SUKARNO'S INDEPENDENCE DAY SPEECH

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000300010027-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 29, 1998
• Sequence Number: 27
• Publication Date: August 17, 1964
• Content Type: REPORT

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Excerpts From
SUNARNO'S INDEPENDENCE DAY SPEECH
(17 August 1964)
Do not think that Sukarno is a man who follows some occult kind of
science. No, when I predict something it is based on my understanding of
the objective laws of social history. If there is a specific science I
follow, this is because I know the message of the people's suffering, be-
cause I know speculation, because I know a most important science, namely,
Marxism.
I am a friend of the nationalists, but of the revolutionary national-
ists. I am a friend of the religous group, but of the revolutionary re-
ligious group. I am a friend of the communists, because the communists
are a revolutionary people.
My viewpoint is that anyone who opposes imperialism is objectively a
revolutionary man. There are intellectuals beside proletarians in our in-
dependence struggle. There are princely elements beside peasants. But as
long as they oppose imperialism they are revolutionaries. Likewise, this
is the situation in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Emperor Haile Selassie
stands shoulder to shoulder with Modibo Keita and Ben Bella, with Nkrumah,
with Jomo Kenyatta, with Jamal Abd an-Nasir, and Fidel Castro. So is
Sukarno, who is the comrade-in-arms of Ayub Khan and Sirimavo Bandaranalke,
the comrade-in-arms of Ne Win and. Macapagal., the comrade-in-arms of Ho Chi
Minh and Mao Tse-tung, the comrade-in-arms of Norodom Sihanouk and Kim I1-
song.
Thanks to this consistent struggle for principle we liberated West
Irian last year. However, Korea's West Irian and Vietnam's West Irian,
namely the southern part of their countries, are still not free. Recently
I said to Professor Nguyen Ding Binh of the South Vietnamese National Lib-
eration Front that I was praying that the Vietnamese people would soon be
able to reunify their country in an atmosphere of independence.
We also thoroughly condemn the present U.S. attack on North Vietnam.
I also pray that Korea will be reunified in independence.
However, with the liberation of West Irian, is the Indonesian Repub-
lic free from the imperialists' threats? No, far from it. Malaysia is
still positioned in front of our door. Malaysia still stands in front of
the house of the Indonesian Republic like the watchdog of imperialism.
Members of military pacts around us also recently started to talk about
our affairs without our permission. The imperialists are openly encir-
cling us. However, we are not intimidated; we are not afraid. Yes,
brothers, do not be intimidated, do not be afraid. Go on, continue to go
on, even if Malaysia is supported by 10 imperialists.
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Whether or not a country is independent can be seen not only from its
%conomic or political structure, but also from the quality of its author-
ities. There were already signs that the Congo was independent, but now
we see Tshombe in power there. In Indonesia in the past we had Kartalegawa,
Doctor Mansur. What crazy man will believe that such a country is independ-
ent?
There is still another example. There are many French Government
attitudes with which I do not agree. However, whatever people say, it
must be admitted that General de Gaulle follows a policy which is real-
istic. The opening of diplomatic relations with the CPR, his proposal
to neutralize South Vietnam, and his other initiatives demonstrate a dif-
ferent way of thinking, an unconventional way of thinking.
The imperialists have launched all kinds of schemes. They overthrew
the Goulart Government in Brazil; they have been attacking Cuba continu-
ously; they have seated Tshombe in the Congo; they are trying to pour a
quarter of a million foreign troops into southeast Asia. However, all
this is nothing but a countercurrent which will be only temporary and will
not be able to withstand the force of the main current. It will be carried
away, it will be pulled down. This is as certain as that the sun will rise
in the morning.
They did it to Brazil. They did it to Cuba. They did it to the Congo.
They did it to southeast Asia. I warn the imperialists, all imperialists,
do not touch the territory of the Indonesian Republic! Do not touch. The
Indonesian Government and people will not allow the enemy to step on even
an inch of its soil! Do not try to disturb the Indonesian Banteng! (Wild
bull, Indonesian symbol of courage and determination--ed.)
These elements of progressiveness can be found in all the masses of
Indonesian society. They can be found in religion, in our nationalism, in
our socialist-communism. Is it not so? Religion calls for freedom and
Justice. Indonesian nationalism calls for soeio-nationalism and socio-
democracy. Our socialist-communism calls for freedom and socialism. Thus,
all three contain the elements of progressiveness. For this reason, Nasakom
is a progressive necessity of the Indonesian revolution.
Whoever is against Nasakom is not progressive. Whoever is against
Nasakom is in fact crippling the revolution, is hampering the revolution.
Whoever is against Nasakom is not sufficiently revolutionary; he is in
fact a historic counter-revolutionary.
None of the Western countries--which are indeed leaders in the tech-
nical field--now have great men who are also originators of ideas. In the
period of the rise of capitalism they had such leaders as Disraeli, Bismarck,
and Gambetta. In the period of the decline of capitalism they had such
leaders as Mussolini andtle
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Now, in this era of the revolution of man, they have no noteworthy
leaders. They have no leaders with conceptions, they have no leaders with
a capital L. They have no originators of ideas whose voices should be
heard by peoples of all races, colors, and creeds.
Brothers, I am confident that our revolution has now become a rock
of reality to both friend and foe. I am confident that our revolution is
no longer being belittled or ignored, or regarded as a madness by the enemy.
Therefore, I am not surprised that the enemy increasingly strives to break
our revolution, to encircle our revolution with all kinds of trickery and
subversion, and increasingly strives to discredit our revolution. I am
confident that at this moment all ears of the enemy are cocked to hear the
speech of the great leader of Indonesia today.
Therefore, for the benefit of these enemy ears, I say here again what
I have repeatedly said: Go to hell with your "Indonesia going to economic
collapse" (phrase quoted in English--ed.). Go to hell; your talk does not
affect us. We regard your talk as the barking of a dog. For years, you
have said that Indonesia under Sukarno's leadership would disintegrate,
would collapse, but your predictions have proved to be incorrect.
Only last year they predicted that Indonesia would experience an eco-
nomic collapse in the beginning of 1964. The beginning of 1964 came, but
Indonesia did not collapse.
Now, they are again saying that in October this year, Indonesia will
collapse. No, Indonesia will not collapse, God willing, Indonesia will not
collapse.
You are my people, the Indonesian people. You are engaged in a revo-
lution at home as well as a revolution to change the condition of all man-
kind. How persevering you are, and how tough you are. With a people like
you, it is a pleasure to convey to all the world your battlecry: freedom,
socialism, a new world, and to thunder in the ears of all imperialists in
the world: Here I am, where are you? And I can repeat what I once said
abroad., namely, that "the Indonesian people can take everything for the sake
of revolution." (quoted in English--ed.)
Brothers, you often confer exalted titles on me. You even appointed
me great leader of the revolution. Conversely, I thank God that I have
been appointed to lead the struggle of the Indonesian people, a people with
a great spirit, a people who are as tough as steel, a people who possess an
extraordinary resistance, a people who are friendly and gentle, but who,
when intimidated or attacked, can rage in anger like a bull,
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