and
the women and children doing the lighter chores.
Among the large number of subsistence farmers on
small landholdings, productivity is exceedingly low.
Most of the work is accomplished through manual
labor, with the farmer still holding to traditional
cultivation methods. Few farmers know of the benefits
of fertilizers and sprays, and fewer still have the money
to buy them even if they were available. A number of
government programs have sought to modernize
farming techniques, but they have had little effect.
12
r*
v
0
j
''1oo awlw
FIGURE 9. Women trading in Kankan
market (U/OU)
h. Modern employme: t
Wage and salary earners constitute no more than
10 0 of tit(� total labor force. The breakdown of wage
and salary earners by economic activity is estimated in
Figure 10. The government is th(� largest single
employer; for the fiscal year ending in September
1972, 59S( of the national hordget was devoted to
wages and salaries. In addition 1 more than 30,0(X)
ad personnel, the government employs
,vorkers in some 70 state enterprises. 'I'll(- regime also
utilizes military and paramilitary personnel for public
service projects, such as the construc of roads and
bridges and reforestation.
Of the wage earners employed in agriculture,
approximately half are engaged in small -scale
activities; the remainder are (employed in privately or
publicly owned plantations. Most of the workers in
manufacturing are employed in small workshops or in
ventures wholly or partially owned by the state. The
largest single employer of miners is the FRIGUTA
(formerly I'RIA) mining company, which is engaged
in the extraction and processing of bauxite. In
addition to the large -scale mining operations, many
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

Exce�pt'ill the case of FRIGUTA, labor productivity
ill modern enterprises is guile low. Poor supervision,
IoW levels of health, high absenteeism, and shortages
of nwcleru tools and equipment are contributory
factors. Moreover, because of the acute shortage of
managerial talent, frequent political purges, and the
largely unskilled nature of the labor force, working
techniques and nethods are often c�rttcle and
ine fficient.
Agriculture 230%
1� -1 1 i 1 1 Government 22%
1 I.�'L 1 1
1 I
or 1 1 I. Commerce 1
1 1 j I Construction 97.
I 7,
Mining 8
I Manufacturing 7 7e'
1 1 Transportabon.6% L
Public Utilities 57,
Hotels and Domestic Services 47,,
FIGURE 10. Composition of the lobor force, 1972 (U/OU)
miners arc also engaged in primitive gold and
diamond mining. The exploitation of the Boke bauxite
deposits, likely to begin in 1973, will increase the
employment opportunities associated with mining.
Because of the age structure of the Guinean
population, the labor force engaged in paid
employment is young, hid no specific participation
rates by age groups arc available. Although fenale
participation in the overall labor force is high �the
ILO estimated 40.3% in 1970 �few women arc
regularly eniployecl for wages. Tile traditional
attitudes of Guineas preclorninantly Muslim society
oppose female participation in paid employment,
although such attitudes are being eroded by
government policies urging women to become more
highly e ducated and to participate in modern
occupations.
2. Unemployment (U /OU)
a. Unemployment and underemployment
Information on the extent of unemployment is
lacking, but it sizable number of Guineans are without
work. For example, it 196; survey in a portion of
Conakry revealed that one fourth of all heads of
households were without jobs. Regime officials
contend that there is only "false unemployment's in
the cities; thev claim that th-re is enough work in
subsistence agricultural pursuits for all Guincans.
However, many young persons, particularly those with
some schooling regard farming as demeaning and
flock to Conakry and other urban centers where they
ilvc off the labor of relatives or eke out it marginal
living front petty trading, black marketeering, or
casual labor. President Totlre has oracle no secret of his
displeasure over the large number of itinerant street
peddlers in Conakry, and he and his regime have tried
various measures to limit their numbers without
success. The party ne%%spaper editorialized in 1970
that the towns "harbor tens of thousands of
unprodl men in the insignificant small merchant
trade. who constitute it veritable (lea (lweight on the
economy.
Several government decisions taken for political
reasons contributed to the imentploym ent
problem. All diamond mining has been nationalized,
forcing thousands of private diamond prospectors to
return to subsistence fanning or smuggling or to seek
paid employment. Restrictions placed on the activities
of private merchants and traders have forced many of
them out of business and into the joh market. Also,
each year several thousand primary school graduates,
unable to enter secondary schools becallSe of
overcrowding, enter the labor market. Most of these
job applicants have only agricultural skills, yet they
refuse to return to farming and choose instead to
compete for the fey nonagricultural jobs in the towns.
Since urban opportunities for employment have
lagged far behind the influx of rural migrants, growing
unemployment poses increasing problems.
Underemployment is of even greater nnagnitude in
Guinea than unemployment. Many of those engaged
1:3
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

in subsistence agriculture are underemployed. During
slack agricultural seasons large numbers of farmers
seek jobs in the urban centers, thereby adding to the
economic and social problems of the cities.
b. Government policies to promote employment
To stem the influx of migrants the government
requires all residents of Conakry to carry either a
residence card or a work permit; the latter is issued to
all who can prove that they are regularly emplfyed. In
the past, the authorities occasionally rescrted to a mass
roundup of vnemployed persons in the urban areas.
Those who could not produce one of the required
permits were returned to their villages or sent to work
on state farms in the interior of the country, where
they received Ixard, room, and clothing but no wages.
Government propaganda exhorts villagers te. remain in
the n.ral areas, and the regime has attempted to
provide financial incentives fr- them to stay by
establishing agricultural cooperatives, but these
programs have had little success.
The government h, tried a variety of schemes, such
as the civic action service, to organize the
unemployed, mobilize youth, and incrase produc-
tion. A 1966 educational reorganization created
Centers of Revolutionary Education (C ER) to prolong
the educational period and to combine it with
agricultural training to help overcome the widespread
prejudice against manual labor. President Toure has
long called for the nationwide establishment of these
rural cen.ers of education, production, and political
indoctrination, and in 1971 he spoke of incorporating
as many as a quaner million students into the CER's.
Even with presidential interest, however, these
ambitious plans have been implemented on only a
limited scale. In most of the official schemes designed
to deal with employment problems, the army or
militia have played a prominent role in giving
Guinean youth practical training under conditions of
military and party indoctrination. Moves by the
government to conscript and organize the labor force:
as it sees fit have gone virtually unchallenged and
have not yet caused major demonstrations of social
protest, although if rigidly enforced they may generate
antagonism toward the government.
The need to increase employment opportunities for
unskilled labor has inspired various public works
programs, but by themselves they do not pr vide jobs
in sufficient numbers. A government- operated
placement service is available to unemployed persons
registered with it, but it is little used despite the
obvious increase in total unemployment. The
reluctance of the unemployed to register with this
14
official service is probably based on their suspicion
that if they register the authorities will return them to
their villages rather than find them a job.
The lack of modem technical skills which makes
many Guineans unemployable in the modem
economy is the primary ma:power problem
confronting the government. In 1966, for xample, it
was reported that in the entire cw.ttry there were only
13000 skilled laborers, some 6,0(0 middle -level
administrators, and about 2,54X) senior -level
administrators and executives. Not many of the
administrators, however, could be considered even
partially trained, and a fe:a were illiterate. Small
enterprise- have been urged to develop the labor skills
they need throagh more and letter on- the -joh
training, and larger employ: rs who have no
apprenticeship program are assessed a small tax. One
of the few effective large -scale training program in
private enterprise is that of FRIGU IA, which conducts
courses in a wide range of skills; graduates of these
courses constitute the elite of skilled labor and are
assured well- paying jobs. Guinean authorities insist
that all new privately financed ventures, such as
exploitation of the Boke bauxite deposits, must
provide on- the -job training of large numbers of
Guineans.
3. Labor laws and working conditions (U /OU)
a. Gabor laws
In 1960 the National Assembly enacted a lalmr code
designed to insure that Guinean workers labor under
safe and hygienic conditions for only a reasonable
cumber of hours per week. Administrative regulations
based on the code prescribe safety standards for
specific trades, occupations, and operations regarding
such matters as lighting, ventilation, sanitation, and
fire precautions. Each establishment must provide
medical or het.lth service for its workers; requirements
range from a first -aid kit in small firms to an infirmary
with a nurse in the largest. In specified cases the
employer may be required to provide food and
housing to protect the health of the employees. The
code stipulates a standard workweek of 45 hours for
government employees and 40 hours for private
industry, although in practice virtually everyone: works
a 40 -hour week. Weekly rest periods and paid leave
are guaranteed.
Two scales of minimum wages have been
established by the regime. One scale applies to
Conakry and the principal towns of each administra-
tive district; a lower scale applies to the rest of the
country. The minimum wage varies according to
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

category of worker and level of skill, but in every case
it has remained unchanged since its establishment in
1959, despite more than a decade of steady inflation
and decreasing purchasing power. The government's
ability to keep the minimum wage at a low level
reflects its complete control over the labor movement.
Fortunately for workers, the hourly wage for most
categories of labor exceeds considerably the It-gal
minimum, especially in the urban areas. Both public
and private workers are guaranteed extra pay for
overtime.
A workmen's compensation law requires employers
to compensate their workers for accidents or illnesses
occurring in connection with their work. Disability
benefits are liberal; they are payable from the day
after an injury until recovery. In the case of a
permanent disability the worker continues to receive a
pension based on a percentage of his wages and on the
extent of his disability.
b. Working conditions
Working conditions in Guinea are almost
universally unsatisfactory by Western standards, but
they parallel conditions in other African countries.
The labor code a. the workmen's compensation law
theoretically provide adequate protection for worker.
but apply only to the 10% of the labor force that is
engaged in paid employment and are not rigidly
enforced even for that group. Effective implemen-
tation of the labor laws apparently is limited to
employees of the government and the few largest
industrial concerns. The labor axle was under study in
1965, but the few announced reforms applied only to
civil servants. At that time the government increased
the wages of its lower paid employees in an effort to
reduce the disparities in income which formerly had
prevailed within the civil service. Fairly rigid laws
were passed to insure that workers were hired and
promoted on the basis of competitive examinations. A
different line emerged in May 1969, however, when
the party began to purge the civil service of
"counterrevolutionaries" and recommended that
future promotions be made on the basis of ideological
militancy and allegiance to the PDG. Such political
criteria have become steadily more important for
professional advancement since 1969, although
President Toure used the occasion of the Sixth
National Congress of Guinean trade unions in March
1972 to reaffirm that "workers' promotions will now
be entirely based on a real capacity for work and
production."
4. Labor organization (C)
Most wage earners and salaried personnel in Guinea
belong to a trade union, all of which are affiliated
with the National Confederation of Guinean Workers
(CNTG). The CNTG was formed in 1958 and always
has been closely affiliated with the governing PDG.
The organization of the CNTG (Figure 1 1) consists of
19 individually organized national unions, 32 local
unions, and 11 confederal secretariats which represent
the CNTG in specified geographic regions. Ultimate
authority rests with the National Congress of the
CNTG, the mass meeting which recently has been
held every 3 years�the Sixth National Congress met
in early 1972. The CNTG has four permanent
executive bodies at the national level. The National
Confederal Council, which governs the CNTG
between CNTG congresses, includes two represent-
atives from each constituent union and eight members
at large. Major decisions, however, are made by the
National Confederal Bureau, whose members are
elected by the CNTG National Congress for what are
theoretically 4 -year terms. Mamady Kaba, president
of the CNTG since 1960, is also president of the
National Confederal Bureau and a high- ranking
figure within the PDG and the government. The other
two permanent executive bodies are the Secretariat
and an Administrative Commission.
CNTG officials seldom accept invitations to
participate in Western trade union activities or travel
in Western countries. in November 1971 the Geneva
based ILO withdrew its five remaining experts from
Guinea. CNTG leaders receive support from and have
close contacts with Communist labor unions,
including the Communist- dominated World Federa-
tion of Trade Unions (WFTU). They also maintain
15
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 11. Labor organization (UIOU)

