BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 50
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 4, 1998
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: February 1, 1965
• Content Type: REPORT

Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-038b1 9L 633-46, AND 52-
Next 3 Page(s) In Document Exempt
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: -03061A000300020002-6
25X1C10b
GUIDE to COMMUNIST DISSENSION'S
#5 Commentary 6-19 January 1965
Principal Developments:
1. Moscow's drive to convene a I March preparatory commission
meeting brought a :noteVo ?;thy. : - "act of independence" by another CP
which had long been regarded as completely loyal to the CPSU, the small
but strategically located CP of Great,Britain, one of the 26 named to
the commission. Its Executive Committee issued a statement asserting
not only that an international conference to resolve differences and
promote unity must be all-inclusive but also that a preparatory meeting
must include rirepresentatives of the main parties involved" to be effec-
tive. Therefore, it "considers it 1n1ise to fix a date for the prepara-
tory committee in the absence of agreement between the main parties."
It expresses readiness to "participate in any consultations which could
assist in the convening of an agreed representative preparatory commit-
tee." The French CP, noting the CPGB statement, immediately reiterated
its view that the 1 March meeting should be held on schedule. We have
seen no other direct reference to the 1 March schedule during this per-
iod.
2. The Sino-Soviet polemical trace continued -- with increasing
tendency toward abrogation, especially on the Chinese side. While the
Soviets avoided direct attack on the Qhinese -- and even heavily edited
Chou En-lai's December,NPC report to make it appear less opposed to Soviet
policies and less militant --,they published in Kommunist their most com-
prehensive post-Khrushchev attack on Chinese-style 'left-wing deviations"
and cited Lenin to justify their refusal to conciliate by keeping silent.
The G tinese came close to direct polemics as they: (a) named CPSU dele-
gate Ponomarev as having "boosted the Dange group" at the December Con-
gress of the old-line Indian CP, in a comment viciously castigating Dange
and the Congress; (b) have thus far not. contradicted Japanese reporting
of anti-Soviet remarks attributed to Chen Yi in an interview with a Jap-
anese visitor to Peking; (c) made it clear that recent Soviet "tough
talk" about the U.S. doesn't satisfy "true revolutionaries"; and (d) re-
published two Japanese CP A hata editprials, one from last November,
on the need to continue to battle Khrushchevianrevisionism despite the
fall of K., and long extracts from a6, January Albanian article which
is the most vituperative attack yet onJthe new Soviet leadership, urg-
ing all true Communists to have no illusions and not to fall into the
Soviet trap of silence.
3. The period ended with the top leaders of all Warsaw Pact coun-
tries convening in Warsaw for a 2-day meeting of the Political Consult-
ative Committee, the first since July 1963. Although Bloc statements
depict the secret sessions as devoted to problems of Bloc relations with
the Western powers, and although the participation of Rumania's Gheorghiu-
Dej indicated that he expected no anti-Chinese action to be taken, most
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(Commentary Cont.)
 Approved For Release 1 CIA-RDP78-03061 A000300020002-6
observers believed that problems of the ICM and the Soviet drive for a
world conference would be discussed.
Significance:
Almost half of the additional time won by Moscow's postponement of
the 26-party preparatory commission meeting from 15 December to 1 March
has passed -- and the prospects are becoming less predictable as time
rolls on. The startling new CPGB resolution would appear to be another
significant "blow for independence." However, the British statement should
probably not be taken at face value: they did not commit themselves not to
participate if the meeting is held as scheduled -- and their statement may
be intended primarily to appease internal opposition or to help the CPSU
get off the hook of the 1 March date.
Pending possible revelation of secret developments at the Warsaw sum-
mit meeting, we note two somewhat contradictory trends. Ideologically, the
truce between Moscow and Peking keeps weakening and may be entirely broken
soon. In the arena of international power politics, however, the new leader-
ship in the Kremlin may be suspected of getting along much better with Mao
& Co.: Moscow has endorsed Peking's proposal for a world-wide summit con-
ference for the banning of nuclear weapons (while the Soviets exploded an
unusually large nuclear device underground). Both powers see eye-to-eye
in supporting the Congo rebels, the Vietcong guerrillas and other subver-
sive efforts. Rumors about covert Soviet military aid for China are being
supported by the reported appearance of advanced MIG-21's on Chinese air-
fields. The free world cannot afford to relax its vigilance. 25X1 C10b
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
CHRONOLOGY -- COMMUNIST DISSENSIONS
#+5
6-19 January 1965
December (delayed): No. 18, December, of CPSU theoretical journal
Ko~ist (not signed to press until 22 De7carries a 7,000-word
article by K. Varlamov and N. Slamikhin: "Proletarian Revolutionary
Spirit and Petty-bourgeois 'Revolutionarism' -- From the History of
V. I. Lenin's struggle against Opportunism 'From the Left.'" Although
not naming the Chinese and avoiding acrimonious language, the article
is clearly a comprehensive attack on Chinese-style "left-wing deviation-
ism." Citing from Lenin's statements during the first days of Soviet
rule, when he was fighting against a group~of 'leftist Communists,`"
it claims that Lenin's indictment is of "profound and essential impor-
tance" for the present, repeatedly implying the parallel with present
Soviet-Chinese differences and attacking a wide range of CCP-supported
views.
Janual 6: Albania Party organs Zeri I Po uliit and Bashkimi publish
a harsh, detailed 13,000-word attack on "Me entire revisionist and
treacherous course of N. Khrushchev followed obstinately by the rent
Soviet leadership : it concludes with a fervent appeal for M-Ls to be
particularly vigilant before the 'calm' and 'silence' which the Khrush-
chevite revisionists in power in the USSR strive to maintain" because of
their "very difficult position."
"Marxist-Leninists, revolutionary Communists, must not be duped by
the new maneuvers and tactics of the Khrushchevite revisionists;
must not fall into the trap of 'silence' which they have set; must
have no illusions concerning the resent revisionist Soviet leader-
ship and not con e it with the U , with the Soviet revolution-
ary peoples, but must follow in a consequential fashion and without
vacillation the principled struggle to unmask modern revisionism...."
Janua. : Soviet press publishes a rather warm Kosygin Mikoyan message
of greetings to Chinese leaders on occasion of their "re-election."
January 10: Radio Peking resumed. daily re-broadcasting (in Vietnamese)
of November Rem editorial "Why Khrushchev Fell" (which asserted
that the new C SU ,leaders could avoid conf~ict with the CCP only by re-
versing all policy developments of the past decade -- Chrono #42):
earlier heavy re-broadcasting had ceased on. 6 Dec.
January 11: In London, British CP organ Za.i
I,]aly Worker publishes CPGB
Executive Committee resolution which addrepses itself to "the decision
to postpone the preparatory committee for an international Commun-
ist conference to 1 March" and "considers it unwise to fix a date for
the preparatory committee in the absence of agreement between the main
7
(Chronology Cont.)
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
dies on its convocation date." The Executive declares: "Our opinion
has always been that an international conference to help resolve differ-
ences and promote the unity of the ION must b all-inclusive." It adds
that "a re a,rator committee for such an international conference can
only be effective... if it includes representatives of -the main parties
involved i!a the 12resent differences." It concludes by expressing readi-
ness to participate in any consultations which could assist in the con-
vening of an agreed representative preparatory committee." (The CPGB is
one of the 26 parties named on the preparatory commission.)
In Peking, an "Observer" article in Peo~le's Da.-i pegged to Presi-
dent Johnson's State of the Union message uses the device of a direct,
though unattributed., quote from the 6 January Izvestija comment on the
message by "Commentator" to make it clear that even the relatively hard
line taken by Soviet media toward the Johnson speech does not satisfy
"revolutionary people" such as the Chinese. Peking's "Observer" says:
seriously and describe them as 'in accord with the desire of the
peoples.' They even hope that Johnson will turn his words into
action. In reality,, these people are attempting to lead the people
of the world astray.... Johnson mi4ht be able to pull the wool
over the eyes of certain persons, but he can never deceive the rev-
olutionary peoples of the world...." [ Ed: Quote from Izvest a
underlined.]
... There are people who take Johnson's nebulous words of peace
Ja~nuax 12: Pravda publishes a heavily edited version of Chou En-lai's
2122 December Peking report to the NPC (Chrono #1+4), mitt' most of
the statements showing differences with the Soviet Union and making the
speech appear to be much less militant than it was.
January 14+: Pravda publishes a brief statement on an 11 January meeting
of a top-levees delegation from AKEL (CP of Cyprus) with Buslov and Pono-
marev in an atmosphere of friendship and warmth": it was limited to
agreement on their mutual opposition to outside intervention in Cyprus
and made no mention of affairs of the ICM.
January 16-20: NONA distributes a series of articles reflecting COP
differences and conflict with the CPSU (all are presumably published in
Chinese press on days following NCNA distribution, though we do not yet
have confirmation in each case):
--16th, NCNA Peking "reportage" of "the Seventh Congress of the CP of
India held from 31 October to 7 November 19614. in Calcutta." (This was the
"Congress" of the pro-Chinese dissident left wing which is now referred to
in the Indian press as the CPI/L.) NCNA begins by stating that "This Con-
gress of historic significance announced the expulsion of the renegade
Dange group from the CPI." It then quotes from "a declaration adopted
at the Congress ":
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: C04-RDP78-0306QMaioflc3@Q921H 2)6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
"The Seventh Congress of the CPI declares that the delegates assem-
bled here are the true representatives of the CPI and that the Dange
group has no right to call itself the CPI. Participating... are 422
delegates representing 104,421 members from all over the country.
They represent 60 percent of the total, membership.... The leader-
ship of the Dange group... has become out-and-out revisionist and
class collaborationist and has resorted to disruptive organizational
practices...."
It NCNA goes on to quote from "a resolution adopted by the Congress
on the changes in CPSU leadership'" which says that Khrushchev's rule
bro t the ICM to "the brink, of a split" and "hopes that steps will be
taken to oveome the ideological differences."
Immediately following the above, NCNA released another "reportage"
of "a 'Seventh Congress' in Bombay from 13 to 23 December 1564" of "the
group under the renegade S. A. Dange," "usurping the name of the CP of
India." NCNA adds that this meeting was attended by "delegations of the
CPs of the Soviet Union, France, and Italy, and of the Tito clique of
Yugoslavia" and that the meeting's resolution "parroted the fallacies of
the modern revisionists and attacked the correct stand and viewpoints of
the CCP on a number of questions. It expressed 'full support' for the
20th and 22nd Congresses of the CPSU.... " After further castigating the
Congress and Dange personally, NCNA points out that, "addressing the
meeting, B. N. Pow v, secretary of the CPSU CC, boosted the Range-
Z2
2.... He assured the meeting that the CPSU would strengthen its
'unity' with the Dange group."
--3 tth, NCNA distributes a 4800-word report of a 22 November editor-
ial from JCP daily.Acaahata: NCNA begins by quoting a passage which sums
up the gist of the article -- "The question of defeating Khrushchev's
policy of peaceful coexistence is not resolved simply with the downfall
of Khrushchev." it includes the charge that "Khrushchev and his followers,
who had unjustifiably worsened state relations between China and the Soviet
Union using the divergence of views in the ranks of the IC14 as a pretext,
later took further steps to enforce their 'anti-China polio ' by conclud-
ing with the U.S. and Britain the partial nuclear test-ban treaty whose
PrinclRalaim was to prevent China from 9ssessing nuclear weapons."
--18th, a 1240-word version of the 6 December Pravda "State of the Whole
People" editorial (Chrono #43), an 1800-word summary of the December
KNomtmmist article described at the beginning of this Chrono , and 400-
word excerpts from a 20 December Pravda article by Timofeyev, "For Cohe-
sion of the Democratic Forces."
--18th, a 1600-word summary of the 28 December Ake a attack on 30 Octo-
ber r-?mud article by Soviet Trade Union boss Prokhorov (Chrono #4+).
--18th, a brief report of the 11 Jan?Bx'itish CP resolution opposing a
1 March preparatory commission meeting before the "main parties" are in
agreement,
3 (Chronology Cont.)
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RD,P78-03061A000300020002-6
-.20th, the vituperative Albanian 6 January attack on the new Soviet
1eaderhI described in this ,,anua 18: Ja anese press carries reports from Peking correspondents
of a 90-minute talk between Chinese Foreign Minister Chen Yi and Japanese
Diet member Tokuma Utsunomiya (who has championed increased Japanese con-
tacts with the CPR) in which Chen Yi (a) denounced Khrushchev for having
wanted to divide. up the world with e U.S.; b'~ said that he "does not
e ect muchfrom the new Soviet leaders but expected that eventually
outstanain leaders woa7.d appear in the 'USSR and then relations between
the two countries would improve; (c) reiterated Chinese views that the
USSR should-return the Kurile Islands to Japan, and said that the Soviet
Unioni has taken 500,000 square miles of territo from Chip a (sic) .
In Moscow, Tass announces that the Communist Parties and National
Liberation Fronts of Latin America met secretly "at the end of 196+" (not
indicated where) and proposed formation of united fronts with non-Commun-
ists to further their aims.*
Januar
y 12: Top-level delegations of the Warsaw Pact countries assem-
bled in Warsaw for a 2-day meeting of the Political Consultative Commit-
tee, the first since July 1963. All Bloc statements emphasize that the
secret sessions are devoted to problems{in Bloc relations with the West,
particularly, NATO, the N1LF, and the new West German initiative toward
reunification, Most observers, however, believe that problems of the
ICM, including the 1 March preparatory commission meeting, will also be
discussed.
ADDENDUM
January 21: The communique on the Warsaw Pact meet ir treats only of
the problems indicated a ove, proposing "the convocation of a conference
of European states to discuss measures insuring collective security in
Europe." The next-to-last sentence seems to indicate another motivation
for calling the meeting at this time: The Political Consultative Com-
mittee declares that the socialist countries are fully united in the face
of the imperialist threat and that the attempts of the imperialist cir-
cles to undermine their solidarity are doomed to failure.
*Subsequent reporting indicates that this meeting also recommended
strengthening of the "national liberation movement" in L.A. and
urged Communist unity in L.A. bases, on "the programatic declarations
of the Moscow conferences of 1957 and. 1960."
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
4 (Chronology)
 Approved For Release 1999/0i 4f31 .RDP78-0306140 c 62-6
865. TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE END OF WORLD WAR II
25X1C10b
SITUATION: Communists habitually mount heavy propaganda campaigns
on 'those which mark multiples of 5 or 10 years -- 15th,
20th, etc. There is every evidence that in 1965 the Soviets will strive
for major propaganda gains incident to the anniversary of the end of
WW II, i.e. during the period from late April to early September in dif-
ferent parts of the world.
Beginnings of this campaign appeared on 11 January 1965 both in
Izvestiya and Radio Moscow, to wit:
"At the cost of huge sacrifices the Soviet Union insured victory
over Nazism. A contribution to the defeat of Nazism was also made
by our Allies.... The members of the anti-Nazi coalition solemnly
proclaimed that German militarism and Nazism would be uprooted and
that the necessary measures would be taken to prevent Germany from
threatening her neighbors or the preservation of peace throughout
the world. -- Yet it is well known that the U.S. and her Western
partners acted contrary to the policy they had proclaimed them-
selves. They took care not to uproot militarism and revanchism
in West Germany but to arm that country and to include it in the
aggressive NATO bloc. The fostering of militarism and revanchism.
has gone so far thaturecently attempts have been made to give. the
Bundeswehr access to atomic weapons within the Atlantic nuclear
forces. And this is happening in circumstances in which Bonn openly
demands a revision of the results of WW II."
The above passage from Izvestiya embodies concisely the main themes of
an intensive, world-wide campaign which Communist propagandists can be
expected to wage. These propaganda themes are:
Germany's war guilt and the alleged recrudescence of militarism
and Fascism in West Germany.
b. The Soviet Union's paramount role in WW II which they allegedly
won virtually single-handed.
c. The U.S.A.'s alleged postwar policy of remilitarizing West Ger-
many for aggressive purposes, including alleged U.S. plans to
make nuclear weapons available to West Germany.
This long-range guidance covers general propaganda themes designed
to forestall and counteract predictable Soviet distortions of historical
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(865 Cont.)
 Approved For Release 1999/08/rDP78-03061 A000300020002-6
truths and Soviet exploitation of the anniversary for political pur-
poses. More detailed guidance on specific themes in different areas
will be by dispatch or cable.
Communist Influences, Dur and Since WW II. It has been amply
documented that Hitler came to power with the support of the German
Communist Party actin under directions fromfrom Moscow, but that the
German Communist underground was unique among European CP's in that it
failed totally to contribute anything to the outcome of the war. These
events were treated in depth in BPG No. 144, 29 June 61-, "3 September:
25th Anniversary of the Outbreak of World War II," which cited four
books that add to a true perspective of the events: Soviet Espionage,
Dallin; Russia and the;WestUnder Lenin and Stalin, Kennan; A Century
of C_onflict, Pqssony; and The Politics of Totalitarianism, John A.
Armstrong. See also the unclassified attachment, Nazi-Soviet Rela-
tions in World War II, which cites further documentation on the myth
of Soviet "anti-Fascism."
Soviet efforts to subvert other states have been extensive since
WW II. But the starting point of these efforts was Eastern Europe
which, alone of all the areas directly involved in the war (with the
exception now of Mainland China), remains entangled. The territory
occupied by Soviet troops when the war ended continued to be occupied
by them and the people continued to be dominated by Communist regimes 25X1C10 b
placed in power by Soviet bayonets,
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1 IA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
A New York Times' Moscow correspondent, Henry Tanner, has reported
an even more significant case of the "unpersonification" of Khrushchev
(New York Times, 12 January 1965; Press Comment, 12 January 1965).
Tanner discovered that the first volume of the projected six-volume
History of the CPSU, which had only appeared a few weeks before Khru-
shchev's fall, has now been withdrawn from sale. The main text of this
volume covers only early Communist history up to 1903, and it is evi-
dently not the text, but rather the long introduction which offends the
new leaders; in this introduction, Khrushchev's name appears five times,
including references to him as "the true Leninist" and to his "glorious
70th birthday." Moscow booksellers say that the volume has been "with
drawn for changes," and that a new printing will be out shortly.
[For further background on Soviet treatment of history, see unclassi-
fied attachment, "The Soviets Rewrite History Again."]
25X1C10b
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
R E 9 (866 Cont. )
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For ReI@'he 199 -RDP78-030t'PA000300020002-6
The Indonesians are pressing for the Conference to be held as scheduled
in March and say that Algeria can find other ways to accommodate it.
Algeria is unlikely to accept this suggestion since it would be a blow-to
its national pride when it is seeking leadership among A-A nations. L See
BPG #156, Item 859, 21 Dec. 1964; #144, item 802, 29 June 1964; #140,
Item 779, 4 May 1964; #135, Item 748, 24 Feb. 1964_7
Ninth World Youth Festival. Preparations for the Ninth World Youth
Festival (WYFT,-scheduled for 28 July to 6 August in Algiers, have been
marked so far by Algerian attempts to remove the evidence of Soviet control
and Chicom attempts to gain a decisive influence on the Festival's policies.
The sponsor of this year's Festival, the youth movement of the Algerian
National Liberation Front (JFLN), is seeking to "legitimize" the Festival
as a free world event. The JFLN has consistently reiterated that the Ninth
WYF will be "different from all past Festivals" since it is to be held in
Africa and hosted by an African youth organization. In November and
December, a JFLN delegation toured Western Europe seeking to broaden parti-
cipation to include non-Communist youth organizations, specifically the
World University Service (WUS), the Secretariat of the International Stu-
dent Conference (COSEC), the World Assembly of Youth (WAY) and the Inter-
national Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY), as well as UNESCO.
However, only the actual centers of control of the Festival, the
Communist-front World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) and Inter-
national Union of Students (IUS), have pledged support and taken positions
on the International Preparatory Committee (IPC). And the communique'
issued by the IPC, at the conclusion of its 16-17 December meeting (pub-
lished in the JFLN's weekly organ Jeunesse of 18 December) stated -- quite
in conflict with the "new image" to be projected -- that "the Committee is
convinced that thus constituted the festival will continue the history of
preceding Festivals." That history is one of a Soviet cold war instrument
intended to exploit the world's youth.
On 11 December, Premier Ben Bella formed a national preparatory com-
mittee of major government officials to "leave no stone unturned to make
the Ninth WYF a total success." Algeria has mobilized its resources --
human, financial, and logistical -- behind a mass meeting which is not
only a non-Algerian event but is in fact a thinly-veiled mechanism of the
Communist world.
Chinese activities indicate that the Festival may become one more
international arena for the Sino-Soviet polemic and power struggle. The
December meeting of the IPC was dominated by the twelve-man Peking delega-
tion's ill-disguised political demands which would give the Chicoms greater
influence on the Festival's policies and proceedings. L See Briefly Noted
in BPG #156, 21 Dec, 19647 25X1 C10b
Approved For Release 1999/08/4: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(867 Cont..)
