LETTER TO MR. ALLEN W. DULLES FROM THOMAS E. MURRAY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R000700140039-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 1, 2003
• Sequence Number: 39
• Publication Date: April 29, 1957
• Content Type: LETTER

Approved For Release 2003/05/23: CIA-RDP801301676R0007001
UNITED STATES
ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION
WASHINGTON
April 29, 1957
Mr. Allen N. Dulles
CIA
2430 E Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C.
Dear Allen:
LIFE Magazine for May 6, 1957 will contain
an article written by me concerning our
nuclear weapons programs.
Believing that you would find my views of
interest, I have requested that a copy be
sent to you.
Very sincerely,
Thomas E. Murray
, tutu 3 Iv
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"ApproVed For Release 2003/05/2301FIEDP801301676R000700140039-0
TIME & LIFE BUILDING
ROCKEFELLER CENTER
NEW YORK .N.V.
Because of your special interest in the subject matter and
the author, proofs are enclosed of an important article
appearing in the May 6th issue of LIFE by. A.E.C. Commis-
sioner Thomas E. Murray. Entitled, "Reliance on H-Bomb
and Its Dangers", the article by Mr. Murray makes a
forthright contribution to what he calls the control
issue of our time: the military uses of nuclear energy.
Editorial Services Department
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THE GREAT ALTERNATIVES that confront U.S. and American people, as
author sees them, arc either to rely entirely on huge force of II-bomb (right) as nuclear weapons (left) which can hit specific targets and limit area of devastation.
deterrent to major war, or to prepare for minor wars as well by making small
RELIANCE ON H-BOMB
AND ITS DANGERS
AEC official argues for smaller nuclear arms to avoid 'slow defeat'
by THOMAS E. MURRAY
THE recent British White Paper on Defense dramatically thrust
into the forum of public argument the central issue of our times
--the military uses of nucte4r energy. It also defined the major focus
of argument in this sentenee: "The free world is today mainly de-
pendent for its protection upon the nuclear capacity of the U.S."
Will the U.S. be strong enough to assume the staggering burden
thus quietly imposed upon it? Are we moving, with sufficient sure-
ness and speed, toward the development of a nuclear capacity that
will be adequate in all respects for the protection of the free world?
These are the grave questions that have now been opened to public
discussion. I shall argue that the'structure of our defense policies
needs revision if we are to discharge successfully the full range of
military responsibilities that we now bear.
The protection of the free world absolutely demands that two dan-
gers be avoided. One danger is the so-called "war of survival," waged
with the immense new thermonuclear weapons. It is altogether pos-
sible, as I shall explain, that no nation would survive such a war. In
order to avoid this danger the U.S. has hitherto laid heavy emphasis
on the production of megaton bombs. The hope has been that this
air-nuclear-retaliatory capacity will deter an enemy attack massive
enough to launch us into a "war of survival."
However, this heavy emphasis on megaton bombs has itself created
the second danger, namely, the possibility of piecemeal defeat at the
hands of international Communism. We know that the enemy has
made hydrogen bombs. We must suppose he has a megaton stockpile.
The umbrella of a nuclear stalemate has been raised over the earth.
For all we know, the enemy may have assisted in raising the umbrella
precisely in order to provide a cover for a program of cautious aggres-
sion. In any case, we can be sure that in the perilous safety of its
shade he will continue to act according to his nature, as a criminal
CONTINUED 181
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DP80601676R000700140039-0
THE AUTHOR
Atomic Energy Commissioner Thomas E. \Int-1.1"v, slum it alive with a nuclear
reactor model, is a distinguished financier and electrical engineer who holds
some 200 patents on his inventions. lieh,re his appointinent in 1950 he served
as an executive in banking, transit, publie ntilitie,, and Irian ti factoring firms.
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
outlaw. It is not likely that his outlawry will be so outrageous as to
pull down the umbrella upon himself and upon us in a common
ruin. But there will be "minor" outrages, as there have been. Since
megaton bombs are designed only for desperate uses, the danger
is that in moments of "minor" outrage our only recourse will be
to moral indignation.