regular contacts with the labor movements of other
African and Arah states which have governments
sympathetic to the Toure regime. Regionally, the
CNTG is affiliated with the All African Trade Union
Federation (AATUF), which was forned at
Casablanca in 1961.
5. Labor and party relations (V /OU)
The PDC regards organized labor as an instrument
of power for advancing political goals and not as an
organization devoted to advancing the individual
interests of the working man. The party maintains
tight control over the CNTC, and although poor
working conditions have generated some grumbling,
there have been few strikes or outward manifestations
of labor unrest. 'There arc, however, individuals within
the labor movement who object to park control of the
CNTG. 'their objections occasionally come to the
surface at party congresses, but thus far the PDC has
maintained its strict control. Mamady Kaba
reaffirmed the need for a more independent labor
movement at the January 1969 meeting of the party's
National Council of the Revolution and aroused
President Toure to public anger. In that year the
CNTG was made it special section of the PD(; in what
appeared to he it further attempt to solidif% party
control over the labor movement. Kaba has been
demoted within the PDC hierarchy, although he
continual to hold it medium -level government post in
1972.
Evidence of the subservience of organized labor to
the political authorities is shown by the almost
complete absence of strikes since independence. 'I'll(-
handful of labor disputes which have occurred have
all been settled quickly with I;ttle loss of worktinie.
The right to work, form unions, and strike is officially
recognized, but such legislation is purely theoretical.
'The 1960 labor code created courts to settle disputes
and to apply existing labor regulations. A labor court is
composed of a magistrate appointed by the Office of
the Presidency all(] four assessors, two representing the
employer and two representing the workers. In
practice, representation of the workers* interests by
labor leaders is secondary to political �onsideratiors
and to the desire of those leaders to meet their
production quotas. Most high- ranking -anion officials
also hold high positions in the PDC or key
administrative positions in the civil service, and many
are the managers of state -run enterprises �their dual
loyalties work to the detriment of the workers.
In 1964 the government called for the organization
of lv::al workers' councils for the study of work
methods to improve efficiency art(] organization.
16
Various decrees since then have altered the names and
organization of these bodies, hilt the basic idea of a
local council, controlled by the party cadre, to
supervise the training, economic production, and
political indoctrination of the workers remains. In
1970, "secretaries for labor discipline" ware
established in each "production -unit cononittee." In
the rural sector, the PDC relies heavily on cooperatives
as basic inslrunr for teaching faruers about
modern agricultim-, for increasing productivity, and
for controlling the loyalty of the rural population.
Although the local cooperatives are nominally
aentononnous units designed to serve the econonnic
interests of their members, in practice they tend to
break up the family system of agriculture and
transform the peasant fanner into an employee of his
cooperative unit, which in turn is increasingly
controlled by the party. The government frequently
inaugurates new production schemes, but the initial
zeal soon disappears and little read haprovenient in
production or the lot of the Guinean worker is
accomplished.
E. Living conditions and social problems
(U /OU)
1. Material welfare
a. Incorne levels
Guinea's valuable mineral resources provide
considerable potential for deyelopnnent of the national
econonny. That potential is far from being realized.
howeycr, and to the limited extent that the country's
resources have been tapped, the resulting wealth has
not filtered (1()%% it to the ordinary citizen. No adequate
information is available concerning GDP or how it
translates into real income for the individual Guinean,
hot it is likely that absolute levels of per capita incowv
have remained ut abcut 5'fO annually or even (Icclineca
sonnewhat since 1960. Any figure for per capita GDP is
almost meaningless as an indicator of actual material
welfare, however, because most of the population
relics primarily on traditional subsistence activities,
rather than cash earnings, to provide their basic needs.
Statistics can price and wage fluctuations are not
available, but it is clear that regularly employed
workers face it situation of rising living costs
unmatched by corresponding wage increases. No wage
reforms have been implemented since 1965, when the
wages of lower level civil servants and employees of
state enterprises were increased and it re%y floor and
ceiling for civil service wages were established. A
salary equivalent to US335 a month is considered the
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

official uiinimilin \\;ivo The ii\crnn(cnt has
atteniph-d to maint,cin strict price conlrols. ,nd it h;l
trivet rationinit basic citnin( ditics Ihrni:;l( dislribntiou
b\ the toed tart\ stnicltire. hilt the demand for
incrvasinij% scarce consin(cr iz(uds and the cymldic(t;
nuiw% sIlp111% 11,1\1- Ineled inflation No, ith,in;ittendmi,t
red ucliin in I )ii rchasinv I) %%cr. With (:iiincmi
c�iirrenc�\ \\nrth fink if fraclinn if its official \alit. a
flouri,hinl black n(arkol lia, �prune, i11'. docritd h\
To.:ro for its olfect of ncakine ciinoa' ci iI li\ ink
out of the l(ikhesl in Hit-
1). (aolhirig and housing;
(:ciintans are not \\ell eked b\ an\ standard. bit
their clilhin>; is >;cnoral!\ s I citccl to (ht cointr\ s
clirnato. I�'t\\ Iiorsni(, ha\t n(on thin one or I\\n
rasc 1
FIGURE 12. Urban clothing styles.
(upper left) Man in white boubou is
a PDG official in Kissidougou.
(above) Marketplace in Conakry.
(left) Upper class family. The man
was a civil servant during the French
colonial government. (U OU)
ch;oikos of d(Rhin,'. ;Intl nwNt itoncs of aiplmrel ;ere
hinconnadc of 11(,16c,pun n(alori;(! rr I;(brics
Iiuchascd in the ns(rktt. \Itlw h there hw, bccn a
trend to\\unl if n(on' iiiil �ini i opdc of dress, cl(ithiniz
st\h' still \;Ir\ sid)stoii di'lpcndltit iipti I rehijon.
tribal custom, ijrkin find n�sidciicc. ccnnomic� st:(lis.
Mid clin(atc I ii!i.n� 12). 'Traditional c�Inthiiis; is simple
thr nn,dwid imist of (:uine;i. consistink of a flo\\iu\;
robe boubou) for Wien ;ind a piece oil' printed cloth
tied at the \\aisl and \\ern \\ith ;c fitted blouse for
\\onion. Plain \\hilt noislin boubous ;ire the most
oonunon: colomcl it striped ones are snore e\pcnsi\v.
\ten conunonl\ \\our skullcap in Miidinc areas. and
\\ninon lic s( %ir\cs i\ their hair. In areas \\here Idan(
ha. nil Iu�nelnitocl, as ;inionL the KOniaii tribe.
sen(inidih is connnon. Woslorn clothiniz is c(mini nl\
IN
r
Y .'Yi
I +i., �fit
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

worn in the urban areas, although it is not well suited
to the climate. The PDC elite tend to dress in either it
short sleeved jacket -shirt with nialching trousers or in
the traditional white robe.
Guinea's housing is primitive in that most dwellings
are small. overcrowded, unsanitary, and totally
lacking in amenities. Nonetheless, housing is not a
major problem for Guinean families, at least in the�
rural areas. With the help of kinfolk and neighbors,
families customarily build their own homeS at little
cost with traditional materials that are w ailable
everywhere. I lousing steles vary depending upon area
of residence, tribal custom, and econonic status, but
the typical rural dwelling is it circular but with a
conical thatched roof (Figure Ii). Among the more
affluent rural residents, mudbrick and stucco homes
with sheetmetal roofs are sometimes encountered.
Although ninny urban residences resemble their rural
counterparts, urban housing also includes apartment
houses, Western stele villas, and shacks built of scrap
material. Whether in the city or in the countryside, the
Guinean house typically has no more than two rooms.
There is no reliable data on the availability of housing,
but it is known that in Conakry housing is in short
supple. and the construction of new units has not kept
pace with population growth and the arrival of
migrants from the rural areas.
c. Subsistence economy
Most Guineans live in rural areas virtually outside
the cash econont\-. Living conditions are austere at
hest, involving an inadequate diet, poor housing, and
low- cluulit} educational, health, and welfare services.
Is
Rural Bliss itisfaction continues to he reflected in the
large number of emigrants from Cuinea to
neighboring west African states and in the large
number of migrants to the urban areas, where
conditions are little better but there is greater hope for
the future. Man\ of the difficulties of the rural
economy_ stem from the pervasive involvement of the
PDC in the (listribution of consuner goods and in tle
buying of agricultural produce. In 1972 marketing
arrangements were so bad that cattle raisers in some
areas were insisting that the\- be paid for their cattle in
rice cloth, or other barter items rather than in
Guinean currency. The central government periodi-
cally has sent officials to the interior to dispel
widespread discontent over the high cost of living, but
it is unlikely that the government can eliminate either
its fmdamental administrative problems or the
skepticism of the rural populace.
2. Welfare programs
a. Private assistance
The orphaned, disabled, infirin. elderly. and
indigent in Guinean society traditionally have been
cared for through networks of family, tribal, and
community ties that assure mutual assistance in times
of need. 'These informal arrangements continue to
work well in the family-oriented rural society. where
they undoubtedly provide a greater sense of personal
security than do ally public programs. Custom
demands that relatives give some support to the less
fortunate members of their families. e\-cn in the cities,
although in practice the urban environment tends to
erode the traditional sense of responsibilit. Prior to
Guinea s
independence. Roman Catholic religious
orders provided some welfare services, but the handful
of Christian charities that survived the postindepen-
dence period are of almost no importance. Despite the
Guinean authorities' sensitivity to criticism of their
country and their suspicion of foreigners, the
government allowed a few international
organizations to carry out modest welfare progr:uns in
Guinea, primarily in the field of health. These groups
have included the U.N. Educational. Scientific. and
Cultural Organization and the U.N. World health
Organization.
b. Government programs
The government has established it social insurance
system that provides a variety of benefits to urban
residents. Created in 1960 by expanding preexisting
programs and by creating new ones, the social
insurance system is administered by the National
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 13. Bassari village showing housing common to
many rural areas (U /OU)