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24IP78-03061A000$.09AM X65
868. CHINESE COMMUNIST ESPIONAGE IN BRAZIL 25X1 C10b
SITUATION: During the first week of April 1964, in the aftermath
of the popular revolt against the Goulart regime and its steady drift to-
ward Communism, Brazilian police authorities arrested nine Chinese Com-
munist (two New China News Agency (NCNA) officials and seven members of
Chicom trade delegations) on charges of espionage and subversion. The
Chinese Communist government protested the arrests vehemently and made
every effort to secure the release of the arrested officials. (See un-
classified attachment). They launched a massive propaganda campaign and
sought the assistance of legitimate free world trading partners to bring
international pressure on the Brazilian government, As it became increas-
ingly clear that they would not succeed, they turned their attention to
denigrating the Brazilian government as the flunky of U.S. imperialism.
The Brazilian authorities yielded neither to Peking's persuasion nor to
its insults and the prisoners were brought to trial, convicted and sen-
tenced on December 22, 196+ to 10 years' imprisonment each. Three
Brazilians implicated were given similar sentences. 25X1 C1 Ob
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(868 Cont,,'
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/2 8-03061A000300p2QQy 1965
869 AF, FE, NE AFRO-ASIAN ISLAMIC CONFERENCE;
BANDUNG, 20 FEBRUARY 1965 25X1 C1 Ob
SITUATION: The Afro-Asian Islamic Conference (AAIC), scheduled to
open in Bandung on 20 February*. was originally conceived by Indonesian Muslim
groups. Sponsored by Indonesian political "moderates," a basic intent was
to reduce the prestige of the far-left forces who had gained prominence
through the staging of a series of functional Afro-Asian conferences (journa..
lists, writers, etc.). Unlike Communist influenced or controlled Afro-Asian
conferences, however, the AAIC received little Indonesian governmental
support in its preparatory stages. Only six foreign delegations partici,
pated in the preparatory meeting (June 1964), which seemed to have no precise
goals, except perhaps for generating propaganda for the main conference (to
be held, originally, in December 1964).
Indonesian Aspects. Domestically, however, the June preparatory
meeting had some significance: it improved temporarily the self-Oonfidence
of non-Communists, and demonstrated that there was a basis for their working
together toward a common goal. The forthcoming conference may well be most
important from this internal Indonesian point of view since religion is now
apparently the last effective common rallying point of moderate forces in
Indonesia. Although planning is still largely in the hands of non-political
Muslims and other moderate forces, the Indonesian government, -- its Foreign
Ministry in particular --, has increasingly injected itself into prepara-
tions for the main conference. There are also indications that the pro-
gression of political events in Indonesia since last June will make the main
conference more avowedly political than the preparatory gathering'. and
Indonesia must be expected to stress hard anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist
themes.
Soviet Participation? The Indonesian sponsors planned to invite all
Afro-Asian countries which have Muslim populations (including Communist
China and the USSR but not Malaysia) as full members of the main conference,
with groups from America and Europe to be invited as observers. Communist
China and the USSR had been specifically excluded from the preparatory con-
ference in order to avoid a Sino-Soviet confrontation. Indonesian Muslim
leaders seek to invite both Communist Chinese and Soviet Muslims to the main
conference hoping that Soviet representation would counter balance the in-
fluence of the Chicom representatives, The preparatory conference decided
to link AAIC invitations to the invitations to the 2nd Afro-Asian Conference
in Algiers (tentatively scheduled for 10 March, but likely to be postponed).
With the question of Soviet participation at the Algiers Conference still.
as uncertain as ever, USSR presence at the AAIC has become problematical
and controversial.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(869 Cont.)
 Approved For Release 19lA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
As of this writing, active interest in the AAIC outside Indonesia is
displayed by Pakistan and the Philippines; and by the USSR which is in-
terested in attending to support its contention that it is an Asian coun-
try. (The USSR's exclusion would be exploited by the Chicoms as a precedent
for all Afro-Asian conferences). The Pakistanis have reportedly protested
against the Indonesian organizing committee's intent to invite the USSR.
However, President Sukarno is said recently to have endorsed the organizing
committee's decision to include the USSR and the organizing committee's
secretary general is now seeking Pakistan acquiescence to Soviet participa-
tion.
Attendance. Reportedly, possibly as many as 50 nations will be present
at the AAIC as full participants, including 24 from Africa, 11 from the
Middle East and 15 from Asia (including "Malaya" but not Malaysia). Observers
are reportedly to come from such countries as Australia, France, Poland,
Yugoslavia, Albania, Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden and the USA.
Permanent Secretariat Planned. In addition to the AAIC's internal
Indonesian political significance and Indonesia's general desire to enhance
its prestige and to advance the: struggle against alleged imperialism and
colonialism, the Indonesian sponsors have one specific goal: to obtain an
agreement for the establishment of a permanent Afro-Asian Islamic organiza-
tion with the secretariat hopefully to be located in Indonesia. The
Indonesians are preparing draft proposals for a permanent organization which
they envisage as semi-political in purpose. Other countries are charged
with the preparation of working papers on less controversial topics.
Agenda. The provisional agenda for the main conference includes the
following topics:
1. Opinions on the international situation in general and the Afro-Asian
situation in particular, based on the principles and purposes of the
AAI C ;
2. Position of Islamic countries in Africa and Asia and their role in the
effort to realize a new world, peaceful and free from imperialism,
colonialism, and neocolonialism in all their forms and manifestations;
3. Protection for Islamic minority groups against discrimination and per-
secution of human rights, and expulsion from their lands on the basis
of religion and so forth;
4. Cooperation between peoples of the Islamic faith to strengthen the
solidarity of Afro-Asian peoples in conformity with Islamic teachings;
Coordination of all Asian and African Islamic nations' endeavors in
the religious, economic, social, cultural, and other fields;
6. Opening of an Islamic information bureau;
Approved For Release 1999/0824: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(869 Cont.)
 Approved For Release I 999/08/24 . 8-03061 A000300020002-6
7. Initiating. an educational exchange program, granting scholarships, and
providing an opportunity for advanced Islamic studies in Asian and
African countries;
8. Cooperative strengthening of Islamic missions activities;
9. Establishing a permanent cooperative body for the Islamic community in
Asia and Africa, promoting the spirit of Islam, and creating organiza-
tions for youth and girl movements and social activities.
.Working papers for some of the above topics are to be prepared by the
following countries: For 3) -- Iraq and Pakistan; for 5) -- UAR; for 7) --
Philippines; for 8) -- Saudi Arabia.
Organizing Committee. Dr. Idham Chalid, chairman of the relatively con-
servative Muslim party NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) and Vice Chairman of the Peoples
Consultative Assembly, is the chairman of the AAIC. He is assisted by vice
chairmen from the UAR, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. 25X1 C10b
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: C14-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(869 Cont.)
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 78-03061A0003D02? 6-965
Approved For Release 1999/08/240
870 WH,g.
PANAMA CANAL -- NEW ALTERNATIVES
25X1C10b
SITUATION: President Johnson's speech of 18 December 1964 once
again focused world attention on the multiple problem of Panama: the
1903 Hay-Bureau treaty, the growing obsolescence of the fifty-year-old
waterway, and the need to build a new canal. The President announced
two important decisions: First,... "to press forward, with Panama and
other interested governments, in plans and preparations for a sea-level
canal in this area... Second,... to propose to the Government of Panama
the negotiation of an entirely new treaty..."
Emphasizing that the riots of 9-10 Jan 1964 had not brought about
these decisions, he repeated what he had said at that time: "violence
is never justified and is never a basis for talks." The real reason
behind the decisions is the fact that the present canal has become in-
adequate for the volume of shipping that passes through it and for the
size of the ships. It is estimated that ,over 300 vessels in service
or under construction are too big to go though the locks. These in-
clude new tankers, ore carriers, and our own large aircraft carriers.
At present the Panama Canal is being used up to its maximum capacity of
about 40 ships a day, and some of these have to wait as long as 15 hours
for their turn to make the 50-mile transit.
A sea-level canal would solve many problems: it would naturally
be constructed to accommodate the largest existing ships; it would re-
quire only about one tenth the personnel to operate it, and far less in
other operating costs; transit time would be greatly reduced; it would
be less vulnerable to sabotage, having only one lock, compared to the
six -- three to raise and three to lower -- of the present canal. (A
tidal lock would be necessary because the tides on the Pacific side of
the isthmus range from 15 to 20 feet, while those on the Caribbean side
are barely one foot.)
In his statement, President Johnson revealed that Congress had ap-
propriated $17 million to study "possible sites and other practical prob-
lems of a sea-level canal." He mentioned four possible routes: one
through Nicaragua and possibly Costa Rica; two through Panama; and one
along the Atrato and Ruando Rivers in Colombia. Except for the present
canal, all of these sites are in sparsely inhabited areas, a factor which
would make it possible to use nuclear explosions for the major excavation
tasks. Costs have been estimated at from one to two or more billion dol-
lars. Given the present technology of the peaceful uses of atomic energy
and the protracted nature of treaty negotiations, estimates for the com-
pletion of a new sea-level canal run as high as fifteen years.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(870 Cont.)
 Approved For Release 19 IA-RDP78-03061 A000300020002-6
In the meantime, the United States and Panama will negotiate a new
treaty. "Such a treaty," said the President, "would replace the 1903
treaty and its amendments. It should recognize the sovereignty of Panama.
It should provide for its own termination when a sea-level canal comes
into operation. It should provide for effective discharge of our common
responsibilities for hemispheric defense. Until a new agreement is
reached, of course, the present treaties will remain in effect."
This initiative, as most observers were quick to point out, has
placed the United States in a strong bargaining position vis-a-vis Panama.
As negotiations for a new treaty proceed, surveys in other countries ac-
companied by informal conversations, will undoubtedly serve to temper the
nationalism of all but a fanatical minority in Panama. Panama will have
to be less intransigent in its demands, both as to details in the revi-
sion of the old treaty and in the concessions she will have to make if
the site for a new canal is chosen through her territory.,
25X1C1Oc
 25X1C10b
L Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
1 February 1965
When French-British-Soviet military discussions broke down on
15 August 1939 (following Hitler's destruction of Czechoslovakia), the
Nazis intensified their efforts for a settlement with Moscow. The in-
vasion of Poland was planned for the second half of August, and if Hitler
wanted to keep to that schedule without risking the dreaded war on two
fronts, he had to get the pact with the Russia' settled as quickly as
possible. The attitude of hostility toward the Soviet Union was being
dropped, aral mid. August of 1939 became the point of intersect ion of the
various lines of development when the knot for Hitler's war was finally
being tied. German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop hurried to Moscow on
23 August with the full authority of the Fuhrer to negotiate with author-
ized representatives of the Soviet Union a treaty of non-aggression as
well as all related matters and to sign both the treaty and other agree-
ments resulting from the treaty and, if possible, to see that the treaty
and other agreements came into force immediately they were signed. On
23 August,, within hours after Ribbentrop's arrival, the German-Soviet
treaty of non-aggression, with its secret appendix, had been negotiated
and signed.
The Soviet leaders proclaimed the "peaceful" purposes of the new
pact and stated that it differed in no way from treaties which the
Soviet Union had concluded with other Powers, including Poland. To put
it mildly, this assertion was a downright lie. The German-Soviet agree-
ment was not conceived within the normal framework of international
treaties as understood theretofore: it represented a completely new
type of non-aggression pact, the nature of which had been revealed years
before by a man whose qualifications and intentions should be beyond all
doubt: Litvinov, Molotov's predecessor as Soviet Foreign Minister. In
a speech before the Assembly of the League of Nations on 11. September
1935 he clearly expounded the differences between the two types of
treaty :
"We know of another political conception that is fighting the idea
of collective security and is advocating bilateral pacts, and this
is not even between all States, but only between States arbitrarily
chosen for this purpose. Not every pact of non-aggression is con-
cluded with a view to strengthening general peace. While non-
aggression pacts concluded by the Soviet Union include a special
clause for suspending the pact in cases of aggression committed by
one of the parties against any third State, we know of other pacts
of non-aggression which have no such clauses. This means that a
State which has secured by such a pact of non-aggression its rear
or its flank obtains the facility of attacking with impunity, third
States."
Molotov's predecessor thereby made it quite clear that in the Soviet
mind, a pact of the type concluded between Germany and the Soviet Union
is not likely to serve the cause of peace. Such pacts are rather an
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
(Cont.)
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
instrument of naked and self-seeking power politics which does not
shrink from making common cause with the aggressor. Despite Moscow's
peaceful protestations, the so-called non-aggression treaty proved to
be what it was in fact intended to be: a purely business transaction
- a tactical expedient for dividing up and controlling the Eastern
European world between Russia and Germany.
Even more important than the publicized parts of the non-aggression
pact was its secret protocol which was not exposed until after the war.
This protocol demarcated exactly the Russian and German "spheres of in-
terest" in a wide area extending from Finland to the mouth of the Danube.
The great significance of the pact and the secret agreement as a factor
in the causes of the Second World War raises questions as to the motives
which induced the two dictators to agree at the eleventh hour. That a
treaty of "friendship" was concluded at all between the two systems,
deadly enemies ideologically though they were, has been described as a
"triumph of political expediency over ideological antitheses." Churchill
said that it was questionable "whether Hitler or Stalin regarded the
whole affair with greater loathing." A search for German motives throws
light on the genuineness of the anti-Communism which Hitler had thereto-
fore preached so zealously. Hindsight reveals that his intensive anti-
Comnnanist activity was a purely tactical expedient, intended to help
justify rearmament and mask his lust for conquest. The Soviets' abrupt
withdrawal from the fight against Fascism which, according to the Comin-
tern, was the most evil and dangerous breed of capitalism and imperial-
ism, was an equally wrenching about-face. In an effort to parry the
criticism on ideological grounds which came from its own rank and file
as well as from the Western Allies it had spurned, the Soviet Union tried
to portray its foreign policy as a peace policy and the pact as an instru-
ment of peace. The true Soviet motives emerge quite clearly from the pub-
lished German Foreign Office documents* on the negotiations: on the one
hand, the reduction of hostility taward Germany and the desire to carve
up Eastern and Central Europe in co-operation with Germany; on the other
hand, the achievement of better relations with Japan, aided by Germany.
Some historians have argued that the British-French-Soviet negotiations
were doomed by the mutual suspicions which dogged them. Be that as it
may, it is clear that the all-important reason for Stalin's decision to
come to terms with Hitler was not his mistrust of the Western Powers,
but the unexpectedly generous offer made by the Nazis.
In order to reconcile the German-Soviet pact with revolutionary
ideology, the Kremlin revived Lenin's sligan that the Soviet Union was
"surrounded by hostile capitalist states." According to official Soviet
interpretations the second imperialist war had already begun with Ethi-
opia, Spain, etc., and world revolutionary aims clearly required that
the Soviet Union keep out of it and let the imperialists weaken one an-
other. How the Soviets managed to deceive their allies about this fixed
*Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1939-19+1, (Documents from the Archives of
the German Foreign Office), Dept. of State Publication 3023, 1948.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
2 (Cont.)
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
long-term goal was to be learned first by Nazi Germany and later by
the Western democracies. In the eyes of the Soviet leaders the two
basic elements of Soviet foreign policy, the national interest of the
sovereign State and the goal of world revolution both demanded the con-
clusion of a pact with Germany to support that policy. Needless to say,
the Soviet purpose contained not a trace of the kind of ethical motive
generally associated with the concept of peace in the Western world.
Like their Nazi partners, the Soviet leaders boasted about the durabil-
ity of the pact with Germany and the finality of the new orientation.
At the close of negotiations with Ribbentrop, Stalin himself stressed
explicitly how seriously the Soviet Union took this pact, and he gave
his word of honor that the Soviet Union would not betray its partner.
Two years later, however, after Hitler had violated the pact by attack-
ing the Soviet Union, a very different tune was heard from Moscow.
Stalin then gave the following interpretation of the motives on which
he alleged the pact with Hitler had been based:
"One might ask: How was it possible for the Soviet government to
embark on a pact of non-aggression with such treacherous monsters
as Hitler and Ribbentrop? Did not the Soviet government make a
mistake? Of course not: A non-aggression pact is a peace pact
between two States. That was precisely what Germany offered us in
1939 - a peace pact. Could the Soviet government refuse such an
offer? I think that no single peace-loving State can reject a
peace agreement with a neighboring State even if such monsters and
cannibals as Hitler and Ribbentrop are at the head of it. But of
course the indispensable condition is that the peace agreement shall
not impair the territorial integrity, independence and honor of the
peace-loving State, directly or indirectly. It is well known that
the non-aggression pact between Germany and the USSR was just that
kind of pact. What did we gain by concluding a non-aggression pact
with Germany? We secured one and a half years of peace for our
country and the chance to prepare our defensive forces, in case
fascist Germany invaded our country in spite of the pact. That
was a definite gain for us and a loss for fascist Germany."
Here Stalin keeps to the interpretation of the German-Soviet pact as an
instrument of peace. He speaks of the territorial integrity and inde-
pendence of his own country, but he completely ignores the fact that the
pact cost Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland their territor-
ial integrity and political independence.
The pact's secret agreement to which the Eastern European States
fell victim is completely hushed up and regarded as nonexistent not only
by Soviet politicians but also by so-called Soviet historians. This is
a prime example of tendentious Soviet handling of historical facts. In
reply to the published documents of the German Foreign Office concerning
origins of the German-Soviet treaty and its secret protocol, the Council
of Ministers of the USSR issued a publication entitled The Falsifiers of
History in which the documents from the German archives were branded as
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
3 (Cont.)
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
biased and unauthentic. The Western Powers as well as Hitler are blamed
for causing WW II because they made Nazi aggression possible through their
appeasement. But in this apologia not a word is breathed about. the secret
agreement of 23 August 1939, Obviously the Soviet conception of histori-
cal scholarship is bound up with Marxist-Leninist ideology, according to
which the historian must be free from "an exaggerated love for the facts."
His ideological is far more important than his methodological training.
"The real Soviet historian must be warlike and aggressive, his evaluation
of historical facts is a political decision dictated by political motives."
Against such lies the objective observer is bound to state that the real
motives behind the Soviet leader's desire for an agreement with Nazi Ger-
many were the prospect of destroying the Eastern European States and the
hope of helping to touch off a war which was in the interests of the So-
viet Union as much from a power-political as an ideological point of view.
The fact that the power of the Soviet Union now extends to Central Europe
is an historical consequence of the secret German-Soviet agreement of 23
August 1939.
(For further material on the myth of Soviet "anti-Fascism" and Communist
performance in WW II see: Soviet Espionage, David Dallin, Yale Univers-
ity Press, 1955; Russia and the West Under Lenin and Stalin, Kennan; A
CentM of Conflict, Stefan T. Possony, Henry Regnery Co., 1953; The
Politics of Totalitarianism, John A. Armstrong, Random House, 1961;
France Against Herself, Herbert Leuthy, Frederick A. Praeger Inc., 1955;
France A Communist Party in Action, Angelo Rossi (pseud.), Yale Univers-
ity Press. 1949- The Soviet History of WW TT- Mvthc_ Memories
and Re-
,
alities, Matthew P. Gallagher, Praeger, 19 3; The Strange Alliance, John
Russell Deane, Viking, 19+7.)
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: QJA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 THE ,q pb fs9,0~Vp0%IJ?%-R 124: CIA-RDP78-~ 6N 0300020002-6
C , -L U4
Introduction to.New Six-Volume History of the Party
REVOLUTIONARY PATH OF THE LENINIST PARTY. (Prav-
da, Sept. 21, pp. 3-4; Sept. 22, pp. 2-3; Sept. 23, pp. 2-3.
Complete text:) The first of six volumes of "The History of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union" is to appear shortly.
The Of#iotory" is being prepared by the Central Committee's
Institute of Marxism-Leninism at the decision of the Party
Central Committee. Publication of the six-volume work Is to
be completed by 1967,' for the 50th anniversary of the Great
October. This work will provide a profound scientific general-
ization of the historical experience of our party and the Soviet
people, who were the first to blaze the path to socialism for
mankind and who are now successfully building communism.
Pravda is printing the Introduction, which appears in the
first volume.
