BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060006-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 75
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 31, 1998
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: April 10, 1967
• Content Type: PERRPT

25X1 X6
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Significant Dates /
[ASTERISK DENOTES ANNIVERSARIES. All others are CURRENT EVENTS]
JUN
I International Childress' Day, celebrated by Women's International Democratic
Federation (WIDF; Communist front).
5* Secretary of State George C. Marshall proposes European Recovery Plan ("Mar-
shall Plan") in speech at Harvard. 1947. TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY.
II-12* Marshal Tukhachevsky and seven other top Red Army generals arrested; later
tried secretly and executed. 1937. THIRTIETH ANNIVERSARY.
'16* First Congress of Soviets (Councils of Workers; and Soldiers' Deputies)
meets; only 137 out of 1090 members are Bolsheviks. 1917. FIFTIETH ANNI-
VERSARY.
16-17* East German workers and youths demonstrate and riot, quelled by Soviet
troops. (Commemorated annually in West Germany as German Day of Unity.) 1953
17* Hungarian government announces trial and execution of Imre Nagy, Premier
during Hungarian revolt who had been seized in violation of promise of
safe-conduct. 1958.
22* Germany invades the Soviet Union. 1941.
25* North Korean army crosses 38th parallel, invading South Korea, 1950.
28-29* Demonstration by Poznan workers against wage abuses turns into riot; Polish
government crushes riot, killing 44, wounding hundreds, though later moves
to correct abuses. 1956.
28 Opening of International Union of Architects (UIA) Congress, Prague, fol-
lowed by International Meeting of Women Architects, Bratislava. (UIA is
basically professional, not a front, but meeting in Havana in 1963 exploited
by Communists.)
I* Dominion of Canada established, uniting provinces under federal government.
1867. CENTENARY.
6-9
World Conference on Vietnam, Stockholm. (Communist fronts involved include
World Peace Council and International Organization of Journalists; non-
Communist World Conference of World Peace Through Law also participating.)
9-14
World Conference of World Peace Through Law. Conference in Geneva.
21*
Armistice ends Vietnamese war between French and Viet Minh forces.
1954.
23
Soviet Navy Day.
23*
Geneva Agreements guaranteeing independence and neutrality of Laos signed
by 14 nations. 1962. FIFTH ANNIVERSARY.
28 (to August 5) First conference of Latin American Solidarity Organization
(LASO: Communist front growing out of Tri-Continental Conference, Havana,
January 1966)'.
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ed in Lines
East European Communist Regimes Publish More Foreign Language
Newspapers. The Hungarians have recently begun publishing a combination
English and German language daily newspaper, DAILY NEWS--NEUESTE
NACHRICHTEN. The new paper is the brainchild of Sandor Bares, Director
General of MTI, the Hungarian state news agency. It publishes articles
of major international interest in both English and German, and articles
of lesser interest in the language of those readers most likely to be
interested. The press run of the first issue was 3,000 copies, and
according to the Hungarian press, this was increased to 16,500 copies
by the end of the first week; 13,000 copies were sold in Budapest and
the rest in the provinces. The Czechs have been publishing a German
language newspaper (VOLKSZEITUNG) for a considerable time, but only
recently got the agreement of the German Democratic Republic to allow
copies to be circulated in that country. (See ML, BPG #211, 13 March
1967.)
Communist Czech Press Bureau Turns a Capitalistic Profit. The
.Czech party organ, RUDE PRAVO, noted with satisfaction that for the first
time since the Communists seized power in 1948, the operations of the
national press bureau were profitable in 1966. The Czechoslovak Press
Bureau (CPB), which employs 30 foreign correspondents and transmits 70
hours per day in foreign languages (counting the overlapping transmissions
in various languages), took in nearly $1,000,000 more than it paid out in
1966.
More Communist Papers Likely to Fold. NORRSKENS FLAMMAN (Northern
Lights), the only Communist daily in Sweden and one of the oldest left-
of-center newspapers in Scandinavia, is experiencing serious financial
difficulties; (it lost an estimated $20,000 in 1966 despite heavy Party
subsidies), and may have to convert to a weekly publication or cease
publishing altogether. Its current circulation is only 8,000.
According to a UPI dispatch (31 March), FRIHETEN (Freedom), Norway's
only Communist daily, has folded. Its circulation was known to have
declined from 131,000 immediately following World War II to about 7,400
and the newspaper's influence had declined following the 1956 suppression
of the Hungarian Revolution. The NKP Central Committee estimated it
would cost about $43,000 to keep the paper going through 1967.
Previous items in this space have told of similar difficulties of
other Communist newspapers such as LE DRAPEAU ROUt E (Red Flag), Brussels
(ML, BPG 202, 24 October 1966), and UNITA (Unity), Rome and Milan daily
(ML, BPG 200, 26 September 1966).
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(MEDIA LINES.)
 25X1C10b
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rip f ly Noted
1967
10 April
Another Ex- Communist Spying Shows
ample of Moscow's Continuing
World-Wide Aim in Pentrating Free
Espionage World Defenses
Effort
On 22 March 1967 the
world press began carrying a number
of reports exposing a Communist-directed
espionage ring targeted against NATO,
and involving Italy, Spain, Cyprus,
Switzerland, and other countries. 25X1C
Actually, five Soviet case officers
have been asked to leave their posts.
A selection of replayable articles
is being published in PRESS COMMLNI
aware of continuing Communist
espionage and subversion. We
have every interest in making
them more aware. In areas where
NATO developments are not of
immediate interest, editorial
treatment of the case should
recall recent local cases in
which Communist diplomats have
been PNG'd but have since been
replaced by others in unneces-
25X1C10b
UD
sarily large embassies and consu-
lates
In coun-
tries where appropriate, local
governments should be urged to
be more vigilant against Commu-
nist espionage and subversion in
their areas.
25X1
Recent events have shown again
that the world is not sufficiently
C10b
Popular Front Communist Influ-
Tactics Re- in Finland Des-
visited cribed by Presi-
dent Kekkonen
The =.1 March 1967
issue of NEW TIMES, the weekly
journal of world affairs pub-
lished in 7 languages by Moscow's
TRUD, the Soviet labor organ,
carries a short feature (attached)
which can be interpreted as a
boast by the Communists about
their sway over the Finnish Govern-
ment.
Also attached are excerpts of
the translation of Kekkonen's 4 Feb-
tuary speech at the-'North OstPoboth-
nian Student Corporation festival --
distributed by the Finnish Ministry of
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Foreign Affairs. Note the underlined
portion for Kekkonen's own words
about the Communists being involved
in the founding of universities
"and when the funds are made avail-
able they go abroad representing
their country.'" By leaving out the
words "when the funds are made
available," Moscow's NEW TIMES
suggest that Communists regular
act as spokesmen for Finland.
Kekkonen's speech illustrates
how the Communists, once involved
in a popular front government, be-
come involved in many sectors in
the nation's life under the guise
of new-found respectability. NEW
TIMES' treatment also shows how
they seek to exaggerate their res-
pectability and use the position
claimed in one country to gain
status in other countries.
What has been the reaction of
the Finns themselves to the influence
of the Communists since their front
group, the Finnish People's Democrat-
ic League (SKDL), joined the present
May (
1966, "West European Communists
X1C
Stress Popular Front Tactics: The
Case of Finland," and #1089 of 16
January 1967, "Finland: Soviets
Still Critical of Social Democrats'?)-
One reaction is shown by the attached
cartoon from the independent liberal
HELSINGIN SANOMAT, Finland's largest
and most influential paper. The
internationally-known cartoonist
"Kari" captions his drawing with a
verbatim quote from Kekkonen's
speech: "Whoever has faith in his
own ideals does not fear cooperation
with the Communists." From left to
right he depicts the Communist Party
thug, the squeezed and starving
Social Democrat, the country bumpkin
Agrarian, the bemedaled Kekkonen,
the fat Conservative (wearing a
military helmet and clerical garb,
representing the main support for
this party), the white-collared
Liberal, and the "Fancy Dan"
Swedish People's Party member.
The action with the hammer and
sickle speaks for itself.
(For another view of
current Finnish politics, see
"Finland's Government: The Return
of the Communists" by Katarina
Brodin of the Swedish Institute of
International Affairs in the January
1967 SURVEY, London. Although the
dangers inherent in the "popular
front" are not sufficiently empha-
sized in the article, there is some
exploitable material on Soviet-
Finnish relations.)
Soviet History: Persons and Un-
Brezhnev and Persons
Kosygin Style
In a recently
O bPublished book, READER ON FOUNDATIONS
OF POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE (KHRESTOMATIYA
PO OSNOVAM P0LITICHESKIKH ZNANIY) the
Soviets are treated again to another
version of their history. This book
was produced primarily for use in the
Party study system and 300,000 copies
are being circulated.
The most noteworthy aspect of the
book is the selection of authors. In
a book of 400 pages,-,,only five are re-
presented: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Brezh--
nev and Kosygin. The major author is
Lenin, Marx' and Engels' single con-
tribution being the Communist Mani-
festo. No personal statements by
Khrushchev are included,,and party
documents--mainly the CPSU program
adopted at the XXII Congress--are the
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only items representing the entire
Khrushchev period. Stalin and his
era are completely omitted.
Brezhnev's "works" are quoted
in four of the five sections. These
include his report on the 20th
aniversary of the victory over Nazi
Germany; portions of his report to
the Party Congress appear in three
other sections of the book. Kosygin's
contribution is his report on the
Five Year Plan to the XXIII Congress.
leaders' unwillingness to give an
accurate accounting of the Stalin
and Khrushchev periods, which
represent 40 out of the 50 years
of the Bolshevik era. 25X1 C10b
The significance of the inclu-
sion of Brezhnev's and Kosygin's
"works" will not be overlooked by
the party cadre or by students of
Soviet history. In this respect,
assets might recall some of the
more recent official attempts to
rewrite history:
1) Stalin's SHORT COURSE was
replaced by Khrushchev's 1959 ver-
sion of the HISTORY OF THE CPSU.
2) The 50th Anniversary HISTORY
(6 volumes): Two volumes have ap-
peared and it is doubtful that the
six volumes will be concluded this
year. (One might speculate that
party officials and historians are
encountering difficulties in deter-
mining what is the right version.)
3) World War II history. An
official six-volume history of World
War II, published during Khrushchev's
reign, credited Khrushchev with a
vital role in the defense of Stalin-
grad (now Volgograd). Another "more
objective" version of the Battle
of Stalingrad was published in 1965
in which Khrushchev is mentioned
only twice.
The rewriting of Soviet history
continues and reflects the current
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Propagandist's
Guide
-to
WORLD
COMMUNIST A
F
F _
RS
25X1C10b
28 February-27 March 1967
ICM AND "SOCIALIST CAMP" AFFAIRS
1., The leaders of most of the Warsaw Pact countries have been engaged in
bilateral meetings apparently aimed at tightening cohesion in the wake of
Rumania's establishment of full diplomatic relations with West Germany. The
anti-Bonn elements seem to have succeeded in staving off further recognition,
at least for the present. It had been speculated that Hungary and Bulgaria
were the most likely to follow the Rumanian lead. Hungary's Kadar was invited
to Moscow in late February on an "unofficial, friendly visit": the communique
(Mar. 1) did not mention West Germany, but Hungary has not moved toward
recognition. Bulgaria's Zhivkov made a similar "unofficial, friendly visit"
to Moscow March 13-15: somewhat surprisingly, Bulgaria and the USSR decide
to sign a new friendship treaty, although the existing 20-year treaty had
another year to go. East Germany's Ulbricht goes to Warsaw March 14-15,
Prague 16-17, and Moscow 21-23. He signs one new 20-year friendship treaty
with the Poles which is openly anti-Bonn and includes firm commitments on
present borders, and another with the Czechs which is less so and-does not.
Meanwhile Czech President Novotny in Warsaw signed (Mar 1) a new Czech-Polish
friendship treaty which is essentially an updating of the old 20-year pact,
but with less emphasis on Germany. Gomulka in turn visits Budapest March 8-9,
where a simple affirmation of "identity of views" is made. And finally, the
rambunctious Rumanians visit Moscow March 17-18 and leave after an "exchange
of opinions," with no affirmation of any agreement.
2. There has been little public evidence of progress toward holding the sched-
uled April 24-27 meeting of European CPs in Karlovy Vary, Czechoslovakia (see
but it appears that a considerable number
of parties will not attend. We have a report of a Netherlands CP reply to the
invitation it received from the French CP, declining to attend and strongly
criticizing Soviet methods and motives in organizing it.
3. Chinese isolation was interrupted only in a way which seemed to emphasize
it, as SecyGen Wilcox of the tiny New Zealand CP (the "other one" of the two
national CPs loyally supporting the CCP) makes another of his frequent visits
(March 8-16). On the other hand, relations with the Japanese Communists
degenerate to the point of charges of "bloody, fascist atrocities" involving
Chinese students in Tokyo (March 2 and continuing). And the continuing con-
flict with the Soviets brings reciprocal expulsion of two embassy officials
(March 18-21), while Soviet personnel in Peking are harassed once more
(March 27). The Soviets, meanwhile, have sharply stepped up their radio
efforts to subvert the Chinese people (See esp. March 1).
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4. An interesting March 20 Radio Prague announcement; indicates that more
than 22,000 apprentices from N. Vietnam will soon be spending 3-5 years in
training programs in the various countries of the "socialist camp."
INTERNATIONAL FRONT ORGANIZATIONS
5. The Soviet-promoted "Third Afro-Asian Writers Conference" is under way
in Beirut as the period ends, boycotted and denounced as bogus by the Chinese
and their "A-A Writers Bureau" (who plan to hold their own version in Peking;
later this year) (March 25 and continuing).
6. The Chinese reaffirm their intent to hold their own "Fifth AAPSO Confer-
ence" in Peking this year, and publicize. the withdrawal from the Cairo-based
Secretariat of "Indonesia, which is an elected member of the Permanent Secre-
tariat." (March 17 & 20. This undoubtedly refers to the exile Indonesians
residing in Peking.)
7. TASS announces that the Soviet A-A Solidarity Committee will convene an
"international conference devoted to the October Revolution" and the national
liberation movement in Baku this September.
COMMUNIST CHINA
8. As indicated in our unclassified outline summary, developments in China
during this period continue to ap;Dear confused and indecisive in most aspects.
There seems to have been an overall trend toward consolidation and moderation,
with the Army increasingly serving as the sinews of the regime, -- but there
is still much evidence of pressure, to "carry the CR through to the end."
9. Chou En-lai still appears as the man in charge, - - discreetly acting in
the name of Mao and Lin Piao, Mac) is again reported in a personal meeting
with a visting "dignitary," CPNZ GenSecy Wilcox, but Lin has still not been
reported in public since November,
10. Chinese media continue to han?ner away at: the Soviet revisionists,
especially on the theme of collusion with U.S. imperialism; the "Indonesian
right wing military group"; and the "Indian reactionaries." es." A new charge
against the latter, "using Tibetan bandit traitors to carry out frenzied anti-
China activities" (March 22), follows Delhi's March 10 broadcast of a state-
ment by the Dalai Lama pegged to the 8th anniversary of the Tibetan uprising
against the Chinese and describing the "latest wave of barbaric persecution
of. Tibetan Buddhists, monasteries," etc.
11. To the underdeveloped world, NCNA transmits a PEOPLE'S DAILY March 15
commentary lauding the actions of the guerrillas in 'Thailand, Colombia,
Zimbabwe, "and many other countreis," as examples of Mao's thought on people's
war.
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12. Peking sternly warns the British against "connivance in the U.S. aggres-
sor's use of Hong Kong as a base of operations." 25X1C10b
13. report indicates that the Chinese are postponing the annual
Sino-Soviet trade talks, and it is expected that the final agreement will
remain at a low level.
14. Perhaps most noteworthy are two Soviet ventures in the field of "unoffi-
cial" political/propaganda activity ostensibly carried on by Soviet "public
figures" and "public organizations": (a) Radio "Peace and Progress," which
has been broadcasting to non-Communist audiences for more than a year, but
which has now been given a major new mission of subverting the Chinese people
(see policy statement, March 1); and (b) a newly-formed "Soviet Committee
in Support of Vietnam" consisting of "48 prominent public leaders" (March 16).
15. Soviet media devote major attention to developments in China, largely
in the form of critical commentary rather than reporting. They hit repeatedly
at: Chinese persecution of minorities, especially Moslems (March 9 and con-
tinuing); Chinese obstruction of aid to Vietnam (March 1, 2, 14); and Chinese
trade with S. Africa (Feb 27, March 7, 16).
16. Soviet week-long entertainment of Austrian Chancellor Klaus (March 14-21)
produces no visible results. Clandestine reporting indicates that the Soviets
are trying to persuade and bribe the Austrians to act as host for a Government-
level all-European conference on European security, but that the latter are
holding out against it.
17. Soviet diplomatic personnel have been expelled from Italy, Cyprus, and
Greece thus far, all apparently involved in a widespread espionage ring
uncovered with the arrest by the Italian police of three Italian agents for
the ring. (March 22 and continuing. See also Briefly Noted, this issue.)
18. Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alleluyeva, who came to India with the ashes
of her Indian husband, requests asylum at the U.S. Embassy, is flown to Rome
and then to Switzerland, where she is granted temporary refuge. (March 8)
19. Internally, the 50th anniversary of the "February Revolution" is noted
only as paving the way for October. (March 12) A PRAVDA theoretical article
on the educational role of the Soviet state extolls "persuasion as the chief
method of educational work" and defends the need for the "combination of per-
suasion and coercion." (February 27)
20. Albania: ZERI I POPULLIT carries two major articles on the "social and
moral degradation of the Soviet Union" (March 8 & 11). (See also numerous
items on EE in the above sections.)
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21. North Korea: The N. Koreans underscore their new independence from the
Chinese by signing a new, considerably enlarged trade agreement in. Moscow
(March 3). The defection of a leading official of KCNA, the official news
agency, at Panmunjon has been branded a kidnaping, as N. Korean media antici-
pate that he will be "forced" to slander the North (March 22).
22. Indonesia: Security forces claim that they "nipped in the bud" a Commu-
nist uprising in West Java, capturing 16 Communists and documentary evidence
(March 23). (See also Asian items in the above sections.)
23.
France:
The French CP scores notable gains
in the national
elections
and
improves
its standing with the non-Communist
left, while the
Gaullists
lose
heavily.
(March 5 & 12. See also Briefly
Noted, 27 March
1967 issue.)
