BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 44
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 14, 2000
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: March 25, 1963
• Content Type: REPORT

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III -WEEKIjY
PKOPAG DA Gl_IOANCE
:.:::'
NUMBER 112
Central Propaganda
Briefly Noted
637.
638 FE,
, g.
a
639 FE,
NE.
640iIi,
d, g.
Reorganization and Maneuver in the
Soviet Party-and State
The Communist Party of Indonesia
The Kashmir Question
Countering Cuba's Claims as
of Latin America's Destiny
List of
.. ~~,?'' 1 AC: ttachments
.............
(unclassified)
Champion
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(Briefly Noted Cont.) 25 March 1963
"Easter Marches"
"Easter Marches," again scheduled to take place in
Pur pean countries, may have propaganda impact inimical to
Wes ern defense (NATO) efforts and may strengthen neutralist
tendencies. This form of the ."peace" campaign, whether
Communist-inspired or not, if given sufficient support,
could strengthen Soviet beliefs that large segments of the
populations in NATO countries are unwilling to support their
countries' defense efforts. Moreover, Easter marches and
demonstrations, and the attendant publicity, could conceivably
be used this year to enlarge differing views on common
European economic and defense policies.
2
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17 April National Organizations of Afro-Asian Peoples'
Solidarity Organization (AAPSO) to observe
17 April (Bay of Pigs) anniversary as Day of
Solidarity of AAPSO with the peoples of Latin
America
19 April World Federation of Resistance Fighters (FIR;
Communist Front) Commemoration of 20th
Anniversary of Warsaw Ghetto uprising
23 April 1339: Hitler's Birthday (possible anti-German
moves by Communists)
24 April World Youth Day Against Colonialism and for
Peaceful Coexistence (Communist)
April Afro-Asian Journalists' Conference, Indonesia
(Djakarta-Bandung), 24-30 April 1963
23 April Italian general elections scheduled
(See Briefly Noted)
April Twentieth Anniversary of German's discovery of
the Communist KATYN massacre (see 19 April)
1 May World Holiday of Labor (celebrated by Communists,
Socialists, certain other Labor groups)
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(Briefly Noted Cont.) 25 March 1963
1 May Indonesia to Assume Sovereignty over West New
Guinea (See Briefly Noted)
3 May yE Day, 1945
12 May 328 day Berlin land blockade ended as a result
of successful US airlift, 1949
14 May Warsaw pact, 20-year mutual defense treaty
signed at Warsaw by USSR, Albania, Bulgaria,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and
East Germany, in 1955.
30 May Communist coup d'etat in Hungary, 1947
13 June Twentieth anniversary of Moscow's official
declara tion disbanding the Communist International
(COMINTERN)
17 June Tenth anniversary of anti-Communist riot and
strike in Communist Germany against increased
work quotas; Soviet troops were required to
put down the riot (1953)
17 June Fifth anniversary of Communist Hungarian
Government's announcement of the trial and
execution of Imre Nagy, Gen. Pal Maleter
and other leaders of the Hungarian Revolt of
November 1956 (1958)
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53'. Reorganization and Maneuver in the Soviet Party and State
25X1C10b
BACKGROUND: (Note: The economic shortcomings which re-
sulted in last November's reorganization were explained in
Guidance #607, 3 December 1962, and will not be discussed here.
This guidance describes the organizational acrobatics and po-
litical maneuvers the Soviets use while avoiding or postponing
fundamental economic reform.)
In time of economic difficulty or internal political ri-
valry, the Soviet leadership sometimes turns to organizational
ch rt-inak-ring. On the one hand, "reorganization" has often
been a way of purging undesirable officials, or of keeping
those who Were not purged faithful and alert. On the other
hard, the Soviet leaders seem actually to regard reorganiza
ti. n as a potential cure for economic problems. If a cure is
no effected, at least certain symptomatic irritations may be
temporarily relieved: old promises of consumer goods can be
red laced with new (more remote.) ones, bureaucrats may be prodded
into making a few new efforts, the theft of public property
may be slightly inhibited for a time, a somewhat greater
am.unt of local initiative can be encouraged at the cost of
central control, or vice versa. Real remedies are available
for the Soviet ills, but these would require a certain amount
of surgery. Bloated bureaucratic empires, like those of the
army, the planners, and above all, of the CPSU, would have
to be weakened and reduced, and a measure of initiative and
incentive would have to be given to the workers and managers
in the enterprises. But the rulers are not about to abdicate
their power--indeed, their doctrine tells them that it would
be a crime, a "betrayal of Marxism-Leninism, " to abdicate it.
So they continue to tinker and adjust (see attachment) while
forgoing fundamental change.
The November 1960 reforms:
1. Amalgamated the 100 National Economic Councils
(Sovnarkhozy) established in 1957 into 40 Sovnarkhozy, making
them larger and more powerful.
2. Reorganized the Party on the "productive principle,"
eliminating the lowest territorial units (the rayon committees)
and establishing parallel organizations at other l vel for
industry and agriculture. Party officials are expected to
intervene more directly and actively in eco gnomic activity.
3. Created a single combined organ for Party and state
con;rol, that is, for the inspection and policing of Soviet
officialdom.
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4. Redistributed planning powers, with Gosplan assuming
long-term planning functions from Oosekonomsove , and Republics
assuming short-term planning respon-s ies.
Observers recognized at once that this reform was a move back
toward centralization, and a new attempt to flog the machinery
into greater activity. But it now appears that there are other
implications as well. Hitherto the Oblast (provincial) Party
secretaries have been virtually the backbone of the Party or-
ganization. They were a key element supporting Khrushchev in
his conflict with the "anti-Party" group in 1957, and since
195 , two-thirds of the new Secretariat and Party `presidium
mem ers have come from this group. They also had extensive
pow r in the 1957-1962 Sovnarkhozy, whose boundaries usually
car esponded with those of the Oblasts. Now these men are
bei g assigned to one of the two parts (industrial or agricul-
tur 1) of their former bailiwicks, and in many cases to the
les important part (e.g., to the agricultural section in a
lar ely industrial Oblast). New appointees are assigned to
the other sector, doubling the number of officials at this rank,
and halving the prestige of each individual. The former Oblast
secretaries have also lost their influence in the new Sovnark-
hoz . These changes are likely to have profound repercussions
on he Central Committee (to which the former Oblast secretar-
ies belonged), and eventually also on the higher leadership.