"In rearing the workers' party, Marxism is rearing a van-
guard of the proletariat capable of taking power and LEADING
HE WHOLE PEOPLE to socialism, of directing and organiz-
ing the new system, of being teacher, guide and leader of all
he working and exploited people in the cause of establishing
heir public life without the bourgeoisie and against the bour-
eoisie. "*-V. I. LENIN.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has traversed a
lifficult and glorious path from small Marxist circles and
roups to an army of many millions, the vanguard of the build-
rs of communism. Lenin's party was tempered in the fire of
hree revolutions; its selfless, heroic struggle and tireless
reative work played the decisive role in the historical des-
of our motherland and exerted tremendous influence on
11 of world development. Under the leadership of the Commu-
1st Party the working people of Russia freed themselves from
he age-old oppression of Tsarism, landowners and capitalists,
reated a multinational socialist state, lifted their country out
f backwardness, ignorance and lack of rights to the heights
f human progress, and made it one of the most powerful and
dvanced in the world. By wholehearted service to the working
eople, the Communist Party won the love and confidence of
oviet people and the respect of working people of the whole
orld. Its historical experience is an inestimable contribution
o the international treasure trove of Marxism-Leninism, to
he theory and practice of the international workers' move-
ent, to the socialist revolution and the building of socialism
nd communism.
Under the leadership of Lenin's party our people were first
o open up for mankind the previously untrod path to socialism
nd are now blazing the way to communism, inspiring the
orking people of all countries by their example and by the
ajestic program of building a communist society, the Pro-
ram adopted by the 21st Congress of the C. P. S. U.
Reviewing our party's historical path, N. S. Khrushchev
minted out in his speech at the June, 1963, plenary'session"of
he Party Central Committee: "The strength of the Party, of
is Marxist-Leninist ideology, has been tested by life. For 60
ears now the Party has been fighting for the cause of the peon
le and, guided by the immortal teachings of Marxism-Lenin-
sm, has been winning.. Under the leadership of its great found-
r and head, V. I. Lenin, the Communist Party led the wdrk-
ng class and the working people to the very great victory in
ctober, 1917; it organized the people for the defense of the
oviet motherland during the Civil War and during the war
gainst Hitlerism, and.it has achieved successes in peaceful
reation that amaze the whole world!"t
"The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"
n several volumes, published by decision of the C.P.S.U. Cen-
ral Committee, has the aim of illuminating the Party's whole
I. Lenin, "Complete o ec ed Works" [in Russian],
Ol. XXXIII, p. 26.
N. S. Khrushchev, "Marxism-LentnismIs Our Banner Our
ighting ~
entral Co fttee June 21, 1963. [in Russian], Moscow, 1963,
. 9. [Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. XV, No. 24, p. 4.1
historical path, from the birth of Bolshevism to our times; of
showing, on the basis of extensive factual material, the triumph
of Lenin's doctrine of the new-type party, of generalizing the
Party's many-sided experience of revolutionary struggle and its
transforming work, Its organizational construction in various
historical conditions, and the laws of its development. The work
comprehensively studies V. I. Lenin's revolutionary activity as
organizer and leader of the Communist Party, as founder of the
Soviet state, as inspired thinker and proletarian revolutionary;
it discloses V. I. Lenin's fresh contributions to the teaching of
Marxism and the tremendous significance of Lenin's theoretical
heritage and of the many-sided theoretical and practical
activity of the Party's leading bodies.
One of the basic requirements of a scientific treatment of the
history of the C.P.S.U. is that it profoundly disclose the crea-
tivity of the working masses and, above all, of the working
class, as the motive force of man's progressive development,
and the guiding and directing role of the Communist Party.
The activity of the Party cadres trained by V. I. Lenin, of
active participants in.the revolutionary movement, of leading
revolutionary workers, ~of leaders of the Party and the Soviet
state, is extensively shown.
The compilers of "The History of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union" have been guided by the Leninist principle of
Party outlook, organically combining tie s r c es scientific
approac , 0 jectivity, principle and Bolshevist consistency.
Another important principle underlying the multivolume work
is the principle
ct of historicity, requiring that facts and events
be viewed n aor accordance with concrete historical reality, in
their mutual interrelationship and mutual conditioning, with
regard for the array and balance of class forces. "The whole
spirit of Marxism, its whole system," wrote V. I. Lenin,
"requires that each proposition be viewed only (a) historically;
(b) only in relationship to others; (c) only in relation to the
concrete experience of history."*
"The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"
is based on the works of the founders of scientific communism,
K. Marx and F. Engels; of V. I. Lenin-the creator and leader
of the Party; and of his comrades-in-arms and disciples, as
well as on the tremendous documentary archives of the Party.
Despite the mistakes and distortions connected with the
Stalin cult, which fettered the development of Party historical
science, Soviet historiography has made a substantial contri-
bution to treatment of the history of the C. P. S. U. A new stage
in the development of the science of Party history began after
the 20th Party Congress. In these years the historians have
brought forth much documentary material, studied many key
problems, and written a number of sketches and monographs
on the history of local Party organizations. The work on the
history of the C.P.S.U. is a summation of all the previous
scientific research by Soviet scholars. It makes use of all the
best that has been created by Soviet historiography and other
social sciences. Carefully studying the totality of documents
relating to this or that historical period, the compilers of the
multivolume work consider one of their most important tasks
to be that ol'presenting the facts and events in strict accordance
with historical truth, not falling into onesidedness of subjectiv-
ism, and overcoming all the encrustations to which the cult of
the individual gave rise in the science of Party history.
The whole world has become convinced of the huge influence
of the Communist Party and its founder and leader, V. I. Lenin,
on the course of social development. Hence the growing
interest of progressive mankind in the history of the C.P.S.U.
and in the life and work of V. I. Lenin. On the other hand, the
opponents of Communism are attempting to present the history
of our party in a false light, to blacken it and to represent the
Bolsheviks as "a handful of conspirators" who were divorced
from the working class and from the people. The bourgeois
falters of hoistryrely~ee oQ and "works" of
? 'fi = Trotskyites
*V. L Lenin, "Works," fourth [Russian] ed., Vol. XXXV, p. 200.
 CPYRGHT
and other de e o e enemy camp-are try ng o represen
the October Revolution as an "accidental" seizure of power by
the Bolsheviks. In their opinion, it was just as "accidental"
that the Soviet people defeated the interventionists and White
Guards during the years of the Civil War, and the world's first
socialist country "accidentally" routed German fascism during
the years of the Great Patriotic War.
The multivolume "History of the C.P.S.U." will help to satis-
fy the interest of all the progressive people of today in the his-
tory of our party And will be an exposure of the bourgeois and
petty-bourgeois falsifiers, revisionists and dogmatists who deny
the historical logic of our victories and maliciously slander the
C.P.S.U., trying to belittle its authority and its revolutionizing
influence on the working people of the whole world.
Lenin's party began its militant path at the dawn of our cen-
tury by leading the strike struggle and the barricade battles of
the workers. Today it leads the Soviet people, who are building
communism, and is the acknowledged vanguard of the inter-
national Communist and workers' movement. Its seething and
multifaceted historical activity is an unparalleled feat for the
sake of the people, for the sake of the happiness and well-being
of all people on earth.
Lenin's party, which arose from the combination of scientific
communism and the workers' movement, has based and con-
tinues to base its program, policy, strategy, tactics and organi-
zation on the Marxist-Leninist teaching, on the indissoluble
unity of revolutionary theory and practice.
The purpose of a fundamental scientific work on the history
of the C.P.S.U., timed for the 50th anniversary of the October
Revolution, is to help in mastering the world-historic experi-
ence and theoretical wealth that the Party has amassed during
its existence, to apply them creatively in solving the urgent
tasks of the struggle for democracy, socialism and commu-
nism. By reminding people of the revolutionary traditions of
the working class and its vanguard, the study of the history of
the C.P.S.U. will contribute to the formation of the new man,
the active fighter for communism, and to the rearing of Soviet
people In a spirit of noble patriotic pride in the great revolu-
tionary accomplishments of the Party and the people. The pub-
lication of "The History of the C.P.S.U." will contribute to the
present-day Communist and workers' movement's assimilation
of the wealth of experience of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union.
The outline of the multivolume history was worked out in
accordance with Lenin's instructions on the basic periods in the
history of Bolshevism and with due regard for the periodization
that has become established in our historiography.
The entire historical path of the Communist Party is divided
into three major stages that differ from'one another in the
nature of the objective socioeconomic and political situation,
the correlation of class forces in the country and, accordingly,
in the basic programmatic tasks of the Party, as well as in the
organizational forms and the methods of its activity.
"The working class and its Communist Party," N. S. Khru-
shchev has said, "pass in their struggle through three world-
historic stages: the overthrow of the rule of the exploiters
and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat; the
building of socialism; and the creation of a communist soci-
ety. "* Each of these stages is divided into shorter periods in
the life and activity of the Party, and these have been taken as
the basis for the structure of the multivolume "History of the
C. P. S. U.": (1) the founding of the new-type Marxist party
(1883-1903); (2) the struggle to overthrow the Tsarist autoc-
racy (1904-February, 1917); (3) the Communist Party as the
inspirer and organizer of the victory of the Great October
Socialist Revolution and of the defense of the socialist home-
land (March, 1917-1920); (4) the Communist Party in the strug-
gle to build socialism in the U.S.S.R. (1921-1937); (5) the Com-
munist Party during the period of the consolidation of social-
ism, during the years of the Great Patriotic War and the post-
war restoration and development of the national economy
(1937-1952); (6) the Communist Party in the struggle to build
* ongress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union:
Stenographic Record" (in Russian], Vol. I, Moscow, 1962,
1 .
i commun sm in the U.S.S.R. and to strengthen peace (1953-1967)
.
A big place in the work has been given over to the illumination
of questions linked with the formation of Bolshevism as an ideo-
logical trend and as a party: the laws and the objective neces-
sity for the rise in Russia of a new type of party; its predeces-
sors; the role of V. I. Lenin and Lenin's Iskra in the struggle to
consolidate the revolutionary forces in Russia into a united
Marxist party of the working class; the world-historic signifi-
cance of the rise of Bolshevism and the Bolshevist party.
The Communist Party emerged in the political arena at the
beginning of the 20th century, This was a turning point in the
history of mankind. Capitalism, which had entered its final,
imperialist stage, had brought the peoples incalculable burdens,
an intensification of political and economic oppression, reaction
in all fields, the squandering of productive forces on colonial
adventures, and bloody wars for the redivision of the world. But
this same capitalism, in entering its highest and final stage,
created broader objective prerequisites than ever before for the
transition to the new social system, socialism, and riper sub-
jective prerequisites for this transition: a growth of protest
and resistance by the many-millioned masses. A new historical
epoch had begun, the epoch of revolutionary storms and social
upheavals, in which the proletariat was to say the final word.
History entrusted the working class with a great mission-to
be the leader of the working people in their liberation struggle
and in the creation of the socialist society. At the same time,
the lessons of the revolutions and of the liberation struggle of
the masses showed that the proletariat can fulfill its historical
mission only if its actions are illuminated by a correct theory
and if its forces are united in a revolutionary organization.
This theory-scientific communism-which was born of the
genius of K. Marx and F. Engels, was developed in the new
conditions by V. I. Lenin, his comrades-in-arms and disciples,
and by the collective efforts of all Marxist-Leninists and out-
standing leaders of the world Communist and workers' move-
ment. The founders of Marxism-Leninism summoned the work-
ing class to the creation of its own political party that would
express the vital interests of the proletarian movement, which
coincide with the interests of all exploited people, and they set
forth the basic paths for the building of the new, socialist soci-
ety.
All the activity of K. Marx and F. Engels in the League of
Communists and the First International was devoted to the
struggle to create a proletarian party. The traditions of the
great teachers of the proletariat were continued during the
epoch of the Second International by its revolutionary, Marxist
wing. But the weakness of the West European Social-Democratic
Parties, which had formed in the conditions of the disintegration
of the revolutionary movement after the suppression of the
Paris Commune, in conditions of relatively peaceful develop-
ment, had begun to appear by as early as the end of the 19th
and the beginning of the 20th century. The influx of petty-bour-
geois elements into these parties intensified opportunist vacilla-
tion and gave birth to the illusion that complete victory could be
achieved within the framework of the existing structure. As
time went by, many of the ideologists and leaders of the Second
International became increasingly inclined toward peace with
the revisionists at the expense of Ideological and politicsi' )n-
cessions to them. The reformist, opportunist wing in the West
European parties of the Second International gained more and
more strength, and the spirit of struggle and devotion to the
great ideals of socialism and internationalism died down.
Reformism, which was nurtured by the growth of the labor
aristocracy, extended Its positions and finally destroyed the
Second International. The lessons of history showed that in the
new epoch it was necessary "to go fearlessly forward from
preparatory, legal, opportunism- snared organizations of the
working class to the revolutionary organizations, capable of not
being restricted to legal action and capable of protecting them-
selves from opportunist betrayal-organizations of the prole-
tariat, entering upon the 'struggle for power,' the struggle to
overthrow the bourgeoisie."*
In order to defeat the enemy, which possessed enormous eco-
nomic might and political dominance, in order to break the milt-
Prep. 148., 1962,r F rov&l'1 edr K@ 91W?/ft/242 AI"5-2'S~ CiTP1U V7C~vVL Vol.
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
tary and bureaucratic machine of oppression and violence, the
proletariat needed a party that would embody unity of theoreti-
cal thought and revolutionary action; a party consisting of dis-
ciplined fighters, strong of spirit and will, who understood the
objective laws of the development of human society, were con-
vinced of the correctness and invincibility of their cause and
were intimately linked with the masses; a party that was
organically hostile to all sectarianism, that rested on deep
revolutionary traditions and was based on the principles of
consistent proletarian internationalism. The proletariat
needed a party that was Irreconcilable toward the bourgeoisie
and alien to appeasement and dogmatism, bold and flexible,
capable of waging a struggle in any conditions-in the periods
of revolutionary upsurges and also during the lulls, the abate-
ment of revolutionary will, the temporary triumph of reaction;
a party that possessed a diversity of tactical means and
organizational forms to achieve the chief goal-the proletariat's
conquest of power, the revolutionary transformation of capital-
ist society into socialist.
Marxism-Leninism places a high estimate on the importance
of the revolutionary Marxist party as the leading force of the
historical process, a force that relies on knowledge of the ac-
tual course of economic and political development and takes
correct account of the balance of class forces and the special
features of each historical moment.
The rise of the new, Leninist type of party in Russia had not
only national but enormous international importance. Bolshe-
vism was brought into being by the entire course of the Ruse an
an internattoa Workers' movement.
cannot a cons er an accident that it was our country
that became the homeland of the new type of party, the home-
land of Leninism. It happened according to objective, histori-
cal laws. History had evolved in such a way that in the new
epoch it was left to the Russian working class to open the first
round of social revolutions, to pave the way to socialism for
all mankind. As far back as in the preface to the Russian edi-
tion of "The Communist Manifesto" in 1882, K. Marx and
F. Engels wrote that "Russia represents an advanced detach-
ment of the revolutionary movement in Europe."*
Objecting to the historical pessimism of the liberal Narod-
niks [Populists], F. Engels, in a letter to N. F. Danielson on
Oct. 5 (17), 1893, gave a penetrating appraisal of the vital force
of the "great and highly gifted people" of Russia and its revo-
lutionary prospects. Pointing to the negative aspects of capital-
ism and the enormous suffering it had caused the masses of the
people, Engels at the same time noted its progressive role in
the development of a country. "***Capitalism," wrote F. En-
gels, "opens up new prospects and new hopes. Look at what it
has done and is doing in the West. A great nation such as yours
experiences every kind of crisis. There is no historical
calamity so great that it could not be offset by some kind of
historical progress. Only the method of action changes. May
the design be accomplished l"t
Russia, in V. I. Lenin's expression, "truly gained Marxism
through suffering." Progressive thought in Russia searched
for the correct theory for almost half a century, and paid for
its mistakes and blunders with heavy losses. A whole pleiad
of fearless revolutionaries-the predecessors of Marxism-
gave their lives for the cause of the people. The revolutionary
democrats of the sixties, seventies and early eighties inflicted,
palpable blows on the autocracy, but they could not conquer the
mighty enemy. They did not achieve their goal of a people's
revolution, for at that time the historical conditions for this
revolution had not completely ripened and the correct path to
it had not been found.
The multivolume history of the C.P.S.U. restores Lenin's
appraisal of revolutionary Populism, which V. I. Lenin did not
at all identify with the later liberal Populism. "***Marxists,"
V. I. Lenin pointed out, "must carefully separate the husk of
the Narodnik utopias and the healthy and valuable kernel of the
sincere, resolute and militant democratism of the peasant
masses.
"In the old Marxist literature of the eighties one can find a
* arx an Engels
t" 1r.E l V~ejt X .
ical Figures, second [Russian] edition, Moscow, 1951, p. 179.
systematically pursued effort to pick out this valuable demo-
cratic kernel. Historians will someday systematically study
this effort and trace its connection with what was given the
name 'Bolshevism' in the first decade of the 20th century."*
While giving due credit to the merits of the revolutionary
Narodniks as revolutionary democrats, V. I. Lenin at the same
time offered thorough and well-founded criticism of their
utopian theory, their anarchistic, petty-bourgeois "revolution-
ism," their desire to "skip over" an inevitable stage of histori-
cal development.
At the beginning of the 20th century the center of the world
revolutionary movement moved from Western Europe to Russia.
The phase of bourgeois democratic revolutions in the largest
West European countries was already ended by this time, but
they had not yet approached socialist revolutions. But in Rus-
sia the first great people's revolution in the epoch of imperial-
ism was maturing against Tsarism, against the -remnants of
serfdom, which had become interlaced with capitalism in all its
forms, right down to the latest, monopoly capitalism. Hence the
[Cover of "The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union. The newspaper Is No. 1 of Lenin's Iskra. Pravda,
Sept. 21, p. 3.]
unprecedented sharpness of the social contradictions that objec-
tively created the conditions for the unification around the prole-
tariat of all the peasantry and the oppressed peoples, for the
hegemony of the proletariat in the general democratic move-
ment, and, finally, for the immediate transition from the bour-
geois democratic to the socialist revolution.
In 1902 V. I. Lenin wrote: "History has now set before us an
immediate task which is the most revolutionary of all the
immediate tasks of the proletariat, no matter of what country.
Carrying out this task, the destruction of the most powerful
bastion of not only European, but also (we may now say) of
A-1061 A0003 ~O?
n n, Complete o ec ed or a"Orion Russian], Vol.
XXII, p. 121.
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Asiatic reaction, would make the Russian proletariat the van-
guard of the international revolutionary proletariat."*
The proletarian party in Russia took form under the aegis
of executing this world-historic task of preparing the demo-
cratic and the socialist revolutions. An enormous stride was
made in the short period between the middle of the 1880s and
1903-the stride from Marxist circles not yet linked with the
workers' movement to a political party that relied on the
upsurge of revolutionary activeness of the proletariat.
K. Marx said that ideas become a great material force when
they take hold of the masses. But ideas cannot take hold of
the masses by themselves. There must be vigorous activity
by the party of the working class, activity which alone can
bring about the unification of revolutionary theory with the
mass proletarian movement.
In examining the basic stages of the formation of Bolshevism,.
the authors have sought to show as completely as possible the
activity of the St. Petersburg Alliance for the Struggle to
Liberate the Working Class. The foundation for combining
scientific socialism with the mass workers' movement was
laid, under V. I. Lenin's guidance, by the Alliance for the
Struggle to Liberate the Working Class, which was the embryo
of the revolutionary Marxist party of the new type. This
organization had outstanding historical significance because
the sources of Lenin's party derived from It. A worthy place
has been allotted to illumination of the role of the First Con-
gress of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party,
which proclaimed the formation of a Social-Democratic party
in Russia and issued a Manifesto whose basic provisions
V. I. Lenin supported. The First Congress entered the his-
tory of the Party as an important event.
The multivolume work shows the strenuous struggle waged
by V. I. Lenin and the newspaper Iskra against the opportunism
of the "legal Marxists," "Economists," Bundists and other
nationalists, the struggle to overcome ideological and organi-
zational disorder and to prepare the Second Congress. It was
during the years 1900 to 1903, as V. I. Lenin pointed out, that
the heroic efforts of the advanced workers "laid the founda-
tions for a mass party of the revolutionary proletariat in Rus-
sia.' t
The Bolshevist party was set up by the Second Congress of
the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party on the basis
of the principles and along the organizational lines that Iskra
had advanced and worked out. `Bolshevism' wrote V. I. Lenin,
"has existed as a school of political thought and as a political
party since 1903."I
The First Program of our party, which was adopted by the
Second Congress Of-the Russian Social-Democratic Workers'
Party, was a consistently revolutionary program of a Marxist
It alone of the programs of the Social-
arty
letarian
.
p
pro
Democratic Parties clearly and definitely posed the task of
winning the dictatorship of the proletariat as a necessary con-
dition for the socialist revolution and or the suppression of
the exploiter classes' resistance. The Program also spoke of
the Party's immediate political tasks-the overthrow of Tsar-
ism and the achievement of democratic gains. The Program
of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party was a
powerful weapon of the Party in the struggle for the victory of
the bourgeois-democratic and socialist revolutions.