24+. Italy: The left-wing Italian Socialist splinter party, PSIUP, loses a
significant pro-Chinese splinter (February 21).
25. Austria: The Austrian pro-Chinese dissidents announce the formation of
a "Marxist-Leninist Party of Austria." (Feb 28)
26. Cuba: Castro again publicly supports guerrilla warfare in Latin America,
condemns the Soviet-favored established CPs -- with particular attention to
the Venezuelan, and criticizes the (Boviet bloc) "socialist" countries for
:rushing in to establish relations with the help of the "oligarchies" ruling the
LA countries. (March 13. See item #111 , this issue.)
27 Venezuela: Prior to Castro's speech, Venezuelan terrorism had sharply
increased, with the kidnaping and murder of the Foreign. Minister's brother
causing the Government to suspend constitutional guarantees on March 4. The
Cubans drew Venezuelan accusations of complicity by publishing a statement
of the Venezuelan FALN (Liberation Forces) in Havana taking credit for the
murder as an act of "revolutionary justice," but Castro denied any knowledge
of the affair. The Venezuelan CP denounces Castro's meddling. (March 16)
28. Colombia arrests more than 150 Communists after an upsurge of large-
scale terrorism. (March 11)
.i. Again, our Chronology is full of exploitable materials used by Communists
against Communists:
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-- We particularly like the juxtaposition of the March 1 Hungarian charge that
the Chinese are using the mass psychology and propaganda techniques of Hitler
and Goebbels with the March 2 Chinese charge that the Soviets are disciples
of Goebbels. We point out that they are both right in the sense that Goebbels
was a ruthlessly skillful practicioner, but we add that the Communists began
to use these propaganda techniques long before Hitler and Goebbels came to
power.
-- Similarly, the March 7 PEOPLE'S DAILY article castigating the Soviets for
fearing to "let the broad masses of the Soviet people exercise democracy"
and calling the Soviet regime a savage, despotic, fascist dictatorship: true,
and who should know better than the Chinese, who still revere the most des-
potic of all Soviet leaders, Stalin?
-- The Albanian March 8 & 11 criticisms of Soviet degeneration are devastating
and bolstered with examples from Soviet life.
-- The Soviets on Feb. 25 accuse Peking of lying and fabricating; -- and the
Chinese on March 21 say that the Soviet Foreign Ministry "turns black into
white and fabricates rumors and slanders." The latter followed an exchange
in which the Soviets and Chinese again contradicted each other's versions
of the "atrocities" in January and February. The same recriminations go on
between the Chinese and Japanese Communists. Etc., etc.
2. Shades of Stalin! The Feb. 27 PRAVDA theoretical article on Soviet edu-
cation, extolling "persuasion as the chief method of educational work" and
going on to defend the combination of persuasion and state coercion should be
replayed to those inclined to believe that the Soviet Communist leopard has
been changing his spots.
3. It will not be difficult for propagandists to expose the mendacity of the
Soviet effort to develop "unofficial" political/propaganda instruments such
as Radio "Peace and Progress" (which even uses the same facilities as Radio
Moscow) and this "Committee in Support of Vietnam," -- in a country where
everything is tightly controlled not only by the government but by the Party
above and behind the Government.
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WORLD COMMUNIST AFFAIRS
CHRONOLOGY
The Turmoil in China
Again we treat the confused reporting on China in outline summary.
A. The teetering revolution. The radical Maoist revolutionaries are con-
tinuing their struggles for seizure of power at all levels with varying
results, while the Army increasingly looms as the real force in the patch-
work "3-way alliance" (revolutionaries, loyal cadres, and Army) structure
which, under the visible leadership of Chou En-lai, apparently holds the
country together.
(1) From central regime media, we note particularly:
(a) PEOPLE'S DAILY, March 1, Red Guard article, "Down with Anarchism
complains that "certain ill-intentioned persons peddle anarchism under the
flags of 'mass line' and 'extensive democracy,' and cites Lenin (LEFT-
WING COMMUNISM, AN INFANTILE DISORDER) on the need for "absolute central-
ization and the strictest discipline of the proletariat.
(b) An editorial note in PD on March 2 reiterates that the correct
treatment of cadres is a "'key question."
(c) RED FLAG No. 5(Radio Peking March 9) editorial, "On the
Revolutionary 3-Way Alliance," bows to the PLA (People's Liberation Army)
as "the true pillar of support of the proletariat" and declares that any
unit which seizes power should include the PLA in a 3-way alliance, no
matter whether it be in "factories, rural areas, finance and trade agencies,
cultural and educational departments, colleges, middle and primary schools,"
etc. However, it also states that the "revolutionary cadres... should, and
may, be able to play the role as the core or backbone" of the provisional
organs "if they are united as one with the masses." It concludes by quot-
ing Mao on the need to "carry through to the end the great proletarian
cultural revolution.`
(d) WORKERS'DAILY, central organ of the All-China Trade Union Federa-
tion, reappears March 9, after having been suspended 5 weeks following its
take-over by the '`revolutionary rebels`. Its lead editorial says that the
former editorial staff was rightly accused of being unfamiliar with the
works of Mao Tse-tung. (Reporting this from Peking, AFP's Bernard Ullman
adds that "another suppressed newspaper, PEKING DAILY, organ of the Peking
Municipal administration formerly under purged 11jayor Peng Chen, reappeared
during mid-February but is still not distributed as an official organ.")
(2) Who's Who at the Ton? Chou En-lai continues to appear as the regime's
leading spokesman, and a wave of posters supporting him on the 17th in-
cludes the claim that he is "Chairman Mao's close comrade in arms." Chou,
however, continues to speak in the name of Mao and Lin Piao. Addressing a
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workers meeting on the 22nd, he uses the formulation "The PLA was found-
ed by Chairman Mao and is led by deputy supreme commander Lin Paio, but
Lin has not appeared in public since November. Some high-ranking victims
of Red Guard attacks, including Acting First Secretary of the Peking
Municipal Party Committee Wu Te, are reported rehabilitated and back on
their jobs after conducting self-criticism. A notice posted in Peking
on the 26th declares that 20 revolutionary organizations in the capital
have formed a committee to crush the Liu-Teng group, who are "constantly
seeking an opportunity to control the Army and seize political power,.
thereby plotting to revive capitalism in China." A. poster seen on Uarch 18
indicated a current CC meeting, but there has been no further information
on the subject.
(3) The Army carries the burden of revolution --- without shootingl
Chinese media emphasize the active roles played by Army units: aiding
production teams, aiding in spring farming, sending out propaganda teams,
etc. Mostly Army personnel appears not actively engaged in the work but
rather transmitting directives from the regime and enforcing discipline
in lieu of the normal power structure. Interestingly, the Army's most
visible action the take-over of all power in Canton and its province
of Kwangtung, reported directly from Canton by eyewitness David Oancia of
the Toronto GLOBE AND MAIL and by travelers reaching nearby Hong Kong
was barely mentioned by Chinese media. Oancia writes that the Army's
assumption of power there followed "production breakdowns, struggles
between rival groups, factories deprived of leadership, and attempted
sabotage."
(lt) The back-to-school movement.
(a) NCNA on March 6 announces that the primary schools in Peking
and Shanghai have reopened. "The very first lesson was the study of
Chairman Mao's quotations and writings.... Courses in arithmetic, science
and other subjects were also arranged.' Two days later, Radio Moscow
notes. that 'most" Chinese schools are still closed and that "teachers
are afraid to return to work after the humiliations inflicted on them
by Mao's organized teenage followers."
(b) A "draft" CC directive reported (by MAINICHI's Correspondent
Takada) posted in Peking on the 11th states `the revolutionary teachers
and students who are in factories and farms away from their campuses...
should return before 20 March to the colleges or universities to which
they belong and should engage in the CR there."
(c) Various correspondents report the appearance in Peking on the
23rd of a CC directive of the 18th ordering the Red Guards to remain at
home and refrain from making further trips or long marches to exchange
revolutionary experience.
(d) Peking Radio on the 26th describes a mass meeting; of 10,000
Red Guard representatives of the middle schools in the capital, addressed
by Chou, Chen Po-ta, Chiang Ching, etc., to form "their own new revolu-
tionary organization -- The Red Guard Congress of the Middle Schools."
A similar RG Congress of the Universities and Institutes of the capital
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had been established on February 22, as disclosed by an NCNA Domestic item
on March 2.
B. Epidemic and food crises? Chinese media continue to emphasize the
regime's serious concern lest spring farming suffer from CR disruption,
but there is no solid evidence that a grave food shortage is impending.
However, reports of growing epidemics of meningitis, encephalitis, and
at her serious diseases, circulated by non-Chinese sources, seem confirmed
by an NCNA release of March 22 on the large-scale departure of teams of
doctors and nurses from the cities to work in the countryside to help in-
sure a good harvest, as "both medical work teams and teams for propagating
Mao Tse-tung's thought." It says that 570 have gone from Peking to far-
off places and another 650 to nearer places for the spring farming
season, and that ''fifty teams comprising more than 1000 personnel have
just left Tsinan city"for remote parts of Shantung province.
C. Chinese censors.hip confirmed: Western correspondents in Tokyo con-
firm that Chinese pressure on Japanese correspondents in Peking has result-
ed in a drastic reduction of their reporting. WASHINGTON POST's Richard
Halloran reports the situation on March 8; on the 21st he follows up with
a story of the Chinese expulsion of MAINICHI'sTakata by refusal to renew
his 180-day visa while routinely renewing those of the other Japanese
correspondents. In sharp contrast to earlier patterns, Yugoslav media
almost ignore events in China during this period (judged by reporting
reaching us), whether through fear of reprisals or simply because of a
sharp change of policy, while the Bulgarians increase their reporting.
Soviet media are devoting large blocks of space and time to China, but
largely in the form of highly critical commentary (to domestic, Chinese,
and world-wide audiences) rather than reporting.
Chronology Continued
February 21 (delayed): The left-wing Italian Socialist Party of
Proletarian Unity PSIUP, split from the PSI in 1964) loses a pro--Chinese
splinter. As reported by the Communist-oriented Rome daily PAESA SERA
on the 22nd, 9 prominent members of the Bologna Federation's Executive
Council, headed by the editor and financial backer of the `clearly Chinese-
oriented magazine CLASSE E STATO,resigned after the Council, in the
presence of national PSIUP Secretary Vecchietti, voted to expel 3 members
for distributing "manifestos violently critical of revisionism in the
CGIL" (General Council of Italie,nLabor).
February 25 (delaed) NEDELYA, the Sunday supplement of IZVESTIYA,
accuses Radio Peking of "all kinds of lies -- juggling with facts, tell-
ing cock-and-bull stories, and failure to mention facts." "It is easier
to judge the events in China from what Peking does not say than from
its pronouncements."
February 27: PRAVDA 3-part theoretical article by Prof. D. Chesnokov,
"Problems of Theory -- The Soviet State and Its Educational Role," ex-
tols `persuasion as the chief method of educational work.' He deplores
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those "who, in the spirit of petit bourgeois liberalism and anarchism,
deny the necessity for-the combination of persuasion with coercion,
who consider state coercion as incompatible with true democracy...."
The CPR Embassy in Lusaka, Zambia, denies charges in the ZAMBIA
TIMES of increases in Chinese trade with South Africa through middlemen
in Hong Kong, Japan and France. --TOffi
February 28: In a major editorial rebuttal of the Chinese "struggle
against so-called 'economism", (`'any. attempt to improve the serious
material situation of the Chinese workers and peasants'), KRASNAYA
ZVEZDA (Red Star) devastatingly reviews CCP economic bungling; with the
great leap- policy and its resultant 'philosophy of poverty." KZ con-
cludes: "There will appear forces in the CCP which will restore the
triumph of the M-?L doctrine in the CCP and will lead their people onto
the correct road...." (etc.)
Radio Tirana announces that "the constituent conference of the
M--L's of Austria met on 12 February 1967 and established the PSI-L Party
of Austria ..Comrade Franz Stroebl was unanimously elected First Secy
of the Party's CC."' Tirana goes on to broadcast an exchange of greetings
between the "constituent conference" and the Albanian Party.
Radio Havana broadcasts the text of a statement made at "a press
conference with national and foreign newsmen at the DPRK Embassy in
Cuba" by a representative of the North Korean news agency KCNA denying
and denouncing recent Chinese Red Guard calumnies, sldnders, and false
rumors aganist NK. (See #11, Feb. 26, for NK press conferences on same
subject in other non-Communist capitals
February 28 and continuinj Soviet media carry a series of statements of
support for Soviet policies and/or condemnation of the Chinese by various
parties. Those which also call for a world party conference include:
Argentina (28th); Colombia and. Portugal Usti; Ireland (3rd);. Syria (5th);
Iraq (7th); South Africa (13th); and Denmark (l1-th).
March 1: Moscow's "Radio Peace and Pro ress" (ostensibly an "unofficial"
voice of Soviet "public or,a~ nizations" , which has been on the air in
English, Franch, Spanish, and Portuguese, begins broadcasting in Mandarin
to China, with 4 half-hour programs daily. Radio Moscow slightly reduces
its "`official" Mandarin programs from a total of 77 to 70 hours weekly.
(Note: This corrects a Radio Bratislava item on subject Feb. 25, #11.)
The inaugural program outlines policy, including the following excerpts:
"We representatives of Soviet mass organizations would like to
extend our hand of friendship to you heroic Chinese working class
and the glorious millions in the rank and file of Chinese Communist
fighters...
To our fraternal Chinese younger genreation, listen, here is
our appeal...: Mao Tse-tung and his clique is trying to dislodge
you from the right track...
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We also send our regards to the members of the PLA, which in
the past has always been with the people and has fought for their
freedom and happiness....
In these programs we shall introduce you to Soviet public
o inion regarding the undertakings of your country. You shall
hear of the Soviet people's growing anxiety and concern for the
Chinese people....
This station will alert you to the danger of Mao Tse-tuna's
olic toward the Chinese people and the fruits of the Chinese
revolution. We will introduce to you the truth about the events
taking place in your country, although Mao Tse-tung and his cronies
are trying to conceal them by keeping mum....
Our station will invite world Communists and progressive
activists to convey to you at length their opinions on events in
your country....
We believe that the voice of our station will become the
symbol of support of the Soviet people and all contemporary revolu-
tionary forces for our Chinese friends....''
Radio Moscow reports testimony of Soviet engineer Birembaum who
has just returned from helping to build a Soviet-equipped hydroelectric
station on the Tsay River in North Vietnam. "At times all work come to
a standstill because the shipment of Soviet cargo was delayed by Chinese
authorities. These incidents were not accidental: it was all done
deliberately by the Chinese customs officers on instructions from Peking....
Hungarian Party chief Kadar concludes his 5-day"unofficial, friend-
ly visit" to Moscow, reaffirming "full unity" on all international and
ICM questions.
Budapest daily MAGYAR NEMZET article, "The Mao Cult and Its
Opponents,`' by one of its correspondents who recently visited Peking, says:
..Chairman Mao has for a long time been not only a wise
?
leaderand omniscient politician but a deity petrified into an
idol who must be glorified and adored .... The methods of mass
psychology are used the same way Hitler used them! the same
propaganda methods are used as those of Goebbels...."
Czech Party boss Novotny in Warsaw signs a 20-year renewal of the
Czech-Polish friendship treat1 originally concluded March 10, 1947.
March 2: PEOPLE'S DAILY Commentator article, "New Disciples of Goebbels,
denies Soviet charges of Chinese interference with shipments to North
Vietnam, citing a Feb. 21 issue of the Soviet Embassy, Ethiopia, bulletin
SOVIET DAILY NEWS, the Feb. 22 NOVOSTI release in Washington described
in #11, and a Soviet Army Day speech by Marshal Grechko:
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''Gobbels...used to say that if you repeat a lie often,
people will believe it. We can'see that the leaders of the Soviet
revisionist ruling group are following just this cynical philosophy
of Gobbels. They have already become his disciples...."
Mard4 2 and continuing.) Strife between the Chinese and Japanese
Commun is escalates, vtith l new "bloody, fascist-like atrocity"' in-
volvih'g Chinese students in Pokyo. AKAHATA on the 2nd and 3rd gave the
first JCP accounts, it all bedaii at the Zenrin Gakusei Kaikan (Good
Neighbor Students Hall), which houses the Japan-China Friendship Associa-
tion as well as dormitory quarters for Chinese students, when a gang of
Chinese students stormed the JCFA offices "to protest against the alleged
removal by Association personnel of wall newspapers put up at the entrance"
of the hall which "slandered our Assn as 'pseudo JCFA,' 'anti-China,"""
etc., and to demand that the Assn "immediately remove itself from the
building." Next day, A reveals that "some of the divisionists who bolted
from the JCFA have formed a 'rebel corps' after the fashion of a certain
foreign organization'.
The other side of the story is presented at a press conference on
the 3rd (NCNA Peking on the 8th) by Director Miyazaki of the JCFA
(Orthodox) -- the pro-Chinese faction split from the JCFA last October.
Complaining that the "Miyamoto faction" (JCP) had turned the JCFA offices
`'into a stronghold for anti-China activities" since the split, he supports
as "absolutely justified" the "efforts to throw the ruffians of the JCP
out of the hostel in order to safeguard the life and property of the
Chinese students." NCNA adds: "On the wall of the_press conference room
were displayed bloodstained coats, shirts, and trousers of the Chinese
students beaten up by the hooligans, as well as photographs of the inci-
dent taken on the spot...."
A on the 5th announces that delegates of 33 organizations formally
established a "Japan-China Joint Struggle Liaison Council to protect
the JCFA from violence and unreasonable intervention."
--At a "report the truth" meeting on the 6th, Sun Ping-hua,
Chinese trade chief in Tokyo denounces pro-JCP elements for causing the
clash, and is supported by Diet member Utsonomiya of the LDP (who
apoligized on behalf of the government party) and representatives of the
Socialist Party and Sohyo (Trade Union Council) -- as reported by ASAHI
on the 7th (AKAHATA denounces the latter two on the 20th). `Police said
the riot was caused directly by a member of the pro-JCP JCFA who tore
down Chinese students' wall-potters".
On the 9th, A complains that "since 1 March, a handful of rioters,
including Chinese students, those who bolted from the JCFA, and the blind
followers of a foreign influence, have been illegally occupying the class-
rooms of the Japan-China College ...and have been using the desks, chairs,
platforms, and other facilities... to set up barricades..." It also reports
a March 8 effort by "the Chinese students and blind followers" to batter
their way into the JCFA offices..