That is to say, we shall be defeated, on each successive occasion
when a "minor" aggression occurs, as in Hungary. Moral indigna-
tion is no substitute for the ability to protect by force the decencies
of human life. Whatever the value of the big umbrella, we urgently
need to. have that decent. nicely calculated measure of nuclear
force, valid as a threat and valid in use, which -will deter or halt
the "minor" aggressions of an enemy who in the ultimate instance
will yield to no other suasion than force.
Sudden destruction or slow defeat---- bothof these 'alternatives
must be ruled out with all the, certainty that human prudence
can achieve. The ruin of the physical fabric of civilization is too
awesome a prospect to con tempi a le. Even more intolerable is the
prospect of enforced submission to the injustice of creeping Com-
munist domination. The problem is to find the path of policy that
will lead us between these dreadful alternatives.
The presently prevailing policy of emphasis on megaton weapons
may have saved us from sudden destruction --so far. But if we are
to avoid the risk of slow defeat, we .now need a new policy of em-
phasis on small nuclear weapons. The urgent demand of the mo-
ment is ifor a program of rational nuclear armament, I have been
using this phrase to describe a structure of policies that will result.
in a stockpile that exhibits a properly adjusted balance between
large and small nuclear weapons-- all manufactured with an eye
to their military usefulnesses, as these are calculated in the light
of Communist military intentions.
A path to 'peace with justice'
DMITTEDLY, perils lurk on both sides of the path of mili-
tary and moral reason to which T am pointing. Nonetheless,
though the path is lined with perils., at least it is not headed
straight for them. it can lead us to that measure of military se-
curity that may legitimately be hoped for in a world where total
security has become a vain dream. Moreover, it can also lead us
toward the moral goal described by President Eisenhower in Ids
Second Inaugural--"the building of a peace with justice in a world
where moral law prevails."
Four factors have hitherto diverted us from the path of rational
nuclear armament.
The first factor was technological. In the whole course of World
War II the Allied air forces let loose upon the enemy 1.5 million
tons (one and a half megatons) of explosives. After the experiment
at Eniwetok in November 1952, we had the secret of a weapon
whose explosive force surpassed by many times the total World
DP80601676R000700140039-0
CONTINUED
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Modern Freeways
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Concrete is already being placed on many
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Defense Highways authorized by Congress last
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183
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Approved For Release 2003/05/23: CIA-
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DAMAGE COMPARISON between hydrogen bomb and a tactical atomic
weapon is shown in diagram using Washington. D.C. as example. Effort to
knock out Pentagon building (center) with big ft-bomb would destroy capital
and much of surrounding region?and radioactive fallout (stippled area out-
side circle) would carry danger still farther. But small A-bomb dropped on
same spot would limit destruction to general target area (dark inner circle).
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
War II megatonnage. Weapons technology had hit upon an "open
em]." The realization was quickly reached that there are no neces-
sary practical limits to the megaton-size of H-bombs.
As an engineer, I understand the seduction exerted by a tech-
nological "open end." It is the instinct of technology to exploit
the maximum possibilities of every discovery. Weapons technol-
ogy could not have been expected to control its own instinct; the
control should have been imposed on it by military policy, which
judges the usefulness of weapons.
But here the second factor entered. Weapons technology seemed
now to have fulfilled the military planner's perennial dream of die
irresistible weapon. In particular, the H-bomb seemed to be the
ideal weapon with which to justify the doctrine of strategic air at-
tack and thus to furnish warrant for the dominance of the air arm.
So it happened that military policy, under the spell of its own
dream, fell captive to the technology that seemed to have realized it.
The captivity was reinforced by the third factor?the impact of
world events. For instance, Korea made real the threat of Com-
munist world-domination; and it raised the specter of a general
war. In response, America had to be made "strong." However, it
was not a question of acquiring limited strength for limited wars.