The.reasons for these moves are not yet clear, but Khrushchev
may have acted to weaken a conservative and parochial force
resisting his efforts to rejuvenate the Party. (It may well
be that the new Party-State Control Committee will next pro-
cee1 to purge those Party or State officials who have outlived
their usefulness.) On the other hand, he may unintentionally
hay weakened his own power position, particularly by the
chi ge in the Sovnarkhozy, but also by the resentments which
the e reforms are causing within the party bureaucracy. At
the least, the 1962 reforms illustrate the instability within
the USSR's political structure, and the continuous process of
political maneuver.
In two respects, the November reorganization is more far-
reaching than previous shuffles. In the first place, there
is he split into industrial and agricultural sectors, a dlvi-?
sio of a kind which would raise problems in any organization,
enc-. uraging jealousy and conflict, and ca. Uug for a large
amount of "liaising" at higher levels. I: is not clear who,
at he lower levels (i.e., Oblast) will be responsible for the
cultural, propaganda, personnel, and other matters which do
not lend themselves to an "industrial" or "agricultural" treat-
ment. More significant from the point of view of a Communist,
the split implicitly runs counter to Party goals and claims.
In he past, Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev have worked to ur-
ban ze the peasant, that is, to change him into a more vulner-
abl J, more pliable "worker." Lenin's goal of electrification
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and Khrushchev's agrogorods ("farm cities") both had this aim.
Official stateents claim that differences between industry
and agriculture are smaller than in any other country. The
Twenty Year Program promises to eliminate completely differences
between city and country. From this standpoint, the reform is
a backward'step.
Secondly, the prestige of the Party is now more committed
to practical successes. Previously, the Party provided the
in oiration and the state assumed the responsibility; as Lenin
said, "The party tries to direct the activities of the Soviets,
but not to replace them." But now, with Party officials ordered
to intervene more directly, the Party will also have to take a
large share of blame for failures.
Already there are signs of a revision within the reorgani-
zation, for now, in March 1963, a new Supreme Economic Council
has been established, apparently in order e ter to coordinate
current planning and production. The exact role of the new
organ is not yet clear, but its chief, Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov,
has had a long career in the production of missiles and arms.
This relatively unknown technician has also been made a First
Deputy Premier, a government rank he will share with Kosyg
and Mikoyan. In his former post as Deputy Premier, he is suc-
ceeded by Leonid Vasilyevich Smirnov, the Chairman of the State
Committee for Defense Materiel, another arms expert. The new
Council and new appointments do not necessarily mean a reversal
of last November's reorganization, which Khrushchev reaffirmed
in a speech on 14 March, but they very likely reflect increas-
ing concern over Soviet production difficulties. When produc-
tion difficulties occur, consumer goods usually take a back
seat. Thus, while Khrushchev had spoken in November of "a
more increased tempo" for consumer goods production, he used
his 27 February 1963 "election" speech to claim that there was
an over-riding need "to spend enormous sums on maintaining our
military might" and he stated frankly that "this diminishes--
and cannot but diminish--the opportunity for the people to
gain direct benefits...one has to put up with it."
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638 FE,a,g. The Communist Party of Indonesia
25X1C10b
BACKGROUND: Since achieving independence from Dutch rule
in million inhabitants of Indonesia have been
subject by and large to the will--and the whims--of one man.
As the leader and symbol of the successful revolution against.
Dutch colonial rule, Sukarno has used his consummate skill at
manipulating the various elements in Indonesian politics so
as to retain for himself the controlling power position.
Sukarno describes his concept of highly centralized govern-
ment as "guided democracy" in which the principal elements of
Indonesian society--nationalist, religious and communist
(NASAKOM)--cooperate and eventually merge in a society which
shall have achieved unity, democracy and social justice.
Sukarno's political philosophy may also be defined in terms
of the "Pantja Sila" or Five Principles: nationalism, human-.
itarianism, agreement through conferring, social justice and
belief in God, which were originally propounded by Sukarno in
a speech in 1945. Indonesian economy is strictly government
controlled, as are all information media. The country's
political structure includes a rubber-stamp parliament, a
Supreme Advisory Council, a National Planning Board, an Economic
Development Council, a cabinet which assists Sukarno in formu-
lating policies and a mass organization, the National Front,
composed of the "loyal" parties and groups which have allegedly
submerged their separate identities and interests in support
of the government. Political parties opposed to Sukarno's
concept of "guided democracy"--such as the small Socialist
Party and the large Moslem Masjumi Party--have been dissolved.
In this way, Sukarno has stripped the institutions of repre-
sentative government of much of their meaning and influence.
The Indonesian army, which Sukarno uses to counterbalance the
PKI, has become disillusioned by the inability of the non-
Communist political parties to develop effective organization
and support among the people and is itself initiating new
political programs to counter PKI influence. These plans in-
clude creating veterans' groups responsive to army political
direction as well as expanding current village development
and civic action programs.
The Soviet Union has encouraged Indonesia in a Soviet-
oriented neutralism, granting Sukarno large-scale military
aid including warships, jet planes, surface to air missiles,
etc.--and in general is making every effort to ensure that
the USSR rather than the US or. China is the dominant influence
in the country. Peking, for its part, in accordance with its
goal of extending Chinese hegemony over Southeast Asia, is
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constantly attempting to increase its influence by offers of
aid, supporting Indonesia's moves against the Dutch and by
playing on Sukarno's ambitions as a leader of the non-aligned
states.
The Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia--
PKI) is the third element in the, political power triangle of
Sukarno-Army-Party. The largest and most cohesive political
party in Indonesia with 2 million members, directed by a
leader of stature, and having a considerable role in the gov-
ernment and National Front, the PKI is a major influence on
the Indonesian scene. However, this was not always the case.