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PEOPLE'S DAILY offers a harsh commentary on the 11th:
...We Chinese people are deeply angered and hereby voice
our strong protest.. .It is the, revisionists in the JCP who, and
who alone, created the serious., bloody incidents in Tokyo....
However, the paper AKAHATA, tutning white into black and standing
truth on its head, described such undisguised fascist-like
atrocities as 'defense of the democratic movement' in Japan. This
is a gross insult to the broad masses of Japanese Communists and
the J. people."
--Next day Peking announces cancellation of the NCNA contract with
the JCP-aligned Asia News Servvice which on Nov. 8 had dismissed 8
Chinese-sympathizing employees) in favor of the Chinese News Service
which recently was set up by a group of Chinese here" as reported by
ASAHI on the 13th).
--The JCP strikes back in an unsigned A article on the 15th which
"flatly branded Peking's accusations as formal intervention in the
internal affairs of the JCP and democratic organizations in this country
(as reported by Tokyo JIJI on the 16th). "This is an important part
of a series of direct and groundless charges by ultra.-left opportunists
and great-power-conscious elements in the CCP and can under no circum-
stances be allowed to go unanswered.` JIJI adds: "This is the first
outright criticism. leveled by the JCP at Chinese Communist leaders since
it officially washed its hands of Peking's hard-line policy last autumn."
March 3: A high-level North Korean Govt delegation departs Moscow for
home after signing 1967_agreements on "'economic, scientific, and engineer-
ing cooperation" which provide for "considerably larder Soviet exports"
than formerly.
NCNA Peking reports a March 2 statement by the Afro-Asian
Journalists Association condemning Soviet manipulation of the Feb. 15
Nicosia AAPSO council meeting "which caused an open split and pledges
to "do its utmost for the success of the 5th AAPSO Conference in Pekin,
which is the revolutionary center of the world.`
March 5 and 12: The Communists gain and strengthen their position among
the non-..Communist Left while the Gaullists lose in the French national
elections.
March 6: NCNA Peking transmits a sta.terient by Chia Hseuh-?chien, Deputy
Seey Gen of the All--China Youth Federation, ... protesting vehemently
against "the recent rabid anti-China outburst of Mechini, President of
r,TFDY,"' who, "" at a press conference on 21 Feb, wildly attacked and slander-
ed China's GPCR and China's youth organizations. TASS, official mouth-
piece of the Soviet revisionists, immediately reported this incident.
This was another extremely grave anti-China incident.... Facts prove once
again that the WFDY has completely degenerated into an instrument of the
Soviet line. 9F ?_-~} -_-- ~~_
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March 6, 12, 13, 14, 20, 22: The Chinese keep up their running
attack on the sinister, fascist features of the Indonesian right-
wing military group in a series of NCNA Peking releases on these
dates. Those of the 6th, 12th, and 22nd describe Chinese Embassy
notes.
March 7: Bulgarian Party daily RABQTNICHESKO DELO reiterates
Bulgarian support for a world conference.
PEOPLE'S DAILY article, "A Miserable Anti-China Clown," sign-
ed by The Red Flag Fighting Detachment of the Peking Aeronautical
Institute denounces "a vicious anti-China article in IZVESTIYA" by
Fedor Kalinychev.
...In this masterpiece, k. let loose a diatribe about.
China having `no real democracy' and about the `wild behavior
of the Red Guards...This is sheer distortion!'' (After extoll-
ing the GPCR as "a tremendous democratic movement," the
article goes on:) "We would like to ask you...when you attack
others for having 'no real democracy', do you have the guts
to let the broad masses of the Soviet people exercise democracy?
Do you dare let the Soviet people air their views, contend and
debate to the fullest extent, and speak out what is in their
hearts? Do you dare let the Soviet people put up big-character
posters in the streets... .Do you dare let the Soviet people
set up their own revolutionary mass organizations, hold revolu-
tionary mass rallies, and. rebel....?
We will vouch for it that you dare not; you do not have
the courage. You glibly profess that you back 'democracy'
to the hilt, but in fact you are most afraid of proletarian
democracy....
Yours is the most savage, most despotic, and most reaction-
ary fascist dictatorship....
Radio Moscow broadcasts in English to Africa another commentary
on the increase of Chinese trade with South Africa.
March 8: Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alleluyeva, who had gone to
India in December 196 aring the ashes of her late Indian husband,
applies for asylum at the U.S. Embassy, New Delhi. The U.S. Govern-
ment flies her to Rome, and arranges for her temporary asylum in
Switzerland.
Albanian ZERI I POPULLIT article, "Social and N'oral Degenera_,
tion of the Soviet Union --- Consequence of the Treacherous Policy
of the K. Revisionists," recites a long list of examples from
contemporary Soviet life to support its claim.
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8 (WCA Chrono Cont.)
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March 8-9: Polish bosses Gomulka and Cyrankiewicz have a "friendly
visit" Htzn -;sx ian leaders, discuss international situation,
peace and security in '`,urope and the situation in the ICM, and
confirm full identity of views on all matters discussed.'
March 8-16: New Zealand CP Secy Gera Wilcox makes a "friendly visit`
to Peking, is welcomed by Chou En-1:4i and Kang Sheng, meets with Mao
on the 12th and makes no reported public statements.
March 9: PRAVDA dscries and denies "several slanderous statements about
the Soviet Union" made at an Accra press conference by Ghansian police
chief and deputy PM Haril.ey, who voiced "fabrications" that the USSR
is trying secretly to deliver weapons to Ghana and that Russian--made
explosives have been discovered in Accra.
March 9 and continuing: Radios Moscow and `'Peace and Progress` hammer
away on the theme of Chinese persecution of minorities, especially the
Moslem peoples of Sinkiang, repeating charges of forced assimilation,
forced marriages with Chinese, destruction and conversion of mosques,
etc.
March 10: Delhi 07erseas Servl_ce broadcasts a statement of the Dalai
Lama on the 6th w.lniversary of the bloody Chinese suppression of the
Tibetan national uprising in Lhasa. He says that in the latest wave
of barbaric persecution of Tibetan Buddhists monasteries, temples and
private homes have been ransacked and. all symbols of religion destroyed.
March 11: Radio Moscow to Asia on the great harm caused to the national
liberation struggle by Maoism says: The people of Asia will never for-
get the irreparable losses sustained by several of their CPs as a result
of the advice of the impatient Peking revolutionaries...."
The Colombian Government arrests more than 150 Communists follow-
ing a wave of terrorism described by President Lleras Restrepo as part
of a vast, subversive action, Reuters reports from Bogota. The arrests
came only a few hours after 80 men, believed to be negibers of the self-
styled National Liberation Army, dynamited and machine-gunned a train
in northern Colombia, killing seven policemen guarding a payroll and
two others on the train.
Albanian ZERI I POPULLIT editorial, "The Soviet Revisionist Gang
Is Rapidly Advancing toward the Restoration of Capitalism," devastat-
ingly analyzes the Soviet "new economic reform" and other recent economic
developments in the USSR.
March i1-12, 18, 21: On the 11th, Peking makes 3 anti-Soviet moves:
(1) expels two Soviet Embassy officials as "directly responsible for
the incidents in which Chinese staff members of the Embassy were per-
secuted;'' (2) transmits via NCNA a detailed statement of the Chinese
staff strongly protesting Soviet "disregard of Chinese laws and legiti-
mate rights of the Chinese working class in unreasonably dismissing
and persecuting the Chinese staff",-. and (3) lodges with the Soviet taut
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9 (WCA Chrono Cont.)
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a ''vehement protest against its new anti-China provocation at the
Naushkiy Station in the USSR by forcibly impounding Mao Tse-tung's
workd displayed in the Chinese International Train and barbarously
beating up the Chinese train crew on 6 March this year." Anti-
Soviet demonstrations flare up again in Peking on the 11th and 12th
but correspondents describe them as much smaller and more restrained
than those of February.
--The USSR strikes back on the 18th, expelling two Chinese
Embassy officials. It recites a long list of grievances which "go
to prove that the CPR Embassy insolently ignores the conditions and
norms Accepted throughout the world, and permits actions absolutely
incompatible with the status of a foreign diplomatic representation.
These deliberate actions can only be regarded as hostile to the Soviet
state.
---NCPNA on the 21st disseminates a statement by the Chinese Charge
d'Affaires in Moscow rejecting the Soviet statement and strongly pro-
testing against it: The statement of the Soviet Foreign Ministry
turns black into white and fabricates rumors and slanders.` Giving
the Chinese version of the incidents cited by the Soviets, the state-
ment declares: "All the facts show that the activities of the Chinese
Embassy are proper and aboveboard. Your slanders against the Embassy
can only show that you are trying to worsen the relations between the
two countries...."?
March 12: The 50th anniversary of the overthrow of the Russian Tsar-
ist Government (the "February Revolution") passes with no public
celebrations in the USSR; instead PRAVDA articles emphasize the event
merely opened the way for the Bolshevik October Revolution.
A PEOPLE'S DAILY article claims that "in January alone, Soviet
papers and journals carried more than 200 anti-Chinese articles."
March 13-15: A Zhivkov-?,led Bulgarian Party delegation makes an "un-
official, friendly visit" to Moscow, decides to sign a new friend-
ship treaty (although the existing 20-year treaty has another year of
validity), and affirms "full unanimity" on the international situation
and the WCM.
March 13 and 16: Cuban Premier Castro in another long speech
criticizes the Socialist` countries for rushing to establish relations
with the "oligarchies" ruling in Latin America. He attacks at length
the established, Soviet-aligned Venezuelan CP which, "in an act of
virtual treason, has abandoned the armed struggle." Turning again to
the Soviet bloc countries, he says:
"Whoever helps the oligarchies where the guerrillas are
fighting is assisting in suppressing the revolution, because
repressive wars are made not only with arms but also with
millions of dollars.'
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The underground Venezuelan CP strikes back on the 16th in a
'`communique'' accusing Castro of meddling in its affairs. `We cate-
gorically reject his pretension that it is he and he only who
decides what is and is not revolutionary in Latin America.'
March 14: UPI carries a Soviet NOVOSTI report of the "increasingly
obstructive" Chinese tactica to delay Soviet shipments of war mater-
ials to Vietnam, especially at the border junction of Grodekovo.
March 14-?15: East German bosses Ulbricht and Stoph make an "official
Party and state visit" to Poland and sign a new 20-year friendship
treaty directed specifically against '"West German militarism and
revanchism" and affirming the territorial integrity and the inviolabil-
ity of the present borders of both.
March 14--21: Austrian Chancellor Klaus makes an official visit to the
USSR: the communique cites broad agreement on many questions but no
concrete moves resulting.
March 15: PEOPLE'S DAILY commentary, "Rousing the Masses and Relying
on the Masses," lauds "the peoe's guerrillas in Thailand, Zimbabwe,
Colombia, and many other countries' as "an illustration of how Chair-
man Mao's thought on people's war is being mastered by more and more
revolutionary people.
TASS announces that "the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee
has resolved to convene an international conference devoted to the
October Revolution in Russia and the national liberation movement
of the Asian, African, and Latin American peoples in Baku in September."
March 16: TASS announces the first meeting of the ''Soviet Committee
in Support of Vietnam," consisting of "48 prominent public leadersr4
headed by Chairman Petr Pimenov. "Its aim is to wage an effective
struggle to consolidate the international movement against aggression
in Vietnam,'' and it "has set up a commission to investigate the crimes
of the U.S. aggressors in Vietnam."
NCNA Peking denounces the inauguration of Brazilian President
Costa e Silva as a "power transfer actuated by the Brazilian jorillas
to strengthen their pro-U.S. fascist dictatorship over the country.
March 16 and 23: TASS Kampala reports that the Kenyan EAST AFRICAN
STANDARD summarizes and denounces a booklet published by NCNA Hong Kong
containing speeches made by Chiang Ching (Mrs. Mao) and Chou En--lai to
a conference of Chinese diplomats from Africa on extending the `cul-
tural revolution" to Africa. "Chinese, hands off Kenya T ASS quotes
the paper as declaring. On the same day, AFP Kampala reports a
local NCNA denial of the report, claiming it to be a forgery. AFP
added that the Chinese Ambassador to Kampala "had returned to Peking
to take part in the cultural revolution." A week later, NCNA Peking
transmits a statement denouncing both "this fabricated report broad-
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11 (WCA Chrono Cant.
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cast on 16 March by TASS" and "some reactionary propaganda material signed
'Belgian Committee of international Red Guards"' which "has been circulated
in a number of African countries." "Such anti-China propaganda is obviously
a new plot against China jointly hatched by imperialism, revisionism, and
reaction...."
March 16, 18, 19, 26: Moscow continues to waver in treating developments
in Indonesia. Radio Moscow's commentary on Sukarno's ouster, on the 16th,
criticizes him for tying himself to the Djakarta-Peking axis and yielding
to Chinese pressures and also for his contemptuous disregard of economic
problems. It concludes that "only the future will show" how things will
go under the new leaders. Shortly after, brief items by Radios Moscow
(18) and "Peace and Progress" (19) view with restrained alarm a Djakarta
decree outlawing "over 170 Marxist books and magazines." A week later,
PRAVDA, citing the suppression of Communist publications, warns:
"M?-L, which now meets with a hostile attitude in Indo, is the outlook
of the Soviet people.... This fact should be taken into consideration by
states which want to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union....f9
March 16--17: The East German Ulbricht-Stoph delegation which went to
Prague from Warsaw signs a somewhat similar 20-year friendship treaty with
the Czechs -- not, however, including any reference to territorial
integrity or guaranteed borders.
March 17-18: A Ceausescu-led Rumanian delegation makes a "friendly visit"
to Moscow and leaves after an "exchange of opinions," with no affirmation
of agreement.
March 17 & 18: The Chinese charge Soviet-U.S. collusion in NCNA items on
the 17th (a) eporting the US-Soviet consular convention, and (b) trans-
mitting a statement of the Chinese Committee for Afro-Asian Solidarity
(reiterating Chinese intent of hold the "5th AAPSO conference" in Peking
this year), and on the 18th commenting on U.S. and Soviet aid to India.
March 19: PRAVDA article on the 96th anniversary of the Paris Commune says
the Mao group's attempts to draw a parallel between the PC and their "out-
rages" are "blasphemy"; Maoism is actually the opposite of the Commune.
March 20: NCNA Peking reports a statement issued by the Indonesian Orga-
nization for Afro-Asian Solidarity (OISRAA) entitled: "Thoroughly Expose
Soviet Revisionists' Splitting Activities and Make the Fifth AAPSO Confer-
ence in China a Great Success!" It states that "Indonesia, which is an
elected member of the Permanent Secretariat of AAPSO, declares its with-
drawal from the Cairo--based permanent secretariat."
12 (WCA Chrono Cont.)
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PEOPLE'S DAILY Red Guard article, "What Sort of Stuff is the
Freedom Preached by Soviet Revisionism," says:
"....The 'freedom' preached by Soviet revisionism is nothing
but a mask dripping with blood,: Behind this mask of 'freedom' ,
unemployment and starvation await the working poeple, and revolu-
tionaries are thrown in jail, as is happening in the U.S., India
and the Soviet Union."
Following NONA Hong Kong items on the subject on the 16th and
18th, the Chinese Froeign Ministry on the 20th delivers to the British
Charge d'Affaires a note "strongly protesting against the British Govt's
continuing connivance in the U.S. aggressor's use of Hong Kong as a
base of operation in their war of aggression against Vietnam." It con-
cludes:"You must stop providing the U.S. with Hong Kong as a base of
operations...-,otherwise, you must be held responsible for all the
grave consequences arising therefrom."
Prague Radio announces an agreement with Hanoi "under which
2,100 Vietnamese apprentices will be trained in Czechoslovak enter--
prises.'" They "will spend the next 3 to 5 years in Czechoslovakia."
The first 500 will arrive in July. It adds that "an additional
20,000 Vietnamese have already left or will leave for other countries
of the socialist camp for similar training.'
March 21-23: The East German Ulbricht-Stoph delegation makes "a
friendly visit" to Moscow. The communique affirms "their complete
identity of views" and adds that Brezhnev `accepted their invitation
to the 7th SED Congress opening 17 April."
March 22: PEOPLE'S DAILY Commentator denounces the Indian Govt's
use of `'the Tibetan bandit traitors of China to carry out frenzied
anti-China activities," revealing that the Chinese Govt had sent a
note on the subject on March 20. PD adds that this "is part and parcel
of the anti-China campaign whipped up by U.S. imperialism and the
Soviet revisionist ruling clique. All the world knows that the Indian
reactionaries live on the alms of these two masters of theirs....""
At the conclusion of the 242nd meeting of the Military Armistice
Commission in Panmunjon on the North--South Korean border, Yi Su--kun, a
Vice President of KCNA, the H. Korean state news agency, defects by
jumping into the car of the senior U.S. representative and asking to
be taken to the South. KCNA immediately reports that Yi was kidnap..
ed: "It is clear that the'U.S. imperialists kidnaped the journalist
of our side to hurl slanders and calumnies against the northern half
of Korea through him, by threatening and blackmailing him...." In
Seoul, Yi says he escaped because of the "political straitjacket"
and "barbarous manner' in which intellectuals are treated in the North.
March 22 and continuing Italian police sources disclose that three
Italians had been formally charged with spying for the Soviet Union
and that a Soviet Embassy attache, Yuri. T''avlenko, who abruptly return-
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connection with the case. An informant reportedly says that the case
involves a widespread espionage ring aimed at NATO. Two Soviet repre
sentatives, Embassy attache Boris Petrin and Aeroflot manager Nikolay
Ranovin, are reportedly expelled from Cyprus on the 24th and two more,
Second Secretary Albert Zakharov and Commerical Attache Igor Ochurkov,
from Athens on the 26th, all reportedly as part of the spy network un-
covered in Italy.
March 23: The Indonesian news agency ANTARA reports that the security
authorities has-.'nipped in the bud" a planned uprising by the underground
PKI in West Java; i6 Communists were captured, along with documents con-
cerning their planned activities. Radio Djakarta discloses that 56 of the
86 members of the old PKI Central Committee are still at large.
March 2 IZVESTIYA carries Soviet charges of U.S.-Chinese collusion
to the extreme assertion that Peking agents have "closed ranks with the
CIA, FBI, USIA and other "subversive U.S. agencies` in an effort to split
local CPs and discredit the USSR and the idea of Communism in Latin
America. Radio Moscow broadcasts this article in Spanish on the 26th.