Korea created a popular revulsion against the very idea of limited
war. A kind of abstract strength was wanted?the kind of "abso-
lute" strength that would match the "supreme" threat of world
domination. This abstract strength could now be given very con-
crete definition in terms of the 11-bomb. Further emphasis was
thus laid on the production of these "absolute" weapons.
The fourth factor furnished -the final emphasis the powerful
factor of costs. The general 'public is likely to assume that a "big"
bomb must cost more than a "small" bomb. Moreover, given die
plentiful supply of uranium ore out of which bombs are made, the
popular assumption might be that we have by this time manu-
factured a complete collection of nuclear weapons, adapted to all
possible uses?big weapons, and small ones, and middle-sized ones,
all stocked and shining on the shelves.
The matter is riot so simple. The cost of weapons involves not
only money and materials but also a factor called "efficiency" in
the use of materials. There is no lack of uranium ore; but there
is only a limited number of the plants :in which the ore is processed
into fissionable materials. Our existent industrial complex for this
purpose represents roughly a capital investment of $6.7 billion.
In consequence we have only a limited amount of weapons-making
material. Here the factor of "efficiency" enters.
P80601676R000700140039-0
CONTINUED
Approved For Release 200
CONVENTIONAL BOMBS FAILED to knock out enemy bridge in Ko-
rea, left only craters of misses. Small nuclear bomb would assure destruction.
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
A given quantity of material can be utilized in such a way as to
produce a very large explosion. The same quantity of material can
also be used in another way, to produce a smaller explosion. If
the "efficiency" of a weapon is to be measured in terms of the
ratio between the Cluantity of fi?sionable material used and the
explosive results obtained, it is obvious that the small weapon
is less "efficient" than the big one. Consequently, the small
weapon is also proportionately more costly, in terms both of
material and of dollar.
These four factors, therefore?the technological open end,
the dream of the irresistible strategic weapon, the desire for
abstract strength, and the factor of costs?have hitherto com-
bined together to weight the scales of policy heavily in favor of
the big cheap bomb:
What has been the military value of this emphasis? What mili-
tary uses are served by these huge weapons, and by the possession
of quantities of them? Are there limits to their usefulness? Are
there consequently limits to the military value of a constantly
enlarging stockpile of them? These are the next questions.
The multimegaton H-bomb was born in a vacuum of military
strategy. No one had antecedently determined its uses. After the
event the vacuum was filled with confusion. The confusion is not
surprising. The multimegaton bomb fits badly, if at all, the stand-
ards of military usefulness hitherto accepted. It is by nature a
weapon of mass destruction. If you except certain special targets,
such as a fleet at sea, it will perform least efficiently against clas-
sical military objectives --troops in the field or in reserve, aircraft
aloft, supplies, communications-. It will destroy airfields, at the
price of slaughtering the civilian population in the area, It will be
altogether "efficient" in annihilating beyond repair the industrial
and human potential of great cities. But this terrible "efficiency"
is linked to no reasonable military usefulness. Most theorists to-
day agree that the destruction of industrial potential would make
little, if any, sense in a multimegaton war, which would be a war
of sudden catastrophe, not of slow attrition.
If 'deterrence' should fail
THE multimegaton weapon therefore had to create its own strat-
egy. It is the old strategy of deterrence and retaliation; but
now this strategy has all the newness of the new kind of weapon
that gives it military substance. The military value of the strategy
lies in the intrinsic link between deterrence and retaliation. "These
weapons will either deter you or smash you" so runs the reason-
ing. If there is any doubt about the intention of pursuing the second
alternative if the first fails, the reasoning trails off thus:
"These weapons will deter you?I hope; if not, you win." But
this is the classic formula for a bluff.
America certainly does not wish to rest its national security on
a bluff. Therefore the complementary concepts of deterrence and
retaliation are a strategy for war: They cannot simply be accounted
a strategy for preventing war. The multimegaton weapon S in our
CONTINUED
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200-MILE MISSILE, the Army's Redstone, here in the inaugural parade,
is a tactical nuclear weapon now in production for field use by the Army.