All the subsequent development of our party confirmed the
great value of the Lenin-Iskra or anizational principles that
a en plat at a oun at on o he construction o he new
type of Marxist party. These print p es were steel armor
against opportunism, and at all the historical stages they
strictly protected the unity of revolutionary-Marxist views
and actions within the ranks of our party, strengthened its
iron discipline-the Party's fighting weapon in the struggle
against disorganizers and splitters.
The rise of the first Marxist-Leninist party in the world
signified a radical turn in the history of not only the Russian
A -....
f.,l force
er
people along the path of the revolutionary transformation of
society and personified the "wisdom, honor and conscience of
our epoch."
Not only outright opportunists, but even some of the best peo-
ple in the Second International did not at that time understand
the outstanding role that the Marxist party had been called upon
to play In the historical process. Even Left elements in the
Second International followed the Mensheviks in accusing Lenin
and the Bolsheviks of "ultracentralism," of "Blaequism," of
overestimating the role and the importance of the proletarian
party. If the Leftists in the Second International had taken
timely account of the historical experience of the Bolsheviks,
it is possible that the West European workers' parties would
have been more prepared to meet the First World War. It is
possible that the course of events in Germany during the period
of November, 1918, revolution would also have been more
favorable to the German proletariat.
Lenin's party arose on the very firm basis of the theory of
Marxism and became t o a mate e r an successor to al
e ea a come out of a soc s movemen n e
Wes , as we as a revo u onar - emocra can wor ers'
movement n Russ a. n unfolding e r revo u onary acv y
in a multinational country, V. I. Lenin and the Russian Marx-
ists followed with enormous attention the national-liberation
and
ld
,
movement of the peoples of Russia and the whole wor
used its historical experience.
From the very beginning of its existence, the Bolshevist
party was prepared for revolutionary action most of all because
it was armed with advanced scientific theory that illuminated
the laws of social development and the paths and tasks of the
proletariat's class struggle.
From the first steps of his revolutionary activity, V. I. Lenin
held aloft the importance of theory as a. guide to action. He
passionately defended Marxist doctrine. from the open and hid-
den sallies of the revisionists, who attempted to extract the
revolutionary spirit from Marxism under the false slogan of
"freedom of criticism." V. 1. Lenin was also implacable
toward lifeless pedantry and pseudo-Marxist doctrinairism in
the resolving of vital questions of the developing workers' and
revolutionary movement. He saw the root of dogmatism in the
divorce of theory from practice, from reality. At the very
dawn of his revolutionary activity V. I. Lenin wrote that the
combination of theory with practice "guarantees Social-
Democracy from the shortcomings from which groups of social-
ists so often suffer-from dogmatism and sectarianism."*
V. I. Lenin and his associates-the builders of the Bolshevist
party-saw their task in answering the most burning questions
of Russian reality, guided by a Marxist world view and the
Marxist dialectical method. But the problems of Russia, its
workers' movement, the deployment of class forces in the Rus-
sian revolution were connected by a multitude of threads with
the world situation, with the questions of the development of
world capitalism and the prospects of the liberation struggle of
all the peoples. This is why the First Party Program said:
"Regarding itself as one of the detachments of the woldwidethe
army of the proletariat, Russian Social-Democracy pursues
same final goal toward which the Social-Democrats of all ether
countries are striving." f In solving the problems of the Rus-
sian revolution, V. I. Lenin advanced Marxist theory as a whole.
The theoretical and practical activity of V. I. Lenin opened a
new stage in the history of Marxism. Leninism is the Marxism
of the 20th century, the epoch of the dow a 1 of the cap a is
sys em, t e epos o t e soc a revolution of the pro etariat and
e nationa -co onia revo u os, he spot o e v c ory o
soc a sm a 1 11 commun sm
The Paity"inherited rom its leader and teacher a creative
approach and care for revolutionary Marxist-Leninist theory.
The Party was born in an irreconcilable struggle on two fronts
-against open opportunism in the person of the revisionists,
d 4rt?inst opportunism concealed by loud "leftist" phrases,
an
*V. . Len n, " omp ete Co lected Works" [in Russian], Vol. unhesitatingly championed and continues to champion the purity
n
0
.
tV n, "Comp ete Col stied Works" in Russian], Vol. I, p. 3
VI, p. 28. Lem
.I.Lenin late Coi edW ks in Russian Vol.XL,I, Workers'
P. ls. ' C ~rove or ielease" 1999/08/24 : V 8VAM
tV. I. Lenin, ibid., p. 6. arty: nut , ,
4
 CPYRGHT
distort it, regardless of where these attempts may originate-
from the right or from the left.
A characteristic feature of our party, the party of a new type,
Is its constant tie with the people. Having arisen as the van-
guard of the proletariat, the most revolutionary class of modern
society, and reflecting its ideology, the Leninist party posed
the great task of leading the entire people to socialism, of sum-
moning the masses of the people to the conscious creation of a
new life.
The Populist and ?odiattst-Revolutionary theory of active
"heroes" and a passive mob has always been alien to the Lenin-
ist party. It saw the people as the chief motive force of the
historical process. This, of course, does not mean that the
Party underestimated the importance of outstanding personali-
ties; on the contrary, it always condemned the anarchistic denial
of the importance of the authority of leaders, who can play an
enormous role in history if they correctly express the urgent
demands of historical development, the interests of their class,
and are not divorced from the masses.
"Marxism," wrote V. I. Lenin, "is distinguished from all
other socialist theories by the remarkable combination of com-
plete scientific sobriety in analysis of the objective state of
things and the objective course of evolution with the most reso-
lute recognition of the importance of the revolutionary energy,
the revolutionary creativity and the revolutionary initiative of
the masses-and also,.of course, of the individuals, groups,
organizations and parties that know how to discover and effect
the link with this or that class."*
The very rise of the Bolshevist party was an indication of the
high political maturity of the Russian working class, of its
readiness to enter the vanguard of the revolutionary battles of
the oppressed masses for their liberation. Our party was born
and grew up in the workers' quarters, in the factories and
plants of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Yekaterinoslav, Sormovo,
Ivanovo-Voznesensk, the Donets Basin, the Urals, Baku and
other Industrial centers. What deep roots it had in the prole-
tarian movement is testified to by the whole history of the Rus-
sian working class, including the first proletarian organizations
at the end of the 1870s, the activity of such outstanding worker-
revolutionaries as P. A. Alexeyev, S. N. Khalturin, V. P. Ob-
norsky, P. A. Moiseyenko, V. A. Shelgunov, I. V. Babushkin,
M. I. Kalinin, G. I. Petrovsky and many others.
Progressive workers played an important role In organizing
Lenin's Alliance for the Struggle to Liberate the Working
Class, and they were active in Lenin's Iskra. From the begin-
ning of the 20th century revolutionary workers began to replace
the old generation of revolutionaries from the ranks of the
intelligentsia. Workers began to occupy first place among the
participants in the revolutionary movement who were subjected
to the repressions of the Tsarist government.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is truly the off-
spring of the heroic working c ass of Russia.
The Rightist ea ers of e Second International and the Rus-
sian Mensheviks felt that the workers' party should take no
interest in the peasantry, which, in their opinion, represented
completely a reactionary mass. They did not intend to lead the
working people to revolution and were therefore unconcerned
about alliances of the proletariat. The Communist Party, the
party of a new type, is the party of the masses. V. I. Lenin
called upon its members to go to all strata of the population,
to educate and rally them around the working class and its
vanguard. The first Russian revolution brilliantly confirmed
V. I. Lenin's prediction that the role of the working class
would prove to be immeasurably more substantial and Impor-
tant than its proportion In the total population.
Attentively studying and properly evaluating the legacy of the
predecessors. of Russian Social-Democracy, V. I. Lenin
invariably emphasized the continuity of the "democratic
thread" in the Russian revolutionary movement.
He pointed out that the proletariat, never forgetting for a
moment its special position in modern society and its special
world-historic tasks of liberating mankind from economic
wage-slavery, "will at the same time hoist the whole people's
XV1, p 23-ti fffi dd i 4181991 "6i'Ob)24
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
banner of struggle for freedom"* and come forth as a progre
sive fighter for democracy.
An extremely important feature of the Leninist Party also
consists in its recognition of the exceptional importance of
organization for the working class's fulfillment of lt histori-
cal mission of liberation. V. I. Lenin raised organizational
questions to the level of a science of party construction, and
called for the bold creation of new forms of organization.
Beginning with the Alliance for the Struggle to Liberate the
Working Class, the organization of the Marxist vanguard of th
proletariat was shaped and rcorganiaid over the years so as
to adapt to the tasks of the revolution, A type of proletarian
revolutionary in constant contact with the working people was
formed-a people's tribune, a propagandist and organizer of
the masses. At each stage of the revolutionary struggle a ne
influx of forces from the heart of the working class came into
the party. Iskra-ttes, Pravdists-these glorious names sym-
bolize the coming of a new generation of fighters to the revo-
lution, their close interconnection and their succession. Hay
Ing accumulated enormous experience, the Party came forth
as the unsurpassed organizer of the masses, storming the
bastions of capitalism.
One of the outstanding features of the Leninist Party is con-
sistent proletarian internationalism, which stands in oppositi
to bourgeois and petty-bourgeois chauvinism, national narrow
ness, reactionary ideology and the policy of racial and nation
exclusiveness. From the outset, the Bolshevist party took.
shape as the party of the progressive workers of the Russian
empire's multitudinous nationalities. While setting the social
liberation of all the working people as its chief task, it never
lost sight of the task of national liberation, of eliminating the
Tsarist prison of peoples.
From the very start, Lenin's party came forth as one of the
detachments of the international workers' movement. Throe
out its history it has been guided by K. Marx's doctrine:
"The experience of the past has shown that a neglect of the
fraternal alliance that should exist among the workers of dif-
ferent countries and should rouse them to stand firm for each
other in their struggle for liberation carries the penalty of
general defeat of their separate efforts." t
The Communist Party indissolubly links service to the
working people of its country with fulfillment of its inter-
national obligations. In struggling against the autocracy, the
Party clearly understood that thereby it facilitated the devel-
opment of the liberation movement throughout the world.
V. I. Lenin said with pride: "The Russian proletariat did not
stop at any sacrifices to liberate all mankind from the shame
of Tsarist monarchy."t The working class and the peoples
of our country, taking capitalism by storm and then building
the new society and heroically defending it from world impe-
rialism during the years of intervention and civil war, from
the invasion of German fascism, did not stop at any sacrifices
for the sake of socialism and the progress of mankind.
The country of victorious socialism, which became the
indestructible fortress of the world socialist system, could
withstand all the trials and build up gigantic forces only under
the guidance of the new type of Marxist-Leninist party, which
knew how to convince the people of the correctness of its
policy, a par yinnffmately linked with the people. The political
and practical activity of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union as the ruling party of the first socialist state in the
world was invariably organized with due regard for the inter-
ests of the world liberation movement. True to the behests
of V. I. Lenin, the Party pursued and continues to pursue
genuinely internationalist tactics, "doing the utmost possible
in one country for the development, support and awakening of
the revolution fn ail countries,"** choosing the form of aid
appropriate to sif forces and the concrete histor ca conditions
Lenin, "Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.
V, p. 334.
tK. Marx and F. Engels, "Works" [Russian ed. ], Vol. XVI,
pp. 10-11.
V. I. Lenin, "Complete Collected Works" [in Russian, Vol.
XXVI, P. 18. .
I' ~L]QCp II ,~p30~1~~~~?~~uasian], Vol.
 it is precisely f1Ptfiis9ea oq V9bur "Pa1WP1Vt$1
enjoyed the sympathy and active support of the world prole-
tariat and its vanguard, the international Communist movement,
as well as the national-liberation movement on all the continents
of the earth.
Great importance attaches to the generalization and illumina-
tion of the experience of the Party's activity in the first stage
of its history, its leadership of the revolutionary s ruf g lg a of the
masses in the bourgeois-democratic and socialist revolutions.
During this comparatively short span of time, encompassing
about one and a half decades, the Party, headed by V. 1. Lenin,
accumulated an enormous wealth of theory, worked out and
tested in the fire of revolutionary battles the strategy and tac-
tics of the proletariat's class struggle, and learned to develop
Marxist-Leninist theory creatively and to apply it in practice.
The Party had to perform its vanguard role in the class battles
of the proletariat in an unusually difficult and complex situation.
The years of peace were replaced by the years of war, the
periods of upsurge of the revolution by periods of lull, and the
more or less legal conditions of work by conditions of harsh
police repression. The greatest perspicacity was required of
the Party, the ability to orient itself in the situation quickly and
to find correct solutions; it needed unusual flexibility and at the
same time unswerving firmness in carrying out the Party line,
and selfless revolutionary.heroism. And if the Party proved to
` be up to its historical mission, if in these highly complicated
P4torP AtrRGR7tanQ13Q64i M?0QQ0sing"
'
ik
s
the revolution in the West. Also rejected was the Mens ev
obsolete idea that a prolonged historical period of capitalist
development of a country must necessarily exist between the
bourgeois- democratic and the socialist revolutions.
Attaching enormous importance to the peasant movement as
one of the mighty streams of the revolutionary process,
V. I. Lenin paid great attention to the agrarian question, scien-
tifically validating the Bolshevist program of nationalization of
all the land. Lenin's agrarian program was indissolubly linked
with the theory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution's
growth into a socialist revolution, and it played a great role in
the revolutionary mobilization of the peasantry as an ally of the
proletariat at both stages of the revolution.
During the years of fierce reaction that followed the defeat
of the first Russian revolution, and then in the years of the new
revolutionary upsurge and the world imperialist war, Lenin's
theoretical thought did not overlook any more or less important
question of the ideology, program, policies and tactics of the
Party or its organizational foundations; it not only did not lag
a step behind the quickly changing situation, it even far out-
distanced events, predicting their future course and outcome.
During,these years V. I. Lenin defended the theoretical prin-
ciples of Marxism from the sallies of bourgeois ideologists and
revisionists and further developed the Marxist philosophy of
materialism on the basis of the latest achievements of the
natural sciences. He gave a profound theoretical foundation to
the national program of the Bolsheviks, delivering merciless
blows at bourgeois nationalism, which had disunited the prole-
tariat and weakened its efforts. The working class needs not
nationalism but proletarian internationalism for the victory
over imperialism-such was the basic conclusion of Lenin's
teaching on the national question.
During the years of the temporary triumph of reaction, when
various "fellow-travellers" left Marxism, when bourgeois
liberals such as P. Struve openly defected to the counter-
revolution and began to bless Tsarist rule and to mock the
concepts of "service to the people" and "the public welfare"
and to defame the revolution and everything revolutionary in
every way, the task of preserving and strengthening the Party
as the militant vanguard of the proletariat, the task of strength-
ening and increasing the Party's ties with the masses, arose
with especial sharpness.
V. I. Lenin had to conduct a sharp struggle for the Party
against the Menshevik-liquidators, who denied the possibility
of a new revolutionary upsurge, repudiated the idea of the
hegemony of the proletariat and demanded the liquidation of the
illegal Marxist party.
No less a danger for the revolution were the liquidators on
the "left," the liquidators from the inside, the group of so-
called Otzovists, who demanded the recall (otzyv) of the work-
ers' Deputies from the State Duma, the aban onment of various
forms of legal work that had enabled the Party to strengthen Its
ties with the masses. The Otzovists sought to apply the tactic
of boycotting the Duma, a correct tactic during the period of the
sharp upsurge of the revolution, to a completely different
situation, when a combination of all the forms of struggle,
legal and illegal, was an essential requirement for preserv. -
tion of the Party and gathering together the revolutions'
forces. V. I. Lenin later pointed out that the Pnlshe?;iks would
not have been able to maintain the firm core of the revolution-
ary party of the proletariat and strengthen it in the years from
1908 to 1914 if in the bitter struggle against the "petty-bour-
geois revolutionism" of the Otzovists they had not defended the
tactic of combining different forms of struggle. The Otzovists
supported the schismatic policy of Trotsky, which suffered
defeat. Within the workers' movement in Russia both the
liquidators from the right-the Menseviks-and the liquidators
from the "left" were squeezed out by supporters of Lenin's
line, around which the enormous majority of politically aware
workers rallied.
Lenin's Pravda played an important historical role in pre-
serving and strengthening the Bolshevist party. Whereas
thousands of progressive workers supported Lenin's Iskra
during the period of the rise of Bolshevism, "tens and hundreds
of thousands of workers, who, with their collections of kopeks,
conditions of political and military storms, among the numerous
reefs, it was able to hold a correct course, this is explained
above all by the fact that it was guided by the Marxist-Leninist
theory, creatively developed in the works of V. I. Lenin during
the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Carrying out strenuous practical work in guiding the Party
and the revolutionary movement of the masses, V. I. Lenin
organically combined this practical work with no less strenuous
theoretical work. In his works he provided clear answers to all
the urgent questions of the proletariat's class struggle and a
profound scientific foundation for the policies of the Party and
the forms and methods of its work. During the period of the
first Russian revolution, V. I. Lenin worked out the proletariat's
tactics in a bourgeois-democratic revolution. Rebuffing the
Mensheviks, who ignored the real situation and dogmatically
followed West European examples, V. I. Lenin presented in a
completely new way the question of the motive forces of the
revolution: the role of the proletariat as the predominant force
of the revolution, of the peasantry as the ally of the proletariat.
Criticizing the Mensheviks' eagerness to seek answers to
concrete questions of Party tactics in simple logical develop-
ment of the general truth of the bourgeois nature of the first
Russian revolution and criticizing the Mensheviks' argument
that the liberal bourgeoisie should exercise hegemony if a revo-
lution is bourgeois in its fundamental nature, V. I. Lenin pointed
out that these Menshevik views were "vulgarization of Marxism
and a complete travesty of dialectical materialism." *
The course of the 1905 revolution confirmed the correctness
of the Leninist tactics of the Bolsheviks. The hegemony of the
proletariat in a democratic revolution was an incontrovertible
historical fact. Although the first Russian revolution was
bourgeois-democratic in its social content, it was proletarian
in its means of struggle and in the guiding role of the working
class. Lenin therefore called it great and mighty. As early as
the 1905 revolution, the Russian proletariat set mankind exam-
ples of struggle for freedom and socialism. The first Russian
revolution was truly a "dress rehearsal" for the October Revo-
lution. The year 1905 saw the birth of the Soviets of Workers'
Deputies, in which V. I. Lenin, with brilliant perspicacity, saw
the embryo of the new revolutionary authority. The glorious
revolutionary traditions of 1905 were one of the most important
factors in the working class victory in October, 1917.
V. I. Lenin's teaching about the evolution of the bourgeois-
democratic revolution into a socialist revolution was a very
great contribution to the theory of the socialist revolution.
This doctrine delivered a crushing blow to Trotsky's "theory"
of a permanent revolution, which originated in denial of the
revolutionary potential of the peasantry and regarded the vic-
t. I. Lenin,` C ~ ~~ : ~i $ "8g0MVI'AV V WN76021 v petition
 of the pettAR Yrl tito t8`a6Are tlfAeffstfA'ilt ?'* ~C~ , t'ict~lXr~ ~N~i~`C~i l~OCH~Mht>~Ife-v cs and the
supported Pravda.
Pravda and Lenin's articles in it were a great school for the
ideological tempering of the majority of the politically con-
scious proletariat of Russia and for their internationalist
upbringing on the eve of World War I. Thus was forged the
indestructible proletarian base of our party-the most impor-
tant condition for the victory of the October Revolution.
During the imperialist world war V. I. Lenin devoted a num-
ber of his works to problems of war and peace, defined the
attitudm of thm working alarm and its party to just and unjust
wars and revealed the class essence and the causes of war in
the epoch of imperialism.
V. I. Lenin worked out the tactical line of the proletarian
party in the Imperialist war. The slogans he advanced on
defeating one's own government and turning the imperialist
war into a civil war, slogans not only for our party, but for all
the workers' parties of the world, were permeated with con-
sistent proletarian internationalism.
The betrayal by the parties of the Second International
threatened to compromise socialism in the eyes of the people
as a force indissolubly linked with the struggle against impe-
rialist war and for peace among the peoples. By their selfless
stand against social chauvinism the Russian Bolsheviks saved
the ideals of socialism. Our party was the only party that not
only resisted the wave of chauvinism and betrayal but also
boldly went against the tide and thereby championed the cause
of socialism and proletarian internationalism, which had been
shamefully betrayed by the leaders of the parties in the Second
International.
Lenin's teaching on imperialism was an important stage in
the development of Marxism. In the book "Imperialism-the
Highest Stage of Capitalism," Lenin, using an enormous amount
of factual material, investigated the basic features of imperial-
ism and its essence as rotting, dying capitalism on the eve of
the socialist revolution.