March 25 and continuing The Soviet-promoted "Third Afro-Asian Writers Con-
ference"' opens in Beirut, boycotted and denounced as `bogus'' by the Chinese
and their Peking-based A-A Writers Bureau (which plans to hold the "real
Third A-A Writers Conference" in Peking later this year). PRAVDA, report-
ing that "over 4+0 delegations" had arrived by the opening date, predicts
that the Chinese will apply the same disruptive tactics as at the Nicosia
AAPSO Council meeting in February.
March 27: TASS Peking reports a new incident of harrassment of Soviet diplo-
matic personnel in the Peking suburbs, as 'goons from the 'Chingkangshan'
Red Guard detachment of Tsinghua University" surrounded and abused an Embassy
car full of Soviet personnel -- one a woman -- for six and a half hours on
'`'a ridiculous charge of 'having violated the sovereignty.of the CPR!
REFERENCE: PROBLEMS OF COP,NNISM, No. 1, January-February 1967, contains
a well-written, 8-page, carefully sourced review by Kevin Devlin of the
Sino-Soviet struggle for control of the 1CM since 1963, entitled "Which
Side Are You On?" ...We take this opportunity to refer our readers
again to the volume of useful commentaries on world Communist affairs to be
found in this bi-.monthly journal published by USIA. The same issue., for
example, also contains a 10-page round-up on `The Communist Party of Japan"
by Australian scholar J.A.A. Stockwin another 10--page essay on "Soviet
Theory and Indian Reality" by Canadian Professor Stephen Clarkson, four
commentaries by international specialists in a series on the evolution of
the Soviet political system; two articles in a new series on The Soviet
Elite"; and a number of other features.
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1112. AFRO-ASIAN SPLIT: MOSCOW VS. PEKING
The Aftermath of Nicosia
25X1C10b
SITUATION: The Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Organization (AAPSO)
had suffered for years from the repercussions of the Sino-Soviet dispute.
AAPSO has now definitely split into a largely Soviet-dominated main
section and a smaller section under the influence of the Chinese. The
immediate cause of the split was the decision of the recent Soviet-
controlled AAPSO Council Session in Nicosia, Cyprus (13-16 February) to
transfer the 1967 (5th) AAPSO conference from Peking to Algiers. The
Chinese lost little time in announcing that "the Conference" (read:
their rump conference) will take place in Peking this year. (For fuller
background on the developments in Nicosia, see BPG #211, item #1106,
dated 13 March 1967).
The Peking Diehards.
There is good reason to believe that the two AAPSO conferences will
be held in 1967. The Peking conference will inevitably be small: most
of the delegates will be exiles or representatives of split African and
Asian national ("rebel") organizations. Participants will most likely
include: Peking-based exiles (Indonesian, Thai) who have denounced the
Nicosia meeting; pro-Chinese factions of divided national Afro-Asian
committees (Japan, Ceylon); African organizations which were expelled
or walked out of the Nicosia meeting; and some others who were displeased
with the Soviet control at Nicosia.
The decision for shifting the Conference to Algiers was far from
unanimous (see item #1106). It is significant that the delegations
from North Vietnam and from the National Liberation Front of South
Vietnam (NLFSV) reportedly called at first for the 5th conference to
remain in Peking, but Hanoi was evidently pleased with the meeting's
position on Vietnam (see below), and finally backed the move to Algiers.
Nicosia -- A Landmark.
In any event, the Nicosia meeting is a turning point in AAPSO's
history which formally began at a meeting in Cairo of representatives of
African and Asian "peoples" in late December 1957 -- the first AAPSO
conference. The "peoples' solidarity movement" was (and still is) an
amalgam of Sino-Soviet opportunism and of Afro-Asian ideology based on
anti-imperialism.
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The significance of the Nicosia meeting, of the :resultant split,
and. of its meaning in terms of ?APSO as an organization, is demonstrated
by the respective Soviet and Chinese interpretations and the mutual
Sino-Soviet recriminations which continue better than a full month after
the close of the meeting.
Peking Withdraws from Cairo Secretariat.
On 17 March, the Chinese Committee for A-A Solidarity issued a
bitter statement (for full text see Attachment) condemning the Soviet
revisionists for manipulating the "illegal" Nicosia meeting, which
niy split the A-A movement and solidarity against, imperialism. The
statement reiterated that the 5th AAPSO Conference will be held in
Peking this year and announced formation of a preparatory committee.
The statement stresses that the Chinese AAPS Committee shall henceforth
have nothing to do with the AAPSO secretariat in Cairo, which is under
the control of the "Soviet revisionists." The statement contends that
the Soviet "revisionist clique" has split from the AA.PS movement so
that it can be of more use to U.S. imperialism; and distorts the Chinese
predicament by claiming that "with the removal of this cancer -- the
Soviet revisionists -- the Afro-.Asian peoples' cause of solidarity
against imperialism will undergo a sounder development and forge ahead
more vigorously."
Vilification of the Master's Voice.
The Peking-based Indonesian. RAPS "organization" :issued.
a statement which condemned the Soviets and their actions in AAPSO in
even harsher terms than did the Chinese. It denounced the "Soviet
revisionists and their lackeys" for: "having hatched a splittist meet-
ing" which betrayed the struggle of the Afro-Asian peoples; inviting
and. adopting as members "revisionist, splittist cliques" (Ceylon, Japan);
forcing through a resolution on the 50th anniversary of the October
Revolution, and ordering a resolution on the "capi.tulationist Tashkent
spirit"; closing their eyes to the massacres and persecutions by the
Suharto-Nasution fascist regime. The statement also said that the
permanent AAPSO secretariat in Cairo degenerated and completely failed
to fulfill its tasks; hence, "Indonesia" declares its withdrawal from
AAPSO's Cairo secretariat.
Peking's Multiple Voice,
The Peace Liaison Committee of the Asian and Pacific Regions
(PLCAPR) also issued a statement on the illegality of the "stage-managed"
Nicosia meeting, stressing that PLCAPR has been represented, whenever
possible, at bona fide AAPSO meetings because of the organization's
importance in the struggle for peace. The attempted takeover of the
organization by revisionists is a blow to "peace in our region", the
statement said, and urged all member countries to support the AAPSO
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meeting in Peking, (The PLCAPR is a regional World Peace Council secre-
tariat. It was established at an Asian and Pacific Peace Conference in
Peking in October, 1952. Its purpose was to coordinate "peace activi-
ties" in that area under the leadership of the Chinese. After some
years of inaction it was revived in 1961 by the Chinese as part of their
campaign against the Soviet Union and as a potential rival to the WPC.)
Mocow: Chinese Stymie AAPSO and International Fronts.
Soviet commentary, as expected, is more sober. Hailing Nicosia
(i,e., their outmaneuvering of the Chicoms at Nicosia) as a "business-
like" meeting and as a step forward for AAPSO, a PRAVDA commentator
points out that the Chinese had attempted for some time to drive a
wedge into AAPSO with a view to turning it into a Chinese political
instrument; that the Nicosia meeting demonstrated the growing realiza-
tion among "mass international organizations" (read: Soviet-sponsored
international fronts);that the Chinese leaders do not contribute any-
thing positive tom these (front) organizations; and that the Nicosia
meeting. demonstrated the international isolation of the Mao Tse-tung
group in the very geographic area which has been the main target of its
chauvinistic and hegemonist aspirations. Radio Moscow (to Southeast
Asia -- see attachment) stressed that at Nicosia, the council "removed
everything" that interferes with AAPSO's unity; and it put stress on
the importance which the meeting accorded the Vietnam problem, with
its resolve of stepping up practical aid to the Vietnamese people.
Soviet A-A Committee Displaying Initiative.
Wasting little time in capitalizing on having gained the upper
hand over the Chinese, the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee re-
solved to convene an international conference in Baku in September,
devoted to,the October Revolution and the liberation movements of the
Afro-Asian-Latin American peoples. The brief announcement also expresses
the Soviet committee's support of the Nicosia resolution on solidarity
with Vietnam. The inclusion of the Latin American liberation contin-
gent would seem to be a Soviet step toward consolidating under their
control the Afro-Asian-Latin American Solidarity Organization, founded
in Havana, Cuba in January 1966. (On current Soviet and Cuban rivalry
in Latin America, see also Item #111 , this issue.)
Nicosia Met Hanoi's Requirements.
Most significantly, Hanoi (VNA - 15 March) strongly supported the
Nicosia meeting's resolution on Vietnam which "condemned the barbarous
crimes committed by U.S. imperialism". Hanoi also points out that the
Week of Solidarity with the Vietnamese People (13-19 March), which
was decided upon at Nicosia, supplemented a program adopted by the
(largely Soviet-manipulated) Tri-Continental (AALAPSO) Conference in
Havana.
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1113. HO CHI MINH'S BLUNDERS
25X1C10b
SITUATION: A propaganda war that has admittedly been going rather
badly for the free world suddenly took a sharp tack for the better in
March. Thanks for the change in direction must go to North Vietnam's
President Ho Chi Minh, who by consensus of free world propaganda experts,
has been guilty of a major propaganda blunder. What happened was this:
On 2 February 1967 President Lyndon Johnson secretly dispatched a letter
to Ho Chi Minh stating that the U.S. was prepared to stop bombing North
Vietnam as soon as he (Johnson) was assured that North Vietnamese infil-
tration into South Vietnam by land and sea had been stopped. Thirteen
days later Ho answered Johnson's letter, also secretly. The North Viet-
namese President reiterated his usual list of U.S. offenses against the
peace-loving Vietnamese people; he also reiterated the by-now dog-eared
Four Points (upon which Ho has made peace negotiations contingent) and
completely ignored Johnson's offer to cease bombing. He also ignored
other proposals included in the President's letter. So much for
Mr. Johnson's secret peace initiative.
On 21 March came the shocker: Ho Chi Minh publicly released the
texts of Johnsons's letter and his reply. Why he chose to do so is a
mystery -- by most standards Johnson's letter was straightforward and
sincere, its wording free of diplomatic ambiguities. To most readers it
seemed crystal-clear that the President was actively trying to find a
new route.to the negotiating table. On the other hand, except to the hard-
core,Ho's letter is filled with hackneyed phrases and "reasoning"; his
accusations have been repeated so often that the meaning of the words
has worn away, and his tired polemics suddenly look as shoddy as they
really are. He completely failed to show any receptivity to what was
clearly a new and. personal peace proposal; he even failed to show ordi-
nary diplomatic courtesy to the US President in his answer.
Of the same piece of cloth were U.S. and North Vietnamese reactions
to UN Secretary General U Thant's standstill truce proposals made public
on 28 March. Secretary of State Rusk for the U.S. and Hanoi Radio for
North Vietnam reflected precisely the same temper and tone as did Presi-
dent Johnson and Ho just a week earlier. (See articles attached and
PRESS COMMENT issues 27-30 March 1967 for details.) 25X1C10b
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1114.d. SOVIET WRITERS CONGRESS: Totalitarian
Control VS. Intellectual Freedom
25X1C10b
SITUATION: The Fourth Congress of Soviet Writers is to convene in
Moscow on 22 May 1967 according to the decision of an "expanded session"
of the board of the USSR Union of Writers. (LITERATURNAYA GAZETA [LIT-
ERARY GAZETTE] No. 1, 1967.) The main concern of the Congress, according
to a statement by LITERATURNAYA GAZETA editor Aleksandr Chakovsky, is
to be the 50th Anniversary of the October Revolution and "the role of
Soviet literature in its celebration."
The Congress, if held, could be the most important single event
since the Sinyavsky-Daniel trial in February 1966 in the long struggle
between the regime and the liberal creative writers. Alternatively, it
could be as insipid as the stage-managed 23rd Party Congress in March-
April 1966. Which way the Congress turns out will depend on whether
Chakovsky's above-noted statement is correct, or whether the liberals
broaden the agenda to include the treatment and fate of fellow-writers
Sinyavsky and Daniel,basic socio-political issues of freedom and jus-
tice, and standards of literary quality. The specter of liberals rais-
ing such taboo issues is the probable reason why the regime rescheduled
the Congress several times between 1963 and 1967.
There are several reasons why one might wonder whether the Congress
will convene at the scheduled time. First, the Congress, initially
scheduled for 1963, has already been postponed at least three times.
Second, the situation among writers remains unsettled, largely because
of the Party's concerted but unsuccessful efforts since March 1965 to
govern the content and objectives of literary works; those efforts
(which still continue) were dramatically demonstrated by the arrest and
trial of Sinyavsky and Daniel. A third reason for skepticism is that
the Soviet rulers appear to fear that some writers would use the Congress
as a platform from which to express opposition to the regime and to
expose the continuing lack of genuine intellectual freedom; such oppo-
sition, particularly during the period leading up to the 50th Anniver-
sary of the October Revolution,.would be difficult to tolerate.
For reasons of prestige and image, however, the Soviets may be
obliged to carry out their plan to hold the Congress. Besides the above-
noted announcement, a press conference on 3 January 1967 attended by
Western correspondents generated.wide publicity for the Congress. Under
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these circumstances, another postponement would be generally construed
to be a sign of weakness and lack of party confidence' in the Soviet
intelligentsia.
The nature of the Congress, if held, is a subject for further
speculation. If recent trends continue, the Congress will be an insipid
affairs; the agenda and the participants will probably be tightly con-
trolled by the hard-liners (frequently called "conservatives" but actu-
ally Stalinists), and press coverage will probably focus on aspects
selected by the regime. As of less than two months before the scheduled
opening of the Congress, the Soviet press has made little mention of
the Congress and~.has said nothing about its agenda, length, and its
sponsors and organizers; the only feature to stand out so far is the
repeated press emphasis on "patriotism."' At the same time the regime
has applied additional heavy pressure to the liberals' major asset,
the monthly magazine NOVY MIR (NEW WORLD) and to its well-known editor,
Aleksandr T. Tvardovsky. NOVY MIR and Tvardovsky were rebuked in late
March for failing to heed earlier criticisms and warned to halt their.
ideological transgressions. General Secretary Brezhnev, in his well-
publicized election speech of 10 March, made it quite clear that the
CPSU would like the Congress to serve its interests by encouraging
writers to turn out works to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the
Revolution and to provide "communist education" for the people. In
that same speech Brezhnev echoed recent press criticisms of liberal
writers and thus implicitly warned them not to stir up trouble at the
Writers Congress.
If the Congress were to express the ideas and problems (even,
perhaps, the will) of the majority in the Writers Union, the regime
would have to revise radically its attitude toward writers and litera-
ture. The permissiveness of the 1954 and 1959 Writers Congresses would,
however, subject the regime to the risk of far-reaching, explosive
criticism of its system and recent policies. Thus, the Soviet leaders
will probably continue to try to keep the Congress under control.
As matters now stand, the likelihood on balance is that the Congress
will be held and that it will turn out quiet and uneventful. However,
either one of these probabilities could be upset by events. Unclassified
background information is attached to facilitate assessing any new
developments concerning the Congress.
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1115 WH,EUR. CASTRO'S NEW, CONTINENT-WIDE OFFENSIVE
He promotes Guerrillas, opposes "urban-based" Communist Parties
"Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder."
Lenin
25X1C10b
SITUATION: Castro is trying to spark a new offensive of guerrilla
warfare in Latin America operating apart from, and often against, the
established Communist parties of the hemisphere. While in a sense "new,"
the operation in many ways is a return to older Castro tactics. Prior
to the Havana Conference of November 1961+, Castro aided various guerrilla
organizations which were not necessarily allied with the local Communist
party. This led to strife between the two local groups and between the
local party and Havana. At the November 1961+ conference of Latin American
parties it was agreed that Cuba would thenceforth extend aid only to
groups approved by the local party. The agreement was apparently faith-
fully observed until the Tri-Continent Conference, which convened in
Havana in January 1966. The emphasis at the Tri-CC was on revolutionary
violence and the word was followed by the deed--at least as far as Castro
is concerned.
2. In the past few months guerrilla warfare has flared up in
Venezuela, after having been almost eliminated. The offensive is being
carried by established guerrilla groups augmented by dissident Communists
who have broken away from the Communist party of Venezuela (PCV). They
established their bases in the mountains and forests and are now working
directly with Havana, which supplies funds, arms, training, and even
operational guidance. In the meantime the PCV has been cut off from
effective contact with Havana, has been heatedly denounced by Castro, and
has borne the brunt of the Venezuelan government's crackdown. Relations
were further worsened by the brutal assassination of Dr. Julio Iribarren
Borges, the brother of Venezuela's foreign minister. The Havana repre-
sentative of the Venezuelan guerrillas, Elias Manuit, claimed that his
organization, the FALN, had applied "revolutionary justice" against
Iribarren. The Venezuelan government then stated that it would protest
to the Organization of American States against this gross intervention by
Castro. The PCV, in turn, strongly denounced the FALN for the act,
attempting to dissociate themselves from government reprisals. On 13
March Castro denied any involvement in the affair and countered by accusing
the Venezuelan government of a long series of "crimes against Venezuelan
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patriots." His most scathing remarks were directed against the PCV
for its efforts to dissociate itself from the assassination. He de=
nounced the party leaders as vacillators, defeatists, cowards, and
theorizing charlatans. In a public reply the PCV called Castro's
attack ignoble, self-seeking, and treacherous and rejected the "role
of revolutionary pope that Fidel Castro asks for himself,"
3. The story is much the same in Colombia where the Cuban-backed
ELN guerrilla group has made several spectacular attacks against govern-
merit forces, for which the Communist Party of Colombia (PCC) gets the
blame. The PCC leaders are reportedly outraged by Castro's actions and
are threatening to "break relations" with Havana. In Guatemala the
Cuban-backed guerrilla group, FAR, has been told by Havana that i:t will
get; more support when it succeeds in taking control of the Guatemalan
Communist Party by ousting "conservative" members of the Central Committee
and replacing them with pro-Cas-:,roites. Z'he "conservative" party leaders
say they would rather disband the party than see it come under Castro's
control.
4. Guerrilla fighting has now broken out in Bolivia. First reports
say that the guerrillas are partly Bolivian, partly "foreign", well
armed, Cuban trained. There are also reports that a guerrilla-minded
faction is breaking away from the Brazilian Communist Party and planning
an armed struggle, possibly with support; from Paraguayan Communists.