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
arsenal are designed for use. Has anyone defined the conditions of
necessity under which they will come into use? I do not know.
however, to pursue the argument about their usefulness, I shall
assume that the conditions are one day fulfilled. Nuclear deter-
rence has failed. The Strategic Air Command is unleashed. It rep-
resenn retaliation by multimegaton weapons, used in quantities,
directed at the destruction of the enemy. We are precipitated into
the "war of survival."
That is to say, we are hurled into the midst of absurdity. In the
whole doctrine and history of war in the civilized world it is a first
principle that "survival" should never be made the issue in war.
Whenever the principle has been violated I:in World Wars I and II)
the result has been the climactic disaster of war, namely, the fail-
ure of war to achieve its political and moral ends, which are peace
with justice. In the air-nuclear age this ancient principle has ac-
quired all the evidence of an axiom. To put the question, who will
survive, we or they, ?to the arbitrament of full-scale nuclear war-
fare is to decide that nobody shall survive, neither we nor they.
It might be that the belligerents could survive the almost im-
measurable physical destruction and colossal loss of life imme-
diately resultant from the blast and fire effects of great thermo-
nuclear weapons used in quantities. It might even be that some
of than could survive the effects of what is called external radia-
tion (the immediate radiation from one multimegaton bomb alone
will expose the population in approximately 7,000 square miles
of territory to dangerous levels of external radiation). But under
the conditions of unimaginable horror created by our hypothesis
the word "survival" has already lost almost all its meaning. And
what little meaning remains vanishes when one comes to what is
called internal radiation from substances in the fallout.
One of these substances is strontium-90, a radioactive product
of nuclear fission ?that causes bone cancer if it is absorbed in
sufficient quantity by the human skeleton. At the moment, by
official American acknowledgment, strontium-90 equivalent to 30
megatons of nuclear fission energy has been shot into the strato-
sphere as a result of test explosions. From the total quantity
sent aloft so far, some three to 10 units of strontium-90 will
be deposited in human bones?particularly children's bones?
over large areas of the earth.
Absurdity of 'war of E;urvivar
HESE amounts probably are not hazardous to health. But
they afford a standard of measurement. The 10 units are
1/10th of the maximum concentration considered acceptable for
the general population, with its large numbers of children, by the
National Committee on Radiation Protection and Measurement and
also by the International Commission on Radiological Protection.
How many megatons would be exploded in a full-scale nuclear
"war of survival"? Let us say that ground bursts releasing 3,500
megatons of fission energy would sufficiently fill out the concept
of "destruction" that would be the shared aim of both belliger-
ents. The consequence for the inhabitants of the belligerent coun-
tries would be a strontium level in human bones of the order of
50 times the maximum considered acceptable. Moreover, some of
this lethal substance would settle slowly and relatively evenly
CONTINUED ON PAGE 193
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*.
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NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
over the remainder of the earth. It would find its way from the
soil into human bones, producing strontium concentrations that
would be between two and six times the maximum considered
acceptable for the general population. A whole generation, em-
bracing tens of millions of people, in Russia, in the United States,
in all the countries of the world, would be affected.
The figures I have used might have to be altered somewhat with
the progress of scientific work. Some variation in the figures does
not greatly matter. What matters is that some figures have to be
put into the concept, "war of survival," in order to test its realism.
And when a set of not unreasonable figures is used, the concept
blows apart into patent absurdity.
The inherent absurdity of a multimegaton war sets limits to
the military usefulness of immense thermonuclear weapons. In
consequence, limits are also set to the validity of the strategy
based on these weapons. Deterrence-retaliation may, if you wish,
be called a strategy of survival?but only as long as the deterrence
works, as long as it sustains the nuclear stalemate.
We must therefore have an arsenal of multimegaton weapons
sufficiently large to give the strategy built upon them its own
limited kind of validity. But this arsenal need only be a limited one.