The Party played only a small role in the struggle for inde-
pendence, being re-established as a legal political Party only
in 1945 after 20 years underground (during the Dutch colonial
rule and the Japanese occupation). In 1948, one month after
the arrival on the scene of a Moscow-trained Communist by the
name of Musso to take over the leadership of the very weak and
disorganized PKI, Communists in Central Java attempted a coup
against Sukarno, the "lackey of American imperialism." The
Madiurn rebellion--as the revolt was called--was quickly sub-
dued and the Party :leaders either fled or were executed. Musso
himself was killed and the PKI entered a period of relative
quiescence until 1952. Re-instated in 1949, at the time the
Netherlands recognized Indonesian sovereignty, by 1955 the PKI
had regained considerable stature, polling the fourth largest
vote, and by 1957, it was the largest political party in Java
(which has 60% of the Indonesian population). In the year and
a half following 1959, when Sukarno re-established the 1945
Constitution as a basis for his "guided emocracy;'; 25 percent
of the House of Representatives and the People's Congress
appointed by Sukarno were either Communist or susceptible to
Communist direction. Approximately the same percentage of the
Supreme Advisory Council and the Economic Council was Communist
oriented. On the executive bodies of the National Front,
Communist representation was 30 percent. However, the Commu-
nists have never been represented in the cabinet, one of their
major goals. PKI participation in the two legislative bodies
is a prestige factor but does not carry influence communsurate
with its representation. The Councils are responsive to Sukarno
only. Thus, the National Front remains the best political
forum for advancing Communist aims since it can be used in
pressuring Sukarno to expand his leftist orientation.. If the
PKI succeeds in gaining representation in the cabinet, this
would probably be a meaningful political gain for the Communists
providing, as it would, an opportunity to directly influence
Sukarno's policies. The PKI is also active in the villages
and strong in the labor movement; it is attempting to organize
the peasantry and to infiltrate the army and the police. They
Party's success can be attributed not only to official tolerance
but also to the skill and industry with which it has been han-
dled under Aidit's direction and above all to its public pos-
ture of identity with the government's program. The Party's
cooperation with Sukarno is fully endorsed by the CPSU.
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Since the days of the disastrous Madium rebellion, Party
leader Aidit has stressed Lenin's treatise, Left Wing Communism,
an Infantile Disorder, concerning the necessity o act ca
coopers on tai ye bourgeoisie. He has also borrowed Mao's
formulation of the "tw:--stage revolution," doing away with the
traditional "liberal capitalist" phase, and thus passing
directly from the first "bourgeois--or national--democratic"
stage (characterized by a united front with non-Communist and
non-proletarian groups such as the peasantry and the bour-
geoisie) in which imperialism, imperialist economic vestiges,
feudal remnants, counter-revolutionary movements, etc. are all
eliminated, to the second stage of the establishment of a
"socialist society" in which the Party dominates (i.e. the
actual stage--according to Communists--in most of the East
J urooean countries).
There are differences of opinion within the PKI, however,
with the more revolutionary or militant faction pressing for
an accelerated program of communization and adapting a more
critical attitude toward the present degree of cooperation with
Sukarno and the bourgeoisie. The militants doubt whether
t"guided democracy" can really be transformed into "people's
democracy" by working from vvhin the government frame emote
the parallel with the situation facing the Italian C,ommunists7,
and fear that their cooperation with the bourgeoisie will cause
them to lose their identity as a party of protest and reform.
However, the reality of the Indonesian political situation
dictates prudence vis-a-vis Sukarno, who still controls the
masses and cannot be discarded; and the PKI has not forgotten
its earlier experience in opposing a leader who symbolizes the
successful revolution against the Dutch. Moreover, both the
USSR and China are currently cultivating Sukarno, encouraging
him in his expansionist claims and providing military and eco-
nomic assistance. The Sino-Soviet dispute--particularly the
unilateral condemnation of Albania (which, ineTidentally, Aidit
did not second)--has made Aidit's pDsition increasingly diffi-
cult, since it provides the opposition with a made-to-order
issue with which to challenge Aidit's leadercl-ip. Thus, Aidit
fears that the Sino-Soviet dispute will strengthen the militant
wing of the PKI and will force him to adopt a more vigorous
and aggressive program which in turn would make tie Party more
vulnerable to repre::sion by the Indonesian arsmy. . AA.ctually,
the Party militants My already have been, successful in cir-
cumscribing Aidit's authority and making his actions increas-
ingly subject to collective approval. The PKI has remained
neutral in the Sino-Soviet dispute and has a strong stake in
a rapprochement between the tw.-s n,~tvc~rc? r- +1n+ -;A- ----
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(638. Continued)
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25 March 1963
639 FBI NE. The Kashmir Question
BACKGROUND: The fourth round of ne otiations in the
current ssor~"between India and Pakistan on the Kashmir
dispute ended in Calcutta on March 14. The first three,
headed by the sa-ie delegation leaders, Swaran Singh, the
Indian Minister for Railways, and Z,A. Bhutto, Pakistan's
new Foreign Minister, were held in Rawalpindi, New Delhi and
Karachi. While there are not yet any firm signs that an
agreement will be reached, the talks have so far been
conducted in a leas hostile atmosphere than similar talks
(at the U.N, for instance) over the long per,i.odi--virtually
since the part it: .cn of the sub-continent of in 1947--
in which the sovereignty of Kashmir has been all* issue. As
expected, no final agreement was reached at Calcutta and
the fifth round of the current series will h :gin in Karachi
on April 22. At the last Calcutta sess A.on, the Pakistanis
proposed a new route (bypassing Srinagar) which would permit
Indian military supplies to get to ea.. cr,nc?ludir.
speech at the Tenth Congress of
the Communist Party of Italy
and the theses of the congress,
uae cannot help feeling that he
and certain other C.-P.1. leaders
are departing further and further
four Marxism-Leninism.
They cherish the greatest illu-
sions about imperialism, they
deny the fundamental antagon-
ism between the two world sys-
tems of socialism and capitalism
and the fundamental antagon-
ism between the oppressed na-
tions and oppressor nations, and,
in place of international class
struggle and anti-imperialist
struggle, they advocate inter-
national class collaboration and
the establishment of a "new
world order." They have pro-
found illusions about the mono-
poly capitalists at home, they
confuse the two vastly different
kinds of class dictatorship, bour-
geois dictatorship and proletarian
dictatorship, and preach bour-
geois reformists, or what they
call "structutlal reform" as 'a
substitute of proletarian revolu-?
tion. They allege that the funda-
mental principles of Marxism-
Leninism have become "out-
~noded," and they tamper with
the Marxist-Leninist. theories of
imperialism, of war and peace,
~ f the state and revolution, and
bf proletarian revolution and
proletarian dictatorship. They
kliseard the revolutionary prin-
iciples of the Moscow Declaration
and the Moscow Statement, they
repudiate the universal laws. of
proletarian revolution or, in
other words, the universal signt-
ticaace of the road of the October
Revolution, and they describe the
"Italian road," which Is the
abandonment of revolution, as a
''line common to the whole in-
ternational communist move-
ment."