5. The philosophy behind the new Cuban offensive has been set forth
in detail in a booklet titled "revolution Within the Revolution?"' by a
French Communist, Regis Debray. Debray is a young (26) high--school
teacher who became infatuated with Castroism during a, visit 'to Cuba in
1961. He made a tour of Latin America in 1961+, studying the experiences
of the various Communist parties and guerrilla bands. On the basis of
his observations he published an article in Jean Paul. Sartre's Les Temps
Modernes in January 1965, and a second in July 1965 in Revista, published
in Havana. These earned him an invitation to the Tn -Continental Confer-
ence in Cuba where he has been ever since, except for a six-weeks' trip
to the USSR in September-October 1966. The central thesis of "Revolution
Within the Revolution?" (as summarized in the New York Times on 16 March
1967 -- Press Comment of 16 March 1967) is that "the relative failure
of revolutionary guerrilla activities in Bolivia, Peru, Colombia,
Guatemala and Venezuela in recent years can be attributed 'to their depen-
dence on urban-based Communist parties for political direction and mater-
ial support.. The new theory promulgated by Mr. Debray is that the
political and military command of the revolution must be concentrated in
the guerrilla movement, a mobile fighting unit, not, :Ln a city-based
Communist party leadership." Debray claims -that a new guerrilla movement
operating on an international scale will soon arise in Latin America.
6. Several sources have reported that Debray is now Castro's favor-
ed philosopher, which is not surprising since he expounds what Castro has
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,long asserted. Debray's booklet was reprinted in_two separate Mexican
leftist publications, ?olitica and Sucesos para Todos, and extensive
abstracts of it have been broadcast in Creole from Havana to Haiti.
25X1C10b
7. While attempting to launch new waves of guerrilla warfare across
Latin America, Castro has bitterly criticized Moscow for its economic
and diplomatic relations with the governments of Latin America, which he
considers "trading with the enemy." His views were bluntly stated in a
speech on 13 March 1967 .(excerpts attached). The speech also contained
violent criticism of certain Soviet-lining Latin American Communist
parties, notably.the Venezuelan party. Altogether his actions have raised
widespread belief that he is directly opposing the Soviets and acting
contrary to their interests.
8. We cannot say with certainty to what degree., Castro is contra-
vening Soviet interests -- i.e., Moscow's real policy objectives in
Latin America, probably differing from ostensible Soviet diplomacy --
nor what degree of control the Soviets can exercise over him. However,
for general propaganda purposes, it is usually in our interest to suggest
or imply that Castro and the Soviets are acting in collusion and that the
apparent bickering between them is either minor or planned. There are
useful arguments to support this'assertion:
(a) Moscow is not basically opposed to violence. A recent broad-
cast by Moscow's Radio Peace and Progress lauded the anniversary of the
Tri-Continent Conference and gave honorable mention to. the guerrilla
movements of Guatemala, Venezuela, and Colombia. Pro-Moscow Venezuelan
Communist Jesus Faria, as quoted by L'HUMANITE'on 17 March 1967 (copy
attached), said that the PCV had started and was. continuing armed struggle;
""our, party has not envisaged, much less approved, the. abandonment of any
.one whatsoever of these forms of struggle."
(b) Castro's violence casts the Soviet Union in the role of doves,
a useful stance. for it in Latin America where it is attempting to expand
its diplomatic.. and commercial contacts. This sort of two-pronged offen-
sive, of carrot.. and stick,.is normal for the Soviets.
(c) Castro could not exist without massive military and economic
Soviet support. If the Soviets viewed Castro's actions as seriously
harmful, they could certainly devise a wide choice of means to make life
considerably more uncomfortable for him, even if they cannot absolutely
control his actions. But there has been no known complaint from Moscow,
no reduction in their subsidy --the 1967 trade agreement just concluded
.promises; a 23% increase over last year's -- not even any subtle hints in
Pravda; in short, no evidence of friction.
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March 1967
Excerpts from speech by Finnish President Kekkonen at North Ostrobothnian
Student Corporation festival in Helsinki on 4 February 1967
The communists emerged from "underground" after the war and orga-
nized large:political, trades and cultural movements. There are commu-
nists in the factories, local government councils, science and art,
Parliament and parliamentary committees, now even in the government.
They participate in the founding of universities and when the funds are
made available they go abroad representing their country, and they are
written about in the columns of even the so-called bourgeois press. Is
all this harmful to the country? On the contrary, have not communists
through their own organizations and by the force of their own idealism
infused the country with, one would like to say, national spirit and
vigour, a new belief in tomorrow and work for its good? With the help
of these organizations broader circles have been offered an active
social life....
The World Youth Festival was held in Helsinki in summer 1962. I
listened to its programme on the radio. A group of young Finnish
singers rendered the Finlandia hymn. The participants were declared to
be communists and there probably were many of them in this choral group.
I heard them sing with bright voices: "Arise Finland, raise high your
head crowned with great memories, arise Finland, you showed the world
that you rejected serfdom and that you did not succumb to oppression,
your day will dawn, Oh native country." I admit that I have seldom
listened to the Finlandia hymn in a more receptive mood. I wished at
the time that as many Finnish bourgeois as possible were listening to
the festival programme.
In speaking of Finnish patriotism, it is my belief that Finland is
held equally dear by Finnish communists as by other Finns. The Finnish
people would in fact be weak if every fourth citizen were an enemy of the
native country. Communists have, no doubt, another idea that their
opponents of social and economic justice and its political implementa-
tion. Co-operation with the communists for the building of Finnish
society thus means for those who think otherwise a clash of ideas.
The man who believes in the fitness and vigour of his own idea will have
the courage to follow it.
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President Kekkonen on the Role of the Communists: CPYRGHT
S PEAKING to students in Helsinki
recently on . the progress of
democracy In Finland over the past
decades, President Urho Kekkonen
stressed the role of the Communist
Party. With closetto a quarter of the
electorate solidly behind them, the
Communists represent a major political
force In Finland today.
The President pointed out that, the
Communists share actively in the. work
of public and government bodies, are
represented in the Cabinet and act as
Finland's spokesmen abroad.
"Through their organizations and by
the power of their conviction," said
he, "the Communists have heightened
the national spirit and brought a new
,:.,,:..,, And ennfidenee in the. mor-
row. They contribute significantly to
the common effort. This draws ever
wider sections of the population Into
public activity."*
Pronouncing himself for full equality
of the Communists with other parfies,
the President said: ,if is.essential for
the peaceful development of our socie-
ty to recognize the fundamental right
of the people's democrats to share as
equals and at government level in the
administration of the state. For those
who do not share their views, working
with the Communists to build up our
society involves a contest of ideas. This
is a challenge that can be accepted
only by those who have confidence in
the viability and power of their own
ideas.. "
ioscow, NEtT Tfl sS, 1 "arch 1967 CPYRGHT
Presideniti Urho Kekkonen: Yhteistyohbn kommunistiemme ka.nssa,
uskaltaa omaan aafteeseensa luottava-
Helsinki, HMSINGTH SAHCMAT, 7 February 1967
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Peking (NCNA), 17 March 1967
In defiance of the strong opposition by many member organizations of
the council of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization and the
revolutionary people in Asia and Africa, the illegal eighth council
session of the organization held in Nicosia under the manipulation of the
Soviet revisionists blatantly threw overboard the resolution,.adopted by
the 1965 Winneba conference on the convocation of the fifth Afro-Asian
People's Solidarity Conference in Peking in 196'7, and arbitrarily decided
to hold a bogus fifth conference in Algiers. In this way, the Soviet
revisionists have openly split the Afro-Asian people's movement for
solidarity against imperialism, completely unmasked themselves and exposed
their counterrevolutionary features to the broad light of day.
Worming their way into the Afro-Asian people's solidarity movement,
the Soviet revisionists have consistently followed a counterrevolutionary
line of sham opposition to imperialism but real capitulation, sham support
but real betrayal, sham unity but real split, and have done no end of evil.
At the above-mentioned meeting they went to the length of using the most
unscrupulous means, like a dying man in his last struggle. Making use of
this illegal meeting, they conducted a counterrevolutionary, antipopular,
and anti-Chinese farce. They caused this meeting to assume a hypocritical
posture of "supporting Vietnam" to cover up their double-dealing in
peddling the "peace talk" scheme for U.S. imperialism and splitting the
Afro-Asian people's solidarity movement. Organizationally, they recruited
turncoats and renegades, drawing some people in while pushing out and
attacking the revolutionaries. They even called police to the meeting
hall to intimidate revolutionary delegates, practicing fascist dictatorship
over them. The Afro-Asian people will never tolerate this.
In order to change the venue of the fifth conference and accomplish
their scheme of creating a split, the Soviet revisionists, in the course
of the meeting, frantically slandered and attacked China's great
proletarian cultural revolution and the great and invincible thought of
Mao Tse-tung. But they are like "mayflies lightly plotting to topple a
giant tree." The world-shaking great proletarian cultural revolution in
China is encouraging the oppressed nations and peoples to rise up in
rebellion and defeat imperialism, revisionism, and the reactionaries of
all countries.
The brilliant thought of Mao Tse-tung is increasingly winning the
hearts of the people. It has illuminated the path of struggle for the
revolutionary people of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the whole world and
is guiding the world's people to complete liberation. Even at this schis-
matic and anti-Chinese Nicosia meeting manipulated by the Soviet revision-
ists, delegates from such organizations as the South West African National
Union,, the Bechuanaland People's Party, the Swaziland Progressive Party and
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the Basutoland Congress Party, inspired by the invincible thought of Mao
Tse-tung, justly and sternly denounced the Soviet revisionists' crime of
splitting the Afro-Asian people's solidarity movement and unhesitatingly
withdrew from the meeting. They held high the red-covered "Quotations
From Chairman Mao Tse-tung" and spoke out the common desire of the Afro-
Asian people: "We want to be in Peking for the fifth Afro-Asian
people's solidarity conference; we want to meet Chairman. Mao!"
The Chinese people send revolutionary greetings to the African freedom
fighters who are fearless before violence and dare to struggle. The Chinese
Committee for Afro-Asian Solidarity reaffirms its statement issued on
3 February 1967: The Chinese people will not fail to meet the expectations
of the Afro-Asian peoples and are determined to convene the fifth Afro-
Asian people's solidarity conference in Peking in 1967. We hereby formally
announce that the Chinese preparatory committee for the fifth Afro-Asian
people's solidarity conference has been officially set up. It will under-
take preparations for the fifth conference with friends from all countries
who uphold the revolutionary line of solidarity against imperialism. The
Chinese people warmly invite friends from the Asian and African countries
to come to Peking, the bulwark of the world struggle against imperialism,
and to make common efforts to insure that the fifth Afro-Asian. people's
solidarity conference is revolutionary, militant, united, and successful.
It must be pointed out that the present permanent Secretariat of the
Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization in Cairo is already in the
control of the Soviet revisionists. Correct propositions put forth by the
secretaries of the different countries, who defend the revolutionary line
of solidarity against imperialism and stand for what-is just, have'long
been arbitrarily suppressed. As a matter of fact, the permanent Secretariat
has already degenerated into a tool of the Soviet revisionists for imple-
menting their counterrevolutionary line. We therefore declare that we shall
henceforth have nothing to do with this organ.
The Soviet revisionist leading clique has betrayed the October revolu-
tion, consistently undermined the national liberation movement of the Afro-
Asian people, and acted as the number one accomplice of U.S. imperialism.
Now it has split from the Afro-Asian people's solidarity movement so that
it can be of more use to U.S. imperialism and sell out the Afro-Asian
people's cause of solidarity against imperialism. With the removal of
this cancer -- the Soviet revisionists -- the Afro-Asian people's cause
of solidarity against imperialism will undergo a sounder development and
forge ahead more vigorously. "Past the sunken boat, a thousand vessels
sail; beyond the withered. tree, ten thousand. saplings spring." A
completely new solidarity movement against imperialism which really gives
expression to the revolutionary aspirations of the Afro-Asian people will
surely come into being. Let the new czars in the Kremlin who are in
mortal fear of the Afro-Asian people's cause of solidarity against imperi-
alism wail and tremble:
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The great leader of the Chinese people Chairman Mao has said:
"People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their
running dogs! People of the world, be courageous, dare to fight, defy
difficulties, and advance wave upon wave. Then the whole world will
belong to the people. Monsters of all kinds shall be destroyed."
Everywhere in Asia and Africa, there now appears an inspiring vista
of militant struggle. The revolutionary people of the two continents
are rising, regrouping their. forces, and advancing rapidly along the
road of independence and liberation. With the force of an avalanche and
the power of a thunderbolt, they will certainly bring to bear their full
strength against imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism headed by
the United States, modern revisionism, and all monsters sand freaks and
eventually bury them all. A new Asia and Africa, radiant with splendor,
will certainly appear on the horizon. The fifth Afro-Asian people's
solidarity conference to be held in Peking will be a clarion call to the
Afro-Asian people to battle for new victory. All people of Asia and
Africa who want independence and liberation, unite, form the broadest
possible genuine anti-U.S. united front to fight for the realization of
our great common goal!
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Radio Moscow,- ll March 1967
(Statement by Professor Georgiy Kim,executive member of the Soviet Afro-
Asian Solidarity Committee, member of the Soviet delegation at the Nicosia
meeting of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Organization.)
The Nicosia council meeting of AAPSO was held during an alarming
situation when the military machine of the largest imperialist power, the
United States, was cruelly crushing our sister nation, Vietnam. The events
now taking place in Vietnam deeply concern all peoples of.all continents..
The U.S. aggression in.Vietnam is nothing but an attempt by interna-
tional imperialism to launch a counteroffensive against the revolutionary
and national liberation forces. That was why the delegations of practically
all countries represented at. the council meeting -- and more than 50
countries attended -- attached so much importance to the Vietnam problem.
All the speakers clearly realized the urgency of stepping up practical aid
to the Vietnamese people.
The meeting gave a warm reception to the head of the Soviet delegation
Mr. Pimenov, who described the diverse aid the USSR is rendering the frater-
nal Vietnamese people. The council session also paid due attention to the
support given to the liberation if the peoples of Angola, Mozambique,
Portuguese Guinea, and South Arabia. It stressed the urgency of a more
decisive struggle against racism.
An indicator of the majority feeling within the Afro-Asian solidarity
movement was the desire of the council participants to effectively remove
everything that interferes with the movement's unity. At present the
world anti-imperialist movement is going through many difficulties because
of the splitting activities of the Mao Tse-tung group.
Incidentally, attempts were made at the Nicosia meeting to break up
the meeting on instructions from that group. The brazen behavior of two men
who posed as NCNA correspondents but who had arrived in Nicosia to inter-
fere with the normal working of the Afro-Asian forum was met with outrage.
They urged a group of African students studying in West Europe to try to
use the meeting for slander, similar to that used by the Hung Weiping,
against AAPSO. But this noisy group represented no one and was severely
reprimanded by the chairman of the Cyprus solidarity committee and the
meeting's chairman, Dr. Vassos Lissaridhis. The group had to leave the
conference hall. At the persistent demands of the majority at the meeting
the.group was expelled from the solidarity meeting. The splitters' voices
were in discord in the general stream of demands for the movement's unity.
Delegates from Angola, Madagascar, and Sudan, among many other countries,
decisively denounced those who place their narrow selfish interests above
the holy task of the common struggle.
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It is no secret that U.S. imperialism is now placing special hopes
upon: differences and a division in the ranks of the revolutionary anti-
imperialist forces. It was for precisely this reason that the partici-
pants in the meeting in Nicosia declared that all who hold these great
ideals dear must rally in one rank. There is no more important task
today than reaching unity in the struggle against the aggressive designs
of imperialism. All participants showed they clearly understood that
the successes of the national liberation movement are closely linked to
support from the socialist countries. The desire for unity was also
expressed in the council's decision to shift the seat of the next, fifth,
AAPSO conference to Algiers. Earlier, the place was to be Peking, but many
national committees have asked that the conference be held in another
country as the conditions in China are not conducive for successful. work.
Let us go to Algiers under the slogan. of unity of our ranks. Let us
preserve and strengthen our movement which. is called upon to play an
important role in the nation's struggle for freedom, independence., and
social progress.
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U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT
3 April 1967
CPYRGHT
CPYRGHT
A BID FOR PEACE...
Full text of a letter-dated February 2 and
m de public March 21-that President Lyndon
J , nson sent to President Ho Chi Minh of Com-
l ,
mu' Est North Vietnam:
rear Mr. President:
am writing to you in the hope that the conflict in Viet-
np#}m can be brought to an end. That conflict has already
taken a heavy toll-in lives lost, in wounds inflicted, in
property destroyed and in simple human misery. If we fail
to find a just and peaceful solution, history will judge us
harshly.
Therefore, I believe that we both have a heavy obligation
to seek earnestly the path to peace. It is in response to that
obligation that I am writing directly to you.
We have tried over the past several years, in a variety
of ways and through a number of channels, to convey to
you and your colleagues our desire to achieve a peaceful
settlement. For whatever reasons, these efforts have not
achieved any results.
It may be that our thoughts and yours, our attitudes and
yours, have been distorted or misinterpreted as they passed
through these various channels. Certainly that is always a
danger in indirect communication.
There is one good way to overcome this problem and to
move forward in the search for a peaceful settlement. That
is for us to arrange for direct talks between trusted repre-
sentatives in a secure setting and away from the glare of
publicity. Such talks should not be used as a propaganda
exercise, but should be a serious effort to find a workable
and mutually acceptable solution.
In the past two weeks, I have noted public statements
by representatives of your Government suggesting that you
would be prepared to enter into direct bilateral talks with
representatives of the U. S. Government, provided that we
ceased "unconditionally" and permanently our bombing op-
erations against your country and all military actions against
it. In the last day, serious and responsible parties have as-
sured us indirectly that this is, in fact, your proposal.
Let me frankly state that I see two great difficulties with
this proposal. In view of your public position, such action
on our part would inevitably produce worldwide specula-
tion that discussions were under way and would impair the
privacy and secrecy of those discussions. Secondly, there
would inevitably be grave concern on our part whether your
Government would make use of such action by us to im-
prove its military position.
With these problems in mind, I am prepared to 'move
even further toward an ending of hostilities than your Gov-
ernment has proposed in either public statements or through
private diplomatic charnels. I am prepared to order a cessa-
tion of bombing against your country and the stopping of
further augmentation of United States forces in South Viet-
nam as soon as I am assured that infiltration into South
Vietnam by land and by sea has stopped. These acts of re-
straint on both sides would, I believe, make it possible for
us to conduct serious and private discussions leading toward
an early peace..
I make this proposal to you now with a specific sense of
urgency arising from the imminent new-year holidays in
Vietnam. If you are able to accept this proposal, I see no
reason why it could not take effect at the end of the new-
year, or Tet, holidays.
The proposal I have made would be greatly strengthened
if your military authorities and those of the Government
of South Vietnam could ' promptly negotiate an extension of
the Tet truce.