n
Social Security Fund under the supervision of the
Minister of Social Affairs. It consists of programs
providing old -age, disability, and death benefits;
sickness and maternity benefits; family allowances;
and workmen's compensation. Coverage is highly
restricted, in that it is limited to salary and wage
earners, who account for no more than 10% of the
labor force. Even among that limited group, only
those who work permanently on a full -time basis are
eligible for coverage; it was reported in the late 1960's
that no more than 3,000 persons had ever been
registered with the National Social Security Fund. The
social insurance system is financed entirely by
contributions from employers, but because enforce-
ment procedures are lax, many small employers
successfully avoid paying their contributions. The
government makes a contribution only for those
employees in state -owned enterprises. It also operates
a separate social insurance program for civil servants.
Under the old -age, disability, and death programs,
workers are eligible for it full retirement pension at age
55, or at reduced pension for earlier retirements.
Pensions for disability and for surviving widows and
orphans are also authorized. Insured workers and their
dependents who become ill are eligible for cash
allowances of varying amounts, depending on the
length of their enrollment in the program. Workers are
also entitled to free medical service in hospitals and to
free medicine. The maternity benefits consist of it cash
allowance and of medical attention in public health-
care facilities. A family allowance scheme provides
covered employees with a monthly allowance for each
child under age 12, up to a limit of six children; a
grant also is payable for each birth. The liability of
employers for work related injury, illness, or death is
legally recognized in workmen's compensation lays.
Covered workers incurring a disability receive
pensions, and in the case of a fatal injury a lump sum
grant covering the cost of burial and a survivor's
pension are authorized.
The government has provided loans to individuals
and state enterprises in an effort to combat the serious
shortage of housing in the urban areas, but due to the
lack of funds, corruption, and administrative
inefficiency, such efforts have met with little success.
Similarly, the PDG administered programs designed
to improve living conditions in the rural areas �the
civic action brigades, local Revolutionary Authorities,
rural cooperatives, and work teams �have effected
only modest improvements in public welfare.
3. Social problems
Almost no information is available concerning the
incidence of crime or the real extent of social
problems, although persistent corrective actions taken
by the party suggest that social problems exist on it
sufficiently wide scale to worry the Toure government.
The PDG is puritanical in outlook, criticizes
unconventional social behavior, and does not hesitate
to act autocratically to insure conformity with its
standards of conduct. Foreign visitors observe that
prostitutes and beggars are considerably less evident in
Guinean cities than in other parts of west Africa and
that the sale of alcoholic liquors to Guineans is
prohibited. The 'Toure government has outlawed wigs,
miniskirts, and other Western fashions that it deems
incompatible with indigenous Guinean values. The
President himself lectures labor and party groups on
the virtues of African cultural dignity; in 1972 11v
noted that "drugs and alcoholism are worse than the
atomic bomb and should be the target of unrelenting
action.'
1P. Health
1. Health conditions (U /OU)
Guinea's population suffers from many serious
health problems as it result of the climate, primitive
living conditions, low nutritional levels, ignorance of
the principles of sanitation, and inferior public
facilities for water supply and waste disposal. These
factors contribute to it very high incidence of disease
that is ineffectively combated by a handful of trained
personnel in poorly equipped medical facilities. Even
with considerable foreign assistance. Guinea's public
health programs are poorly administered; they offer
inadequate protection to Guineans and foreigners
alike.
a. Factors adversely affecting health
Guinea's enervating climate is conducive to the
spread of a large number of hunwn and animal
diseases. High temperatures and humidity along the
coast are favorable to the breeding of mosquitoes and
of tsetse flies. Farther inland, crude dwellings provide
inadequate protection against the great fluctuations in
temperature and humidity, with the result that
respiratory ailments such as pneumonia are
widespread. The reversal of winds and accompanying
climatic fluctuations are most noticeable in the
highlands of Ilaute- Guinea, where the continuous
blowing of hot winds during the dry season causes
physical discomfort and has a depressing effect on the
Population. Guinee Foresticre has higher temperatures
and it higher mean relative humidity than any other
region.
19
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

Toxic vegetation. disease carrying insects, ancd
poisonous reptiles are found throughout the country.
Plants and herbs traditionally have been used as
source of remedies, but some are toxic when
improperly administered. Malaria- transmitting
mosquitoes and tsetse flies are widespread, especially
along Guinea's many rivers, and the make some
fertile areas virtually uninhabitable. 'Tsetse flies
transmit trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness) to men
and animals. Mollusks that serve as intermediate hosts
for the organisms of schistosomiasis abound along the
banks of rivers; amebic dysentery and hookworn are
widespread. Practically every type of poisonous snake
is found in Guinea; bites are fatal in roughly 10% of
the cases. Rodents and large groups of monkeys and
chimpanzees cause considerable crop damage.
The living conditions characteristic of Guinea's
population tend to aggravate the natural threats to
health. In the countryside, the earthen floors and
thatched roofs of a typical house provide habitats for
various insects and vermin. Also, almost no steps are
taken to protect living areas and water supplies from
human wash of all kinds. In the urban areas,
overcrowding has outstripped the government's ability
to provide safe water, sewage disposal, and adequate
housing. Under such conditions the incidence of
communicable diseases such its tuberculosis is rising.
b. Water supply and waste disposal
In most parts of Guinea, water is plentiful and can
be obtained from surface sources such as the many
rivers, streams, lakes, and shallow wells. All water
throughout the country must be considered unsafe for
consumption unless boiled. Most open sources of
water are indiscriminately used for bathing, laundry,
and household purposes, and the contamination of
nearby soil with human waste is common. The water
situation in the urban areas is only slightly better.
Piped water is often supplied through old lines located
next to sewer mains. Seepage and contamination
result. 'rhe city of Conakry has it water system built by
the West Germans that is capable of producing safe
drinking water, but the present management of the
system is unreliable. Fey dwellings have piped water.
During the period of French rude sewage disposal
facilities were installed in pa: is of Conakry and some
major inland towns, but no substantial expansion or
improvements have been made since independence.
'rhe only well organized system of sewage disposal is
in the western part of Conakry, where the Europeans
were originally established. Most other urban
buildings use cesspools, and effluent is often clumped
directly into the sea or nearby rivers. In rural areas pit
latrines have been constructed in some villages, but
20
they are not universally used, and soil contamination
is widespread. Although garbage collection in
Conakry is, by plan, citywide, it is effectively carried
out only in the main business and upper class
residential districts. Garbage used as a fill for the
swarrnpy lowland part of the city has been
insufficiently covered with earth layers and has
become it breeding ground for rats. In the countryside,
garbage is burned, dumped into waterways, or
discarded indiscriminately.
c. Prevalent diseases
Although accurate epidemiological data for Guinea
arc lacking, it is known that chickenpox, measles,
mumps, and whooping cough appear periodically in
epidemic proportions, with the result that the country
has one of the� htkhest infant mortality rates in Africa.
Serious outbreaks of cholera occurred in 1970 and
1971. Malaria, schistosomiasis, tuberculosis, gonor-
rhea. and leprosy are endemic; trypanosoniasis. or
sleeping sickness, is very widespread. Numerous
"leprosy and sleeping sickness stations" are in
operation throughout the country; the number of
lepers is estimated in excess of 1500M. The regime
claims that both leprosy and sleeping sickness arc "on
the retreat," but reliable statistics are lacking.
Infectious hepatitis is also endemic and frequently
fatal; it probably constitutes i t major cause of the� high
incidence of cirrhosis of the liver found in Guinea.
Enteric and helminthic infections. dental caries,
venereal diseases, influenza, pneumonia, and
trachoma are also common, and sporadic cases of
diphtheria, poliomyelitis, and scarlet fever are still
reported. Public health measures include vaccination
or inoculation against smallpox, cholera, and yellow
fever. The mai�,tih of Guinea ns suffer from some
degree of malnutrition, which in turn contributes to it
wide variety of skin and deficiency disorders.
Animal diseases are prevalent, and many of them
have reached serious proportions because effective
control measures do not exist. Several diseases
affecting cattle arc spreading unchecked, including
trypanosomiasis, rinderpest, and contagious bovine
pleuropneumonia. Other widespread diseases are
parasitic infestations. Newcastle disease, fowl pox,
anthrax, and rabies. Anthrax, tuberculosis, trypanoso-
iniasis, and rabies are transmissible to man.
Regulations for the control of rabies exist, but
enforcement is lax
2. Nutrition and diet (U /OU)
Malnutrition is widespread. and recurring shortages
of foodstuffs have necessitated the importation of such
basic commodities as rice and cooking oils. Although
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