THE QUESTION OF WAR
AND PEACE
Comrade Togliatti and certain
other comrades differ with us,
first of nil, on the question of
war and peace. In his general
report to the Tenth Congress of
the Conurnutist Party of Italy,
'i'of;Ii;ilti declared; "This problem
was widely discussed at the Con-
ference of the Communist and
Workers' Parties held in Moscow
in the autumn of 1960. The Chi-
nese comrades put forward some
views, which were rejected by
the meeting."
The Communist Party of China
has consistently taken the stand
of opposing the imperialist po-
licies of aggression and war, of
preventing imperialism from
launching a new world war, and
of defending world peace. We
have always held that as long
as imperialism exists there will"
be soil for wars of aggression.
The danger of imperialism start-
ing a world war still exists.
However, because of the new
changes that have taken place
in the international balance of
class forces, it is possible for
the peace forces of the world to
prevent imperialism from launch-
ing a new world war, provided
that they stand together, form
a united front against the policies
of aggression and war pursued
by the imperialists headed by
the United States, and wage re-
solute struggles. Should imperi-
alism dare to take - the risk of
imposing a new world war on
the peoples of the world, such
a war would inevitably end in
the destruction of imper?ialistn
and the victory of socialism.
The Source of Modern War.
Firstly, the Communist Party of
China holds that the source of
modern war is imperialism. The.
chief f ,force for aggression and
war 3.4 U.S. imperialism, the most
vie{nks enemy of all the people
of the world. In order to defend
world peace, it is necessary to
exp;)se the imperialist policies of
aggression and war unceasingly
pad thoroughly, so as to make
the people of the world to main-
tain a high degree of vigilance.
The fact that the forces of social-
ism, of national liberation, of
people's revolution and of world
peace have surpassed the forces
of imperialism and war has not
changed the aggressive nature of
imperialism and cannot possibly
change it. The imperialist bloc
headed by the United States is
enga ect in 'reuzied arks:; cs-
pansior and 'war prrparatnuc.
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 boundary question reflects their
point of view on peaceful coex-
istence. which is that in carry-
ing out this policy the socialist
countries should make one con-
cession after another to the cap-
italist countries, should not fight
evert In self-defense when sub-
ject to armed attacks. but
should surrender their territorial
sovereignty.
China's All-Out Support for
Cuba. Those who accuse China
of opposing peaceful coexistence
also attack the Chinese people
for supporting the just stand of
the Cuban people in their strug-
ps t the resolute support which
the Chinese people gave to the
Cuban' people in their struggle
against International inspection
and in defense of their sover-
Was opposed to peaceful coexist-
lunge others
d to
t
p
e
Once cat wan
into a thermonuclear war" Does
this mean that China, also, should
have applied pressure on Cuba to
force her to accept international
inspection, and that only by so
V r4 S 'culd China have con-
4iii to this so-called "pekoe-
} Qpxistence or wanted to
page others into a thermonu
= !others
Does this mean that
f9,iha alcn should have applied
ty as meaning that China was
4 of wanted to plunge others into
ps+afcure on Cuba to force her to
.ygieltpt international inspection,
a thermonuclear war? Does this
mean that China, also, should
JE to force her to accept interna-
et formed to this so-called
"peaceful coexistence"? If there
are people who give verbal sup-
port to Cuba's five demands but
are actually opposed to the Chi-
vase people's support for Cuba,
are they not merely exposing the
hypocricy of their own support
frog Cuba's five demands?
T."* C.g.C. and the Chinese
people havz :.wways maintained
asst 1ba cc?.. z- of history Is de-
Ceded by tl::: -eat strength of the
40asea of sue people and not by
that we neither called for the ition one-sidedly as "a principle
bases in of world strategy of the commu-
-4 of mLnsil
e
CS
Cuba nor obstructed the with- nist movement."
drawal of the so-called "offen-
sive weapons" from Cuba. We
have never considered that it
was a Marxist-Leninist attitude
to brandish nuclear wcaprnna as
a way of settling International
disputes. Nor have we ever con-
sidered that the avcldanee of a
tt termcau II-ar war in the Carib-
bean crisla wc.s a ":' uarch.L Strhat
we did strongly oppose. still
strongly oppose and will strongly
oppose in the future is the sacri-
fice of another country's sover-
eignty as a means of reaching
a compromise with imperialism.
A compromise of this sort can
only be regarded as one hundred
per cent appeasement. a
''Munich" pure and simple. A
compromise of this sort has
nothing in common with the so-
cialist countries' policy of peace-
ful coexistence.
? THE QUESTION OF
PEACEFUL TRANSITION
In fact, not only do Comrade
Togliatti and certain other C.P.I.
comrades call for class collabor-
ation in place of class struggle
in the international arena, they
also extend their concept of
`peaceful coexistence" to rela-
tions between the oppressed ana
the oppressing classes within the
capitalist countries. Togliatti has
said: "All our actions within the
sphere of the internal situation
of our country are none other
than the translation into Italian
terms of the great struggle for
renewing the structure of the
whole world."
Recently in capitalist coun-
tries some Communists who have
degenerated politically and some
R I g h t-wing social-democrats
have successively advertised the'
theory of "structural reform" re-
sembles social democracy and
how remote it is from'Marxism-
Leninism!
The Moscow Declaration and
the Moscow Statement point out
that socialist revolution may be
realized through peaceful or non-
peaceful _ means. Some people
of Comrade Togliatti and certain
other leaders of the Italian Com-
munist Party concerning "the
advance toward socialism in de-
mocracy and in peace" is rem-
iniscent of some of tit sstatc-
ments of the old recisionisi K.
Kautsky.
The cxtmnt to which Comrade
Togliatti and certain other com-
rades have departed from Marx-
ism-Leninism and from the :1ior-
cow Declaration and the Mos-
cow statement is more clearly
revealed by their recent ardent
flirtation w.?itih the Yngusl:ov. re.-
visionist group.
With the developmcut .,f the
Tito revisionist line and
their increasing dependence upon
1T.S. imperialism, Yugoslavia has
long ceased to be a socialist
coutar}? and the gradual restora-
tion of capitalism in Yugoslavia
began long ago.
The restoration of capitalism
in Yugoslavia has occurred not
through any counter-revolution-
ary coup d'tat by- the bourgeoi-
sie, nor through any hivasion by
imperialism b u t gradually,
through the degeneration of the
Tito group.