As to the site of the bilateral discussions. I propose, there
are several possibilities. We could, for example, have our
representatives meet in Moscow where contacts have already
occurred. They could meet in some other country, such as
Burma. You may have other arrangements or sites in mind,
and I would try to meet your suggestions.
The important thing is to end a conflict that has brought
burdens to both our peoples, and, above all, to the people
of South Vietnam. If you have any thoughts about the ac-
tions I propose, it would be most important that I receive
them as soon as possible.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
...AND A REBUFF :
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Full text of Ho Chi Minh's reply to the Johnson.
latter. This was sent to Mr. Johnson on February
1 and its contents broadcast by the Vietnam
Iws Agency on March 21:
Your Excellency:
On Feb. 10, 1967, I received your message. This is my
reply:
Vietnam is thousands of miles away from the United
States. The Vietnamese people have never done any harm
to the United States. But, contrary to the pledges made by
its representative at the 1954 Geneva Conference, the U. S.
Government has ceaselessly intervened in Vietnam. It has
unleashed and intensified the war of aggression in South
Vietnam with a view to prolonging the partition of Vietnam
and turning South Vietnam into a neocolony and a mili-
tary base of the United States. For over two years now, the
U. S. Government has, with its air and naval forces, carried
the war to the Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam, an
independent and sovereign country,
The U. S. Government has committed war crimes, crimes
against peace and against mankind. In South Vietnam, half
a million U. S. and satellite troops have resorted to the most
inhuman weapons and the most barbarous methods of war-
fare, such as napalm, toxic chemicals and gases, to massacre
our compatriots, destroy crops, and raze villages to the
ground.
In North Vietnam, thousands of U. S. aircraft have
CPYRGHT
CPYRGHT
dropped hundreds of thousands o tons ot bombs, destroying
towns, villages, factories, schools.
In your message, you apparently deplored the sufferings
and destruction in Vietnam.
May I ask you: Who has perpetrated these monstrous
crimes? It is the U. S. and satellite troops. The U. S. Govern-
ment is entirely responsible for the extremely serious situa-
tion in Vietnam.
The U. S. war of aggression against the Vietnamese people
constitutes a challenge to the countries of the socialist
camp, a threat to the national independence movement, and
a serious danger to peace in Asia and the world.
The Vietnamese people deeply love independence, free-
dom and peace.
But, in the face of the U. S. aggression, they have risen up,
united as one man, fearless of sacrifices and hardships. T144311"
are determined to carry on their resistance until they hay.,
won genuine independence and freedom and true peace.
Our just cause enjoys strong sympathy and support from the
peoples of the whole world, including broad sections of the
American people.
The U. S. Government has unleashed the war of aggression
in Vietnam. It must cease this aggression. That is the only
way to the restoration of peace. The U. S. Government must
stop definitively and unconditionally its bombing raids and
all other acts of war against the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam, withdraw from South Vietnam all U. S. and satel-
lite troops, recognize the South Vietnam National Front for
Liberation, and, let the Vietnamese people settle themselves
their own affairs. Such is the basis (sic) content of the five-
point stand of the Government of the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam, which embodies the essential principles and
provisions of the 1954 Geneva Agreements on Vietnam. It
is the basic (sic) of a correct political solution to the Viet-
nam problem.
In your message, you suggested direct talks between tjgmL
Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the United States.-
the U. S. Government really wants these talks, it must first
of all stop unconditionally its bombing raids and all other
acts of war against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. It
is only after the unconditional cessation of the U. S. bomb-
ing raids and all other acts of war against the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam that the Democratic Republic of Viet-
nam and the United States could enter into talks and dis-
cuss questions concerning the two sides.
The Vietnamese people will never submit to force, they
will never accept talks under the threat of bombs.
Our cause is absolutely just. It is to be hoped that the
U. S. Government will act in accordance with reason.
Sincerely,
Ho Chi Minh
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~rJdgam
INTERNATIONAL WEEK?
FROM THE CAPITALS OF THE WORLD
BANGKOK .... SAIGON .... TAIPEI .... BEIiUT.... CAPE TOWN....
N.
As Southeast Asia reads the future after the exchange of letters between
B'esident Johnson of the U.S. and President Ho of Communist North Vietnam....
There is almost no chance at all of a negotiated peace in Vietnam.
> > "Hanoi cannot negotiate!" That is what our staff man hears in Bangkok.
Communist rule in North Vietnam is based on a promise to conquer the South.
North Vietnam alone is overpopulated, poor. Russia will not and Red China
cannot make the North an industrial state. It needs the South's rice and land.
Hanoi's Red bureaucracy--the 300,000 to 400,000 who run the dictatorship--
may now see that they cannot win the war in the South. But old men are clinging
to old ideas. Ho.is 76. His aides are mainly in their 60s and 70s. Bangkok's
experts say these men will not risk peace talks--ever.
> > What about a slowdown of the war if Hanoi's Reds get more punishment than
they can bear? That's possible, say Southeast Asians who know Hanoi's leaders.
Even then, they''6ay, negotiations are not likely. Hanoi's old men may
one day let war run down, send fewer combat troops south. But talks? No.
> > Keep this in mind about President Johnson's offer to halt U.S. bombing of
the North if Ho's men will quit sending troops into war in the South....
Ho has never admitted his Northerners are in combat in South Vietnam.
True, there is evidence enough to convince all save die-hard Reds. But Ho is
not likely to talk about quitting what he has never admitted doing.
> > Suddenly there is overwhelming evidence that Hanoi's Reds are waging the
war_r-.he South. U.S. forces have just overrun Communist headquarters and
base camps in a major sweep. The intelligence haul adds up to this:
200,000 pages of documents concerning Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Red
operations in South Vietnam. 140 reels of motion-picture films, plus many still
photographs of North Vietnamese regulars commanding and fighting in the South.
Letters, diaries telling how, when and where Hanoi's troops are operating.
> > Conclusions of U.S. intelligence men checking over the evidence in Saigon:
North Vietnamese regulars are 40 per cent of Red main forces in the South.
A North Vietnamese general has, run the war in the South for over two years.
So-called "National Liberation Front" of South Vietnamese Reds turns out
to be only a facade for Hanoi's Reds. The NLF issues no orders in the South,
has no chain of command, military or political, no.real power in South Vietnam.
o's dec'ision to keep fighting.
Ap1PC5%dF8I f@f ai`l' M6108/i~ s 00060006-7
Issue of April 3, 1967, Volume LXII-No. 14
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT
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WASHINGTON POST
28 March 1967
Secretary General
Warns of Danger.
.Of Wider War
By .Robert H. Estabrook
UNITED NATIONS
N.Y., March 28-Secrets
General U Thant made pub.
lie today. the pear: pro
posals for Viet ;e.:& . that,
presented to -:i participant
on Mara''- `4.
He /jo warned of "omi
now .' indications that the
~;e~nam war. may spread be
f' and its present frontiers an
that the' United Nations it
self, may be suffocated. ?
The peace proposals cal
for:
?- A general "standstill'
truce.
? "Preliminary talks" be
tween the United States an
North Vietnam that could als
:Include Britain and the Sovie
Union as co-chairmen of th
1954 Geneva Conference, o
' Canada, India and Poland a
members of the Internationa
Control . Commission, or. al
seven nations.
? Reconvening of the 195
Geneva conference with th
participation of the Saigo
'government and the Nationa,
Liberation Front (Vietcong).
The United States has ac
,cept -d these proposals an
offei'ed to enter into discus
sion on details of a cessatio
of hostilities "immediate)
and constructively'."
Hanoi Radio has excoriate
Thant's plan as unrealistic an
insisted that the United Na
tions has no right to interfere
An informed ambassador sal
this afternoon that this wa
the only outright oppositio
CPYRGHT
Hanoi's Position
Seen Isolating It'
In World Opinion
By Murrey Marder
Was nston P.ist Bta writer
The United States dis.
closed y:'sterday an "affirm-
ative',' reply'to a new peace
Plan by U.N. Secretary Gen-
eral U Thant. and matched
this against a "negative" re-
sponse from North Vietnam.
Secretary of State Dean
Rusk treated Hanoi's public
attack on the Thatit proposal
Monday, before it was made
public, as the equivalent of a
rejection.
Justification IFor U.S.
Rusk claimed that by spurn.
ing the new proposal, which
would start with "a general
standstill truce" in all Viet-
nam, Hanoi has newly isolated
itself in world opinion. Rusk
told a news conference, "The
principal pillars of their hopes
are eroding from under
theme . ."
What is probably the prime
significance of the new dip.
lomatic rebuff by Hanoi was
evident by implication: It can
serve, the United States as
added justification for press.
ing the war in both North and
South Vietnam with greater
intensity.
The support the United
States now can display for its
demand to reduce hostilities
on both sides as a prelude to
peace talks, 9lso is bound to
increase pressure inside the
Administration for intensified
strikes..
All Rusk would say on the
key point of future U.S. ac-
tions. was to reiterate firmly:
"We shall meet our commit-
ments in South Vietnam, We
shall do our duty there."
,No Great Surprise
There was no great surprise
in official circles over Hanoi's
criticism: of., the Thant pro-
.posal.
BALTIMORE SUN
30 March 1967.
'HANOI ADAMANCY
PUZZLING TO U.S.
n.sked what "makes them keep
on fighting and refusing to ne-
gotiated in the face of what
must be a loss of international
support."
"It is very hard to say: I
China's Influence Cited AsIcan't enter into the minds of
RV PAUL W. WARD
[Washington Bureau of The Su>r1
Washington, March 29-Unit-
ed States officials confess to
being mystified by the uncom-
promising resistance of South
Vietnam's foes to all peace pro-
posals, including the plan which
U Thant,, United Nations Secre-
tary General, made public yes-
terday.
Canvassed for explanations
for Hanoi's adamant stand,
some of them suggested today
that it may be dictated by Com-
munist China, North Vietnam's
chief supplier of arms, ammuni-
tion and food.
Czechoslovakian Radio
They cited, in that connection,
a March 26 broadcast by Cze-
choslovakia's radio that called
for a "compromise" between
Hanoi and Washington and ad-
ded:
"Unfortunately, Vietnam is si-
tuated too close to China, and
Chinese advice does not always
go unheeded."
Others, stressing the current
upward trend in defections
among the Communist-led for-
ces in Vietnam, suggested Han-
oi has to broadcast denuncia-
tions of all peace proposals in
order to prevent disintegration
of those forces.
But. most were. disposed to
second what Dean Rusk, Secre-
tary of -State,%said at a press
the leaders in Hanoi. on a mat-'
ter of that sort," Rusk replied,
adding:
"I would suppose, really, that
they are under some misappre-
hension. They are making some
misjudgments and miscalcula-
tions on some point-either the
state of international opinion or
the state of opinion within the
United States.
"It's possible even' that OR-W-l
still have some slender hopes of
some military success in the
South .:. but ... the principal
pillars of their hopes are erod-
ing from under them, and they
should become interested in
peace... at an early date and
not at some long delayed future
date."
Private Efforts
Rusk prefaced all that by
stressing 'that Hanoi's scornful
publication March 21 of a there-
tofore secret peace proposal
mzde.February 8 by President
Johnson and Thant's avowedly
reluctant publication 'yesterday
of one he had made March 14
completes the record of "pri-
vate" peacemaking efforts to
date.
"Despite all of the eff
made privately by many poop c
in many places, the private re-
cord and the public record are
now in agreement," he said, ad-
ding that "there is nothing in
the private record that reflects
any different view on the part
of the authorities in Hanoi than
you now have on the public re-
cord."
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WASHINGTON POST
21 March 1967
CPYRGHT
Brook~Backs' Johnson
On War, 'Reluctantl':
By J. Y. Smith
i WRShtuton Post SIRS( writer
Sen. Edward 1P. Brooke
Mass.) "reluctantly" j o i n e d
yesterday the supporters of
President Johnson on the war
in Vietnam.
"This is far, from an easy
position for me to take," said
the Senator, who has fre-
quently expressed misgivings
about the bombing of North
Vietnam and American ef-
forts to secure peace in South-
east Asia.
He had taken it, he said, be.
cause Hanoi "continues to,
place unreasonable conditions
on the negotiations for a
peaceful settlement. It does
not appear that suspension of
the bombing in the North
would, by itself, produce fruit-
ful negotiations."
A just-completed trip to
South Vietnam and five other
Asian nations had led him to
conclude, the Senator contin-~
ued, "that the general direc-
tion of our present military ef-
forts in Vietnam is necessary."
Brooke made the statement
in his first major speech inI
the Senate. His mother, Mrs.
Helen Brooke of Washington,
was in the half-filled visitors'
gallery as he spoke. Brooke is
the first Negro ever elected`t'o
he Senate by direct popular
ote
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
23 March 1967
By William Tuohy `.'.
Lot Angeles Tlme&
SAT(:(ThT March 2-4 - A`
western diplomat who recent-
ly chatted with Gen. Vo Nguy-
en Giap in Hanoi says the'
North Vietnamese - Defense.
Minister is confident of :win-
ning the war.
This diplomat indicatted. that.
Giap, the architect of the Viet-
namese Communist' victory'
over the French in 1934, ' be-'
lieves the 1968 U.S. presiden-
tial election will repudiate'.-
President Johnson's Vietnam
policies. %
Giap's view of the U.S. pout
ical situation has apparently
been reinforced by the public
controversy between Pres-
ident Johnson and Sen. Robert
F. Kennedy (D : N.Y,) over
bombing the North, sources in-
dicated.
Erroneous View
Glap's reportedly "cheerful"
assessment of the war--from
the North Vietnamese point of
view - conforms with recent
'propaganda statements made
by Hanoi.
Hanoiologists in Saigon
have long maintained that
North. Vietnamese leaders
have a totally erroneous view
of U.S. public opinion,, in that
public will vote for 's "peace'`
candidate, who will pull Amer
Scan forces out of Veitdam.
CPYRGHT
tures as a great American
hero the pacifist Robert Mor-
rison who burned himself to
death outside the Pentagon as,
a protest against the Ameri-
can involvement in Vietnam.
Thus, according to the spe-
cialists in Saigon, President
Johnson's recent moves to
tighten the screws on North
Vietnam may be vitiated by
the statements attributed to
Kennedy and Sen. J. W. Ful-
bright (D-Ark.), calling for a
halt to the bombings.
Prevailing Opinion
It is difficult for Hanoi to
believe, these experts say, that
Kennedy and Fulbright do not
represent prevailing American
opinion.
That two such powerful Sen-
ators are' so vocally opposed
to Presdent Johnson's policies
signifies to the North Vietnam-
ese that millions of Amer-..
cans share their views, accord-
ing to Hanoiologists.
And that is why the North
Vietnamese leaders like Giap
are confident that by the fall
of 1968 the American people
will have run out of patience
.with the commitment in Viet-
nam.
they believe there is an over-
whelming tide of U.Sfeeling
against involvement in the
Nyar.
In their propaganda and
public statements, North Viet-
namese leaders have suggest-
ed that they need hold out.
only until the 1968 elections
when a frustrated Americana,
IA -
Hanoi's propaganda still pic-
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April 1967
HANOI'S REJECTION OF U.S. PROPOSAL
Ho Chi Minh's letter rejecting a U.S. peace bid was seen by the
foreign press as a propaganda failure for North Vietnam. Editors said
Ho had "slammed the door" on negotiations in his bitter reply, thereby
enhancing Mr. Johnson's position as a peace seeker.
The Washington correspondent of Munich's left-center SUEDDEUTSCHE
ZEITUNG declared: "President Johnson can expect an improvement in
the domestic political climate for his Vietnam policy.... Although
the State Department has regretted the disclosure, Ho Chi Minh no
doubt has rendered Johnson a great service..."
Right-of-center FRANKFURTHER ALLGEMEINE said Ho had rendered "a
great political service by depicting Mr. Johnson as a man who does
not exploit his peace efforts for propaganda purposes, and lays
himself open to charges.of inactivity rather than let his peace
feelers be jeopardized by premature disclosure."
Ho's.action was"tantamount to blowing up a bridge that has been
established with great difficulty," the paper said, "Useful pre-
parations for peace talks have been destroyed. The most valuable
capital involved was the secrecy of the contacts in Moscow and via
Moscow. Such a breach of confidence is not easy to repair."
Independent-right STUTTGARTER ZEITUNG asserted:
"Some of the President's critics at home will appreciate the
fact that Johnson is really trying to bring about a peaceful settle-
ment, and that the continued course of the conflict is dictated by
the stubbornness and relentlessness of the North Vietnamese, more
than anything else."
Pro-Christian Democratic MUENCHNER MERKUR of Munich judged: "By
disclosing the exchange of letters, Ho Chi Minh has not only proved
himself inaccessible even to the most reasonable offers, but he has
slammed the door to negotiations for the foreseeable future. He
has pulled the rug from under the feet of America's doves."
Influential DIE WELT of Hamburg said Ho's "icy no" was "a capital
mistake," to be contrasted 'with President Johnson's "remarkably cir-
cumspect" letter, which did "not contain anything that might be
interpreted as reflecting arrogance of power..."
In London, the conservative DAILY MAIL said:
Mr. Johnson's letter was "couched in terms of almost abasing
moderation and avoidance of self-righteousness," while Ho Chi
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Minh offered "nothing but the old, stale agitprop slogans, the
old lies, the old claims to represent the entire Vietnamese
people, the old inflexible refusal of any kind of moderation."
The GUARDIAN's Washington correspondent reported that the publica-
tion of the letters "has made a considerable impact here. It has
gone a long way towards convincing critics of the Administration of
two points -- that they have been less than just to the President
in calling into question the seriousness with which he has been
seeking to bring Hanoi to the conference table, and that they have
been unwarrantably optimistic about; the readiness of Ho Chi Minh
to negotiate."
In Italy, Rome's independent-center MESSAGGERO carried a report
from New York that "Johnson and the Democratic Administration come
out of this looking very good indeed.... We see a new Johnson here.
He endured unjust attacks rather than seek short-range popularity.
His hope was that his silence would help negotiations."
Influential CORRIERE DELLA SERA of Milan said:
"Johnson emerges strengthened from this, and his critics have
been weakened.... It would have been easy for Johnson to
answer Senator Kennedy and the Democratic Party's left wing by
publishing this exchange of letters. Some White House advisers
counseled this, but Johnson refused rather than compromise
talks with Vietnam. It is a paradox that Hanoi has helped
Johnson by revealing all this."
Christian Democratic POPOLO, Rome, said that "at least, a first con-
tact has been made.... The doors to an honorable peace are at least
open." Independent-conservative RESTO DEL CARLINO of Bologna
declared: "The impression is that all that is needed to get nego-
tiations under way is a brit of courage on each side in taking a
first step."