Showing that the economic and political development of
capitalism takes on a very uneven and spasmodic character in
the epoch of imperialism, V. I. Lenin drew the extremely
important conclusion that the victory of socialism was possible
first in one country alone or in several countries, but impos-
sible in all countries simultaneously. This was a major step
in the development of the theory of socialist revolution; the
workers' movement and its vanguard gained clear perspective
and broad horizons for unfolding revolutionary initiative.
During the war years, especially during the stormy months
between February and October, 1917, Lenin's genius worked
tirelessly at developing the theory of the socialist revolution,
enriching it with new ideas and postulates: on the revolutionary
situation; on the need for the proletariat's guidance in all the
revolutionary battles of all the classes and social groups oppos-
ing various forms of oppression, in order to direct them
toward a single goal-the overthrow of imperialism; on
national-liberation movements as a reserve for the socialist
revolution; on the Soviets as a state form of the dictatorship
of the proletariat; on the various ways of carrying out the
socialist revolution; on uprising as an art, and others. The
Marxist teaching on the state and the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, and on the two phases of communist society, received
further development.
The chief strategic task of the Party throughout the entire
stage of the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat
consisted in securing the hegemony of the proletariat as the
decisive condition for the over row of sarism and capitalism,
in enlisting on the proletariat's side the broadest sectors of
the working people and the oppressed peoples of the national
outskirts of Russia. V. I. Lenin believed that the social revolu-
tion could not be anything but an outburst of the mass struggle
of all the oppressed and discontented. The politically con-
scious vanguard of the revolution, the progressive proletariat,
expressing this objective truth, could unite the mass struggle
and direct it toward the conquest of power and the victory of
socialism. This task was accomplished in a sharp and Implac-
Socialist-Revolutionaries.
Exposing the treacherous, antirevolutionary position of the
Menshevik-liquidators, who stood for preservation of the
capitalist wage slavery system, V. I. Lenin pointed out that the
proletariat "should be the leader, should exercise hegemony in
the struggle of the entire people for the democratic revolution,
in the struggle of all the working people and the exploited against
the oppressors anaexploiters, The proletariat is revolutionary
only inasmuch as it recognizes and translates this idea of
hrgemeny into life. Proletarians who have recognized this task
are slaves who have rebelled against slavery, The proletarian
who does not recognize the idea of the hegemony of his class
or who rejects this idea is a slave who does not understand his
enslaved condition; at best he is a slave who is fighting to
improve his position as a slave, and not for the overthrow of
slavery."*
Armed with Marxist-Leninist theory and in daily contact with
the masses, the Party boldly and confidently accomplished the
most complex historical tasks and gave the workers' movement
a correct orientation. It quickly grasped the changes in the
situation, in the balance of class forces, and worked out its tac-
tical line accordingly, creatively approached the organizational
forms and the methods of its work and rightly timed the shift
from peaceful forms of developing the revolution to nonpeaceful
ones. It grew and was tempered as the party of creative Marx-
ism and was enriched with practical, revolutionary experience.
The tactic of the peaceful development of the revolution,
which was brilliantly developed by V. I. Lenin in his world-
famous April Theses and other works, was tested in practice
by our party and helped it to gather its revolutionary forces.
V. I. Lenin highly cherished the possibility of peaceful conquest
of power by the proletariat, even granting a temporary compro-
mise with the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries for
the sake of this. He wrote: 'Only for the sake of the peaceful.
development of revolution-a possibility that is extremely rare
a t is excep-
in history and extremely valuable, a possibility tt
Ti-
tionally rare-only for the sake of such a possibility can and
should Bolsheviks, advocates of world revolution, advocates of
revolutionary methods, accede to such a compromise, in my
opinion."t But the peaceful path of developing the revolution
was blocked by the bourgeoisie, which, in an alliance with the
Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, resorted to
violence against the working class and forced it to respond in
kind. The Party placed preparation for an armed uprising on
the agenda.
The full unsuitability and anti-Leninist nature of the one-
sided tactic that the modern splitters are trying to thrust upon
the international Communist movement are especially sharply
apparent in the light of Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the his-
torical experience of our party. They recognize only the tactic-
of armed uprising, essentially rejecting such forms of class
struggle as the parliamentary struggle, work in the trade
unions, and so on, which have gained new content in the new
historical conditions. Their adventurist policy of immediate
revolution everywhere, without regard for the real situation,
for the readiness of the masses for revolutionary action, has
nothing in common with the teaching of Marxism-Leninism.
During the period of preparing for and carrying out the Great
October Socialist Revolution, especial importance attached to
the dispute over the two lines of the revolution-the Bolshevist
and the Menshevist. The Mensheviks asserted that Russia, by
virtue of the inadequate development of productive forces and
the small size of its proletariat, had not matured enough for a
socialist revolution, that the revolution should occur first in
the West, in the more developed capitalist countries. The Men-
sheviks were echoed by certain opportunists within the ranks of
the Bolshevist party.
V. I. Lenin completely demolished these arguments of the
Mensheviks and their colleagues in the Second International.
He castigated them for their political cowardice, the fear of
breaking away from the bourgeoisie, for the lifeless dogmatism
V. I. Lenin, "Complete o ected Works" [in Russian], Vol
XX, p. 308.
1. Lenin Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol. + V. I. Lenin "Complete Collected Works" mr-in Russian], Vol.
XLV, P.17Approved For Release 1999/08/24 : C B-03p061A000300020002-6
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
that was passed off as genuine Marxism but that actually bore
an antirevolutionary nature. Later, in the famous work "About
Our Revolution," V. I. Lenin wrote that the Mensheviks "under-
stand Marxism in an impossibly pedantic way. They have not at
all understood the decisive thing in Marxism: namely, its
revolutionary dialectic."*
The conquest of political power in Russia by the proletariat
under the leadership of Lenin's party opened a new era in the
world history of mankind and was the beginning of the downfall
of the capitalist system and the formation of the now world of
socialism and communism. The Great October Socialist Revo-
lution was prepared by the decades of selfless, heroic strug-
gle on the part of the working class of Russia-from the famous
speech before a Tsarist court by the worker Pyotr Alexeyevich
Alexeyev, from Lenin's Alliance for the Struggle to Liberate
the Working Class to the shots by the "Aurora" and the storm-
ing of the Winter Palace. In no other country in the world were
the great revolutionary traditions of the working class, of the
masses of the people, so strong and vital.
The October Revolution most clearly manifested the basic
law of the revolution that V. 1. Lenin had formulated: The
revolution takes place when the "have-nots" of society do not
want the old and are ready to go into battle to change the old
ways and when the "haves" can no longer rule in the old way;
when there is a general national crisis that affects all classes,
exploited and exploiters.
The October Revolution expressed the desire of the Russian
working people for a just social system. It rested on objective
historical conditions: the most revolutionary working class in
the world-concentrated at the large and largest enterprises,
which immeasurably increased its might; the alliance of the
working class with the revolutionary peasantry, which made the
Russian working class the voice of the will of the majority of
the people; the people's hatred for the imperialist war and those
responsible for it, and the desire of the masses for peace.
The guiding force of the victory of the October Revolution was
the ideologically tempered, organized and disciplined party of
Bolsheviks, which already numbered about 400,000 members.
The C.P.S.U. Program gives a Marxist explanation of why
Russia was the first to break the front of world imperialism
and open the path to socialism for mankind:
"Russia was the weakest link in the imperialist system and
the focal point of all its contradictions. At the same time, it
had all the conditions necessary for the victory of socialism.
The working class of Russia was the most revolutionary and
best organized in the world and possessed considerable expe-
rience of class struggle. At its head stood a Marxist-Leninist
party armed with advanced, revolutionary theory and steeled
in class battles.
'The party of Bolsheviks brought together in one revolution-
ary stream the struggle of the working class for socialism,
the country-wide movement for peace, the peasants' struggle
for land and the national-liberation struggle of the oppressed
peoples of Russia, and directed these forces toward the over-
throw of capitalism."t
The Great October Socialist Revolution saved our country
from national catastrophe and plunder by the mighty imperialist
states.
The First Program of our party was carried out by the over-
throw of the rule of the exploiter classes and the establishment',
of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The victory of the October Revolution was a radical turning
point in the history of mankind. The old world was destroyed;
out of the suffering and torments caused by the war and its con-
sequences arose a new world, against which all the reactionary
forces, the whole of domestic and foreign counterrevolution, took
up arms.
The multivolume work devotes special attention to the post-
*V. n 'Complete -Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.
XLV, p. 378.
t"Twenty-second Congress of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union: Stenographic Record"- [in Russian], Vol. III, Mos-
October period of the history of the C.P.S.U. and generaliza-
tion of the creative work of the Party as the ruling party, as
the guiding and directing force of Soviet society.
In treating the events of the second historical stage of the
activity of the C.P.S.U., the authors consider their task to lie
in broadly showing the role of the working masses in the con-
struction of socialism-showing not only the successes but
also the difficulties, in combating which the Party and the peo-
ple erected the first socialist society in the history of man-
kind.
With the victory of the October Socialist Revolution, the
Party entered a new period of its activity, even more magnif-
icent in its scope and in the scale on which the working
masses were enlisted in historical creativity. Relying on its
Second Program, adopted by the Eighth Congress of the Rus-
sian ommunist Party (Bolsheviks), the Party organized the
rebuilding of the entire economic structure on socialist prin-
ciples. In the conditions of peaceful creative activity by the
Party, questions of economic and cultural construction moved
into the foreground, and this found reflection in its Program.
V. I. Lenin pointed out that the Party Program "should be
turned into the program of our economic construction, other-
wise it is not fit to be the Program of the Party.""
Carefully studying and analyzing the creative activity of the
masses in creating the new social system, V. I. Lenin developed
and concretized Marx's teaching about socialism and commu-
nism, drafted the great plan for socialist construction in our
country, the fundamental links of which were the industrializa-
tion and electrification of the country, the reorganization of
agriculture and the cultural revolution.
The works of V. I. Lenin substantiated the fundamental prin-
ciples of the socialist economy, and under his guidance they
were first applied: the planning principle in development of
the economy, calculating and controlling the measure of labor
and the measure of consumption; preponderant development of
heavy industry; steady growth in labor productivity; the strict-
est thriftiness; and democratic centralism in administration
of the national economy. Ever wider enlistment of the working
people in the management of state and economic construction,
comprehensive development of their labor and political active-
ness, and consistent and unswerving development of Soviet
democracy are essential Leninist principles of directing the
socialist economy.
V. I. Lenin worked out and translated into life the New Eco-
nomic Policy of the proletarian state, which replaced the policy
of "war communism" that had been made necessary by the
war and the destruction in the country. The application of the
New Economic Policy ensured strengthening of the alliance
between the working class and the peasantry, development of
the productive forces, steady growth of the socialist sector of
the economy, the crowding out of capitalist elements by social-
ist ones, and liquidation of the exploiter classes. Under the
guidance of the Party, headed by V. I. Lenin, a multinational
Soviet socialist state of a new type, the Union of Soviet Social-
ist Republics, was created on voluntary principles, and it
became a mighty lever in the building of socialism.
V. I. Lenin determined the basic conditions for the victor
of socialism in our country, both internal and external. They
include: strengthening of the alliance between the working
class and the peasantry and the guiding role of the working
class; strengthening of the unity and solidarity of the Commu-
nist Party; ensuring collective leadership; preserving peace
as the chief prerequisite for the creative activity of the work-
ing people and the successful construction of the new social
system.
The Party's role as the organizer of the masses; its fidelity
to Marxism-Leninism; its ability to apply revolutionary theory
creatively in Its practical activity, to rely on the people and to
express their vital interests were displayed with especial force
in the struggle to carry out Lenin's plan for socialist con-
struction. '
The question of the destiny of socialism in Soviet Russia, its
future and, in the last analysis, the perspectives of world
1. Lenin, "Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.`
University PregAp coved For Release 1999/08/24 : IA;RD?78-03061 A000300020002-6
 CPYRGHT
App roved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
developmen as resolved in a difficult antra-Party struggle. Lenin's line won in the struggle against "left" opportunism,
The petty-bourgeois environment that prevailed in the country's I The country got the necessary respite and began to take the
d
economy an
could not fail to influence the Party gave birth to
many anti- Leninist factions and groupings, both rightist and
leftist. Particularly strong efforts were needed to overcome
the leftist vacillations of a petty-bourgeois nature.
Soon after the seizure of power the Party had to fight against
such an anti-Leninist deviation as the "Left Communists,"
headed by Bukharin and operating in concert with Trotsky and
the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. They waged a fierce cam-
paign against the conclusion of peace, viewing this as an "imper-
missible," from their point of view, compromise with the impe-
rialists. Ignoring the fact that our country had suffered severe
devastation and did not actually have an army, they proposed
waging "revolutionary war" against German Imperialism, which
was armed to the teeth. They came out with the "strange and
monstrous" statement that for the sake of the victory of the
world revolution it would be worth while even to go so far as to
lose Soviet rule. The left-opportunist faction prodded the Party
and the country toward political adventure. If the Party had not
withstood the attacks by the "Left Communists" at that time,
Soviet rule would certainly have perished. V. I. Lenin, address-
ing the heroes of the "leftist" phrase, said: By your objective
role you are the tools of imperialist provocation. But your
subjective `psychology' is the psychology of an infuriated petty
bourgeois who swaggers and boasts but senses perfectly well
0 that the proletarian is right,"*
V. I. Lenin noted later lIiat the tradition of merciless struggle i
against petty-bourgeois "revolutionism" had long existed among
the revolutionary Social Democrats, and that Bolshevism had
adopted this tradition during its formation in 1903 and had con-
tinued it in all the subsequent years. In the Russian revolution-
ary movement, "left" opportunism had been represented chiefly
by the Socialist-Revolutionaries, as well as the anarchists. As
V. I. Lenin pointed out, the petty bourgeois infuriated by the hor-
rors of capitalism and inclined to turn to being extremely revo-
lutionary, but incapable of restraint, organization, discipline
and staunchness, and also able to swing easily to the side of
reaction, constituted the social basis of this phenomenon. The
same features were inherent in both the "left" and right oppor-
tunists: distortion of Marxism-Leninism, dogmatism, and the
inability to take stock of the real situation and the balance of
class forces.
V. I. Lenin sarcastically mocked the "left" phrasemongers in
our party and in the international arena for their reluctance to
reckon with a changed situation, for their arrogant rejection of
any compromises and their desire to "spur along" the revolution
in other countries by means of war. Opposing the "left" Com-
munists and Trotsky, V. 1. Lenin said: Of course, there are
people who think that the revolution can arise in another country
upon order, by agreement. These people are either mad or
provocateurs."t The "leftists" did not understand that the revo-
lution is possible only if a revolutionary situation has become
ripe, when this situation has turned into an all-national crisis.
Criticizing the anti-Marxist position of the opponents of peace,
V. 1. Lenin wrote:
'Do the authors perhaps suppose that the interests of the
international revolution demand that it be spurred along, and
that the spur could be only war, and not peace, which might give
the masses the impression that imperialism is somehow being
`legitimized.' Such a 'theory' would lead to complete divorce
from Marxism, which has always rejected the 'spurring' of
'revolutions, which develop as the class contradictions that give
rise to revolution become more acute. Such a theory would be
tantamount to the view that armed uprising is a form of struggle
that is always mandatory in all conditions.'t
Lenin's tenets retain their theoretical and political signifi-
cance today too, convincingly exposing all the inanity and peril
of the modern neo-Trotskyite concepts of "spurring" the revolu-
tion by war.
Lenin, Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.
XXXVI, p. 290.
tV. I. Lenin, "Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.
$' . 1. L' 457.
F9 LYWw9?9?9'~)0 #i4 :
XXXV, p. 4 .P 1
first steps toward socialist reorganization of the economy. The
base of the world socialist revolution was preserved.
The imperialists did everything to destroy the Soviet state
or at least to ruin or hinder as much as possible its progress
toward socialism. The imperialists did not give the Soviet
state the opportunity immediately to take the quick strides
toward socialism that would have justified the Marxists' pre-
dictions about the superiority of the socialist system. But as
early as the beginning of the 1930., against the background of
the unprecedented world economic crisis that shook the founda-
tions of the entire capitalist system, the successes of the First
Five-Year Plan, as a result of which the technical and economic
backwardness of our country was largely eliminated, convincing
ly demonstrated the advantages of the socialist economic syste
The enemies of socialism and their echoes (the Mensheviks
and Trotskyites) predicted the failure of the five-year plan;
they were incapable of appreciating the tremendous creative
power of the new system that had been born of the revolution,
the creative power of the masses guided by Lenin's party.
The bourgeois economists and politicians are incapable of
understanding the historical role of the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat, of the first socialist state in the world, which, as
F. Engels had predicted, exerted enormous accelerating influ-
ence on objective economic development, facilitating rapid
growth of the productive forces.
The genius of V. I. Lenin, with its inspiredpdwer of scien-
tific prophecy, clearly discerned in the vistas of the future
how the brilliant possibilities of our country would develop
when freed of the exploiter classes and having incalculable
natural wealth, an enormous reserve of manpower, the great
energy of the people that had been aroused by the revolution
and a party capable of directing the collective will of the people
toward the single goal.
Exposing the dogmatic, stereotyped, antirevolutionary con-
clusions of the Mensheviks and the leaders of the Second Inter-
national, who had asserted that Russia did not have the objec-
tive economic prerequisites for socialism and that, therefore,
socialist construction was Impossible, Vladimir Ilyich wrote:
"***Why were we at first unable to create such prerequisites
of civilization among ourselves as the expulsion of the land-
lords and the expulsion of the Russian capitalists and then
begin the movement toward socialism?"*
V. I. Lenin pointed out that after the Soviet Union had won
for itself the opportunity of peaceful coexistence with the capi-
talist world, our economic successes exerted and would continue
to exert the chief influence on the development of the inter-
national revolution, that on the basis of worker-peasant rule
and the Soviet system our country would overtake other coun-
tries, that in time there would come an acceleration of our
progress that could not have been dreamed of in the 1920s.
In socialist industrialization, in electrification and in the
creation of advanced heavy industry V. I. Lenin saw the salva-
tion of our country, in view of the prospect of a possible new
attack by the capitalist world; he saw in them the strongest
guarantee against a return to capitalism.
Vladimir Ilyich envisioned a Soviet Russia covered with a
dense network of electric power stations and technically
modern and powerful enterprises; he confidently predicted that
the time would come when "our communist economic construc-
tion will become an example for the future socialist Europe
and Asia." t
The following remarkable fact indicates how the pace of our
development quickened during the full-scale construction of
communism. New electric power stations with a capacity of
more than 10,000,000 kw. were put into operation in the Soviet
Union in 1963. This means that in one year the U.S.S.R. ful-
filled almost seven GOELRO [State Plan for the Electrification
of Russia] plans; the GOELRO plan was originally intended to
take ten to 15 years.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union defended Lenin's
Lenin, 'Complete Collected Works" [in Russian], Vol.
XLV, p. 381:
C XLII ~OGGG1 9 2OOO ian], Vol.
, p? 6. ?
 CPYRGHT
program for the ARK9YINciragh KWA na1pplA
against persons of little faith and capitulationists, against
Trotskyites, right opportunists, great-power chauvinists, local
nationalists and other hostile groups. It roused the whole
Soviet people to the struggle to carry out Lenin's designs.
Under a cloak of "left" phrases the Trotskyites sought to
disarm ideologically the working class of the Soviet Union,
asserting that the technical and economic backwardness of our
country was an insurmountable obstacle to the building of
socialism, that the victory of socialism was impossible unless
world revolution and direct state support by the proletariat of
other countries came to our aid in the, more or less immediate
future.
A capitulationist conclusion followed from the Trotskyite
conceptions: A return to capitalism was inevitable unless
world revolution took place in the immediate future. Trotsky
claimed that the Soviet state would always be "under the con-
trol" of the world capitalist economy. Just as in 1918, the
Trotskyites in effect called for the adventurist tactic, which
V. I. Lenin had condemned, of "spurring" the revolution in
other countries by means of war.
Trotskyism, which, like "Left Communism," expressed the
pessimism and despair of the petty bourgeois frightened by the
difficulties of socialist construction, attempted to thrust upon
the Party and the international workers' movement a line ultra-
revolutionary in form and capitulationist in fact. The charac-
teristic traits of Trotskyism are lack of principle in policy,
factionalism, schismatism and rejection of Party allegiance.
It joined with all kinds of turncoats and renegades who had been
thrown out of the ranks of the fraternal parties. While hiding
behind ringing "leftist" phrases, Trotskyism actually stood on
the positions of Menshevism, of denial of the possibility of the
victory of socialism in the U.S.S.R., and was therefore quite
correctly condemned by our party as a Social-Democratic
deviation. The Trotskyites subsequently turned into a mali-
cious anti-Soviet group of splitters and traitors, resoundingly
named the Fourth International, that for a number of years has
been attacking the C.P.S.U. and the other Marxist-Leninist par-
ties, the Soviet Union, and the socialist camp, at the social
order of international imperialism.