Birds of a Feather Flock To-
gether. It is particularly sur-
prising that certain people, \t hile
loudly boasting of their intimate
relations with the renegade Tito
group, vigorously attack the Chi-
nese Communist Party asserting
that, our unity with the Alban-
ian Party of Labour, which is
based on Marxism-Leninism, is
"impermissible," These people
stop at nothing in their attempt
to eject the Albanian Party of
Labour, a Marxist-Leninist
Party,. from the international
communist movement, and at the
same time, they are seeking
ways to inject the renegade Tito
group, which the Moscow State-
ment unequivocally condemns,
into the international communist
movement. \Vhat are they really
after? As the old Chinese saying
has it, "things of one kind come
together; different kinds of peo-
ple fall into different. groups."
Should not those who treat the
Tito group like brothers and who
cherish such bitter hatred for a
fraternal Marxist-Leninist Party
stop and think for a moment
where they now stand?
06r5ved For Release 2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4
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tns-
occasion we have made it clear thesis to quote peaceful
 Approved For Release,,,2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061iW0200010006-4
Albanian Party of
I3ELOWV are published excerpts
from all article representing the
views of the Albanian Party of
Labor, entitled "High Treason to
i~7arxisnt-Leninism." it is the po-
sition and actions ?of'the Albanian
Part of Labor which the Chinese
Communist leaders assert they
are defending against the other
Communist parties.
It is iiow publicly known that
the Yugoslav policy in forci;;n
affairs is an appendalce of the
policy of aggression tu.d war
which the American in.iperialists
pursue and it cam- t be said that
it concurs \aith the state policy
of' the Soviet Union or of any
other socialist country. The pol-
icy of the Yugoslav revisionists
is fully at one with the views and
aims which hiuusitchev's revi-
sionist group 11r ucy,
Below is the m: r portion of
Togliatti's rebuttai of Chinese
criticism.
By PALMIRO TOGLIATTI
FOR SOME bMO.NTHS, the
press organs of the Chinese
Communist Party have been pub-
lishing long and often violent
articles of criticism and pole-
mics. These articles, often lack
explicit clearness. At a certain
point one discovers' that criti-
cism and polemics are directed
? 'against "certain people." against
"some persons" (and it is not
even specified if these are com-
rades!), but no mention is made
as to who these people are. From
the context it comes clear that
they are the leading comrades of
the Communist Party of the So-
viet Union and, in particular
Comrade Khrushchev.
If the Chinese articles stated
this explicitly, perhaps they
would be forced to moderate
their harsh teams, terms gener-
ally used when speaking of men
and tendencies with whom it is
necessary to come to an open
clash. These articles are then
spread in all countries and read
by everyone. How can one think
:+it ~;"- w _- Z:;
Labor's Views
Of paramount importance to
Khrushchev is the fact that the
attitude of Tito's clique on the
various international problems
should be suitable to the funda-
incnt:i; strategic problems which
unite -:hruslrchev's group to the
Tito clique. These problems arc:
class reconciliation of socialism
and capitalism, political and ideo-
locical coexistence between them,
peace and coexistence at all
costs, renunciation of every
revolutinary movement, economic
and political integration of the -
world
From all this it turns out
clearly enough that N. Khrush.
chev's group and Tito's renegade
band are politically and ideolog-
ically at one in all fundamental
quesitons; they are at one in the
tactics and ? strategy iii getting
closer to the imperialists; they arse
avoid meeting the probiemms, the
polemics and criticism ra:;cd by
the Chinese articles, and not re-
ply to them? It would be strange
indeed if the Chinese comrades
intended to begin a onesided
polemic, in which they would
have the right to speak while
others would remain silent.
Therefore, in our Congress we
had a debate, and we reject very
resolutely the statement, that in
this debate, the Chinese Commu-
nist Party has been. brutally at-
tacked. There was no attack and
no brutality. On the contrary,
The Chinese'. Communist Party
was always mentioned with the
greatest respect, and its revo-
lutionary merits were stressed.
The reporter himself, comrade
Togliatti, stated from the Con-
gress tribune that the Chinese
Party was not to be mentioned
in the final Congress resolution,
even though particular political
positions were defended by
them.
These positions
were debated
so that they could be criticized
and rejected with arguments. It
is as well to add that during the
whole debate the names of the
Chinese Party leaders 'were never
mentioned and it is with the ex-
plicit aim of avoiding any un=
at one In opposing Marxism-Len-
inism: they are at one in their
joint efforts to drag into the road
of betrayal, to corrupt also cer-
tain leaders of the Communist
and Workers' parties in some so-
cialist countries of. Europe and
some capitalist countries as ~vell.
They are at one in the strategy
and tactics of undermining the
national liberation movement and
subjugating it to general and total
disarmament; they are one in
their strategy and tactics of in-
tegrating the world economically
and 'politically.
"All of these things make it.
very clear that we are facing
high treason to Marxism-Lcnin-
ism. This treachery may escape
only the eyes of those who do
not want to see, only those who
deem it expedient.
It does not worry us at all that
today the 'Chinese comrades di-
rect their criticism, personally,
against Togliatti. This will con-
tribute -to sincerity and clearness,
also because the above n.ontioned
comrade is deeply co,iv:aced that
the positions he sup;~orts and
which have been cciicetively
worked out by the 1cadirs coup
of our Party, contribute posi-
tively to the further ue?.,ciop-
ment of the revolutionary work-
ing class doctrine, Marxism-
Leninism in the present histor-
ical conditions.
Now coming down to the sub-
stance of the matter, the politi-
cal line of our Congress and of
our Party, which according to
the article published by the Chi-
nese daily, is reduced to the fol-
lowing:
The peoples of capitalist coun-
tries must not make revolutions.
Oppressed nations must not
struggle for their freedom and
the peoples of the world, must
not fight against imperialism.
Further, we are trying to make
the nature of imperialism ap-
pear better. We are placing our
hope for peace upon imperialism.
We have a passive negative atti-
tude towards the peopi s revolu-
tionary struggles and want a
fusion between the Socialist and
capitalist system. We are sup-
posed to ask the peoples of the
world to tolerate colonial r c-
gimes instead .,f fighting for their
freedom and we are supposed to
have forgotten the class-nature of
the State, and so on.
In the face of this true sum-
mary of the criticism against us.
that the Congress of a large and pleasant persona! references, we cannot but remain dumb-
Militant Marty ? like pure . could founded. It cannot even be said
pproved For Release 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061 AMOM001O6u* of our pol-
 tributing to us the most absurd
positions, then refuting them,
which is obviously easy and then
pretending to have knocked us
out. Polemics led in this manner
may serve to exacerbate relations
between two parties but Is cer-
tainly of no help in the develop-
ment of a political debate.