tIt(- 1wr(a Ili ta I)ro(I11(liu11 I I0o(IsIIIIIs.IIII)( ;I Is 111 II;1\1-
(II (li IV(I sli;htl sin((� iI I)('11(I('11((. 1h1- I)ri111
s of hunk(�r m re tIt(- chroni(�all\ in(�IIi(�iI�sI
(listri )lit ilit s\stcnI ;or(I slnlilag(� OIli(�i ;(l alll�nII)Is 111
impose ceitIraIi /.c(I c(lIItI m tIIc tra(IIIit)II :II
(�(�(111(1111\ Ili, \c :III I) I I)aral\i1�(I III(� \isIiII
(listribution mid nlark(�tin1, (�h :11uu�Is,1s(I h:I\I. I(�(I I()
10(;11 bla(�k 11mrk(�ts mid to lh(� tart;(� scud(� s11lnt;t;lililt (11
Ioo(fst,,f(s to m�ighborhm cminlrics \\h('ry II1(�\. brirlt,
hil;h(�r prices. Shorta.;(�s 44 I�ss(�111i (�o11u110(lili(�s IIa\('
trii,t:vr(�(1 tool riots in .011 it l w;,Iitil's ;lull 11;1\ I.
11(�(�(�ssiutt(�(I loo(} ralioniim in makr\.
I'h( l(�\\ a\ailab11� (�sli11lat(�s snljl;vsl 111;11 th(-
or(linar\ ;Ili iwan�s printaril\ \(�1i(�tari:m (li(�t In(�l,,(1l.,
boil 2.1)111) to 2. 11 )0 t %IlOri(�s (1 ;111\. B(.(%I,,u� 14mi11s ;0('
the stal)I(� lo0(I. Ih1� diet is high i11 c�irlmh\ i;tt(�s :IIld
h in prot(�in.. ita111i11s. mill 111incra1s. I�h(� I\ I)i(�al
nu�al (�u11sist. 0I :I M( irrill- ()r thick I),isI( \\itIi rill'.
millet. or sorl;hnnI base: a(Idcd bits of 1 I. a IIIIr\.
1ilIIW. or fish ur(� oil\ 11(�(� )II;II III\IIri(',. I)isI) ;IriIil.
ill both lilt- (Illantit\ a11(I (I,,alil\ of (Ii(�I (�\ist I1I�t\\(�(1i
is(�o11it I!rorIis. Iit�t\\(�1�n IIrl)as ;uul rural r( si(I(�nts.
t
v l-'
.uld II�I\\(�(�It 14�si(1(�11ts 111 (It Il(�r1�nt j;'�11,,;r:Ipllic;II ar(�:1s.
I�. \(�(�Ill 1111 I)( fsnll III 1111� hm4 1 ()111111111� (�;IIclI ()rirs.
till� i111u(bitaIIIs 111 1111� itIImI1 iIi( I 1.111()\ ;I IIIor1-
11i\r�rsilil (I (lit l III ;In (Io rl11 (I\\1�Il(�rs. III I;1�n(�r;11. 1111�
sl;IIIII:Irll I ;111� ((I 1111� FI11;111i 111 \10\1'11()(�- ;IIiII1�(� is lilt-
I(%I IIiIIriIinu Ilw Mali11k(' lribl'spe(li I1� in Ilautl�-
;IIi11(�(� (�nj(1\ ;1 slidhll\ 1()(111� (kcrsili(�(I (li(�l::oid Ili�
ti,,s,, ill B;Iss(A:11inr(� Im\c tit(- 11(1,1 11lrlrilimis dirt.
'I'll( t;o\(�01nu�nt I1ms itlitiat(�(I it proi. n rom in lh(� s1�hools
:0111 lw'illh (�('n1('rs 14) I'(br(;11(� tit(- I)ubli( to till u( 1�(.{
Ior I)mpci mitrilion. b,,t Ih1' (IiI�I((t(�s of I)o\(�rl :md
(�,,.torn hu\(� :1110\\(�(1 th(' program liltl(� room Ior
\o u(I((Iu:111 bmd sl0m'(� I:I(�ilili(�. 1�\ist in
\\h(lh(r at Ih( \i11;I1t"(�. r(�1t"iollaL m Imtio11 ;11 Ic\cl.
I.ar!(�- s(�al(� I0o(I �tor;},(� is pr:((�li(;II 0111\ Ior .port
Iu'rio(Is h -cmis(� ,)I (1:1111;1};1� (�;01.1'(1 11. iIIs( 'cts ;111(1
roll( its llcrc 1 so rcfrii 1crltimi :(\ail:iblc, amt
11111,1 oo(I is sold ml 0M(�n nl:0 11�it;,,r(� 11 that
Mro\ idc lilts(� Mrolucho11 from flit� ;111(1 (lirl. "I'h(�r1� :I0�
r(�t;111:1tioss cmicernim! Ioo(I ;Intl smiitar\ inspvclio11.
bit lhc art' inclIccli\ck aMMli1'(I.
'_I
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 14. Marketplace in Nzerekore (U OU)

3. Medical care
a. Health care facilities (C)
The government has devoted a sizable proportion of
its resources to the expansion of health care facilities.
Between 19513 and 1969 annual expenditures for
public health increased roughly 275% to $7.7 million.
Over the same period the number of public hospitals
increased from five to 27, totaling an estimated 6,932
beds, or roughly I bed for every 3110 persons. In
quantit:.tive terms, hospital facilities are adequate in
Conakry (Figure 15), but are totally inadequate for
the rest of the country. In qualitative terms, even
Conakry's hospitals have deteriorated to the point that
considerable investment would be required to restore
them to standards existing in neighboring countries. In
(he interior of the country, many hospitals lack
doctors, supplies, elementary standards of sanitation,
and orderly administration. Only five government
hospitals �two in Conakry and one each in Labe,
Fria, and Kankan �can deal with other than routine
medical problems. The private hospital operated by
FRIGUTA is probably the most modern and best
equipped and administered hospital in the country.
In addition to the public hospitals, the Guinean
Government operates an estimated 300 infirmaries
and dispensaries, 38 maternity centers, :32 mother and
child -care centers, 25 leprosy centers, 29 endemic
disease posts, 17 public health centers, and 32
pharmacies. Most of these facilities provide only the
most basic patient care, but in the Guinean context
even that is valuable. The Soviet Union and several
East European countries have provided considerable
amounts of medical equipment, but the shortages in
every area are acute. All pharmaceuticals and medical
supplies are ordered through a central import and
distribution agency, Pharmaguinee, which operates
inefficiently and with considerable loss because of
spoilage and theft. Most of the few medications
available are Chinese, although smuggled French
products appear at inflated prices on the black market.
The Nene Khaly Condetho Camara Institute at
Kindia produces large amounts of smallpox vaccine
and snake antivenoon, both of which are exported to
other African countries.
b. Medical personnel (U/OU)
Guinea suffers from an acute shortage of physicians
and other medical and paramedical personnel. In
1969, the latest year for which information is
available, there were 77 physicians practicing in the
counts, or roughly one per 5109) inhabitants. Mane
of these were foreigners, mostly East Europeans
working as contract employees of the Guinean
Government. Sizable numbers of Chinese physicians
and other medical peronnei have worked in Guinea
since 1968. In 1970 it was agreed That their
complement be increased to 90. Because many
Guinean physicians have assumed administrative
posts in the regime or have left the country for more
remunerative careers abro;,d, the number of practicing
physicians has diminished. Nearly half of the
country's physicians practice in Conakry, leaving the
rural areas with hopelessly inadequate professional
care. Physicians suffer from poor working conditions.
limited paramedical support, inadequate or unreliable
laboratory services, and an extreme shortage of
supplies and drugs.
Dentists and pharmacists are in extremely short
supply: in the late 1960's only nine of each were
practicing. At the same time, however, there were 964
nurses and a rapidly increasing number of
paramedical personnel. The government has claimed
that in 1%. 9 Guinea had 190 midwives, :300 health
aides, 70 laboratory assistants, 230 health technicians.
and 120 maternity and child -care technicians. These
p_ramedical personnel, like physicians, are inequi-
tably distributed throughout the country. Sixty of the
190 midwives, for example, were located in Conakry
in 1%. 9, although some districts had none. Nurses and
paramedical personnel have long been trained in
Guinea, and the Polytechnic Institute's first class of
physicians will graduate in 1973.
c. Preventive medicine program:; (U /OU)
22
Theoretically, each of the party's roughly 8,000
Local Revolutionary Authorities (PRL) will eventually
have a "public health person" and it sanitation
brigade within its organization, although President
'four( revealed in 1969 that at that time only 1,320
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 15. Donka Hospital in Conakry (C)

such officials existed. At the arrondissement (county)
level, public health teams, in theory composed of a
health aide and two male nurses, are supposed to
provide guidance and training for the 1 health and
sanitation personnel. Coordinating the activities of
arrondissement health officials are regional units, o.ue
in each of the 29 regions, which have as a minimum
complement one physician, one laboratory technician,
four health aides, and five male nurses. This unit is
also charged with training programs.
Quarantine regulations are enforced at the port of
Conakry and the major airports, but there is little
control of overland traffic at border points, which
facilitates the spre of disease between countries.
Guinea has benefited from several U.N.- sponsored
programs in the field of public health, most of them
administered through the World I lealth Organization.
In addition, Guinea has received substantial medical
aid from it variety of Communist countries and, in
much lesser degree, front the U.S. Agency for
International Development. Guinea belongs to the
International Organization for Coordination and
Cooperation to Combat the Great Endemic Diseases.
G. Religion
1. Principal religions
a. Islam W100
Reasonably accurate statistics are not available on
the size and distribution of religious groups in Guinea,
but it is estimated that roughly 755i of the
population as many as :3 million persons are
Muslims. Almost all members of Guinea's major
tribes, the Fulani, Malinke, and Susu, are at least
nominal adherents of Islam. Non- lslamic areas are
limited to parts of Basse- Guinee and Guinee Forestiere
and include the Kissi, Toma, and Ngere tribes.
Guinean Muslims profess adherence to the Sunni
sect of Islam and to the Maliki version of the Sharia, or
Islamic law. Orthodox believers, in Guinea as
elsewhere, accept certain basic articles of faith and
religious practice, but few persons adhere strictly to
the detailed requirements of Islam. Only religious
leaders and the very devout engage in the performance
of prayer as prescribed, for example, although Friday
services in the mosques are well attended. Mosques in
Guinea are far less imposing than those in other parts
of the Muslim world, but those in urban areas are
likely to he fairly large and usually have a minaret and
some exterior ornamentation. Village mosques are
customarily used as centers for secular as well as
religious activities (Figure 16).
FIGURE 16. Mosque constructed of thatch (C)
Islam in Guinea is distinguished by the great extent
to which it has become combined with traditional
animist practices and in its variance from the more
orthodox Islam of northern and eastern Africa.
Guinea's Muslim animist synthesis has been fostered
by the fact that certain aspects of Islam coincide with
important indigenous traditions, including the
practices of polygyny, bride- price, and circumcision.
In the area of religious belief, the traditional Muslim
recognition of the existence of angels and spirits
conforms easily to the African belief in intermediary
gods, and the two theologies are generally tolerant of
divination and various forms of magic. Even %%-here
doctrinal congruence is farfetched or nonexistent,
many animist concepts lend themselves to rein-
terpretation in the Islamic context, and certain Islamic
beliefs have been reshaped to fit an animist
interpretation.
No Islamic establishment, hierarchy, or national
organization exists in Guinea. Even the once
important Muslim brotherhoods have declined in
importance, and they now survive only in the form of
small, localized groups whose religious exercises are led
by a marabout, or holy man. In the most orthodox
circles, imams (priests) lead prayer services in the
mosques, attend ceremonial religious occasions, and
generally act as intermediaries between the faithful
and the supernatural. The most organized aspect of
Guinean Islam is the Koranic schools, which appear to
be functioning in many areas, conducted in it mosque
or elsewhere by an imam or other person considered to
have some 6owledge of the Koran. Young boys
attend these schools for 2 or 3 years, and their lessons
concentrate exclusively on learning to read and write
Arabic and to recite portions of the Koran.
4 1
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