The ideological rout of Trotskyism-a component part of
international opportunism-was a service not only of our party
but of all the fraternal parties united in the Third, the Commu-
nist, International. Founded in 1919 by V. I. Lenin, the Commu-
nist International adopted and developed the glorious revolu-
tionary traditions of the International Working Men's Associa-
tion that had been led by K. Marx and F. Engels.
The Third International played an important historical role.
It carefully raised international Communist movement cadres
that were faithful to Marxism-Leninism; it helped to rear the
parties themselves and to spread the experience of the Bolshe-
vist party, the party of. a new type; and it contributed to the
transformation of the young Communist Parties into mass
organizations.
Marxist-Leninists, united in the Third, Communist, Inter-
national, waged a constant struggle against revisionism, right
opportunism and "left" opportunism, cloaked in revolutionary
phrases. V. I. Lenin's famous work, "Leftwing Communism,
an infantile Disorder," had great importance for the education
of the parties of the Third International. It illuminated the his=
4thItRDi7r8et?,3O6 tAO M0002Q0024tunists
and the bourgeois nationalists-preserved and strengthened the
unity of its ranks and defended the course toward the victory of
socialism in the U.S.S.R. It emerged from this struggle even
more tempered and wise with experience. Relying on this expe-
rience and together with the other Marxist-Leninist parties, it
has always waged and continues to wage an implacable struggle
against right and "left" opportunism in the international arena.
The desire of the modern splitters to revive and thrust upon the
international Communist movement the concepts of the Trotsky-
ites and "Left Communists" that our party shattered long ago
and their adventurist policy and practice is a manifestation of
"left" opportunism and great-power chauvinism.
Under the guidance of the Communist Party, the Soviet people
overcame all the difficulties and obstacles in their path and in a
short historical time achieved the complete and final victory of
socialism in the U.S.S.R. Extremely complicated tasks of
world-historic importance were carried out in the course of
socialist construction. They include:
-the socialist industrialization of the country, which created
a firm foundation for the development of all ranches of the
national economy and for ensuring the country's economic inde-
pendence and defensive might;
-the collectivization of agriculture, which was a great revo-
lution in economic relations and Fn-We whole way o e of the
peasantry;
-the cultural revolution, which led the working masses out of
spiritual slavery and darkness, introduced them to the riches of
culture and science, elevated the Soviet state to the heights of
civilization, and created numerous cadres of people's and Soviet
intelligentsia in'all areas of science,eecchnology and culture;
-the liquidation of the exploiter classes and the elimination
of the causes of exploitation of man by man-of pr va e owner-
ship of e means of production;
-the solution of the national question: the provision of com-
plete political equality of peoples of e U.S.S.R. and the elimina-
tion of their economic and cultural inequality;
-the transition of many previously backward peoples to social-
ism, bypassing a stage of capitalist development; the mighty
upsurge of their economy, science and socialist culture;
-the consolidation of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. into a single
monolithic family, the strengthening of ter Indestructible
friendship and fraternal cooperation;
-the creation of conditions for the steady growth of the well-
being of the peop e;
-the development of socialist democracy-the first genuine
democracy in history, which F as providing all citizens with
broad political liberties and social rights and ensuring their
active participation in the administration of the state and in eco-
nomic and cultural construction.
The victory of socialism in the U.S.S.R. is a triumph for the
deathless ideas of Marxism-Leninism and is a great patriotic
exploit of the Soviet people and their guiding force-the Commu-
nist Party of the Soviet Union. The socialism built in the
U.S.S.R. was a big international contribution by our party and
the working people of the Soviet Union to the cause of the inter-
national revolutionary and liberation movement, to the cause of
the struggle for peace and socialism throughout the world, the
struggle for the social'progress and national independence of the
peoples. The C.P.S.U. Program says:
"As a result of the self-sacrificing labor of the Soviet people
and the theoretical and practical activity of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union, mankind has received an actually existing
socialist society and a science o socialist construction t o s
been tested in practice. The' highroad to socialism has been
built. Many peoples are already traveling along it. ooner or
It a er it will be taken by all peoples."*
But the historic successes of the Party and the people would
have been even greater, the accomplishment of the tasks of
socialist construction would have proceeded with fewer sacri-
fices and losses, were it not for a phenomenon so alien to the
spirit of Marxism-Leninism as the Stalin cult, which did great
damage to our country. This phenomenon stood in deep contra-
wen y-secon Congress of e Communist Party of the
Soviet Union: Stenographic Record" [in Russian], Vol. III, p. 240.
06 p. 4.1
torical experience of the Bolshevist party, profoundly presented
the principles of Marxist strategy and tactics, showed the need
for a principled and at the same time flexible tactic, capable,
when necessary, of resorting to compromises, taking correct
advantage of the conflicts of interest among the imperialist
states and among the different groups of bourgeoisie within the
individual countries, and, at the least opportunity, able to get
a mass ally, albeit temporary, unreliable and arbitrary.
"Whoever has not understood this," V. I. Lenin wrote, "has
not understood an iota of Marxism or of modern scientific
socialism in general."*
This classic work by V. I. Lenin delivered a serious blow to
the revolutionaries of the phrase, the dogmatists, sectarians
and splitters.
The Party defeated all the anti-Leninist factions and. trends
-KC
I. Len n,~~1g0~~s
p. 55. 10
 CPYRGHT
Approved
qwv~
For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061AO00300020002-6
d,tion to the nature of the socialist system, the nature of
Lenin's party, socialist democratism and humanism.
The initiative of the people was fettered and the role of the
working masses as the makers of history was reduced in the
atmosphere of the cult of the individual. Leninist norms of
Party life and the principle of collective leadership were
trampled. Ways that were uncharacteristic of socialist soci-
ety, such as toadying and servility, suspicion and distrust of
one another, were cultivated. Dogmatism and scholasticism,
a gap between theory and practice, were widespread. Socialist
legality and Soviet democracy were violated especially grossly,
The thesis, contradictory to Leninism, that Stalin advanced
after socialism had already triumphed and that stated that the
class struggle would become increasingly acute as the positions
of socialism solidified and the Soviet state progressed served
as a theoretical foundation and justification for the mass
repression of and arbitrariness toward absolutely Innocent
people, Leninist Party cadres and Party, state and military
personnel. The enormous loss suffered by the military cadres,
as well as the gross mistakes and errors that Stalin made
before and during the war, led to a number of serious failures
and heavy defeats for the Soviet Army in the first stage of the
war, cost many extra lives and put the country In an extremely
dangerous situation.
But the cult of the individual could not stop the progressive
development of Soviet society, change the nature of the social-
1st system or shake the organizational, political and theoretical
foundations of the Party, which had been created and fostered
in the revolutionary spirit of the great Lenin.
During the terrible war years, in the difficult single combat
with German fascism, which had spilled blood over all Europe
and covered it with its monstrous death camps, the vitality
and invincibility of the socialist system and its great superiori-
ty to the capitalist system made themselves felt very strongly.
The Leninist course the Party had set toward industrialization
of the country and collectivization of agriculture, toward the
victory of socialism, was graphically proved to have been cor-
rect and timely.
The war demonstrated not only the economic and military-
technological superiority of the socialist state, but also the
immeasurable superiority of the socialist ideology of Soviet
people, who had been educated by V. I. Lenin's party, the
superiority of this ideology was expressed in their high moral
qualities, their matchless heroism, staunchness and fiery
Soviet patriotism and internationalism.
The Soviet people, defending the freedom and independence
of their country, endured great losses for the sake of the liber-
ation of all peoples who languished in fascist slavery.
One of the decisive conditions for the victory of the Soviet
Union over Hitler's Germany was the leadership of the Com-
munist Party, its selfless and multifaceted activity at the front
and in the rear. The unbreakable link between the Party and
the people was displayed with especial force during this diffi-
cult and dangerous time, and the Party's role as the leader
and organizer of the working people was raised still higher.
The Party received a great deal of tempering and acquired new
experience of work among the masses.
The Soviet Union's victory In the Great Patriotic War saved
mankind from the threat of fascist enslavement, radically
changed the picture of the world and the balance of forces in
the international arena. A new situation took shape, one more
favorable for the creative activity of our party and the Soviet
state and for the successes of the world Communist, workers'
and national-liberation movement. The victory over German
fascism and Japanese militarism by the first socialist coun-
try in the world facilitated the success of the socialist revolu-
tion in a number of countries of Europe and Asia. A world
socialist system, the foundation of which had been laid by the
Great October Socialist Revolution, arose. This is the second
most important event after the victory of the socialist revolu-
tion in the U.S.S.R. Now no longer our country alone, but one
third of mankind is traveling along the path of socialism.
In today's conditions the chief direction of, the progressive
historical development of mankind is determined by the world
t he fnterna
socialist stem-the off sou ing I
class-an tai fa ~eli~i
4:
a period of decline and downfall. The rate of world social
progress has been accelerated unprecedentedly.
A very important turning point in the history of the C.P.S.U.
is the period of its activity that began in 1953. It has been
filled with glorious and heroic feats by the Party and the
people, with the lofty enthusiasm of communist construction.
The 20th and 22nd Congresses of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union stand as unfading beacons in history.
This period receives broad illumination in the multivolume
"History of the C. P.S.U."
At the 20th and 22nd Congresses the Party, on its own
initiative, subjected the Stalin cult to principled and resolute
criticism and completely exposed the big mistakes Stalin had
made, his gross violation of antra-Party democracy and social-
ist legality and the arbitrariness and repressions against many
honest people, including outstanding leaders of the Party and
the state. Grave consequences of the cult of the individual
were revealed in the area of economic construction, particu-
larly in agriculture during collectivization and in the postwar
period.
Following Lenin's traditions, the Party told the truth about
the abuses of power during the period of the cult of the indi-
vidual, resolutely condemned the ideology and practice of the
cult of the individual, which were alien to Marxism-Leninism,
restored and developed Leninist norms of Party life and prin-
ciples of leadership, and devised safeguards against relapses
of the cult of the individual, so that such phenomena would
never again arise in the Party and in the country. The deci-
sions of the 20th and 22nd C.P.S.U. Congresses on overcom-
ing the Stalin cult have enormous importance for the life of
the Party and the development of Soviet society, for the entire
cause of the struggle for communism. In this way, the
C.P.S.U. has demonstrated to the international Communist and
workers' movement and to the working people of the whole
world its Leninist adherence to principle and justice, its con-
sistent struggle for the purity of the theory and practice of
socialist construction.
The Statement of the Conference of Representatives of Com-
munist and Workers' Parties, which was held in Moscow in
November, 1960, says that the decisions of the 20th C.P.S.U.
Congress "not only are of great importance for the C.P.S.U.
and for communist construction in the U.S.S.R. but also
Initiated a new stage in the international Communist movement
and contributed to its further development on the basis of
Marxism- Leninism. "*
The decisions of the 20th and 22nd Party Congresses
creatively developed Leninism in application to the new his-
torical conditions.
The ongress's theoretical analysis of vital questions
of principle in contemporary international development-the
questions of the possibility of preventing a world war, of the
peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems
and of the variety of forms for the transition to socialism -played
a colossal revolutionizing role, changed the political climate
of the world and delivered a serious blow to the imperialist.
warmongers.
In sweeping the impeding consequences of the cult of the
individual from its path, the Party is giving a decisive rebuff
to the enemies of socialism, who are trying to use the shadow
of the cult of the individual to hide the long years of our par-
ty's activity and the historic importance of its struggle against
anti-Leninist factions and trends and to blacken and cross out
the world-historic successes of the Party and the people in the
struggle for socialism.
The Party also considers incorrect the views of those peo-
ple who deny the importance of leaders' authority. Petty-
bourgeois-anarchistic denial of authority has nothing in com-
mon with Marxism-Leninism. "The working class, which is
waging a difficult and persistent struggle for complete libera-
tion throughout the world, needs authorities, "$ V. I. Lenin
pointed out.
*'Program Documents of the Struggle for Peace, Democracy
and Socialism" [in Russian], Moscow, 1961, p. 84. (Current
IA ft~dv et $ASOb>bk3O4) OQpf -4s b
sian Vol.
socialist reorganization of society. Imperialism has entered I XIV, p. 226.
 CPYRGHT
The Party's Ap99t9Ofiaf"thF9cnini9tloiir sea fhcr th$/2~ : r~Clf palifPalPIin$e-and ftsGs1iic~c~er?furim0P2e~nia02n.6The
C. P.S. U. Congress has opened unbounded horizons for develop-
ment of the creative activity of the working people, for a new
rapid upsurge in the country's productive forces, for science
and culture and for multiplication of the material and spiritual
wealth of the people. During the historic decade (1953-1903)
our country has taken a giant step along the path of economic,
scientific and technical and cultural progress and has emerged
at new frontiers. Having completed the building of the first
phase of communism, having ensured the complete and final
victory of socialism in the U.S.S.R., the Soviet people, headed
by the Communist Party, have set about the full-scale con-
struction of communism.
in its Third Program-, which was adopted by the 22nd Party
Congress, the Party drafted a magnificent scientific plan for
the construction of a communist society in our country and gave
it a profound philosophical, historical, economic and political
foundation. The basic interconnected elements of this plan are:
the creation of the material and technical base of communism,
the formation of communist social relations, and the rearing of
the new man-the man of the communist epoch. The new
C. P.S. U. Program generalizes the experience of socialist con-
struction in the U.S.S.R. and in the people's democracies and
the experience of the international workers' and national-
liberation movement and scientifically illuminates the prospects
of peaceful development. It opens the road to a happy future
for all mankind.
In the new historical stage a further rise has taken place in
the Communist Party's role as the guiding and directing force
of Soviet society, and the scale of its activity has been
enormously enlarged. The unprecedented scope and complexity
of the tasks of communist construction, the headlong growth of
the creative activity of the people, the further development of
socialist democracy, the Increasing importance of the theory
of scientific communism and its development and propaganda-
all this has required the Party to raise the level of its leader-
ship and to improve constantly the forms and methods of its
work.
With the victory of socialism and the entry of the U.S.S.R.
into the period of full-scale communist construction, both the
domestic and the foreign situation in which the Party fulfills
its role as the guiding and directing force of Soviet society have
changed substantially. During the period of socialist construc-
tion it operated in the conditions of class struggle and was the
party of the proletariat, effecting a dictatorship over the
exploiter classes. The class domination of the proletariat was
needed to suppress the resistance of the exploiters, to organize
socialist construction and to ensure the victory of socialism.
V. I. Lenin pointed out: "Marxism, which recognizes the need
for class struggle, says: Mankind will come to socialism by
no other way than through a dictatorship of the proletariat."*
After socialism had won completely, the exploiter classes
were liquidated and Soviet society was left with only friendly
classes, joined by ideological and political unity, and the state
turned from an instrument of class dominance into a state of
all the people. The working class, as the most advanced,
linked with the highest form of socialist ownership, preserves
its guiding role even in the conditions of communist construc-
tion, but it no longer requires class domination inasmuch as
only friendly classes remain.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, while remaining
the party of the working class, at the same time turned into the
vanguard of the Soviet people and became the party of all the
people, who had taken up the world view of the working class
and the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. This was the result of
all the Party's previous activity in the socialist transforma-
tion of society and the ideological upbringing and unification of
the people.
In its policy and its practical activity, in determining the
forms and methods of its work, the C.P.S.U. bases itself on a
precise inventory of the real situation, on the objective proc-
esses taking place in the development of Soviet society and in
international life. Only such an approach, which is mandatory
for a Marxist-Leninist party, ensures the elaboration of a car-
deviation of the modern splitters of Marxism, incidentally, con-
sists in their consigning of the creative, dialectical method to
oblivion, and this has led to their loss of the Leninist course,
to dogmatism, nationalism and adventurism in their policy.
The transformation of the C.P.S.U. into the party of all the
people multiplied its forces, further expanded the social base
on which it rests and strengthened its ties with the people.
The changes that have taken place in the class structure of
society have contributed to the ideological solidarity of the
Party itself. Never before has it been to united and monolithic
as it is at the present time. In the conditions of class struggle,
while the question of "who [defeats] whom" was being decided,
ideological struggle against the anti-Leninist factions and
groupings was the law of Party development. Now there is no
longer any social base for the rise of any opportunist trends,
there Is no danger, such as once existed, of a split in the
Party. But this does not mean that individual persons or even
groups are now Incapable of embarking on a path of struggle
against the Party line. There may be people who have fallen
under the influence of bourgeois propaganda or hardened con-
servatives who still cling to the old. It is known that the
Leninist course of the 20th Party Congress evoked fierce
resistance from the anti-Party factional group that tried to
return the Party to the vicious methods that had been engen-
dered by the cult of the individual. The Party routed the fac-
tionalists and splitters and rallied its ranks even more closely
around the Leninist Central Committee.
Never since the death of V. 1. Lenin has the Party's work of
leadership been so intensive, creative-and fruitful as it has
been in recent years. There stand out in it particularly sharp-
ly the features that are characteristic of the Leninist style of
work: the organic combination of theory and practice, collec-
tive leadership and constant reliance on the masses, the
strengthening of ties with them and concern for their well-
being. There is not a single area of life in which the Party
has not achieved big, truly historic successes.
Creatively developing Marxism-Leninism in the new his-
torical situation and in application to the new tasks of social
development, the Party has formulated very important new
conclusions and tenets that give a theoretical foundation to its
domestic and foreign policy and its plans: conclusions and
tenets on the transformation, in present conditions, of the
state of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the U.S.S.R. Into
a state of all the people; on the Party's growing role during
the period of full-scale communist construction; on the laws
of socialism's evolution into communism; on the methods of
creating the material and technical base of communism; on
the formation of communist social relations and the education
of the new man; on the variety of forms of the transition from
capitalism to socialism; on the possibility of preventing a
world war in our time; on the nature of the present epoch; and
others.
The Party sees its chief task in ensuring the accelerated
development of all branches of the national economy and in
creating the material and technical base of communism. This
Is the foundation of foundations for steady growth of the people's
well-being and the strengthening of the defensive might of he
Soviet state. Concern for the good of the people, for their
happiness, is the supreme law of t e Par y, the fulfillment of
Lenin's behests. A rapid rate of eve opment of khe socia s
economy Is the earnest of victory in the peaceful economic
competition with capitalism and a major international contri-
bution to the cause of the world liberation movement.
Relying on Marxist-Leninist theory, the Communist Party
has drafted and carried out a number of major, truly revolu-
tionary measures, both in industry and, particularly, in agri-
culture, which had lagged behind for a long time.
Technical reconstruction of the entire national economy on
the basis of modern technology has been carried out. The
Party has taken energetic measures for the rapid development
of the most progressive branches of industry, such as power,
chemistry, electronics and machine building. Lenin's idea of
the country's complete electrification, the pivot of communist
construction, is being translated into life, and the chemical
XXXVIII, V. 350ppproveatr'or,elgasee I 6J/U8/ 4 i ry izlt f~~1 Q~1~1tl~YC lttECen-
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
tral Committee, N. S. Khrushchev said: "If Vladimir Ilyich
Lenin were alive today, he would obviously say something like
this: Communism Is Soviet power plus the electrification of
the entire country plus the chemicalization of the national
economy. "*
Labor productivity, the chief and decisive condition for the
victory of the new social system, will grow quickly on the basis
of scientific and technical progress.
Thanks to the measures the Party has taken, radical improve-
mente have taken place in agriculture-a vitally important
branch, without whose development the victory of communism
is inconceivable. These steps include: the mastering of enor-
mous tracts of virgin and long-fallow lands; intensification of
the principle of giving agricultural workers a material interest
in the results of their labor; 'strengthening of the material and
technical base of the collective and state farms; the reorgani-
zation of the Machine and Tractor Stations and sale of the
machinery to the collective farms; increasing the state farms'
role in communist construction; improving the practice of plan-
ning on the collective and state farms; reorganizing Party and
state control over agriculture. The Party drafted and is now
successfully carrying out a great program for the chemicaliza-
tion of agricultural production, its intensification on the basis
of large-scale application of fertilizers, the development of
irrigation, integrated mechanization and the introduction of the
discoveries of science and advanced experience.
The Party is constantly Improving the forms and methods of
mp~ its guidance of the national economy, and In doing so is strictly
following Lenin's traditions. The reorganization of Party
guidance of the national economy is aimed at making this guid-
ance more concrete and purposeful, strengthening it with quali-
fied personnel and enlisting the broadest possible sectors of
the working people in active participation in production matters.
In the conditions of communist construction the Party
attaches enormous Importance to the ideological and political
upbringing of the working people, especially all the young peo-
ple, and to the propagation of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism.