Our Chinese comrades work in
conditions which are very differ-
ent from ours, and they are also
very far away. They may there-
fore, be misinformed on the sit-
uation in our country and on the
-- worn of our party. Italy is today
the West European country
where the class struggle is
sharpest. The wave of strikes, of
economic and political move-
ments of the people's struggles
which have followed one union
upon the other in recent years
show this. Do the Chinese com-
rades really think' that these
movements and struggles are
taken place independently of our
work, our struggles and our par-
ticipation?
But it would be unjust toward
the leaders of the Chinese Party
to think that they, students of
the international working class
movement as they are, ignore
these things. Certainly they do
not ignore them. But they believe
and want others to believe that
the struggle for peaceful co-ex-
istence, such as it is carried on
by our Party and by other
Communist Parties, leads to a
political degeneration. They for-
get or pretend to forget what we
really are; they forget, or pre-
tend to forget, our vigorous ac-
tions and our struggles, and give
a ridiculous representation of our
Party as being in agreement with
the imperialists and collaborat-
ing with them. But a mere call
for reality is enough to cause the
collapse of this artful scaffold-
ing.
Peaceful coexistance has been
considered by our Congress an
essential aim of a strategic. na-
ture. We have however, clearly
stated that peaceful coexistence
does not imply a status quo, a
freezing of the world in its pres-
ent relations, but implies a new
order of international relations
such as to insure independence
and freedom for all peoples.
We have added that this new
internaltional order cannot be
attained except by a struggle of
peoples against imperia: i>:m, by
the successes of this strut.,::; le, by
-the strengthening and consoli-
dation of the system of Social-
ist countries and by the progres-
sive settlement through reas-
onable agreements of the most
acute present day international
problems. Therefore, the true
picture has. nothing in common,
with the caricature which the
Chinese comrades make of our
positions.
Certainly, we believe that any
World conflict; which Inevitably
could be an atomic conflict, must
and can be avoided. But we do
not say that history "necessarily"
leads to the destruction of
atomic weapons. It will lead to
this result in so far ' as we shall
manage to create a regime of .
trating our fire against its most the American imperialists w o
aggressive elements! strengthen- actually lost the game, when they
ag-
ing the Socialist countries more were forced to give up their ag-
gressive plan and respect the
and more and developing a vast . freedom of the Cuban people.
movement of the people in favor kzowever, during the erisie in
of peace. the Caribbean Sea, it appeared
Where is the difference be- ' clear that the imperialists were
tween our position and that of ready to commit any crime. For
the Chinese comrades? In cer- this reason we do not agree to
lain respects, it seems that there call them paper tigers. If they
is no difference because we use are paper tigers, why so many
the same words. The difference struggles and so much work to
lies in the fact that we do not fight them? The exact evaluation
stop at general statements of of the enemy, of his power and
principles. We are not content intentions is the basis not only of
with the continuous repetition a good strategy, but also of good
of the word "revolution." But we tactics. We know that the roots
make an effort to see how things of imperialism are undermined
actually stand today and to ren- by contradictions which, at a cer-
der our positions close to this tain point, become insurmount-
reality. This is the only right able. These contradictions, how-
way to really work for a revo- ever, come to light and explode
lution. only through a struggle which
The same applies to a possible must have an aim capable of in-
nuclear conflict and its conse- fluencing the widest mobiliza-
quences. To consider as progress tion of the masses, which leads
in the road to socialism and com- to a differentiation in the enemy
munism, the transformation of ranks themselves, and which in-
one third or one half of the creases and utilizes all the pos-
world into an uninhabitable sibilities for advance and suc-
zone owing to a nuclear conflict, cess. In present conditions, this
with the death of 150 millions of aim is to avoid war and create
people in is hours, and I do not a situation of peaceful coexist-
know of how many others before ence.
the end of the conflict, appears In all our policy, the danger
to us nonsense. Nor do we stress which we always try to avoid is
this point to create terror, but that of limiting ourselves to gen-
only to emphasize the fact that eral formulations of principle and
also in the development of de- of being unable to operate effi-
sfructive weapons there is, as in ciently in practice. This is what
every development, a passage the Chinese - comrades recom-
frOhi quantity to quality that mend in the article we are ex-
must be realized, because this amining. We know very well the
passage is reflected in the very nature of the State and there-
nature of war. We do not draw fore, of democratic regimes as
from this consideration, how- long as capitalism exists. The
ever, the conclusion that there Chinese Comrades may examine
do not exist just wars anymore in our polemics, in this regard, with
any way and this was clearly the socialist comrades.
stated in the report to our Con- But in the democratic regime
gress. in which we live today in our
s a strange la mean- ib~ uv-.,1.1--_"
plf~v ds obi F eIea aZ0 ~m a`iJ)oTiP78-0 06 IIAOM201601006-4
We do however, draw the con-
clusion of the necessity (and
not only possibility) of creating
-a situation of peaceful coexist-
ence. Not only that, we openly
take a position against those des-
perate people who in face of the
difficulties of the situation and
the misdeeds of imperialism give
us freedom. This would not only
'be absurd, but sheer madness.
Our task, instead, is precisely
that of saving the world from
atomic disaster, fighting on one
band for peaceful coexistence
and on the other defending the
independence of the people and
advancing towards socialism.
The action of the Soviet Union in
the course of the Caribbean crisis
managed to achieve these two
aims. Atomic war was avoided
through the acceptance of a
reasonable compromise at a most
critical moment. And the inde-
pendence of Cuba and its ad-
vance towards socialism has been
guaranteed. If the Soviet Union
and the U.S. had come to an
atomic conflict, would this last
result have been achieved? Cer-
tainly not. The island of Cuba
with all its inhabitants, would
have been turned into an im-
mense cemetery, where no one
certainly, would have gone on
to build socialism. Today social-
country and which has not been
a gift from the bourgeoisie, but
was conquered by the working
,class,. by us through a hard mili-
tary war; in this State in which
the bourgeoisie classes are still
they ruling classes, can the work-
ing class, can and most we wage
a mass struggle to obtain sub-.
stantial reforms, capable of im-'
proving the economic and poli-
tical situation of the workers or
must we simply preach and await
the great day of the revolution?