b. Animism (U /OU)
Animists constitute an estimated 25Si of the
a
Guinean population. They re centered in Guinee
horestiere and are usually numbers of the Kissi, Toma,
and Ngere tribes. Among these remote and isolated
peoples, animists flourishes as a relatively unor-
ganized body of beliefs in spirits and other
supernatural forces. In the animistic perspective, the
concept of the deity is indefinite and nebulous, and
the supreme god is seldom worshiped directly; rather,
approaches are trade through it pantheon of lesser
deities. 'I'll(- latter are asked to intercede on behalf of
the supplicant in his efforts to acquire divine help in
achieving food, health, and long life and to avoid
divine displeasure and thereby forestall hunger,
sickness, and death.
The major religious manifest in an animist
community is usually the ancestr cult of the local
kinship group. To he successful, every undertaking of
the kinship group clearing hand, sowing, reaping,
hunting, housebuilding� requires the good will of the
iicestors. It is hoth prudent and required to worship,
honor, consult, and make offerings to the ancestor
spirits on every possible occasion, lest they become
angry and bedevil their progeny. Small objects, or
fetishes, often become the embodiment or representa-
tion of a particular ancestor's spirit or of it deity;
fetishes serve as visual stimulants for the believer.
Animist religious practices include a variety of rituals,
sacrifices, dances, and totemistic and magical
activities associated with both divine obligations and
common taboos.
An important factor in the preservation and
transmission of indigenous religion has been the secret
societies the hest known of which have flourished in
the southern part of Guinea, its well as in Liberia and
Sierra Leone. Membership in it secret society is by
initiation, which normally takes place following
instruction given at puberty; a lifelong comradeship is
said to develop among those initiated at the same
time. Each local unit of a society constitutes it cult
group with its own ritual objects all(] special
ceremonies. "Traditionally, all adult males of a village
were obliged to become members of the same society,
since an uniniti person could not participate fully
in the life of the community. The extent to which
secret societies are still active in Guinea is not known,
but at the very least the PDG is presumed to have
preempted many of their functions, even in the remote
areas of Guinee Forestiere.
c. Christianity (C)
Information provided by Christian sources indicates
that there are about 30,(X)O Roman Catholics and
24
between 2,000 and (i,(M Protestants in Guinea. The
bulk of Christians are in Basse- Guinee, owing to the
concentration of the Catholic population in
metropolitan Conakry, but there arc Protestant
missions and adherents scattered throughout Ilaut-
Guince and Guinee Forestiere. Christianity has had
only limited appeal in Guinea, a its missionaries
active since the 19th century �have been seen as alien
agents attempting to impose it rigid creed that requires
extensive changes in traditional attitudes and mores.
'I'll(- impact of Christiauity :au1 the missionaries on
Guinean society, however, has been touch greater than
the modest number of conversions would imply. The
principal influence of the missions has stemmed from
their roles as dispensers of education and welfare
services and as carriers of Western values and
techniques. Mary of the country's modern leaders
received their basic education in Catholic educational
institutions.
Catholic ecclesiastical jurisdictions in Coinca
include the C lrchdiocese, the Diocese of
Nzerckore, and the Apostolic Prefecture of Kankan. In
1972 there were in Guinea I I priests �eight Guineans,
two 'Togolese, and (nic Upper Voltan. In view of the
small number of religious personnel available,
organized religious activity_ among Guinean Catholics
is believed to be minimal. In 1470, there were some 30
churches or chapels in the country, but information is
lacking on the number now in use for religious
purposes. Conakry, the traditional center of
Catholicism in Guinea, contains several churches,
including a large cathedral (Figure 1
Protestant missions began operating in Guinea in
the early 1900's, but their efforts to convert Guineans
FIGURE 17. Roman Catholic cathedral in
Conakry (U/OU)
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

have not enjoyed much success. A Protesta Church
of Guinea was formed in 1964, however, and it claim
to hug c ordained at least i0 Guinean niiiisters to serve
its following. As of 1972, 6 foreign Protestant
missionaries remained in Guinea, located in
Kissidougou, Manion, and Conakry. All were U.S.
nationals.
2. Church -state relations (U /OU)
According to the Guinean constitution, the republic
is "based on the principles of democracy, freedom of
religion, and social justice," and no one religion is to
be officially favored o ally other. In practice, N:e
Toure regime has opposed all religions, although with
varying degrees of animosity. Government policies
exhibit a persistent determination to suppress or
exploit religious organizations, activities, and beliefs
according to their potential for undermining effective
party control of the masses. The regime's approach to
any particular religious group has been conditioned by
the importance of the faith, the number of its
adherents, and the anticipated strength of its
resistance to government action.
Official moves against the Muslims have not been
extensive, but they have effectively undercut the
authority and prestige of the imams. The latter are
forbidden to solicit funds for their own use, their
Friday sermons must be approved by the PDG, and
their contacts outside the country are strictly
I controlled. The Toure government has not outlawed
Koranic schools, but it does require that their students
also attend public schools. The government involves
itself with a few Islamic activities which embellish its
image and offer no political threat. Public funds are
used to build mosques, for example, and to send
sizable numbers of pilgrims to Mecca. President Toure
occasionally holds "consultations" with Islamic
leaders and even attends Muslim prayer services from
time to time. "There have been no pre or radio attacks
against Islamic institutions.
"The regime's offensive against animism has been
open, decisive, and sometimes ruthless, based on the
conviction that traditional African religion is closely
tied to outmoded social attitudes and institutions and
therefore presents a major obstacle to modernization
and a challenge to the party. Since independence the
PDC has used modern- propaganda methods to carry
out a demystification program designed to limit
sacrifices, destrov fetishes, try sorcerers, and undercut
popular allegiance to traditional beliefs. Although the
ideological impact of the PIN; is almost universally
felt, there is no doubt that animistic practices continue
to be widespread.
Iu its relations with the Christian community, the
Guinean Covernment has focused on the elimination
of alien control, an objective which most Cuineans
have applauded. The first severe breach in church
state relations occurred in 1961, when the regime
announced a policy of church Africanization and the
nationalization of church- operated schools. In 1967
President Toure denounced the white clergy as
"enemies of Guinea's socialist revolution," ordered all
foreign religious personnel to leave the countn and
put Catholic welfare institutions under government
control. Since that time, the Christian churches in
Guinea have operated under tight restrictions and
have been subjected to sporadic harassment that has
included press and radio attacks. In 1969, the Catholic
Archbishop of Conakry was arrested after returning
from a trip abroad in which he allegedly met with
anti -PD(: element., tit he was later released. The
invasion of Guinea in 1970 brought on renewed media
attacks against the Catholic establishment, which was
accused of aiding the Portuguese. Among those
arrested in the wake of the invasion was the
Archbishop, who in early 1971 was condemned to
hard labor for life.
H. Education
1. Organization (U /OU)
Cuinea's national educational system has been
revised frequently since independence, but it
continues to bear it strong resemblance to the French
system from which it derived. 'I'll(- basically trilevel
structure is designed to provide free and mandator
education for all children between the ages of 7 and
17. Primary school lasts for(i years; secondan school is
divided into two parts, the first lasting 3 %cars, the
second lasting from 2 to 5 years, depending oil the
course of study elected; and higher education lasts 3 or
4 years (Fig-ure 18). The academic vear extends from
September to July for most schools, but both teachers
and pupils are encouraged to use their vacations for
ideological training aril agricultural work. Through-
out Guinean schools, emphasis is placed on practical
experience, technical education, and the ideology of
the PD;.
a. Primary education
The primary school curriculum, commonly known
as the "first cycle," includes the essentials of reading,
writing, grammar, spelling, arithmetic, science,
history, and geography. African history arnl cultural
values are stressed, and pupils are provided a formal
introduction to party ideology. Instruction is given in
25
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