There is a limit, set by the absurdity of a "war of survival," beyond
which these "absolute" weapons become absolu tely useless.
The military value of the giant H-bomb is also limited from
another point of view. It is not a fit means of retaliation against
limited military aggressions supported by conventional or small
nuclear arms. Instead of repressing a limited and localized aggres-
sion its use would tend to provoke the expansion of hostilities in
the direction of that fearsome absurdity, the "war of survival."
But these limits, set to its retaliatory value, likewise affect its
deterrent value. The strategy of deterrence-retaliation, as given
military lubstance only by multimegaton bombs, is no adequate
guarantee of the security of the free world against some military
version of Communist "salami tactics."
We come now to a more manageable military problem. There
are issues, short or the impossible issue of survival, which may
have to be settled by arms. Broadly, they are issues of justice,
the classical issues of war. They are always limited issues. And
limited war is the legal institution available as a last resort for
their settlement. In its political and moral meaning war is moan's
ultimately resolute declaration of his fixed and firm purpose
--
that he will have peace indeed but only with justice. What then
of our preparedness to wage war, in civilized fashion, for lim-
ited aims, by limited means?
A gauge of Soviet intentions
SOME people seem to grow nervous when the question is raised
in this form, under reference to justice, reason and the values
of the civilized tradition. The trouble is, they say, that the free
world faces an immoral enemy. Recently, for instance, Mr. Donald
A. Quarles, now Deputy Secretary of Defense, gave warning that
" . . . it would be unwise in planning for the security of our
country to rely on the morality or even the rationality of potential
enemies. We must still have security even if others resort to im-
moral and irrational acts. These have always been truisms but the
stark facts of this air atomic age give them vastly greater force."
This distorts the whole military and moral question. Obviously
it would be absurd to place any reliance on Soviet morality. But
the problem is not whether we should rely on Soviet moral cyn-
icism but whether we can diagnose Soviet military intentions.
From the fact that the Soviet Union is immoral does it follow
that a massive air-nuclear attack upon the U.S. is likely? And how
likely is it? And what would "security" mean, if the irrational
event were to occur? In terms of the stark facts of the air-atomic
age?especially the facts about radioactive fallout?would "se-
curity" be achieved by proportionately massive megaton retalia-
tion against the Soviet Union? These are the things we would
like to know.
More pertinently, an appeal to the truism that the enemy is
immoral will not justify an idolatrous worship of air-nuclear-
retaliatory power based on greater numbers of megaton bombs. Sim-
ilarly, a "war in outer space," waged by nuclear missiles, may be
a technological possibility. Is it therefore a military likelihood?
And is it more likely than a war on the Turkish border? We cannot
aim to be secure against every possible contingency, but only
against the more likely contingencies. The problem is to make a
realistic calculation of what the immoral enemy is likely to do, and
then to have on hand the measure and kind of force that will be
militarily necessary or useful in stopping him from doing it. This
Approved For RelenTe003/05/
4
"Let's call and tell them
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When you get back home from a visit with
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They'll be glad to know, too, that you got home
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And in between visits, the easy, pleasant way to
keep in touch is by telephone. Why not try it tonight?
LONG DISTANCE RATES ARE LOW
For example:
Station-to-Station Calls
First Three Each Added
Minutes Minute
Philadelphia to Washington, D.C. 450
150
San Francisco to Reno
550
150
Detroit to Cincinnati
650
200
Minneapolis to Chicago
800
200
Dallas to New Orleans
950
250
These rates apply every night after 6 and all day Sunday.
Add the 10% federal excise tax.
CBELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
--1.- / Call by Number. It's Twice as Fast.
3 : CIA-RDP80601676R000700140039-0
193
Approved For Release 2003/05/23 : CIA-R
!94
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:VI:OM:C. CANNON, shown in Nevada test, is with U.S. troops in Germany
and Okinawa. It may soon be outmoded by newer, more mobile weapons.
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
is our military duty; it is likewise our moral duty. Bei w ecu the
two duties there is no divorce.