French papers were mystified and dismayed at Hanoi's action. Con-
servative FIGARO'S Washington correspondent asked: "Doesn't
Mr. Ho Chi Minh understand that he has just singularly simplified
Mr. Johnson's task? One is struck with dismay at such misappre-
hension of the psychology of the mass of American people. Once
again the two adversaries give the impression of living on two dif-
ferent planets. This hardly permits much optimism."
Moderate-right LA CROIX demanded: "Why did Hanoi believe it oppor-
tune to make the exchange of letters public while, most evidently,
only secret diplomacy can reach a compromise?"
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Elite LE MONDE said Hanoi had "put itself in the wrong" in American
eyes, while Mr. Johnson's letter would be credited as "evidence of
goodwill on the domestic propaganda level." The U.S. was "waging
the war in order to reach a 'Korean solution' embellished with a
few harmless concessions in order to help Hanoi to retreat.... The
response from Hanoi has made it clear that there cannot be any
possible deal in this perspective. This may not be a surprise for
Washington, but it is nevertheless & shock. The war will continue
to downright barbarity."
The paper added: "This is no good news for the White House, which
officially takes refuge behind 'limited objectives' -- limited to
a continent -- in order to preach patience to the Americans."
Belgium's HET VOLK of Ghent accused Ho of an act of "diplomatic
vandalism" by which "a number of previously open channels have been
closed.
"What does Ho do"? He waits until the truce is over and even
lets the extra day Johnson offered him go by. Only after the
bombings have been resumed from sheer necessity does he send
his answer, stating that he cannot negotiate 'under pressure
of American bombing.'
"Now he crowns that destructive action by bringing everything
out into the open. Not only have contacts via Moscow or Ran-
goon, as was proposed by Johnson, become useless, but future
contacts via other channels are considerably hindered in view
of the danger of premature publication and use for enemy
propaganda."
Center=oriented DER BUND of Bern said the text of Mr. Johnson's
message "shows convincingly that,.this time at least, it was an
absolutely honest, aboveboard, and realistic attempt. Doubters of
American sincerity and readiness to negotiate havehad the wind
taken out of their sails -- and by Hanoi itself, which first broke
the silence."
The Washington correspondent of the prestigious NEUE ZUERCHER ZEITUNG
said the North Vietnamese action "significantly strengthens the
President's position vis-a-vis all his American critics, and it
can hardly do Hanoi any good.... One has the feeling that Hanoi
is burning its bridges."
Ho's conduct, the paper judged, "is the more: inscrutable since the
revelation of this exchange of letters seems to benefit Johnson."
The latter's message "is proof of the earnestness with which he
has followed the peace line of his double course."
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Conservative SVENSKA DAGBLADET of Stockholm said channels for con-
tacts had been damaged but the new situation had "certain advantages"
for Washington: "Critics of the U.S. have made a great point; of
the Americans' coolness to peace feelers presumably made by North
Vietnam. While the factual basis for such soundings was doubtful to
say the least, Ho Chi Minh has now personally confirmed that
Johnson actually did make a concrete proposal."
In Australia.,, the;- Sydney MORNING HERALD found the "most disturb-
ing feature of President Ho''s letter was precisely the tone of arro-
gance.... There is little doubt that President Johnson is prepared
to take the harder measures his military advisers have long been
urging. No other course seems to be! open to him...."
"But the balance sheet is not entirely on the debit side. A meet-
ing place has been arranged and may be used again. The Americans
and the Russians have shown their desire to put an end to killing.
The North Vietnamese have registered their conditions. The military
strategists might subject them to a cool, careful review."
Hanoi's role has at last been clarified, the NEW ZEALAND HERALD of
Auckland said:
"The fiction that North Vietnam is only a minor participant
is no longer maintained. The Hanoi regime emerges clearly as
the principal with which a settlement must be reached."
ASAHI, however, insisted that "the disclosure at this time of an
abortive secret contact is not a useful factor toward settlement"
of the conflict, "for it appears to be the renewed expression of
Hanoi's firm resolve... This is pessimistic material for peace."
The HINDU of Madras said: "The correspondence makes it clear that
Hanoi is not prepared to embark on peace negotiations with the Ameri-
cans which would involve the closing of the frontier between North
and South Vietnam and the denial of recognition to the Viet Cong7as
the only spokesmen of South Vietnamese nationalism. Hanoi is evi-
dently confident that the Viet Cong, which it controls and directs,
will win the allegiance of the South Vietnamese people and keep the
American forces at bay.
"In spite of the stepping up of the air raids on the north, the
North Vietnamese believe that victory will ultimately be theirs."
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April 1967
Background of relations between the CPSU party and intellectuals in the
Soviet Union, 1946 to early 19
The role of Andrey Zhdanov in Party-intellectual relationships was
of great importance between 1946 and the death of Stalin. With some
fluctuations in intensity, Zhdanov throttled free expression and at-
tempted to harness writers to the service of the state. He assaulted
"cosmopolitanism," an action equivalent to anti-Semitism. Although he
died in 1948, his influence was such that the entire period from 1946
to 1953 was known as the "zhdanovshchina," a synonym for cultural terror.
Thus, the mention in IZVESTIYA of 25 Feb 66 of Zhdanov on his 70th birth-
day as "a true son of the people" could well be interpreted as a threat,
by the regime to increase its restrictive measures unless the intellec-
tuals get back into line.
Upon Stalin's death a short-lived surge in freer intellectual ex-
pression was observed. It was curtailed in mid-1953, resumed in 1954,
accelerated in early 1956, halted in late 1956, reversed in mid-1957,
expanded in 1959, halted in late 1962, cautiously resumed in mid-1963
after which it increased somewhat until October 1964 when Khrushchev was
ousted.
During the first 4 months of the regime of Brezhnev and Kosygin the
intellectuals substantially stepped up their outpouring of anti-Stalinist
expression.
The first sign of a reaction against the intellectuals was detected
in early March, 1965, in a published report of the RSFSR Writers' Con-
gress. There, to gasps or dismay from the liberals, Soviet literature
and films were criticized by the conservatives who quoted the Chinese
Communists. From then on, an increasingly bitter exchange between the
more liberal and the conservative organs was witnessed. It was capped
and epitomized by two articles, one by Sergei Pavlov, the head of the
Komsomol, and the other,?by the 60-year-old Aleksey Rumyantsev, the chief
editor of PRAVDA. Pavlov, writing in PRAVDA of 29 Aug, lashed out at
movies, literature, and the theater for the unhealthy criticism which
was engendering "nihilism" in youth, and he pointed out the need for
caution in dealing with the cult of the personality (i.e., attacks on
Stalin). Rumyantsev in PRAVDA of 9 September, apparently in rebuttal
to Pavlov and others, stated his belief that nihilism is engendered by
hushing up and glossing over difficulties, not by the passionate effort
to expose wron s in order to set them right; to underscore the meaning
of his words, he went down the list of the liberals under attack and de-
fended them.
Within the next 10 to 12 days, Sinyavsky and Daniel were picked up
by the KGB, and Rumyantsev was removed from his job, (Rumyantsev now
has an insignificant job with the Academy of Sciences.) Pavlov, on the
other hand, is still the chief of the Komsomol and he has spoken out
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(Cont.)
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further in the vein of the hard. line. The hard line, especially in
IZVESTIYA, became dominant and more strident in Soviet media. In
January in PRAVDA, for the first time in years, "cosmopolitanism" was
referred to as something to be fought. And, seemingly to 'bring the
circle to a close, the above-noted reference to Zhd.anov was made in
IZVESTIYA.
Some feeble opposition to the above.-noted trend. has been ob-
served. NOVY MIR, the liberal writers' organ, has defied the implied
ban on publication of unacceptable material. Individual writers, such
as Paustovskiy, have protested against the Sinyavsk.y and Daniel case.
And PRAVDA held back for some time before joining the ranks of the hard
liners attacking the two. PRAVDA also commemorated. the 20th Party Con-
gress, implicitly supporting de-Stalinization; but it also praised
Zhdanov.
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A 1967
Background to Soviet Writers Congress
The first three Writers Congress were held in 1934, 1954, and 1959
under circumstances either favorable or not unfavorable to the Soviet
regime. Careful preparations'by Stalin's regime were started two years
before the 1934 Congress. The 1954 Congress was held at a time when
writers had been restrained once again after having enjoyed immediately
after Stalin's death a short respite from the tight control of the Party.
The 1959 Congress took place at a time when the writers and the regime
were on relatively good terms with one another.
In spite of these circumstances, some differences between the writers
and the regime were allowed to rise to the surface. At the 1954.CQn-
gress several writers commented boldly on the flood of trashy literature;
this was the first skirmish between Party and intellectuals after the
long period of Stalinist suppression and terror. In 1959, at the Third
Congress, whereas proceedings appeared to run smoothly several well-
known authors'published biting articles in the press in defense of creative
freedom.
.The fourth Writers Congress, now scheduled to begin on May 22, 1967,
was due originally in 1963, four years after the Third Congress. In the
fall of 1964, immediately after Khrushchev's ouster, public references
were made to writers' expectations that the next congress would be held in
early 1965. The largest republic in the USSR, the RSFSR, held its Writers
Congress, evidently in the expectation that the national congress would
be held shortly thereafter. Again in the winter of 1965 references were
made to the effect that writers expected their national congress to be
held in the middle of that year. In early 1966 Aleksey Markov, a secre-
tary of the Writers Union, said that the congress would be held in June
of that year. (Pravda, January 28, 1966) Finally, it was announced in
the fall of 1966 that the Writers Congress would be held before the end of
the year. (Pravda, September 19, 1966)
This record,of frequent postponements of the Writers Congress is reason
enough to raise doubts that the most recently announced congress will
actually take place. Adding to these doubts is a series of developments
since the Sinyavsky-Daniel trial of February 1966, including:
-the events at the 23rd Congress of the CPSU in March-April 1966,
when the "liberal" authors were virtually excluded and the Stalinist voice
on literature was prominently featured (as contrasted to the preceding
Party Congress in 1962, when Aleksandr Tvardovsky, the outstanding liberal,
gave the address which was regarded as representing writers' views),;
-a growing effort by intellectuals from many spheres of creative
activity in the USSR to protest at the highest levels against the
Sinyavsky-Daniel trial and restalinization, and against the restraints..
imposed on the freedom of thought in the USSR;
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Cont.
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-The Soviet regime's apparently continuing dissatisfaction with
the production of literary works in general, as evidenced by its refusal
to present any Lenin Prize awards for literature in 1965 and 1966, and
its nomination in 1967 of only two relatively little-known poets for such
awards;
-a significnat reduction in the number and boldness of published
literary works by "liberal" authors;
-a concerted effort to strip NOVY MIR (NEW WORLD) of its leader-
ship and thus (it is widely conjectured) to quiet the voice of that
widely respected literary journal which has. been the main vehicle for
liberal writers (see the Literary Supplement to the London TIMES, March 2,
1967, and the ECONOMIST, March 11, 1967).
Opposing all the above reasons for doubting that the Writers Congress
will take place as scheduled is the fanfare given the announcement in
LITERATURNAY GAZETA (LITERARY GAZETTE) No. 1, 1967 and the press con-
ference on the Congress which took place on 3 January 1967'. Although
Soviet press coverage since then has been sparse and uninformative, there
are no concrete indications that the Congress will be postponed once
again.
Considering the likelihood that the proceedings at the Congress will
be as difficult as ever to decipher, it will be useful to bear in mind
the source of the comments reported at the Congress. For this purpose,
the names and positions of a number of the most prominent representatives
of the Stalinists and the "liberals" are presented below.
The Stalinists, or hard-liners, are:
-Vsevolod Kochetov, editor of the arch-conservative journal
OKTYABR (OCTOBER)
-Nikolay Gribachev, author
-Vadim Kozhevnikov, author
-Anatoly Safronov, playwright
-Mikhail Sholokhov, author (awarded Nobel Prize for literature in
1965; delivered scathing denunciation of Sinyavsky and Daniel at 23rd
Congress of the CPSU, thereby earning the undying disgust of liberal
writers)
-Aleksey Markov, Secretary of Writers Union
-Sergey Pavlov, Chief of the Komsomol (scorned by liberal writers
for his unrestrained denunciation of Pasternak)
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-Gen. Aleksey Yepishev, Chief of Main Political Administration of
Soviet Army and Navy (an outspoken critic of the harm done to Soviet
youth by the works of liberal authors)
-Marshal Nikolay Krylov, Chief of Soviet Rocket Forces (a critic
of "liberals")
On the "liberals" side the outstanding figure is Aleksandr Tvardovsky.
Tvardovsky was the leader of the intellectuals' resistance to Khrushchev's
1962-63 compaign to harness writers to tasks of the state. He has been
buffeted by increasingly sharper criticism by Stalinists for the past
year. This criticism reached a peak on March 29, 1967 when PRAVDA,
IZVESTIYA, and LITERATURNAYA GAZETA joined in unprecedented unison to
rebuke Tvardovsky for ignoring previous rebukes; Tvardovsky, refusing to
recant, merely acknowledged that he had heard the criticism.
-Andrey Voznesensky, poet
-Konstantin Simonov, author who recently refused to having his war-
time memoirs edited by those who objected to the anti-Stalinist content of
his manuscript
-Vladimir Tendryakov, author
-Viktor Nekrasov, author
-Aleksandr Solzhenitsin, author
-Ilya Ehrenburg, author ( a well-liked figure amongst "liberals"
because of his steadfast pursuit of truth)
-Vasily Aksenov, poet
-Konstantin Paustovsky, writer
-Bela Akhmadulina, poetess
-Korney Chukovsky, writer
-Lidiya Chukovskaya, daughter of the aforementioned and a bitter
foe of Stalinist Sholokhov
-Yury Kazakov, writer
Considering that the Writers Congress may turn out to be a meaningful
event in the long struggle between Soviet writers and the regime, and
that all of the members of thw Writers Union are aware of this possibility,
any absences by prominent liberal writers should be looked at with skepti-
cism.
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April 1967
Excerpts from interview with Jesus Faria, "L'HUMANITE", .17 March 1967
--What is your view of the present situation in Venezuela?
About two years ago the Venezuelan Communist Party, which is
the avant-garde of our people, proposed the formation of a democratic
government with the objective of reestablishing peace in our country.
That was a demand and an order which conformed to the interest of the
working class and the laboring masses.
Contrary to what may have been written and said, this proposal
was not aimed at reaching a compromise. It enveloped in reality a
patriotic and concrete objective of national liberation. What we want
is peace and democracy, a plan for the democratic development of the
riches of our country.
But the government replied like any government devoted to the
interests of imperialism: by new imprisonments, by an increased repres-
sion, by the suppression of the most elementary constitutional rights,
by the occupation of the University of Caracas, by a reinforcement of the
government's 'bloody repressive apparatus....
--Under these conditions, what are the prospects for, the future
for the Venezuelan people?
There is absolutely no possibility of agreement with the present
Venezuelan government, within which we see no indication of a change of
policy....
--What are the different forms of struggle employed by the Venezuelan
Communists?
The Venezuelan Communists are fighting on all fronts, putting
into practice all forms of- struggle, including armed struggler We un-
leashed this four years ago and we are continuing it in the countryside
as well as in the most important cities with our Armed Forces of National
Liberation (FALN).
Up to now, and contrary to what certain newspapers have written,
our Party has not envisaged, much less approved, the abandonment of any
of these forms of struggle.
Nevertheless, a miniscule anti-Party group has formed within
our Party, led by a former member of the Central Committee, of a
military and "caudilloist" tendencies, messianic even, whose failure is
already flagrant. This group has not managed to attract more than fifty
or so members of the Party and of the Communist Youth. It is completely
isolated from the serious elements of our Party and from democratic
opinion in our country.
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April 1967
Excerpts from speech by Fidel Castro,
Havana, 13 March 1967
...Doubtless the Venezuelan revolutionaries, just like revolutionaries
in all parts of the world, committed diverse errors, diverse errors
of concepts of struggle, diverse errors of a strategic type, and errors
of tactical type. Various factors contributed to those errors. One
of them was the fact that the revolutionary movement was very strong in
the capital and on the other hand, as had happened in many other Latin
American countries, through the fault of the communist parties, the
revolutionary movement was very weak in the rural areas....
Since the official Venezuelan party was strong, and the leftist parties
were weak in the rural areas although strong in the capital, for a long
time there was an overestimation of the importance of the capital and
the struggle in the capital in the minds of the leaders of the revolu-
tionary movement of Venezuela. That is not all. It was in Venezuela
that the revolutionary movement achieved the greatest penetration in the
ranks of the professional army in recent times...That led to another
error in concept--a minimization of the guerrilla movement and a pinning
of their hopes on a military uprising....
...Besides erroneous concepts of strategy these strategic errors also
led to serious practical errors. The guerrillas found themselves
abandoned and deprived of the most elementary resources.-The revolu-
tionary leadership of the party, in an effort to direct the guerrilla
forces from the plains and from the capital, did not do what was
necessary, what a truly bold and revolutionary leadership would have
done, what the leaderships of the great contemporary historical move-
ments did to bring victory. That is, they should have gone to the ..
mountains with the guerrilla forces to direct the war from the battle
field, to direct the war from the mountains....
It is absurd and almost criminal--and we do not say that it is 100 per-
cent criminal because it is the result of ignorance rather than deceit--
to attempt to direct guerrilla forces from the city. They are two
different things, so very different; their theaters of action are so
dissimilar that the greatest folly, the most sorrowful and bloody error
which a person can make, is to attempt to direct guerrilla forces from
the city. The guerrillas were really not considered a force capable of
growing and of seizing revolutionary power in countries such as ours.
Instead, they were considered an instrument of agitation, political
instrument, a tool for negotiations. Underestimating the guerrilla
forces led to subsequent errors. In Venezuela the guerrillas were con-
stantly being instructed to cease fire. That is folly, because a
guerrilla who does not fight perishes for lack of action; a guerrilla
who does: not fight does not progress; a guerrilla who takes a respite
is a guerrilla doomed to defeat.
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(Cont.)
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That is what happened in Venezuela, and naturally, as the result of inept
leadership, coups and setbacks followed one after another....
The leaderhsip of the Venezuelan Communist Party began by talking about
democratic peace. Many people wondered what the talk about democratic
peace was....
At the bottom the intention was to abandon the armed struggle, and the
way was just being prepared. How did we know these things, these facts?