HJGL4[R
4
1
3 Goo 3 JURM 3
Nasser NY,,,, tyanawl
Cycle Pd echnk f Polytechnic I Adn Of
Instit
SECONDARY
3 3
1 It c M. I I lbacifenal
2 li r 2 5-
Thud I 1 1
3 1 1 3
2 2 2
1 tv.. ly. I pj%wY
i second Fko I Naed
woeeaunae 11cl000lourec I Saba.
second 3 Co%ges of 3 C onse" of
I TedmW I Te&,kW
Cycle i kifox'"
4
FIGURE 18. Educational system (UJOU)
the� Guinean national languages for the first 4 %cars,
and students wevive .1 years of instruction in it second
vernacular as part of the governments program to
break down ethnic awl tribal barriers. I-reach is
introduced in the third %ear and Ix-conies the medium
of instruction by the fifth. Courses in modern
agricultural methods, animal husbandry, and
handicrafts are added during the third grade; sonic
schools, particularly in the rural areas, operate gardens
which are workerl cooperntive1% by the pupils. In
addition tv their academic subjects, children hear
26
readings front the works (if President Tourc,
participate in nnarching drills, and chant PIX; slogans.
h. Secondary education
The curricalums of Ci itca's secotndar% schools haw�
)xwti alterml frequently, almost al%%ays it the direetiou
of emphasizing vocational awl technical training over
academic education. The nortnal schools also
routinely include instruction in subjects relating to
agriculture .and other inanual skills.
The first 3 -year segmctnt of secondar% e(hication, the
"second cycle," is csscttialh ii n extension of primary
schooling. Centers of 'Technical Industrial Education
(CETI fccus on subjects relater] to practical industrial
.cork, while Centers of Techndeal Agricultural
Education (CETA) concentrate on agriculturally
related subjects. Griduates of each course are certifiesl
as technicians and are eligible to enroll in "third
cycle" institutions.
Reforms of the sccowlar% s -pool system cuacted in
19ti6 led to the creation of Centers (if Revolutiotian
Education (CER), designed to absorb those 1,rinian
graduates %%ho, for lack of space or ability. %%(.rc
denied entry into the CETI's or CETA's. As originally
constituted. the CER's connbined practical cngricul-
tural training with basic education, em phasizing
agricultural production, aninial husbandry, and rural
management. Through the (:ERs the government
attenipted to educate youths in the use of agricultural
cooperatives and collective labor and thereby expand
agricultural prothiction. As separate institutions the
CER's %yerc not unifornn!% successful �ninny were
staffed by unqualified teachers �hut they %%ere of
sonic Value in slo%%ing the rapid nnigriton of young
Gi ineans to the cities, aucl they aided in bridging the
gap bet%%een the rural masses and the educated elite.
13% the early 19 0 the terin CER %vas applied to all
institutions of learning up to university level.
Students who progress to the "third cycle nn,i%
enter it primary nornnal school, or they nna% attend it
lycev. Normal school students undergo 3 years of
general studies, teacher training, and agricultural
education its part (if it terniinal program that alloys
them to teach in prinriar% schools or become teaching
assistants at other levels. Lyc�ee students receive it "first
baccalaureate" cliplonui after 2 years* stud%, or it
"second baccalaureate" aft(-r ,'3 years. The latter alloys
direct application to tit% of the three institutions of
higher education. Recipients of the first baccalaureate
tnay elect to attend secondary nornwl schools for 3
years, or they may enter it Voc,itional school, also for 3
years. By the end of 1971 the Vocatiowil schools %Verc
offering training in it variety of fields, including
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

agriculture. health, social service, business administra-
tion, commerce, auto and machine mechanics,
communications, and meteorology. Recipients of the
normal schools' secondary teaching certificate and
certain graduates of the vocational schools are eligible
for admission to higher ;t;ulies.
C. Nigher education
Guinea's most prestigious postsecondary facility is
the Gamal Abdel Nasser' Polvtechnic Institute, the
country's only university. Built with Soviet assistance
in the early 1960's, the institute by late 1971 included
11 faculties: administration, agronomy, chemistry,
civil engineering, exact sciences, mechanical and
electrical engineering, medicine, mines and geology,
natural sciences, pharmacy, and social sciences. By
19"2 some faculties still had not developed their
degree programs fully, but the institute nonetheless
enrolled well over 2,000 students �its original goal
had been 1,600. All Guineans enrolled in the institute
receive full state scholarships. Although foreigners
generally regard the quality of Guinean education as
inferior, the institute has a few foreign students as a
result of exchange agreements with Nigeria, Sierra
Leone, and Liberia. The institute's first class,
Insisting of 53 members, was graduated in 1968.
Other postsecondary educational facilities include the
JtAius Nyerere Polytechnic Institute in Kankan, which
provides advanced teacher training, and the National
School of Administration in Conakry, which is used
exclusively for training civil servants. Both institutions
have 3 -year curriculums.
d. Other schools
In addition to the regular schools there are a few
government sponsored schools or offices whose
function is to improve, directly or indirectly, the
educational level of Guineans. The National Institute
of Research and Documentation administers the
National Archives, the National Library and
Museum, and the Mont Nimba National Reserve.
Training centers have been constructed near the Roke
bauxite development project to train unskilled
workers. Other specialized schools include the
National School of Agriculture at Kindia, schools for
nursing, midwives, and secretaries in Conakry, and
other vocational schools, some of which have been
assisted by the U.S. Agency for International
Development. A National Literacy Service was
created by decree in 1968 to combat adult illiteracy.
In addition, evening schools and the National
Secondary Correspondence School provide edu-
cational opportunities for adults and school dropouts.
'French transliteration of name is used in Guinea.
2. Educational attainment and quality
a. Literacy levels (U /UU)
Estimates of the literacy rate in Guinea range from
iii to 10%� within the range typical of many west
African countries. Most educated Guineans read and
write. French, fewer read and write Arabic, and almost
none can do so in the vernacular languages. With the
exception of some public officials, teachers, and PDG
leaden, the rural population is largely illiterate;
educated Guineans concentrate in Conakry and the
other urban centers.
Soowi after independence the government launched
a national literacy campaign designed to instruct
urban residents in French. In IW8, in compliance
with resolutions of the Eighth PDG Congress
concerning the Africanization of Guinean education,
the newly created National Literacy Service began to
implement a program promoting literacy in the
vernaculars. Partly 1weause of a lack of material
published in the many Guinean languages, the 1968
campaign enjoyed little success, although a
simultaneous decision to incorporate Guinean
languages into the primary school curriculum has been
somewhat more successful and enduring. The ruling
party's National Council in late 1972 determined that
a renewed literacy campaign would be implemented
between 1972 and 1977. All officials who are not
literate by August 1973 are to be excluded from their
posts.
b. Educational opportunity (U/OU)
After independence, and particularly during the
first half of the 1960's, the Guinean educational
system expanded rapidly (Figure 19). In the second
half of the decade, however, the rate of growth of the
primary and secondary systems slowed and
subse(lu; -ntly peaked at the turn of the decade. At that
time 78% of all students were enrolled in primary
institutions, 21 in secndary schools, and only 1 in
postsecondary institutes. The number of primary and
FIGURE 19. School enrollment (U /OU)
LEVEL 1957/58 1964/65 1969/70 1971,72
Primar
(lst cycle)
42,543
178,270
191,820
183,872
Secondary..........
2,547
41,133
51,387
67,211
(2nd cycle)
2,547
na
49,832
46,643
(3rd cycle)
0
na
1,555
20,568
Postsecondary......
0
318
2,201
$2,874
(4th cycle)
na Data not available.
*Does not include National School of Administration.
M
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

secondary students then showed an absolute decline,
while the number of students enrolled in postsecond-
ary educational institutions continued to increase.
These changes reflected primarily un official
awareness of the need to emphasize higher education,
which under colonial rule had been nonexistent. The
decline in the number of primary and secondary
students may also reflect an official desire to limit their
numbers in order to better check the growing number
of unemployed graduates and dropouts who refuse to
return to agricultural pursuits, thus adding to the
severity of urban problems.
Despite the long -term expansion of educational
opportunities, few Guinean children receive formal
schooling. President Torre asserted in 1967 that
between 60% and SO% of all children of eligible ages
were attending primary school, but other estimates
suggest that the correct figure %vas around 2S With
secondary school students included, attendance
figures dropped below 22ii. By 1972 the population
had increased substantially, but the number of
primary and secondary students had stayed fairly
constant, with the result that the proportion of
children in school had undoubtedl decreased below
the already low levels of 1967.
More hogs go to school than girls, and more urban
residents than rural dwellers. In 1972 girls constituted
32% of first cycle students and 25% of the second
cycle. Traditional Muslim attitudes concerning the
status of women are only partly responsible for the
preponderance of boys in the schools. 'The level of
regional exposure to Western ideals appears to he more
important, particularly by the time students are in
secondary school education for women is more
advanced in the more developed regions of Guinea.
Girls are best represented in Conakry and are least in
evidence in remote Guinee Forestiere.
Because of the scarcity of schools in the rural areas.
enrollment rates there are considerably lower than in
the cities; many students are offered no more than 1 or
2 years of primary education. In general, the Muslim
areas of Movenne- Guinee and ltaute- Guinee have
Koranic schools and are poorly represented in the
public schools, while Forest Guinee Forestiere �where
animism and christianity have some influence �has a
high public school enrollment rate.
c. Educational quality (C)
The quality of education in Guinea is low by anv
standards. 'The educational structure developed by the
French prior to their abrupt withdrawal in 1.9.56 was
almost totally inadequate for the country's needs, and
28
the rapid expansion which followed independence
involved a narked sacrifice of quality for quantity. In
less than a decade the number of primary schools and
teachers increased from sixfold No eightfold, for
example, and expansion at the secondary and higher
levels was even more rapid. The government's total
dedication to replacing foreign teachers with Guinean
nationals also undermined the quality of education in
the primary and wcondary schools �only it fraction of
Guinean teachers arc graduates of the normal schools,
and may are "auxiliaries' with no formal training.
In 1971 there were 7,551 teachers at all levels of the
educational system, compared with 9013 in 1956.
Despite the growing numbers of teachers ard schools,
however, overcrowding is the rule, and the student
leacher ratio reaches 90 to one in some localities.
Teachers are in especially short supply for the third
and fourth cycles. The shortage of physical facilities is
notable everywhere but is especially pronounced in
the rural areas.
The quality of instruction is not good art Guineas
only university, the Gamal Abdel Nasser Polytechnic
Institute, whose degrees are recognized only in
Guinea. The hulk of the irstitttc's faculty consists of
East European and Soviet teachers who often have
only a limited capacity to lecture in French. Conakry's
university students in late 1971 criticized the quality
of their education by complaining that they were
required to spend too much time in practical work and
ideological training and were allowed only 2 hours per
daty in the classroom. In the past, it number of
Guineans gained a superior education by studying at
European and U.S. universities, but with the
expansion of the institutes faculties the number of
such opportunities has been sharply reduced. Most
Guineans who study abroad go to Communist
countries; in late 1971 there were 160 in the U.S.S.R.
and 255 in the rest of Eastern Europe. Approximately
700 students were studying outside Guinea in 1972.
Although of low quuti the instruction provided
by the Guinean educational sy*�Ml is geared to the
needs of the country to a greater,4ugree� t1han in many
other African states. The government is pursuing
policies that steadily reduce formal academic training
in favor of practical, particularly agricultural,
education. Such policies are not always popular with
students, but they do provide graduates who are
trained in skills that correspond to the country's
manpower needs. In spite of this practical orientation,
the number of graduates in almost every field is
insufficient to meet the nation's need for skilled
workers and professional persons.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