To assist in performing both duties we have the stark facts of
the air-atomic age. We also have the fact that Soviet military
policy has a Communist premise, and that Soviet leaders are ca-
pable of primitive logic. The premise was stated by VI r . Kh rushch ev
when, speaking with all the seriousness of the Marxist-Leninist
faith in the dialectic of history (a faith not born of alcohol nor
blurred by it), he said, "We will bury you." I presume that hr
has no wish to spoil his own pleasure on the occasion by finding
himself in the same grave. It is a fair conelusion that he does
not intend to dig the grave with several thousand megatons or
fission energy..
Do not Soviet scientists know as much as we do about radio-
active hazards? Are not Soviet strategists using the criterion of
contamination levels in order to test the validity of their strategies
of nuclear attack, and also to test the realism of American threats
of retaliation? If there are any doubts about affirmative answers to
these questions, it would be greatly- in our national interest to
clear them up as soon as possible.
There is therefore a tenet of Communist ideology on which we
n,
can rely. The Communist revolution clearly wishes to put an end
to the history of imperialist-reactionary-bourgeois capitalism. But
L does not wish to put an end to all history?and therefore to the
Communist revolution itself. If the Communist believes that the
J'uture belongs to him, can he wish to cancel it out? Unless indeed
he be not only immoral but altogether mad. And in that case, how
do you deter a madman, intent on chaos, by threatening him with
the chaos that he wants?
The Communist norm of morality the success of the revolu-
tion?is not civilized. But it affords us a realistic, and safe enough,
Premise of military -policy. From it I would conclude that Com-
munist invasions of the order of right and justice will be limited.
The exchange of an unlimited megatonnage of fission energy occu-
pies no visible place in the Communist strategy of world domina-
tion. A classless society of bone-cancer patients would hardly sat-
isfy the dreams of Marxist messianism.
Small nuclear weapons needed
iDUR central problem therefore is to deter limited aggressions
and to retaliate by effective but limited force, if deterrence
fails. The question is, what have we got in the way of small nuclear
weapons to fulfill this limited military mission of deterrence and
retaliation? .
There is little public information on this subject. Perhaps, con-
sequently, there is a considerable amount of public misapprehen-
sion. The extent to which our rigid security regulations have had
the happy result of slowing down Soviet nuclear developments
(which in any case they cannot stop) is a matter of conjecture.
On the other hand it could be argued that they have had the un-
happy result of rendering our nuclear armament program unman-
ageable by informed and responsible public opinion. Moreover,
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CONTINUED
Approved For Release 20
"HONEST JOHN" rocket can carry nuclear warhead 15 miles. Shown here
during last month's iv ar games in Louisiana, it is in full use by -U.S. troops.
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
their enforcement at times goes to extremes even within high gov-
ernment circles. For instance, some months ago, I wished to con-
vey certain factual information about the present and future com-
position of our nuclear stockpile to certain members of the Na-
tional Security Council. But it was ruled that they had no "need
to know" the facts, I wished to present.
However, some general information is on record in the press.
On Feb. 5, 1957, Senators Symington, Kefauver and Flanders
met as a task force of the Senate Armed Services Committee
in public session. Frank H. Higgins, an Assistant Secretary of
the Army, and Lieut. General Carter B. Magruder, Deputy Chief
of Staff for Logistics, appeared before them.
As reported by Joseph L. Myler in the Washington Daily News,
Mr. 1liggins said that the job of equipping the Army with small
atomic weapons is "progressing very nicely." But he added that
it is "largely a development program still." General Magruder is
quoted as agreeing that it will be "three to five years" before the
Army has enough tactical atomic weapons to reduce the use of
conventional ammunition in war by as much as 25%.
The nuclear weapons spectrum in its full sweep is the support
of the "four basic military missions" of the American Armed
Forces, defined by President Eisenhower in his budget message
of January 1957. Only one of these missions, the first, neces-
sarily calls for a stockpile of multimegaton weapons. This mission
is "to maintain ready nuclear-air-retaliatory forces so strong that
they will deter a potential aggressor from initiating an attack."