...certain documents came into our possession,...documents that were
deseminated among the militants of the Venezuelan Communist Party for
discussion,....
One of these documents is written by Pompeyo Marquez, Teodoro Petkoff,
and Freddy Munoz. Its essence is as follows: First, some changes have
occured that oblige the revolutionary movement to revise certain aspects
of its tactics, basically with relation to the armed struggle. The
rough outline of the situation is this: The armed struggle has sustain-
ed a number of setbacks and has been weakened; the revolutionary move-
ment is not at present in a condition to continue an open, frontal clash
with its enemies; the armed branch of the party has been severely damaged;
the bloody, brutal repression is affecting the revolutionary movement's
capacity to organize, unite, and mobilize the broad masses and give a
fitting reply to the government's policy.
Because of the continuous blows and setbacks and its own present weak-
ness, which prevent successful actions, the armed struggle, unless
appropriate measures are adopted to safeguard its tools, may lose the
role it has been playing in the recent past, a period in which it gave
the masses promise of a revolutionary transformation., Actually, in
the present hour, it is no longer playing that role, and its future
depends on what steps we take today.
...as a result the party must fall back on the military front and re-
commend suspension of armed action incorder to regroup its forces and
prepare them for a new revolutionary stage, which from the operational
point of view must be qualitatively superior to those known heretofore.
Until our recovery has been basically achieved-.and progress is made in
promoting fresh forces and regrouping nationalist sectors, all opera-
tions by the FALN must cease.
This military falling back must be accompanied by a political offensive
which will enable us to cover the withdrawal, relieve repressive pressure,
and regain the political initiative.
What the failures, the incompetents, had to do was not to condemn,
discipline, and expel those who had shown ability to defeat the enemy in
the open field of war in the mountains, but to resign. That was the
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2 (Cont.)
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only honest thing, the only just thing--to assume responsibility for the
failure and turn over the leaderhsip of the party to those who had demon-
strated ability to wage war.
..And it was not possible for us revolutionaries, it was not possible
for us--faced with a choice between the uncertain, the defeatists, and
men determined to achieve their goal of liberating their fatherland or
dying for Venezuela, who were not a group of theorizing charlatans but
a group of fighters--for an elemental reason of principle and revolu-
tionary ethics we could not but express our solidarity with those
fighters.
In the name of what principles, what reasons, what revolutionary essen-
tials were we obliged to declare the defeatists right, those of defeatist,
vacillating tendencies? In the name of Marxism-Leninism? No! In the
name of Marxism-Leninism we could never have held them to be right. In
the name of the international communist movement? Were we perchance
obligated by the fact that it was the leadership of a communist party?
Is that perchance the idea we must have of the international communist
movement? For us the international communist movement is, first, just
that: a movement of communists, a movement of revolutionary fighters;
and whoever is not a revolutionary fighter cannot be called a communist.
We conceive of Marxism as revolutionary thought and action. Those who
do not have a truly revolutionary spirit cannot be called communists....
Our position regarding communist parties is based strictly on revolu-
tionary principles. Those parties which unhesitatingly follow a line--
a revolutionary line--we will support in spite of everything. Those
parties which call themselves communist or Marxist and believe them-
selves to have a monopoly on revolutionary feeling but who really are
monoplizers of reformism we will not treat as revolutionary parties.
If in any nation those who call themselves communists do not know how to
fulfill their duty, we will support those who--even though they do not
call themselves communists--behave like real communists in the struggle....
To reject beforehand all who since the beginning have not been called
communists would be an act of dogmatism and sectarianism....
...What defines a communist is his action against oligarchies, action
against exploitation, action against imperialism, and, in this continent,
action in the armed revolutionary movement. What defines communists of
this continent is their action in the guerrilla movement in Guatemala,
in Colombia, and in Venezuela.
No one who has the right to call himself a communist will support the
rightwing's official leadership against Douglas Bravo. Communist parties
will have to be differentiated between guerrillas who fight in Venezuela
and defeatists who want to renege, who practically want to sell out the
guerrilla movement. This will be a point of differentiation, for we are
reaching a time when they will have to be differentiated....
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3 (Cont.)
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Individuals acting for mere reasons of sect or dogma, those with a
spirit of splittism, condemn the fighters. They will not be considered
revolutionaries....
What have official representatives done regarding the death of Iribarren
Borges? In the first place what do we think about that death?...We have
no information on Iribarren Borges. We know only the news which was
published by.the AP and other press agencies. We do not know who killed
Iribarren Borges.
Our honest opinion-in this case is: if it was the revolutionaries,
we think it was a mistake.....
,..This is our opinion. A revolutionary can disagree with an action,
with a method, with something abstract, but what is not moral, what is
not revolutionary is to take advantage of a certain action to join the
hysterical chorus of the reactionaries and imperialists to condemn the
revolutionaries.
If the revolutionaries are responsible for this action, we will express
our view, but we will never join the chorus of hangmen ruing Venezuela
to condemn the revolutionaries. What has the official leadership of
the Venezuelan Communist Party done? ....
...They accused the guerrilla fighters, taking advantage of the most
repugnant opportunism, hoping to appease the proimperialist and puppet
Leoni government... This position regarding heroic fighting men, who
maintain the Venezuelan revolutionary banner on high, asks for their
heads. What they have done is only a step from asking Leoni for a
rifle to kill Douglas Bravo.
There has been a wave of statements. What kind of attitude is this?
This is a cowardly action, an opportunist, repugnant action. This is
joining the chorus of the counterrevolutionary hysteria and the chorus
against Cuba.
These statements of cowards and opportunists are never the statements
of the revolutionary, for the revolutionary can criticize, he can dis-
agree with an act, but he does: not join in this shamful action....
Not everything is rosy in the revolutionary world. Complaints follow
on complaints because of contradictory postures. While $ome are con-
demned for restoring relations with Federal Germany, a crowd is running
about in search of relations with oligarchies of the Leoni and company
type....
What would the Vietnamese revolutionaries think if we sent delegations
to South Vietnam. to negotiate with the puppet government in Saigon?
What will those who are fighting in the mountains of America think if
we try to seek close relations with the puppets of the future Yankee
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aggressions and interventions in this continent? ....
This revolution will maintain its absolutely independent position to
which the peoples who know how to fight have a right, to which the
worthy peoples have a right. We proclaim to the whole world that this
revolution will continue its way, that this revolution will pursue its
own line, that this revolution never be anyone's satellite or be sub-
jected to anyone's conditions, and that it will never ask anyone's
permission to maintain its posture, be it in ideology or in domestic
and foreign affairs....
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April 1967
Excerpts from "Revolution Within the Revolution?"
by Regis Debray
In many American countries guerrilla warfare has repeatedly to sug-
gest dependence on a patriotic front or a party.
The placement of guerrilla warfare under the strategic and tactical
orientation of a party which has not radically changed its normal peace-
time organization, or to make guerrilla warfare one more branch of party
action will bring as its consequence a series of fatal military errors.
Let us review these rapidly: today, they are familiar to everyone.
1. Coming Down from the Mountains
The arm, however, well equipped with weapons it may be, must consult
the head before it takes action. The head, or leadership, is found in the
capital. ...The principles of democratic centralism make it necessary
for the commander of a guerrilla front ... to participate in leadership
discussions. ...He must go down to the level where policy really operates
and functions. ...This involves a fatal risk. Sooner or later, the
military officer in charge will be killed....
..."The cities," Fidel has said, "are graveyards for revolutionary
individuals and resources." This does not even take into account the
disastrous moral effect on the combatants of the degradation of their
leaders... A commander cannot go down to the cities to attend any
political meetings. He must make the politicians come up to him, to a
safe place, to discuss and decide matters. ...This presupposes that the
commander is with means with which to exercise his leadership or that he
can obtain them....
2. The Lack of Political Power Leads to Logistics and Military
Dependence of the Mountain Forces on the Cities
This dependence often leads the leaders in the city to abandon
guerrilla warfare.
The subordination of guerrilla warfare to urban political leader-
ship not only has very real practical results for the guerrilla fighters
but also creates in them an inferiority complex and a feeling of depen-
dence. They have to wait for everything: their political leaders,
guidelines, money, weapons, and even the date set for operations. The
moral and political principle, if the guerrillas do not have strength of
their own, is lost to view, and the guerrilla fighter becomes daily more
of a prisoner of the hopes of imminent aid from outside. The guerrillas
must wait for the promised aid to come, and on the promised day it does
not come, or only a part of it does, and more days of waiting are nec-
essary. ...Thus, it is that they attempt to wage "their armed struggle,"
although it often means simply waiting.
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And this is natural..-.. The city jungle is not so savage. There
men struggle to be recognized as hired animals, rather than fighting
just to exist. There is a living for all, unequal, perhaps, but avail-
able in any case.... It is truly said that we bathe in social life.
Prolonged baths soften one....
The terrible isolation in which a number of these nuclei in the
mountains have had to live for months and sometimes years is not explained
so much by clandestine sabotage, indifference?or betrayal or.. the part of
their area apparatus, as by an inevitable difference in living conditions,
and thus, in thought and behavior, between the two sectors. The best
of the comrades in the capital or abroad, although they may have been
sent on important missions, and are dedicated to their work, fall victim
to this difference, which represents an "objective betrayal." ... The
two sectors do not breathe the same air....
Lack of logistical self-sufficiency. Some guerrilla fronts have
survived on two hundred dollars a year from the political organs spon-
soring them, while that same political party spent thousands of dollars
during the same -period on propaganda work abroad and domestically, on
maintaining officials inside and outside the country, in establishing
press organs, holding amnesty conferences, etc., in order to extract
profit from the prestige the existence of these guerrilla fronts lacking
in combat equipment and isolated gave them. From this experience and
similar ones, following conc_usion has been drawn: it is less risky and
safer for a guerrilla group to make forays from its own base, ... to
neighboring villages to obtain foodstuffs and campaign equipment, to
establish its own depots, to bury or hide them, and thus to guarantee
its freedom of action for some months....
However risky these attacks may be, they are preferable to waiting
in vain... Lack of military independence. The guerrillas cannot plan
military operations months in advance for a given day in accordance with
the national political calendar established by the regime in power...
It is only reasonable that campaign plans be 'drafted by those individuals
who have to carry them out... Political leadership -ca hot'draft military
plans axone, as it sees fit, in order to contribute to maneuvers against
or pressures upon the bourgeois regime, and then transmit them to its
military apparatus "for implementation," as the customers gives his
orders to the water who transmits it to the kitchen....
3. The Lack of a Single Command
The lack of a unified command is the reason for the lack of a
general plan of action... Only a truly consistent and vigorous
leadership provided with a reasonable long-term strategic plan based on
a wise political analysis could correlate these two aspects of direct
action. By rema':ning in the cities, the political leadership will
inevitably be destroyed or splintered by the repressive forces. But
the force of tradition, the habitual adherence to given forms of organization
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ont.
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which have been consecrated and solidifed by time prevents a break with
the established structure and the adoption of the new form of struggle
required by the war situation....
Currently,. there are countries in which many political leaders
would agree, at certain moments, to leave the city, to go into the
mountains and to free the existing repression. But in fact, the situa-
tion is different every day. One day there is a coup d'etat "in the
air" or a meeting which is to be held, the hope that the fighters will
be resolved in the finding of a sudden solution. There is always a pre-
text....
In all cases there is a search to unite the advantages of all the
forms of struggle and to avoid their various disadvantages: No one is
willing to choose one form of struggle as basic and subordinate the
other to it. Both arms are allowed to act, each one in its own way and
on its own account, without correlated action, and without subordination
of the tasks. This abstract, reformist or contradictory political
leadership transforms the revolutionary movement into a marionette with-
out strings....
Uncontrolled urban actions result from the lack of a single command
and any clear strategy of armed struggle. Since there is no clear
strategy, there is no plan of action. The guerrilla is isolated from
the city. Each acts on his own account. The urban forces, or those
who stand in their stead, are not in any clear way subordinate to the
mountain guerrillas. For this reason, the true guerrillas should be
recognized as the guiding and motive wing of the movement....
It is obvious that terrorism in the city cannot play any key role
and that it also involves some dangers of a politicalnnature. But if it
is subordinated to the basic struggle, that in the rural sector, it has
from a military point of view a strategic value....
All modern American experience confirms this disharmony and dis-
agreement between the mountain and the plains forces, giving it the
force of law....
No deliberative political front can take charge of the effective
leadership of a people's war. Only an executive group which is techni-
cally able and centralized, and is united on the basis of identical
class interests can do so. In a word, a revolutionary general staff is
needed. A composite national front is by nature disposed to political
disagreements, discussions, endless deliberations and temporary compro-
mises....
It has been demonstrated that military experience in a people's
war is more decisive than political experience without contact with
guerrilla forces in the training of revolutionary cadres. The major
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leaders in Latin America today are young men, without broad politioal
experience prior to their entry into the guerrilla, ranks. It; is ridi-
culous to continue to speak separately of "political cadres" and "military
cadres," "political leaders" and "military leaders," and purE, "politicians,"
who would like to continue to be just that, but serve no purpose in
heading the armed struggle of the people. Purely "military" men do,.
and in directing guerrilla warfare and living the guerrilla life they
become politicians too. The experience of Cuba and that more recently
in Venezuela, Guatemala and other countries shows that in guerrilla
warfare the fighters are trained politically more quickly anc. more pro-
foundly than by spending an equal length of time in a training school,
even when they are of petty bourgeois or peasant origin....
The Basic Lesson for the Present
I. What should be strengthened today, the party or the guerrilla
factions, as the nucleus of a popular army? Which is the decisive unit?
Where should the main effort be put?
This today is the question on-.which the militants in all the van-
guard countries of Latin America in which guerrillas are operating
are divided....
It has been given a classic answer in the history of Marxism and in
fact by history itself.... It is the party which must be strengthened
first, because the party is the creator and the guiding nucleus of the
people's army....
As far as orthodox history goes, these principles have been applied
to date in the victorious revolutionary struggles in our era in terms
of the separate existence of a political vanguard and the military tools,
with the absolute domination of the former over the latter....
Castro says that there can be no revolution without a vanguard, and
this vanguard need not necessarily be the Marxist-Leninist party, and
that those who want revolution have the right and the duty to establish
themselves as a vanguard, independent of these parties.
It takes courage to state things as they are in a fearless voice,
when these facts go against a tradition. There is, then, no metaphysical
equation -- vanguard equals Marxist-Leninist party. There are merely
dialectical relations between given functions -- that of the 'vanguard
in history -- and a given form of organization -- *:hat of the Marxist-
Leninist party....
...The effective orientation of a revolutionary armed struggle demands
a new-methodrof leadership, a new type of organization and new ideological
and physical reflexes on the part of those responsible as well as the
militants.
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The new style of leadership. It has been widely demonstrated that
a guerrilla war is not directed from abroad, but from within, and with
acceptance of the necessary quota of risks. In a country in which a war
of this sort is being waged, then, it is necessary that the majority of
the leaders leave the cities and join the guerrilla army....
A new organization. The conversion of the party into an effective
guiding organ equal to the historical situation also makes it necessary
to do away with the plethors of commissions, secretariats, congresses,
conferences, mass gatherings, plenary sessions, meetings and assemblies
on all levels -- national,-provincial, regional and local, tormention
the most important.... This conversion further requires the provisional
suspension of "internal democracy," in the party and the temporary
abolition of the rules of democratic centralism which guarantee it...
New idelogical concepts. Nor are certain deliberate attitudes < .
consistent with the objective state of war, for example, if an entire
political line is based on the contradiction existing between inimical
classes or groups with divergent interests within a single bourgeois
social class. The result of such policy is often the obsessive search
for alliances within this or that faction of a bourgeoisie, negotiations
for support, electoral maneuvers from which the dominant class has
always, to date, benefited, the safeguarding of unity at all costs,
above the level of principle and revolutionary interests. This changes
the party little by little, and its survival in a given form becomes an
end in itself more sacred than the revolution....
How to overcome these lacks? Under what conditions can these parties
resume their vanguard functions even in guerrilla warfare? ...
II. How is the vanguard party formed? Can the party, under the
conditions existing in Latin America, create the people's army or is it
the latter which must create the vanguard party?...
... The most decisive political definition is membership in the guerrilla
force, the armed forces of liberation. Thus, little by little, this
little island has created unity at the base including all parties as it
has grown and obtained its first victory. Finally, the future people's
army will give rise to the party of which it should have theoretically
been the tool. It has been said, for its shock value, that the usual
tool of winning power -- the party -- was created after the takeover of
the regime. But no'. It was there before, in embryonic form. It was
the rebel army....
The Latin American revolution and its vanguard, the Cuban revo-
lution, are thus making a decisive contribution to international revolu-
tionary experience and Marxism-Leninism...
(Cont.)
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Under certain conditions, the political apparatus iE not separate
from the military apparatus. The two form an organic whole. This orga-
nization is the people's army, the nucleus of which is the guerrilla
force. The vanguard party may exist in the form of the guerrilla center
itself. The guerrilla force is the developing party....
...Precisely because of the clarity of the revolutionary line and because
of adamant resolution, it has been necessary to separate, a-, a certain
point in development, from the existing vanguard parties (Guatemala) or
to impose upon them (Venezuela) the necessary political, ideological
and organizational concepts at the basis for all possible agreements to
be made or dissolved. In a. word, in these two cases, it was necessary to
destroy all organic dependence on political parties and put something
else in the place of the failing political vanguard-. That is to say,
it was necessary to-reach-the point at which the Cuban revolution began.
Thus a divorce lasting some decades between Marxist theory and revo-
lutionary practice has come to an end. However contingent and fragile
the reconciliation may seem, it is this guerrilla. warfare with its
unpolitical leadership which incarnates it....
...Any guerrilla movement which wants to carry the people's war through
to the end, to transform itself, if necessary, into a regular army and
to undertake a war of movement and to take a stand will have in Latin
America to become the undisputable political vanguard, an essential
aspect being that its leadership must be incorporated in the military
command....
Dialectically speaking, in the long run, in some areas in America,
there will be no choice to be made between a vanguard party and a people's
army. At present, however, there is an order to objectives historically
substantiated. The people's army will be the nucleus of the party and
not vice versa. The guerrilla forces are the political vanguard "in
nuce" and the true party can be born only as a result, of its development.
To this effect, the guerrilla movement must be developed in order
to develop the political vanguard.
To this effect, under the current circumstances the main emphasis
must be placed on the development of the guerrilla warfare and not in
the strengthening of existing parties or the creation of new ones.
To this effect, in those same places, the insurrection work of
today is political work No. 1....
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