e
support its highereducation activities; hot[, therefore,
have come from abroad, particularly from the Soviet
Union and other [:astern European countries.
h. Political involvement
3. Government and education (C)
a. Administration and finance
In 1961 the government nationalized the mission
schools and assumed direct, centralized control over
the entire educational system. Koranic schools (Figure
20) still exist in some areas of the country, but their
students �at least in theory�also attend public
schools. Comprehensive reforms enacted in 1966
aimed at the decentralization of the primary and
secondary systems, but in the following year authority
was again centralized in it 12 -man Higher Council of
Education, chaired by President Toure. The council is
responsible for educational reforms and policy; day
to-day administration is in the hands of the Minister
of Higher Education and Pedagogy. "The Minister of
Information and Ideology has been _instrumental in
developing the ideological content of Guinean
education at all levels. The National School of
Administration, an exception from the general
pattern, is administered by the Minister of Justice.
During the decade of the 1960's the government
devoted substantial resources to education. In some
years 25% of all current expenses went to education;
8% of allocations under the Three Year :Ian and 5% of
allocations under the Seven Year Plan were earmarked
for capital expenditures in education. Inequities in the
allocation of funds have created corresponding
inequities in the quality of education. In general,
disproportionately large sums are spent in the urban
areas and for secondary education, with the result that
urban pupils obtain better instruction than their rural
counterparts, and the quality of secondary education
is superior to that at the primary level. Guinea has
neither the manpower nor the financial resources to
A primary goal of Guinea's educational systvin is to
produce indoctrinated workers loyal to the party.
Accordingly. political and ideological training play at
least as important it part in the curriculum at all levels
as does instruction in badly needed modern technical
skills. Time spent in school is divided into three areas:
ideological concepts, commimily participation, and
"scientific matters." The latter include the traditional
academic sobjects; the former two involve the mastery
of the ideology of the PDG as expressed in Toure 's
writings and civic activities such as cleaning roadways.
The government administers examinations, prepares
curriculums, evaluates teachers, and screens the
ideological orientation of domestic graduates and
returnees from abroad, all with the aim of insuring
that PDC doctrines and Toure's thoughts are
understood. No documents or opinions contrary to the
part\ ideology are allowed in the classroom.
In addition to its direct involvement in conven-
tional educational activities, the government has
taken steps to construct quasi- political institutions
within and parallel to the school system. The hest
known of these arc the CER's, which were originally
created as un alternative second cycle. More recently,
government spokesmen have referred to the CER's as
tieing synonymous with the whole educational system.
President Toure has proposed exi;anding the CER's to
include hundreds of thousands of students of all ages,
making them into militia units to defend the nation
and placing them administratively under the party's
local revolutionary authorities.
At the local level every school has a "council of
administration," headed by the school administrator
but otherwise made up entirely of students. This unit
has both administrative and mundane physical
maintenance functions, but its real importance lies in
its power to assess the manner in which educational
policies are implemented and to gauge the
effectiveness of instructors and administrative
personnel. These councils were formed as a direct
result of a 1968 decision by the government to install
elected "political commissars" in every classroom. The
government reinforces the process of political
education by providing some categories of students
with 3 to 6 months of indoctrination at the PDG
school for ideological training. Such training is
required of graduates before they may accept a job,
public or private.
29
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 20. Rural Islamic school, where the Koran is the
only subject of study (C)

Students traditionafly have provided a key eteme,nt
of support for President 'Toure, but government and
party policies are not accepted uncritically or
universally. In December 1971, students at Conakrv's
polytechnic institute elected a grievance committee
and formulated written demands which were
presented to the government. The t,t,udents protested
against the requirement that they return to their home
areas to work upon completion of their studies, about
the low levels of scholarsh!, Lhe government
provides them, and about the time they are obliged to
spend in ideological and practical training. The
government, in turn, has taken firmer steps to prevent
student absenteeism, to prevent students from leaving
the countrv, to fore,- secondary school graduates to
join agriculture cooperatives, and to require
ideological training at the university level. None of
these policies .has been well received by the students,
and dissatisfaction may continue to grew.
I. Artistic and cultural expression (U /OU)
1. Modes of artistic expression
Traditional dancing, accompanied by instrumental
music and song, is the most developed and widely
understood form of indigenous artistic expression in
Guinea. Dancing permeates almost every aspect of
life; it may be occasioned by a religious rite, a major
event in the life cycle, a seasonal agricultural activity,
or the need for rain, or it may be simply for pleasure
and the relief of daily tedium. There is seldom a clear
distinction between performer and audience; everyone
participates, although certain important or skillful
individuals may lead, while the rest, like a chorus, give
periodic support. Expressive rather than stylized,
Guinean dancing depends on the rhythmic and
sometimes acrobatic activity of the body to convey
and interpret character and mood. Among the most
spectacular performers are the Ngere stilt dancers
(Figure 21) and the Malinke women, who are noted
for their high leaps. Dancers often wear elaborate
ceremonial costumes, impressive headdresses, and
masks to simulate spirits of the departed, gods,
animals, or birds. Sophisticated versions of the
traditional dances are performed by two professional
groups, the Ballets Africains and the Ballet Djoliha.
Both have performed in numerous countries
throughout the world, including the United States.
Guinea's traditional music, like dance, is closely
associated with religious practices, tribal customs, and
the performance of daily tasks. Percussion oriented
traditional musical ensembles perform for entertain-
30
ment's sake in most regions of the country. Stringed
instruments, somewhat similar to harps, lutes, and
guitars, often of Muslim or Malinke origin, are
common (Figure 22). The Malinke around Kankan
are known for their horn orchestras, and the tribes in
Guinee Foresticre are skilled at reproducing the sounds
of animals with various wind instruments. Despite the
continuing popularity of traditional music in
contemporary society, there is a growin preference for
popular Western music, much of which is a curious
amalgam of American jazz. Latin American rhythms,
and traditional African melodies.
Because Islam prohibits the representation of
human and animal forms, little sculpture has been
produced by the Muslim tribes, which together
constitute roughly three fourths of the population. In
traditional animist society, however, sculpture
primr. in the form of wood carving �is a major art
form intimately associated with religious beliefs and
practices. A sculptured object usually is intended as an
abode for the spirit of a god or ancestor and as the
medium through which the living can communicate
with the spirit world to solicit favors or advice. The
principal forms of sculpture are masks and statuettes
(Figure 23) carved from wood or soft stone in the
shape of humans, animals, birds, or anthropomorphic
combinations. Female fertility figures also are very
common. Indigenous sculpturing skills continue to
survive among the small animist tribes of Guince
Forestiere and other isolated areas, but even among
those groups the sculpture now being produced is
losing much of its religious significance and is
generally intended for the tourist trade.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 21. Ngere stilt dancers (C)

FIGURE 22. Traditional instruments (U /OU)
--re
Malinke playing a kora
'T
Fulani playing a bolon
31
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
1
t1
J �Y f i
5
fanga being played by an Ngere
--re
Malinke playing a kora
'T
Fulani playing a bolon
31
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

Traditional arts and crafts persist among the tribes
converted to Liam, but they are less vigorously
practiced than among the animist tribes. Mural
paintings or relict carvings usually decorate the
buildings of the Kissi, Susu, and Fulani, and
embroidery is a highly regarded art among several
Islamic tribes. Leatherworking is a specialty of the
Fulani, a pastoral tribe, and the Malinke are
craftsmen in weaving, woodworking, and smith work
in gold and silver. Painting is a common art form in
the highlands of Movenne- Guinee.
Guinean literature is limited in duality and
quantity. Of the traditional languages, only Tone
had its own written form, which gave rise to a meager
body of writings. Other early literary accomplishments
included translations of the Koran and the
composition of a limited number of original religious
poems in Arabic script. A few modern novels, poems,
and pl, have been written by Guineans, most
espousing nationalistic themes but expressed in French
literary styles and forms. The highest duality and most
authentic "literature" produced by Guincans
probably is found in the country's oral heritage of
legends, myths, fables, and proverbs. Traditional
storytellers, particularly the griots of the Malinke
tribe, are the principal repositories of this
accummulated wisdom, and they still perform in
narrative: and song in many rural areas.
2. Personalities and institutions
The most original artistic and cultural forms found
in Guinea traditional dance and oral literature �arc
products of the whole society rather than creations of
individuals. Nonetheless, such figures as Fodeha
Keita, a poet and past director of the Ballets Africains,
and Amadu Sissoko, director of the Ballet Ojoliha,
have achieved a degree of personal fame. Cuinca's
novelists have included Camara Laye, author of The
Black Child; Emile Cisse, Assiatou in September; and
Djibril Tamsir Niane, Soundjata, or the Malinke
Epoch. These works deal in varying ways with the
social problems of traditional African culture, the
colonial experience, and the trauma of modernization.
The best known Guinean author, of course, is
President Toure himself, who has written many
volumes of political works. The few Guinean poets
and playwrights have not achieved international
reputations, and the quality of the country's drama, in
particular, is generally poor.
The most widely known cultural institution in
Guinea, the Bullets Africains, was organized in 1938
and has long enjoyed an international reputation for
its ability to adapt traditional dance and musical
32
FIGURE 23. The great Nimba mask
of the Baga (U /OU)
forms to the requirements of the contemporary stage.
In order to further and preserve the.country's cultural
heritage, there are also several state� supported
orchestras, a small museum. and a library at Conakry.
3. Government control and support of the arts
President Toure and the PDG have long promoted a
"socialist cultural revolution" designed to destroy all
vestiges of French "cultural imperialism" and
reinforce authentically African art forms. In practice,
the desired synthesis of "I'nure's revolutionary thought
with traditional culture promotes only those aspects of
the latter that serve to promote the former; traditional
practices that might diminish the party's control of the
population are discouraged or repressed. Some
observers report that the stress on "Africanization" has
in reality been translated into demands for political
conformity which have tended to stifle creativity and
have led to a subsequent decline in the quality of
Guinean art. Because the party views artistic
expression as a medium for providing ideological
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