In this sphere the Party sees its chief task in ideologically
ensuring the translation of the C. P. C.P.S.U. Program into life, the
creation of the material and technical base of communism, the
formation of communist social relations, the rearing of the
new man; in heightening political vigilance and conducting a
full-scale offensive against imperialist ideology, against sur-
vivals of the past in people's minds. The Party has focused
attention on the labor education of active and conscientious
toilers of communism, the formation within Soviet people of a
scientific world view and a communist morality. The Party is
waging a resolute struggle against the pernicious influence of
the reactionary ideology of anticommunism, and is rebuffing
\ the false and treacherous propaganda of peaceful coexistence
of the two ideologies.
The growing influence of the Soviet Union and the entire
world socialist system on international development has posed
new tasks for the Party's foreign policy and has presented new
opportunities for its successful activity in the world arena.
The first and most important task of the Party's foreign policy,
which has the function of ensuring favorable international con-
ditions for new victories of communism, is to care for the
development and success of the world socialist system. The
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, together with the other
fraternal parties, has comprehensively defined the principles,
based on proletarian internationalism, for the mutual relations
among socialist countries: complete equality, mutual respect
for independence and sovereignty, fraternal mutual aid, and
cooperation. The C.P.S.U. and the Soviet state are making a
big contribution to the cause of strengthening the economic and
political might of the socialist camp-the chief force opposing
world imperialism.
Our party and people are fulfilling their international duty
to the fraternal family of socialist countries and to the working
people of the entire world primarily through the enormous
successes of communist construction in the U.S.S.R., as well as
by the ever-expanding economic and political cooperation with
the countries of the socialist camp and by giving them compre-
hensive and unselfish aid.
Aid to the national-liberation movement occupies a big place
in the Party's foreign policy. It is thanks to the selfless aid
from the U.S.S.R. and the other socialist countries that the
young national states which have arisen in the place of the for-
mer colonies and semicolonies are successfully developing their
economies, achieving economic liberation after the political.
Profound democratic socio-economic changes that contribute
to the transition to socialist development are being carried out
in many of these countries.
The Party sets as Its task the rendering of the utmost assist-
ance to the objective process of the fusion into a single stream
of the great revolutionary forces of modern times: the world
socialist system, the international workers' movement and the
national-liberation movement. This mighty stream, which is
turning into a great flood of world revolution, is capable of
sweeping away imperialism and establishing socialism and com-
munism on earth. There is no more important or noble task
than the struggle for unity of the great revolutionary forces of
modern times. This makes all the more intolerable the conduct
of the modern splitters, who have openly set a course toward
disuniting the revolutionary forces, divorcing the national-
liberation movement from the world socialist system and the
international working class, and placing them in opposition to
each other. Such a course could bring enormous harm to the
cause of peace, democracy and socialism.
The struggle for peace and the security of the peoples, the
struggle to prevent a thermonuclear war that might bring death
and torment to millions of people, is an object of constant con-
cern and of the greatest efforts of our party. The C.P.S.U.
Program points out: 'The chief thing is to prevent a thermo-
nuclear war, not to allow to break out. * world war can be
prevented by the united forces of the mighty socialist camp, e
peace-laving nonsocialist states, the international working class
and all the forces championing the cause of peace. *** To
abolish war and establish eternal peace on earth is a hisTorical
mission of communism."*
in fighting for e v ctory of the cause of peace and commu-
nism, for mankind's salvation from the catastrophe of a thermo-
nuclear world war, our glorious party and Its Leninist Central
Committee, headed by the true Leninist N. S. Khrushchev, rely
on the entire historical experience of Bolshevism and the world
revolutionary movement and on the theory of Marxism-Leninism.
Communists and genuine Marxist-Leninists continue today to
personify the wisdom of the epoch by coming forth as the most
consistent and resolute fighters for mankind's progress. Em-
ploying wise and flexible Leninist strategy and tactics, our party
Is doing everything possible to fulfill this world-historic task.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union strengthens the
defenses of the U.S.S.R. for no other reason than the Interests
of the peace and security of the peoples. Today all progressive
mankind acknowledges that the nuclear might of the Soviet
Union, which is standing guard over the peace, has bound the
hands of the imperialist forces of war.
The peace-loving foreign policy of the C.P.S.U. and of the
Soviet state, based on the Leninist principle of peaceful coexist-
ence of states with different social systems, is a most humane
policy. It attracts the sympathy and support of all progressive
mankind. The Soviet state and the entire socialist camp stand
before the peoples of the world as a reliable shield against
aggression and war. Together with the other fraternal Commu-
nist and Workers' Parties, the C.P.S.U. Is waging a tireless
struggle against revisionism, dogmatism and sectarianism,
which split and weaken the workers' movement and objectively
help imperialism; it is constantly concerned for the solidarity
of the Marxist-Leninist parties of all countries and sets an
example of discipline, proletarian solidarity and faithfulness to
its international duty.
*"Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist *"Twenty-second Congress of the Communist Party of the
Party of the Soviet Union, Dec. 9-13, 1963: Stenographic Soviet Union: Stenographic Record" [in Russian], Vol. III, pp.
Record" [in Russian], Moscow, 1964, p. 12. [Current Digest 270, 27-11. --[["-Current Soviet Policies-IV," Columbia University
of the SovieAMV ,~o.Rble.1de 1999/08/24: Ct'i [ 3487A000300020002-6
 CPYRGHT Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
Our party is unswervingly guided by the thesis adopted by
the 1960 Conference of'Communist and Workers' Parties:
"The success of the cause of the working class In each coun-
try demands the International solidarity of all Marxist-Lenin-
ist parties. Each party is responsible to the working class,
the working people of its country and to the international
workers' and Communist movement as a whole."*
The monolithic solidarity of the countries of the socialist
camp and of the entire world Communist movement on the
principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian international-
ism is a most important requirement for the victory of peace
and socialism on earth. The strength and power of the social-
ist camp, of the international army of Communists, and the
chief source of their victory lie in their unity.
Soviet Communists can take pride in the high appraisal of
the Leninist course of our party's Central Committee and. the
activity of Comrade N. S. Khrushchev that was given by the
fraternal Marxist-Leninist parties on his glorious 70th birth-
day, when N. S. Khrushchev's role in exposing the cult of the
individual, in the creative development of Marxist-Leninist
theory and in carrying out great revolutionary transformations
was noted. The Statement of the 1960 Conference of Repre-
sentatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties says: "The
Communist and Workers' Parties unanimously declare that
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has been and continues
to be the universally recognized vanguard of the world Com-
munist movement, being the most experienced and the most
thoroughly tempered detachment of the international Commu-
nist movement."t
The entire glorious historical path of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union confirms the victory of Marxism-Leninism,
which has won the minds and hearts of millions of people and
has become a powerful material force transforming the life of
all mankind.
The heroic history of our party and the history of our coun-
try brilliantly reflect the great dialectical law of the progres-
sive development of mankind, the law that is paving a path for
itself through all retrograde movement, through all the zig-
zags of history and through all obstacles and difficulties.
Who can now deny the importance of the experience of the
Soviet Union, which has demonstrated that socialism contains
gigantic strength, that mankind has actually made the transi-
tion to a new stage of development that holds brilliant possi-
bilities? The Soviet economy, having overcome incredible
difficulties of reconstruction after the most destructive of
wars, has achieved rates of development of productive forces
that are much higher than those of the U.S.A. and is succeed-
ing in catching up to this richest country of capitalism, which
has not suffered from wars but has waxed fat on them. The
Soviet Union was the first to pave the way to outer space.
Even the opponents of socialism, those who "refute" Marx-
ism, have been obliged to acknowledge this indisputable fact
and its decisive influence on the minds of hundreds of millions
of people. They see that the prestige of Marxism is growing
in parallel with growth of the strength and prestige of the
Soviet Union and the entire socialist system, with the growth
of the well-being of the peoples of the Soviet Union. They are
obliged to admit that Marxism is winning the battle for men's
minds.
Program Documents o the ruggle for Peace, Democracy
and Socialism" [in Russian], p. 83. [Current Digest of the Soviet
Press, Vol. XII, No. 49, p. 7.]
tlbid.
The history of the C. P.S.U. shows that the Party has always
vanquished the various anti-Leninist, schismatic trends, fac-
tions and anti-Party groups through its fidelity to Leninist
principles of Party unity and thanks to the correctness of its
policy, which conforms to the objective laws of social develop-
ment.
There is no doubt that even today Lenin's party, together
with the other Marxist-Leninist parties, will be able to over-
come the difficulties that the Chinese leaders are causing
through their schismatic, adventurist activity. The historical
need for unity of the world revolutionary process, with the
world socialist system and the International working class
playing the decisive role, is paving a way for itself through
all the revisionist and schimatic activities of defectors from
Marxism-Leninism.
In 1964 the Chinese leaders openly proclaimed their renuncia-
tion of the jointly adopted Statement of the 1960 Conference of
Communist and Workers' Parties. They subjected to outright
revision not only the joint decisions of principle that they had
adopted together with the other parties, but even their own
resolutions of their own Eighth Congress of the Communist
Party of China, acknowledging the positive importance of the
Leninist course of the 20th Congress and pursuing a friendly
line toward the C.P.S.U. and the Soviet Union. The Chinese
leaders have embarked on the dangerous path of nationalism
and schismatic activities, resorting to methods that recall the
worst tactics of Trotskyism.
Relying on Leninist principles, our party is waging an implac-
able struggle against revisionism, dogmatism, sectarianism
and neo-Trotskyism, for the purity of Marxism-Leninism and
for strengthening the ranks of the international Communist
movement.
Our party, in its new Program, which creatively develops the
teaching of Marxism-Leninism, has shown the real, concrete
prospects that communism offers mankind. Each new success
in our economic construction and in the development of social-
ist democracy strikes another blow at anticommunism and
multiplies and will continue to multiply the ranks of the sup-
porters of socialism and communism.
The entire history of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union convincingly testifies that the inexhaustible sources of
the vivifying strength of the Party, which overcomes all diffi-
culties and obstacles, are: fidelity to the revolutionary doc-
trine of Marxism-Leninism; the creative development of
Marxist-Leninist theory in the new historical conditions; the
struggle on two fronts to defend the purity of revolutionary
theory-against reformist revision of Marxism-Leninism and
against dogmatism, sectarianism, and pseudorevolutionary
adventurism in policy; correct strategy and tactics-a scien-
tifically based Party policy; the Party's indissoluble tie with
the people; the ability to convince the masses of the correct-
ness of the Party's political line; and the people's support of
the Party.
Through its glorious deeds the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union has set lofty examples of firm faithfulness to the
revolutionary doctrine of Marxism-Leninism, of deep under-
standing of the spirit of Marxism-of Its revolutionary dialectic,
which is the methodology of the proletarian revolution-and
examples of fidelity to the principles of proletarian internation-
alism. The history of the C.P.S.U. is Marxism-Leninism in
action, in creative development.
The great, international, eternally vital, creatively develop-
ing teaching of Marxism-Leninism is invincible.
The cause of Lenin's party is invincible.
1t
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
1 February 1965
The Soviets Rewrite History Again
Um 13 TTnr vier wurde der Name getilgt. Das Komitee beschloss
Nichterwh.hnung.
Breit grinst die Erinnerung. Das Komitee hat Nichterinnerung
beschlossen.
Nur Kbpfe sind konterrevolutionar. Das Kollektiv blickt
vorwgrts.
Die Welt weiss so viel, vie sie fragt. Die Welt fragt nicht.
Die Welt fragt nicht -- das Komitee gilt als sensibel. Es
tagt um 13 Uhr.
Den Vorsitz fUhrt einer, lessen Name getilgt sein wird. In
vier Minuten.
Hans Kasper
(Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 23 November 196+)
Russian Death
At 130+ hours the name was stricken out. The Committee re-
solved on nonreference.
Memory grins broadly. The Committee has decided for nonmemory.
Only persons are counterrevolutionary. The Committee turns its
eyes forward.
The world knows as much as it asks. The world does not ask.
The world does not ask -- the Committee is considered sensible.
It meets at 1300 hours.
The chair is occupied by someone whose name will be stricken
out. In four minutes.
A news report from Moscow states that the first volume of a projected
six-volume history of the Soviet Communist Party has been recalled, and
that a revised version will be issued. Copies of the book have disappeared
from bookstores, and those which were carried out of the USSR will doubt-
less become collectors' items. The trouble with the original version
(which only went on sale last September) appears to be that the introduc-
tion contains favorable references to N.S. Khrushchev;
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A0003000200b?-8t? )
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
the text itself of the volume only covers the period before 1903, and is
probably "safe" as it stands. Even if the Introduction had not called
Khrushchev "the true Leninist," the Soviet authorities would probably have
withdrawn the volume to remove any trace of him. For the official policy
on Khrushchev is clearly to erase him from the record. His picture has
been removed everywhere, and since his fall, Khrushchev's name has been
publicly mentioned. in the USSR in only one speech -- he was condemned. for
lack of stability by a minor official at the December meeting of the
Supreme Soviet. The Soviet press did not publish this reference. Offi-
cially, Khrushchev's name is stricken from history.
Rewriting the record is no novelty is the USSR. Atlhough in Marxist-
Leninist theory, history is supposed to be a science, actually it serves
the Soviet leaders as a myth. Marxist-Leninist history provides a single,
well-organized picture of the world, and the Soviet public is supposed to
accept this in place of a less inspiring, more confusing reality. Soviet
leaders not only want to make people believe in the inevitable progress
of Communism, they as individuals want to be awarded exclusive credit for
this progress. If these men have had rivals, those rivals are either to
be labelled as the enemies of the revolution, or else forgotten. Aside
from the vanity which makes them (like many non-Communists) wish to "go
down in history" in the most flattering way, Soviet leaders also want --
for the sake of control -- to show their legitimacy, their right to be on
top. Kings are legitimized by tradition and Presidents are legitimized
by free elections; Communist leaders are not really legitimized at all,
and so they have to invent a fictional justification.
In the 1920's and early 1930's individual historians wrote a
succession of at least five official histories of the CPSU, none of which
satisfied Stalin. So a "collective" of writers was formed, led by
B. N. Ponomarov and under the political guidance of W. Knorin; its
product appeared in 1935. But most of the revolutionaries in its pages
became traitors in the blood purges, and by 1938 a new version was needed.
This was the famous History of the CPSU (b): Short Course. Whether
or not STalin actually wrote it himself, as he claimed after World War II,
the book was written precisely as he wished, and since this at last was
a history which satisfied even Stalin's desire for adulation, it
remained in use until his death. Party members literally memorized it,
and 50,000,000 copies were printed. If the Short Course was unbelievable,
at least it made clear what people were expected to believe.
In July 1953, a stopgap capsule history, the 7,500-word "Theses on
Fifty Years of the CPSU," was published in Pravda. Significantly it
contained only four references to Stalin, as compared with 83 to Lenin.
The Short Course disappeared from bookstores and libraries in 1951+-5.
Khrushchev denounced the Short Course in his 1956 Secret Speech, and called
for a new history, "edited in accordance with scientific Marxist
objectivism." So a new History of the CPSU appeared in 1959, edited by
Ponomarev, who unlike Knorin and many other historians of the Party, had
survived the Stalin purges; this may be referred to as "Khrushchev's His-
tory." The new version exalted the Party, reinstated Lenin as the central
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-0306 oAO0)0300020002-6
2
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
figure, treated Stalin in a gingerly way (the old leader, while
criticized for the error of the cult of personality, was credited with
annihilating party enema es, building the economy, and conquering new
terri oriel), and in its later pages, devoted much attention to N. S.
Khrushchev.
Khrushchev apparently did not find this sufficient; perhaps he was
less interested in a textbook, in something to be memorized, than in a
monument worthy of the Sputnik, the 20 Year Program, and the party
official's dacha. In 1960, a decree (not widely publicized until 1962)
directed the Institute of Marxism-Leninism to complete a six-volume history
of the CPSU by 1965. Later the time allowed for completion was extended
to 1967, the fiftieth anniversary of the October Revolution, and it was
the first volume of this history which appeared just before Khrushchev's
fall, and which has now been recalled. In it, B. N. Ponomarov is still
listed among the editors, as is I. I. Mintz, a historian who has special-
ized in the mythology of the Civil War. The volume is illustrated with
color pictures and photographs, and has colored maps showing the progress
of the revolutionary movement. By Soviet standards, this is a handsome
book.
Possibly the whole project may now be reorganized, or even dropped.
If a new printing does appear, Khrushchev's name will probably vanish
from the introduction, and references to the Party's achievements in the
decade after Stalin's death may also be made less glowing. There may be
less said about the 22nd CPSU Congress and the CPSU Program. Kremlinologists
will compare the new introduction with the old to see whether the new
version contains the same condemnations of petty bourgeois leftist
deviations (where Trotsky is named, Mao is often meant), the same imphasis
on economic factors as the "chief influence" on the development of the
international revolution (a Khrushchev slogan presented as Lenin's), the
same treatment of the 1957 anti-Party group, the same explicit references
to the schismatic, adventurist activity of the Chinese leaders, and the
same exaltation of peaceful coexistence. Advance publicity had indicated
that the later volumes would go into the details of Stalin's "repressive
measures" and mistakes, and it will be interesting to see whether this is
done. While the new leaders now seek to dispel fears of a return to
Stalinism, they do not have the same personal interest in attacking Stalin
that Khrushchev had, and their version may be a compromise between
Stalinism and Khrushchevism.
Quite possibly, there may be no new first volume until after the
present "collective leadership" has been replaced once again by a single
dictator. During the last period of "collective leadership," following
Stalin's death, the leaders seem to have agreed that the Short Course was
deplorable, but they also seem to have been unable to agree on a real
substitute. If a new first volume does appear at an early date, it may
soon become outdated and again be recalled. The history of Soviet history
suggests that such a recall will occur eventually in any case, since Soviet
leaders cannot stick to one story and cannot tolerate old stories which
do not agree with the current legend.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
25X1 C10c
1 February 1965
Chinese Communist Espionage in Brazil
On 3 April 1964 Brazilian police officials arrested two New China
Nezrs Agency (NCNA) representatives and seven members of Chinese Communist
trade delegations and charged them with subversion and with dealing and
conspiring with an illegal political group -- the Brazilian Communist
Party, which has been outlawed since 1947.
Chinese authorities in Peking reacted immediately to the arrest of
their officers in Brazil and overnight initiated an elaborate campaign to
pressure the Brazilian government into withdrawing the charges and releas-
ing the prisoners. The massive Chinese propaganda effort strove to con-
vince the world that their trade delegations and journalists perform the
same legitimate functions as such representatives from other countries
and that they would never engage in espionage and subversion. Typical of
the messages sent all over the world in this propaganda barrage was a
letter from 12 Chinese Communist "international trade corporations," which
said:
"The development of trade between various countries ... is
helpful in promoting economic and cultural exchanges and enhancing
friendship between peoples.... With a view to protecting the proper
rights and interests of international trade personnel and newsmen,
we, the twelve China National Foreign Trade Corporations hereby make
an urgent appeal. to the fair-mir -n people in international trade in
the hope that the various trade organizations and colleagues of
different countries will ... exercize their influence and take every
possible step to stop the barbarity of the Brazilian military junta
and help us get the nine Chinese personnel released. We are con-
vinced that this just demand of ours will receive your full support."
Over 30 different Chicom organizations sent messages such as the one
quoted above to at least 60 different countries urging some 2,200 groups
or individuals to demand the release of the arrested Communist Chinese
officials on the grounds that they had been illegally detained, that
the evidence against them had been fabricated, and that the Brazilian
police had tortured them to force false confessions from them. Implicit
in all of these "just demands" was the threat that any firm that expected
to do much business with Communist China had better bow to Communist China's
demands.
As part of the campaign to prove that evidence against their repre-
sentatives had been fabricated, the Peking Peoples Daily on 30 May 1961
published a long "critique" of the contents of a letter that Brazilian
authorities had found. In the course of this "critique" of the damaging
letter, the Peoples Daily manufactured its own discrepancies in order to
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300Q~g03-6
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
try to discredit the original letter. The fact that Peking manufactured
discrepancies in its attempt to discredit the letter showed the extent
Peking was willing to go to denigrate the Brazilian action.
The Brazilian authorities refused to submit to the pressure and,
carefully adhering to internationally accepted rules regarding the treat-
ment of prisoners, continued their investigation of the charges against
them and their Brazilian accomplices. After extensive investigation,
the Chicom. journalists and trade officials were brought to trial and
found guilty as charged. On December 22, 1964 the Brazilian court sen-
tenced each of them to 10 years' imprisonment.
Col. Luiz Franca, who headed the commission that investigated the
charges against the nine Chinese Communist representatives, reported
that they had managed to burn many of the compromising documents before
they were apprehended, but sufficient incriminating evidence had never-
theless been collected to assure conviction.
1. Hou Fa-tseng, Head of the advance group to prepare a Chinese Com-
munist economic and trade exhibit in Brazil.