Is it right or not to fight for an
agrarian reform; for a- mere
democratic organization of the
State, for the limitation of the
power of the big monopolies, for
the development of the rights of,
the workers, their trade-unions
and their factory organizations
and so on? There can be no doubt
as to the answer. These struggles
must be carried on and by wag-
ing them is it right or not for
the working class and for us to
concentrate the firo of our ac-
tion against the most reaction-
ary groups of capitalism, repre-
sented by the big monopolies?
This is the starting point of our
policy now and it would be
strange if the Chinese comrades
rejected it or criticized it.
But we want our struggle for
the above mentioned reforms to
be successful and we must ad-
mit that such a success', may be
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 Approved For Releas&2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061W00200010006-4
possible. If not, why should we
fight for them? In some cases,
some success has already been
achieved. But when this occurs,
when these struggles and suc-
cesses are won it is clear that
something changes in favor of
the working classes, not only
from the economic point of view
but also in the manner in which
power is exercised. This means
that an advance towards a new
regime takes Mace, an advance
which in order to be made needs
a va: i movement, economic and
pol, i.,al struggles, strikes, peas-
ant. actions and movernents in
de:cnse of democratic freedom,
with all the harshness which such
a movement may imply.
Therefore, we consider the way
in which the Chinese article
counterposes a peaceful way to
a non-peaceful way extremely
abstract and formal. A peaceful
and non-peaceful war are always
interlaced. From a democratic
and "peaceful" mass movement
a situation of civil war may al-
ways emerge, because the bour-
geoisie is always ready to resort
to violence. Therefore, a moment
may come when it is no longer
possible to avoid the greatest
clash. On the other hand, it is
possible in the present world
conditions, to develop the peo-
ple's movement with such am-
plitude as to paralyze the leading
groups and open up the perspec-
tive for real changes, both eco-
nomic and political, democrati-
cally obtained without resorting
to the hard experience of a civil
war. To exclude such a possi-
bility today means committing
a serious political mistake be-
cause it leads to limiting the
perspectives of the working-
class political struggle and may
even exclude the possibility of
actual political struggle for pre-
cise and achievable aims, against
the present capitalistic order.
In such a mannef we intend.to
march towards socialism and we
do not see in today's capitalistic
countries a different manner of
leading this march, unless one
considers as a means of attain-
ing socialism the writing of long
articles full of "revolutionary"
expressions but void of any in-
-dications as to real and imme-
diate objectives opening the way
for the masses towards a radical
transformation of the present
economic and political forces.
The Chinese comrades would
like to frighten us recalling the
name or' Kau sc;y, whose posi-
tions have nothing in common
with our policy. May they allow
us, however, to remind them that
it is exactly in the majectic pages
against the "renegade Kautsky"
that Lenin spoke of the differ-
ent forms of democracy and dic-
tatorship by which the working
class can. attain power. Nobody
had dreamed of criticizing as a
mistake the political bloc of
different social forces (includ-
ing a part of the bourgeoisie),
which in China forms the con-
tent of the present political re-
gime. Why should the search of
other countries, for different so-
lutions, corresponding to a poli-
tical bloc having its axis in the
struggle against imperialism and
big monopoly capital, be con-
sidered a mistake?
Certainly, it is impossible to-,
day to suppress the big monop-
olies without hitting the capital-
ist regime itself. And imperial-
ism cannot be suppressed other
tban through the establishment
of a completely new democratic
order as far as its economic, po-
litical and social content. But it
is precisely in this direction that
the working class struggle must
move, if it wants to be effective,
if it is not to reduce itself to a
more protest and messianic hope.
And it is in this direction that
we move.
We, therefore, think that what
all the criticism of. the Chinese
comrades lacks is a ,en>.o of re-
ality. They speak of Cans;titu-
tion, but probably they do not
know exactly how our Constilu-
tion was won and what are its
contents. They are unaware or
appear to be unaware of the new
conditions for t` e development
of democratic and socialist strag-
gles, not only in our country but
in the uihole world, owing to the
deep structural changes that oc-
curred in the world. Thaw make
no distinction between the differ-
ent social regime:, is 'cr the case
of -,.hat they call a capitalist
restoration in Yugoslavia. There
may be and there are di(Terences
between us and the Yugoslav
communists. But Yugoslavia nas
a popular regime aiming at so-
cialism, not a capitalist one. And
this widely justifies the p sr: cn
assumed by us and atr,ers. to-
wards the Yugosla .' comra;es,
correcting, in this way --- because
it was mistaken in this case--
tae 1960 Resolution.
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9
 S Ytelea l g&-RD
0; 10006-4
ins Deb&cd
Editorial from Pravda,
January 7, 1963, Moscow,
.USSR.
Mankind is now in one of the
most crucial stages of its devel-
opment. This stage is replete
with major developments and
sharp clashes between the forces
of socialism and peace and the
forces of imperialism, reaction
and war. The new world - a
world of socialism, freedom and
happiness, a genuine springtime
of mankind - is gaining in
is strength and growing, crowd-
ing out the old world, the world
.of capitalism, violence and ex-
ploitation. And the results of the
year 1962 are new, clear evidence
cf this.
The main result of socialism,
and the heroic struggle of the
Cuban people and all peace-lov-
ing forces in the past year, was
that the attack on Cuba, care-
fully prepared by aggressive im-
perialist circlcs of the United
States, was thwarted. Socialist
Cuba was defended and is con-
fidently continuing her trium-
phant advance. The manace of
world thermonuclear war hang-
ing over mankind was averted.
It was proved once again that
the forces of socialism and peace
are capable of curbing the im-
Communists, and impede the en-
tire liberating process of the
people's struggle for liberation.
The most important, the most
vital problem of our time is the
problem of war and peace. In
real life the choice is either
peaceful coexistence between
states with different social sys-
tems or a devastating v. ar. There
is no other alternative. The ques-
tion arises: what position should
the Communists take? Only one
-- the position of peaceful coex-
istence. The international work-
ing class and liberation move-
ment is waging a great offen-
sive struggle against imperial-
ism in conditions of peaceful co-
existence. The socialist coun-
tries do not need war. They are
sucessfully developing in peace
ful conditions as they will be
victorious in the peaceful eco-
nomic competition with capital-
ism, which will be of exceptional
importance in getting the peo-
ples to choose the socialist way
as the only correct one.
The most important thing in
the struggle for peace is to curb
the aggressors in time, to avert
war, prevent it from flaring up.