instruction to the masses, it encourages amateurism
and mass participation. In 1968 the regime instituted
a pan African cultural festival to be held annually in
Conakry, which features presentations with political
themes designed to evoke pride in the accomplish-
ments of the 'roure government. Throughout the year,
the programs of the youth wing of the party, the
JRDA, include music and dance and, in general,
promote artistic and literary effort.
Specific actions taken by the government to
encourage artistic expression include fin ancial support
for several cultural groups, including a folk orchestra,
a repertory theater, and the two national ballet
troupes. The members of the latter are drawn from
regional orchestra and dance troupes which also are
subsidized by the central government. The govern-
ment maintains a small museum of indigenous art in
Conakry, and it has initiated archeological
excavations at Niane, the capital of a medieval
empire. In an effort to preserve Guinean traditions the
government has collected and recorded many ancient
tribal songs, has launched a nationwide program to
collect and record oral literature, and has tried, with
little success, to foster and improve the production of
traditional crafts. For political reasons the government
has opposed certain other aspects of traditional
cultural expression; it has forbidden fetish worship and
secret societies, for example, and it has discouraged the
production of art for religious purposes.
J. Public information (U /OU)
1. Principal media
a. Radio and films
Radio broadcasting by the government -owned
Voice of the Revolution (VOR) is the single most
effective means of mass communication in Guinea.
Operated for the Ministry of Inforr. iation and
Ideology by the National Broadcasting Agency, the
VOR broadcasts through 100 18 and 4 -kw.
shortwave transmitters and one 100 -kw. mediumwave
transmitter. Much of this transmitting equipment was
furnished by Czechoslovakia, which also provided the
aid necessary for the construction of the Kipe
broadcast center, Guinea's main radio and telecom-
munications facility which was inaugurated in 1970.
In early 1971, VOR was broadcasting 20 hours per day
in combinations of French, Arabic, and assorted
Guinean languages; it also broadcast in Portuguese
Creole to aid the insurgent movement in Portuguese
Guinea. It has been estimated that there are as many
as 100,000 radio receivers in the country, reaching an
audience made up of roughly 20% of the population.
In areas where radios are scarce, th(� National
Broadcasting Agency dispatches sound trucks (Figure
24) for special events.
Shortwave transmissions from the United Kingdom,
France, Switzerland, the U.S.S.R., and China are
received clearly in Guinea, and the French- language
programs of the Voice of America are said to have it
substantial audience, particularly among members of
the elite. Broadcasts from neighboring states,
especially Liberia, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, are also
heard.
The government has attempted to develop an
effective domestic film industry and has accepted
training and technical assistance from the U.S.S.R.,
China, East Cerinany, Poland, Yugoslavia, and
France. Domestic file, production consists largely of
newsree documentaries, and educational films; all
full length features are obtained abroad, usiwlly from
Communist countries. In the mid- 1960's there were at
least 20 indoor theaters and a fey mobile motion
picture units in Guinea which could serve
approximately 10,000 persons. An additional modern
cinema was opened in Conakry in January 1969, and
in 1972 the government was talking of speeding up the
building of a theater complex to provide the country
with it "militant cinema." Motion pictures arc
popular in (;uinea, but their effectiveness in niass
communication is impaired by the general scarcity of
technicians and facilities, particularly outside
Conakry. There is no public telwision in Guinea.
b. Printed matter
Guinea's only published newspaper is the party
organ, Horoya (Dignity). In 1972 Horotu appeared in
33
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5
FIGURE 24. Sound truck in use during a civil observance
in Conakry (U /OU)

two, predominantly French, editions; the dail
edition, which actually appeared irregularly, was from
four to eight pages in length, while the weekly edition
was from 50 to SO pages. Horoya*s director claimed a
circulation of 20,000 copies and a readership of 750
in 1969, but only a fraction of those copies reprewnted
paid subscriptions, as the majority of copies were
distributed free to party officials and to schools.
Because Horoya is mostly in French, 0 ww4im only
the educated elite in Conakry and the u*)r hrwns
and cannot be considered an affective mt-ans of
communication for reaching n". t Guineat" hA41ig Itt
the interior, Horoya c'cgl(f(thlics oil rq)swhijjg the,
words and activities a1 jlillh: j rr' 1`IIP1`Ijjy' tfMor
of President Toure. local av i%itie%, vHt,os, and human
interest items also appear, but there is almost no
coverage of international issues. The party newspaper
sacrifices objectivity to reflect the government's views
on all issues. Additionally, Horoya has a rather poor
reputation because of its dated features, dogmatic
editorial and reportorial tone, and inferior technical
quality. As the nation's only newspaper and the
official voice of the PDG, however, Horoya is
accorded considerable respect.
Every 2 weeks the government publishes a journal
that lists all laws, decrees, and official announce-
ments. Government publications are printed by the
huge capacity Patrice Lumumba printing plant,
which was built and financed by East Germany in
1961 but which has never been fully utilized. The
primary impediments to the wider circulation of
printed material in Guinea are the high illiteracy rate
and the physical difficulties of distributing copies to
the rural areas.
2. Political control of public information
Constitutional guarantees concerning freedom of
speech and the press exist in Guinea, but in practice
the Ministry of Information and Ideology strictly
supervises the media, permitting virtually no criticism
of the regime while promoting the dissemination
of favorable reports. Pervasive control is easily
implemented because the government owns and
.operates all domestic radio, cinema, and press
facilities. Foreign. cultural missions are allowed to
distribute materials, and foreign news services are
allowed to operate in Guinea only with authorization
from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. All foreign and
domestic films, destined either for public enter-
tainment or for educational showing, require the
approval of a committee of censors, comprised of
officials of the National AdministR;tlon for Cinema
and Photography and representative of the PDG and
34
of labor and youth organizations. The importation of
lxoks is also rigidly controlled; the government
nationalized all bookstores in 1962.
The governments official Guinean Press Agency
(AGP) furnishes news reports to the domestic media.
Little original press coverage is generated by the AGP,
and it receives most of its material free of cost under
the provisions of cultural agreements from the official
news services of several Communist countries. During
the mid -IWN )*s, wire services of the U.S.S.R., China,
East Germany, and North Vietnam served Guinea,
although in 1972 only TASS, the official Soviet
service, arid NCNA. the Chinese service, had regular
resident correspondents. Agreements with Western
news services were terminated in 1964, primarily
because of a lack of hard currency to pay for them but
also because the leftist ideological inclinations of the
Guinean Government made it reluctant to use the
material provided by Western sources. A stringer for
Agence France- Presse (AFP) has continued to place
occasi nal reports in the Guinean media, and some
Western viewpoints are represented when press
officials supplement their regular news sources with
information monitored from broadcasts of the Voice of
America and the British Broadcasting Corporation.
All of the Guinean media disseminate the same
nationalistic, pro -PDG themes. The party makes
regular use of the public communications media to
announce its policies and provide its officials with
access to local news and opinion. Both the VOR and
!loroya give prominent exposure to editorial
commentaries, official addresses, and reports
c oncerning the activities of high ranking park and
gove rnment figure International reporting tends to
focus on political and cultural topics, with heavy
emphasis given to African unite imperialism, and
colonialism. Domestic reporting stresses ideological
and nationalistic themes, such as freedom, youth,
work, and the revolutionary cause. Thc PDG
organization is used to si.pplement (loroya and the
VOR in their propaganda efforts; party functionaries
are encouraged to recount articles from Horoya at
informal gatherings and read or translate excerpts
from it at formal meetings. An important function of
the local youth groups and political cadre is to install
public radio receivers and speakers in the more remote
villages so that rural residents can receive political
education.
3. Impact of the media
The communications media of Guinea are being
expanded by the government, but even the state radio
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5

CON FIDI:N'1�IAL
reaches only a fraction of the national population. The
bulk of the population exists outside formal
communications channels and is obliged to rely on
word of mouth for information concerning domestic
and foreign developments. As a result, the population
is not well informed. Because the oral transmission of
news is typically through the ubiquitous party
organization, moreover, the general poptdation has a
highly parochial, simplistic, and party oriented view
of the world.
It. Selected bibliography (tJ /OtJ)
There are almost no sociological works on Guinea
published in English. The statistical publications of
the United Nations and the standard reference works
that are in English are usually based on information
provided by the Guinean Government, and such
information is often of questionable reliability. The
most useful works on Guinean anthropology, art,
demography, linguistics, religion, and general social
conditions are published in French. The Toure
government discourages scholarly research in Guinea,
with the result that the few available publications �in
any language �are of limited value because they are
outdated or because they are based on secondary
sources and incomplete information. The studies cited
below are somewhat impressionistic, but they
represent the best available analyses of contemporary
Guinean society.
Horoya. Conakry. Guinea's only newspaper.
Stresses government accomplishments but oc-
casionally points out failures. Useful for statements of
govprfiment goals and policies.
Leuzinger, Elsy. The Art of Africa. New York:
Crown Publishers. 1960. Provides valuable informa-
tion on Guinean sculpture.
Riviere, Claude. "Dixinn -Port: Enquete sur tin
quartier de Conakry" (Dixinn Port: Research on a
Quarter of Conakry), Bulletin de 1'Institut Francais
CO NFIDENTIAL
d'Afrique Noire, vol. 2913, pp. 423 -32, 1967. 'I'hc only
recent study of urban social change.
"IT(Itication et le vide entre les genera-
tions" (Education and the Generation Gap). Revue
Francaise d'Etudes Politiques Africaines, pp. 35-
.56, April 1970. An excellent analysis of trends in
education during the postindependence period. Also
deals with changing attitudes among Guinean youl h.
Les investissements educatifs en Republi-
que de Guinee" (Investments for Education in the
Republic of Guinea), Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, vol.
5, no. 20, pp. 619 33, 1963. Critical analysis of the
educational system, examining regional differences in
educational achievement.
"La mobilization politique de la jetmesse
guineenne analysee" (Political Mobilization of
Guinean Youth Analyzed), Revue Francaises d'Etudes
Politiques vol. 42, pp. 67 -69, J une 1969. Excellent
description and evaluation of government efforts to
mobilize and influence youth.
i1
"La promotion de la femme g ime rr�
(The Advancement of the Guinean WornanI k
d'Etudes Africaines, vol. 8, no. 31, pp. 40641 146h,
Discusses the progress of women in *o1joll,
employment, and other areas.
La superstition religicuse retarde I'a, w
de la socialisme" (Religious Superstition SIc,
Advance of Socialism), Afrique Documents, nos. 102-
10.3, pp. 131 -67, 1969. A description of traditional
African religion and an evaluation of government
policy toward religious beliefs and practices.
Suret- Canale, Jean. La Republique de Guinee.
Paris: Editions Sociales. 1970. A particularly valuable
source because of its currency. Primarily concerned
with economic matters but also discusses social issues.
The author, a member of the French Communist
Partv, tends to be biased.
Voss, Joachim. Guinea. Bonn: Kurt Schroeder.
1968. A comprehensive work on modern Guinean
society, in German. One of the few sources containing
statistics on population, health, and education.
35
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5