2. Wang Chi, who served as Second Secretary in the Chicom Embassy in
The Hague (Netherlands) from June 1959 to July 1962. He served in
Switzerland from April to June 1963 and then went to Brazil as a mem-
ber of Houts staff.
3. Su Tsu-ping, staff member in Hou's trade group; earlier traveled in
Malaya, Australia, and New Zealand.
4. Chang Pao-sheng, staff member of Hou's group.
5. Wang Yao-ting, Deputy representative of Chinese Council for Promo-
tion of Trade in Brazil and Deputy Director of Chinese National Textile
Import and Export Corporation. He was in Copenhagen until June 1963,
went to Mexico City in November 1963 and then to Brazil in January 1964.
6. Mao Yao-tseng, served in E py t from 1956 until 1963 (traveled some
in Sudan during this period)., went to Mexico with Wang in November 1963,
and accompanied him to Brazil in January 1974.
7. Sung Kuei-pao, served in Switzerland from 1956 to 1959, and like
Mao Yao-tseng, went to Mexico City with Wang in November 1963 and also
to Brazil in January 1964.
8. Wang Wei-chen, NCNA representative in Brazil since December 1961;
traveled to Mexico in January 1963-
9. Chu Ching-ping, NCNA staff in Brazil from December 1963 until
arrested in April 1964.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
2
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
CPYRGHT
BALTIMORL, SUPT
15 JanuarL196_
The First Round - in Panama
Panama City.
The maintenance of relative order
during the four days that marked the
first anniversary of the Canal Zone
riots was a triumph for President
Marco Aurelio Robles. He has proved
himself to be "strong," as Panamani-
ans are happily putting it, and bath
they and many Americans here now
are convinced that he has a firm grip
on the country.
That is of crucial importance at this
particular time, since Panama and
the United States are on the verge of
opening negotiations concerning a new
Panama Canal treaty and a new sea
level canal.
By this weekend two members of
Panama's three-man negotiation team
are expected to arrive in Washington
for the talks. The two departing nego-
tiators are Roberto Aleman and
Diogenes do Is Rosa, the second of
.whom was denounced by speakers at
the Tuesday night rally on the anni-
versary of the riots. So was the third
member of the team, who is already in
Washington. He is ex-President Ricar-
do Arias, Panamanian Ambassador. to
the,United States.
.Arias is the particular-target of ex-
tremists here, who call him a "traitor"
and demand his removal. They also de-
mand the removal of the new Foreign
Minister, Fernando Eleta, on the same
ground. By "traitor" the students who
,use the term mean one who is willing
to negotiate a new treaty with "Yan-
kee imperialism." They demand an
,end first to the old treaty, signed in
1903, before a new treaty or a sea
level canal Is discussed.
By DANIEL JAMES
A!though the Government as tri-
umphed oven the extremists so far,
this is only the first round in what
promises to be a long and difficult
fight. It is still possible that at some
stage or other the fight will degener-
ate into violence. 9tlr hat Roh1es-
and also the United States
=,are_up
aainst here are not students off on a
peculiar,"'i3ol 1 alin.Agoerigan binge,
but Castro-type Communists. They. are
mani~nlating'tl5e"-stiident-body-for de.
structive`et~ds;" aria using. the Univer-
sits' of Panamaias a "Sierra Maestra"
from';whfch they-:aatl ,j'o_rth'-ggarnst
the Government.
T'ha"ve spent 'a lot of time with the
top student leaders this past week and
can report soberly that they are a
dangerous lot who have interest in
either a stable and prosperous aTa-
4Ggotia
ma, or in success uT 4zc t-1-
-
ions TtW tNC United States. What
;[ti"`y~some Imes confess
frankly, is a drastic revoTut.ion"here
116-61-'6T and " the.ou"stes...of .'all.
Americans from this area.
1-n an interview with the president
of the Federation of Students of Pana-
ma, 15-year-old Victor Avila, I heard
the full Castro line. It was summed up
in the phrase Avila frequently used:
.
"the Panamanian revolution,"
not iscusse . ~t must be demuded
with arms." -
Inflammatory statements such as
that were greeted by cries of "Viva
Fidel Castro" from a claque surround-
ing the speakers' stand.
Making clear that continued agita-
tion is in store for Panama, Avila told
me that his forces were entering a
period of "political education." He
meant that they would go among the
masses and indoctrinate them with the
Castro ideology. ,
The problems Involved in the canal
treaty negotiations, which affect the
fate of a proposed sea level canal
somewhere in the isthmian region as
well as the existing Panama Canal,
are awesomely complex and would
challenge the best minds on both sides
under the best of circumstances. But
if negotiations are going to be con-
ducted against a backdrop of political
agitation and tension in Panama, forc-
ing negotiators always to have one
eye on that as they study the treaty
questions, it is hard to see how such
negotiations can lead to a mutually
satisfactory culmination..
The heart of the matter, as this ob=
seiw ecs'it;"iS"tltt y'aYt'ari5a must
.
~ne5rolbepermanent y.,-the -problem of
addressed Tuesday's meeting,, Virgillo
Schuverer, urged the audience to fol-
low the "road of the takeover of power
by the Panamanian people," in the
deputy's words. Schuverer came as
close as possible to preaching outright
armed revolution when he added:
"The sovereignty of a country can-
her'QxTremists. President Robles has
'hdde a good beginning these past
days. But it is only a beginning. The
task he faces ahead is that of main-
taining order throughout 'four years,
not just four days, and of giving Pana-
ma the stability she needs not only to
insure a just canal treaty but her own
happiness and. prosperity.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
 Approv ,A%e 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
CPYRGHT
An Intervietu
What Panama Wants to Negotiate
..Panama City.
The Panama Canal Zone will vir-
tually cease to exist as a United States
enclave, and both it and the canal
litself will be jointly administered by
the United States and Panama, if the
Panamanian viewpoint is sustained in
,bilateral negotiations on the whole
canal problem which are about to re-
sume In Washington. Such is the
essence of 'Panama's position as de-
scribed in an interview by that coun-
try's youthful new Foreign Minister,
Fernando Eleta.
Two Panamanian. negotiators, Ro-
berto Aleman and Diogenes de la Rosa,
will leave here for Washington on
January 25, announced Eleta, to join
the Panamanian Ambassador, Ricardo
Arias, In talks with American officials.
,`these will bf the first conversations
since President Johnson's statement
Mast month offering fundamental con-
cessions to Panama and proposing that
:a'sea-level canal be built either there
;or-In Colombia or Nicaragua.
Although the present canal and a
sea-level canal are often linked in
speculation here, Foreign 'Minister
Eleta insisted that they are separate
.questions. Panama's negotiators, he
continued, "may discuss the two canals
simultaneously but deal with them
separately" in the event of any agree-
ment. Panama, In other words, wants
a new treaty on the existing canal
first, befdre concluding agreements
Iabout anything else. The basis for that
attitude was enunciated by Eleta In
these words:
"The Panamanian position is that, in
order-to avoid further friction, and to
afford Panama treatment in keeping
with contemporary thinking,'we should
eliininate'the more obvious evidences
of the overwhelming presence of the
United States within the, territory of
the Republic of Panama."
"Does that mean that Panama seeks
joint administration of the canal and
.the Zone?" he was asked. `
"Panama will definitely seek -par-
`ticipation in joint administration of the
canal and the Zone," he replied.
And what about such matters as the
Canal Zone police (who playpd such
an ambiguous role In last year's flag
riots)?
"Those are details to be worked
Al p iiCda~+ r Release .199
Panama w 1 a so se "participa-
tion In income from operations of the
canal," Eleta continued. In that con.
nection he advocated raising shipping
tolls, which he said were at about the
same level as in 1915 when the canal
was opened to world commerce. That,
he hinted, would obviate the need to
seek an increase in the just under $2
million which Panama receives an-
nually as a "rental" for the canal site.
The issue of who is "sovereign" over
the Canal Zone has been a sore one
since the original treaty was drafted
in 1903, and is at the bottom of the
riots last January and all agitation
here over the years. As the Pana-
manians see it, it will remain a cancer
until the Zone is "integrated" into the,
Panamanian Republic, as Eleta put it.
What is necessary is the "integra-
tion of the one area into the other,"
he said, speaking of Zone and Repub-
lic. "After all, many Americans are
living among us in the. Republic hap'
pily and in good health," he added. {
The question, of a sea-level canal,
which Panama wants to deal with
separately, will not be raised by her
negotiators, the 'Foreign Minister
pQintcd, out. It is purely President
Johnson's idea, and they will wait for
his representatives to introduce it. So
far, the United States has made no
formal sea-level canal proposal to
Panama.
"It is not in Panama's best interests
to have a sea-level canal," was, as a
matter of fact, the Panamanian For-
eign Minister's somewhat surprising
statement. The chief reason, he ex-
plained, is that it would cause "eco-
nomic repercussions" for Panama. As
one example, he said that perhaps only
400 Panamanians would be needed to
help operate a sea-level canal, com-
pared with about 10,000 working on the
present one. With an unemployment
rate that is already very high, the
throwing out of work of some 9,500
more workers could conceivably pre-
cipitate a deep crisis here.
'But Panama is open-minded about
the sea-level canal, Eleta added, and
her negotiators have been instructed
"to hear whatever American officials
have to say about it.','
It was this reporter's impression that
part of a package including probably
forms of technical and financial aid
designed to cushion any adverse im-
pact upon the Panamanian economy.
When asked whether Panama would
agree to permit the United States to
maintain whatever military bases
might be needed in the area, in con.
nection with a nev/ treaty, Eleta pre-
ferred not to speak for publication.
Since our military presence here Isi
regarded, even in non-Communist cir-
cles, as an uncomfortable reminder of
American tutelage if not of downright
imperialism, Eleta felt that he might
in some way jeopardize the negotia-
tions if`he discussed the bases at this
time.
However, the writer has reason to
believe that Panama would be amen-
able to granting us base privileges
once the fundamental canal treaty is
.worked out to everyone's mutual satis-
faction. She apparently prefers to deal
with It separately, as she does the
sea level canal.
. . .
Thus there arises the possibility that
three distinct arrangements may re-.
suit from the negotiations between i
Panama and the United States: a'
treaty on the present canal, a treaty:
on a new.sea-level canal, and a treaty;
or convention on military bases.
Above all, It was clear from the,
interview-with Eleta~ that Panama is
most' anxious to resolve ; the whole
canal 'Issue amicably and construc-
tively.
"We will not make arbitrary. or
capricious demands, the Foreign
Minister stressed. "We are thinking of
the best interests of both countries,
which are interested in eradicating
perennial sources of friction." He re.
ferred to the joint communique of last
April 3, when diplomatic relations were
renewed, in which the latter point
was stressed. .
It. was equally clear that neither
Eleta nor President Marco Aurelio
Robles is in a position to settle for
less than "integration" of the Canal
Zone into Panama and similar points
which all add up to recognition, in
practical terms, of her national' sov-
ereignty and to the satisfaction of the
popular demand for such recognition.
Anything less could mean either con-
/O 24iteGIARDP78c &O o s~ even.
can to Panama it will have to be fuel overt row o t overnment.
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6
CPYRGHT
un nuevo canal al nivel del mar en Centroamerica; y qua
la Zona del Canal de Panama podria ser devuelta a esa
pats, una vez quo la nueva via acuatica fuese terminada.
Reve16 tembien que ha propuesto "la negociac16n de un.
Tratado totalmente nuevo respecto a dicho Canal -de Pa-
nama, que '"debe estipular su propia terminacidn cuando
comleince a funcionar ese otro canal al nivel del mar".
i
El Tratado que determine la construccion del Canal peridad en nuestras Am r eas.
y ahora rigs su manejo y explotacien 'fue firmado el 18 A nuestro juicio y quienquiera obtenga benoficios na?
de noviembre do 1903, quince digs despues de que Pana-
ma se declar6 Independiente de Colombia; concedi6 "en
perpetuidad para el uso, ocupac16n y predominio" de log
Estados Unidos, una faja territorial de 16 kilometros de
son los terminos con que el Presidents Johnson ha ex-
puesto las razones de la intervenci6n de su autoridad na?
cional, para proponer una Pacifica conciliac16n de intere-
participaci6n en las utilidades efectivas de At exulotaci6n.
aspiraclones legitimas del pueblo panameno a una mayor Camino de la comprension, la equidad y la paz.
de 10.000,000 de d6lares a Panama por ega concesion te? dije entonces, "la violencia es injustificada slempre-y nuns
rritorial, as convino en pagarle una cantidad anual, acor? ca puede ser base de conversaciones. -Asi, desde el pri-
dando entonces 250,000 dolares,. que en el curso de log mer dia deje establecido bien claro que estabamos Jistos
anon fue aumentando hasta 1.930.000 dolares. El costo para discutir y encontrar una formula justa, sin prejuia'
de In construcci6n fue de 380.000,000; y los ingresos anua?y clos ni condiciones previas de ninguna de las partes. --Hoy,
lea de In explotaci6n. llegan alrededor de_60.00O,0i La informs al Gobierno de Panama que estamos dispuestos
Panama Canal Company administra con unos 14,500 em- a negociar un nuevo Tratado... que substituya al de 1903
pleados y obreros, de los cuales'11,000 son panamelos, y sus enmiendas".
que perciben los mismos salarios que los norteamericanos,
pero a estos Sc abona "Un 25%Q adicional, por trabajar en Coincidiendo con esta constructiva actitud del Pre-
el extranjero. Panama y los Estados Unidos se han visto sidente de los Estados Unldos, la Organizaci6n de Estados
envue,ltos en confllctos, desde que el Canal fue inaugura? Americanos resolvio por voto unanime, con abstenci6n de
do On 1914; el mss reciente ocurri6 el 9 y 10 de enero ul? Guatemala, poner en vigor el "Acta de Washington", esta?
timo, originando 20 muertos y mss de 200 heridos. bleciendo que cualquier Estado americano independiente
que quiera ser miembro de la Organizacidn debera mania
Al comentar en febrero tan deplorable suceso, to cons festarlo por nota dirigida al Secretario General y aceptar
sideramos derivacion de las realidades injustas que regian todas las obligaciones. que entrana la condicidn de niiema
la vida continental, hasta que otras realidades hemisferi? bro, especiaimente as referentes a In. seguridad coicctiva;
cas o mundiales impusieron cambios mss o menos, radica? y que el voto de las dos terceras partes de los Estados
lea y. acelerados; expresandd nuestra conviccion de que el miembros decidira su admisi6n.
Tratado de 1903 deberfa ser renovado equitativa y oportu?
namente, para establecer una nueva situaci6n que devuel? Este ambiente en lag relaciones Intercontinental-es nos
va los derechos territoriales de Panama y reconozea lag Induce a creer que vamos llegando a la madurez por el
El Porvenir, Monterrey Mexico
31 December 1961
Cornprensi~n, E Equidad y P
Jose Castdllot Jr.
~CPYRGHT
pero, al mismo tiempo, asegurando Ia continuidad operan?:
to de esa via interoceanica, rmn fuerzas militares, exper
tos tecnicos y recursos financleros, suficientes pars frusa
trar cualquier intromision ostensible o subrepticia de quie?
nes solo ttenen lnteres en anular o reducir los servicios
que el Canal presta a las Americas. Y citabamos el emoa
cionado ilamamiento a Is alianza Para la Paz. en auo el;-
escritor N. Viera Altamirano exhorta: "La unidad de too'
En este mea de diciembre de 1964, se han acumulado dos los pueblos de America constituye el mayor interes.'
afntomas categoricos de que nuestra AMERICA ha madir la causa suprema de todos los americanos. Si la Providen?'
rado Jo bastante para escoger, como normas de sus re-
lariones intercontinentales, el buen entendimiento y la
reciproca equidad, que contribuyen a una paz efectiva; la
consagrac6n de aquel austeco principio de convivencia
que Benito Juarez formulo con elara precision: ""El rea?
peto al derecho ajeno es In pas".
cia nos ha dado este sitio, nuestro deber es voiverio el
hoar de una comunidad de naciones comprometidas para
a Paz!"
Y en subsiguiente comentario pediamos que 1os dirk
gentes de In politica hemisferica de los Estados Unidoa
-aunque as crean sostenidos juridica e indefinidamente
El Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson anunci6 ante-'I&$ por el Tratado de. 1903- y los defensores de los dere?
samaras televisoras, en el teatro de la Casa Blanca, quo ehos e intereses de Panama -aunque as admits que la
Jos Estados Unidoa proyectan definitivamente construir perpetuidad no puede ser pactada por log hombres, ni pot
las naciones- si no hacen a un lado las exigencias apasio-
nadas o interesadas de sus respectivos extremistas y no
reanudan log esfuerzos leales por llegar a una solucibn
realmente equitativa, con un minimo de perjuicios directos
para la otra parts contendiente, seran responsablcs del
debilitamiento y In desorganizaci6n de las fuerzas qua
defienden y consolidan la seguridad, la libertad y Ia pros.
6
cionales o individuales, to mss significativo y trascendental
Approved For RPIPagp 1999/f1R194 - (IA_RfP7R_l3fR1 Alll3lll2ll02_A
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000300020002-6PYRGHT
Washington Post
21 Decemb ox 196
Bargain With U.S. or Go Broke
New Canal Flan
:Puts Squeeze.
On Pan ama
By Dan Kurzman
CPYRGHT
obsolete, and, In any event,
economically unsound when
the new canal is built
From the political view-
point, the other three coun-
tries under consideration
would probably be more ac
ceptable to the U.S. They;
have long depended for
their livelihoods on other
resources, and the benefits
of a new canal would be
"gravy" to them,. a U.S. of-
ficial pointed out,
As a result, it is argued,
these countries might tend
to be less nationalistic in
their approach than Pan-
ama, which unhappily.finds
itself almost completely deg
StiLlf Boor er pendent on a resource con-
The Administration's strategy in linking the issue' trolled by a foreign nation.
of a new sea level canal in Central America with the But the linking of the two' canal ISSUES 1133 laut
question of a new treaty to replace the 1903 Panama Panama bereft of advan
Canal treaty places the United States in a strong tages or bargaining press
bargaining position in its negotiations with Panama. sores of its own. For one'
One U.S. official familiar thing, it appears to have
with current developments News Analysis extracted from the U.S. at:
agreed yesterday that Pana= least tacit agreement to
ma has the best chance of build the new canal through.
being selected as the site of But these officials have ` Panama, the only condition
the new canal-if it does stressed that the United being that the country be
not insist on unreasonable States will not give in to moderate in its partnership
terms in the drawing up of such demands as that re- approach.
cently advanced by a high For another, the United.
new treaties for the present Panamanian figure, States is aware that a dc-
and projected canals. that
Full-scale surveys will be Panama split gross receipts ` ciston to build a new canal
with the United States even outside Panama could ere,
conducted In Colombia, Ni. though the Americans are ate economic and political'
caragua, and Costa Rica, as meeting all operational ex- panic in Panama that might
well as Panama, to deter. penses well lead toward commu-
mine the technical prob. Thus, Panama Is by no nism, or at best, bitter anti-
lems Involved In the various means in the position of Americanism. Such a devel
possible canal ventures. But Egypt vis-a-vis ? the Suez opment would be particular
as of now, U.S. officials ap? Canal. The Egyptians had ly dangerous from the time,
,pear to have little doubt 1, only to throw out the Brit- that the decision is made!.
that Panama would pose the Ish who had been operating = to the time, perhaps 15 years;
fewest engineering prob. Suez and run the waterway : later, when the new canal'.
lemsat the least cost, leav- themselves. can replace the old one.
ing the political problem as Panama is in a much.' And in the end, the U.S.
the real question. weaker position. It can no might have to compensate;
Officials have Indicated longer afford to take an ex- for losses with untold mil-'4
that the United States is treme nationalistic position, lions in economic aid.
willing to make very sub. or even threaten to do so- This is aside from the like- i
stantial concessions to Pan- at least not before the U.S. lihood that the U.S., as es-
ama in the new treaty envis- decides on the site for a timates stand now, would
aged for the present canal. new canal. For such be- have to spend ? much more :
It will probably agree to havior could well result in money b u i l d i n g a canal
eliminate the controversial either Columbia or. Nica- through another country -
clause that leases the canal ragua and Costa Rica reap. though possible use of nu-
to the United States in per. ing the profits from a new clear explosive could bring'
etuity and to make clear, sea-level waterway. the cost down-and undergo
s the current treaty does more technical difficulties,
ot, that Panama is soverign That would have a catas. as well.
ver the whole of Its terrl. trophic effect on Panama's In a sense, therefore, the'
ory, 'Including the Canal U.S. and Panama appear to. one, future. By far its most im-. by have each other b the tall.
.It is also certain to in portant resource has been
rease the Panamanian the Panama Canal, a re-.
Lhhare of canal"profIkts. And source that will soon b
~d Feiease99/08/24 :CIA-RDP7=03061A000300020002-6
m o international con-
I of canal operations.