The other three missions, for their highest efficiency, rest heavily
on a vast arsenal of nuclear weapons in the smaller range. The
"tens of thousands" of small weapons which I recommended as
necessary or desirable (on April 12, 1956, in testimony before the
Subcommittee on Control and Reduction of Armaments of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee) would not exceed the re-
quirements of these three missions?the defense of the conti-
nental United States, the waging of ground war by the Army and
the control of the seas.
The Armed Forces cannot fulfill these three military missions
with a "development program." The immediate need therefore
is to move the small-weapons program out of the development
phase into the phase of large-scale production.
High cost of small weapons
THIS will be somewhat costly. The major requirement would
be more fissionable materials. This in turn would require an
expansion of our ?present industrial facilities. The size of the new
investment in plants would depend upon the extent to which the
output of our existent plants is directed away from large weapons
into the needed small-weapons program. In any case, the money
spent would be well spent, if its amount were measured against
the demands of military security, and also against the amount
now being spent on other defense programs.
If the small-weapons program is to be moved into the large-scale
production phase, the first thing needed is some important change
CONTINUED
Approved For Release 200
3/05/23 : CIA-RDP80601676R000700140039-0
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ved For Release 2003/05/23 : CIA-RDP80601676R000700140039
NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED
in the sequence and order of our interrelated policies. At pres-
ent the order is inverted. Military policy has allowed itself to
be too greatly determined by technology. And the factor of costs,
in alliance with technological factors, has unduly determined the
emphasi3 in the weapons program. But this is to turn the struc-
ture of policy upside down.
I do not -underestimate the value of technology or the impor-
tance of costs. But I do not think that these things should came
first in the order of value and importance.
_.....tary policy should
come first. At present it requires an extensive production program
of small weapons. Budgetary policy should be subordinated to
effective execution of this military policy. And technology should
be the servant and not the master in the military house. The struc-
ture of Tolley should be turned right side up.
The whole foregoing argument about weapons policies has been
cast in pragmatic terms. I have been concerned to uncover pol-
icies that will work best for America's security and that of the
free world. The problem is a practical one; but it does not there-
fore cease to be a moral problem. Morality is anchored in reality.
Often before this I have argued for the governance of our weapons
program by a moral norm ("what is right, in terms of the civiliied
tradition of just warfare"). But -the premise of this moral argu-
ment has. always been a prior practical argument that the pro-
gram should be governed by military values ("what is necessary
or useful, in terms of the likely contingencLes of actual warfare,"
within the supposition of responsible military theory?that "mili-
tary usefulness" is not to be defined in terms of sheer slaughter,
destruction and terror).
The military duty of the U.S. is success, in the face of inter-
national Communism. But the moral duty of the U.S. is always
justice, in the sight of God. There need be no conflict between
these two duties. One cannot, of course, say that whatever is just
will be successful. But one can say that whatever is not just will
somehow fail to succeed. In the matter of n iclear war the validity
of the latter assertion is easily tested. The civilized tradition
has always declared that an unlimited and indiscriminate use of
force in warfare is unjust. The facts of the nuclear age now
declare that such a use of force would be unsuccessful. The
"success" it would achieve, the sheer destruction it would wreak,
_would_bc?at_best useless to the belligerent and at worst disas-
trous to humanity.
It is within the factual circumstances of the nuclear age, where-
in justice is the duty as well as success, that I make my proposals
for a program of "rational nuclear armament." Will this program
fulfill God's purpose for the world, to which America has pledged
itself?in reverent participation- the build:Mg of peace with jus-
tice in .a world where moral law prevails? That, I lielieve, is not
the question. To the extent that it is Christian this nation knows
that it is not required to fulfill God's purposes on this earth. It is
only required to be faithful to them.
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oved For Release 2003/05/23 : CIA-RDP80601676R00070014003
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