This is particularly necessary in
view of the unprecedented de-
structive power of modern wea-
pons. The Statement says: "Mon-
strous means of mass annihila-
tion and destruction have been
tion
aggressors.
developed which if used in a new
The international Communist contribute to the solution of this war, can cause unheard-of de-
movement has scored magnifi- problem more than the Commu- struction to entire countries and
cent success. And this was, above nist Party of China. That would reduce key centers of world
all, because at all stages of its really benefit the Albanian. Party
war and would bring culture to ruins.
struggle it remained scrupuously of Labor, and would meet the in- Such a production
loyal to the banner of Marxism- terests of the entire socialist com- and suffering to hundreds eing of death
and
mil-
Leninism, Leninism, and was guided by monwealth."
this victorious teaching in all its Unfortunately, far from im- non-ba llipeopln, including those in
activities. At the Moscow Meet- proving, the situation has fur- tigerent countries."
ings in 1857 and 1960, Commu- ther deteriorated. In contrast to these ideas, the
nists worked out a new strategic The dispute over what line the dogmatists emphasize that nu-
and tactical line conforming to Communist movement should fol- clear war is not to be feared,
the new historical conditions. low is not an abstract one, but that modern weapons are mon-
The course of world development one of deep principle and prime strous only "in the opinion of the
to this line and unity of the Com-
munist movement, are guaran-
tees of victory in all things.
Unfortunately; views are be-
ing spread in the ranks of the
international Communist move- antee of the victory of commu- i renunciation of the policy of
ment which are directed against nism in these conditions gives peaceful coexistence.
a number of the basic princi-. our movement an unprecedented The dogmatists present peace-
pies of Marxism-Leninism, and power of attraction, draws very ful coexistence as "renunciation
are designed to undermine the wide masses of the people to its
cohesion of the fraternal parties. side, whereas the line the see-
The most outspoken exponent of tarians and dogmatists are try-
these dogmatic, splitting views, Ing to impose is one of lack of
A 1 h
t
'1 to
e
h
h
of the struggle for the exposure
of imperialism,"' as "ending the
struggle against imperialism."
They do not understand that com-
s
i
are cep y
ic
faith in the forces of commu-
Leninism, is the leadership of the nism, of the masses, lack of faith petition in peaceful conditions is
Albanian Party of Labor. in the possibility of socialism, one of the most important sectors
The attitude adopted by the triumphing in new countries of the struggle between socialism
Albanian Workers Party (APL) without war between states, and capitalism. As. regards the
leadership caused great con- without a world war. Such a ' struggle against Imperialism pro-
cern to the Communist Party of line, should it, establish itself, claimed by the dogmatists, it boils
the Soviet Union, to all Commu- would repel the peoples of the down to loud invective and vitu-
nist Parties who prize the unity- capitalist countries from the peration. But should a Marxist-
of our ranks. Firmly abiding by countries of socialism, repel mil- Leninist party in power confine
the principle that disputes in lions of people from the Commu- itself to this in its struggle against
the international Communist nist movement, would isolate the imperialism?
movement should be settled ?. -
through an exchange of opinion
and consultations between par-
ties, the Central Committee of
the CPSU, as early as August
1980 twice proposed to the APL
Central Committee that a meet-
ing be arranged between repre-
sentatives of the two parties. In
at letter to the Central Committee.
of the APL of August 13, 1960,
the Central Committee of the
CPSU wrote in part: "It would
be correct to extinguish in good
time the spark of misunderstand-
ing that has arisen in order to
prevent its kindling . if the
Central Committee of the APL
shares our view and does not
object to an exchange of opin-
ion, we are prepared to meet a
delegation of your Party level, at
a time convenient to you." The
Albanian leaders turned down
these proposals. They rejected
all attempts by the Central Com-
mittee of the CPSU to normal-
ize relations.
From the rostrum of the 22nd
Congress of the CPSU Comrade
N. S. Khrushchev said: "We shall
share the anxiety expressed by
our Chinese friends, and appre-
ciate their concern for greater
unity. If the Chinese comrades
wish to apply their efforts to-
wards normalizing the relations
between the Albanian Party of
there is hardly anyone who can
ful coexistence of states with tiger." This is nothing but re-
different social systems, the line : nunciation of the main aim of
of economic competition of social- the struggle for peace laid down
ism with capitalism and the guar- in the Statement, nothing but
a
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The peoples know that the ac-
tive struggle of the Soviet Union,
and its might, have played a de-
cisive role in preventing the
world war which bellicose im-
perialist circles have several
times tried to unleash in recent
years and also in assisting the
liberation struggle against im-
perialism.
Who in 1956 extinguished the
raging flames of war in the Suez
Canal zone by compelling the
British-French-Israeli aggressors
to retreat? Who in 1957 prevented
the invasion of Syria, which had
been prepared by the imperial-
ists? Who in 1958 prevented the
war in the Near East and in the
area of the Taiwan Strait? It was
the Soviet Union, all the coun-
tries of the socialist camp, the
peace forces. They, and above all
the might and vigorous actions of
the USSR,, compelled the impe-
rialist warmongers to retreat.
The entire activity of the Soviet
state and of the CPSU in the in-
ternational arena is a practical
struggle against imperialism, a.
tireless struggle to strengthen
and expand the positions of so-
cialism, to render practical as-
sistance to the peoples who are
defending their freedom and
fighting for freedom.
Since the war there has been
no international crisis more acute,
more fraught with the danger of
a world-wide thermonuclear con-
flagration, than the recent crisis
created by American imperialism
in the Caribbean Sea area. For-
tunately for mankind, however,
this did not happen. The all-de-
vouring torrent of atomic and
hydrogen bombs did not fall on
the peoples. All the world admits
that credit for this goes to the
Soviet Union.
The crisis in the Caribbean Sea
area has been settled through the
resolute actions of the Soviet
Union, the people of Cuba,
against the aggressors, due to the
support given to the just cause
of the Cuban people by all the
socialist community, by all fight-
ers for peace. At the same time
the crisis was settled on the basis
of mutual concessions and rea-
sonable compromise. The solution
of disputed Issues between states
without war, by peaceful means
-that is precisely the policy of
peaceful coexistence in action.
Those who declare that they sup-
port the policy of peaceful co-
existence. while at the some time
criticizing the method of solving
the crisis around Cuba, actually
reject the policy of peaceful co-
existence.
Critics of the peaceful settle-
ment of the conflict say that
agreements with the Imperialists
are not trustworthy. But if we
proceed only from this, it will
mean admitting that disputed
issues can be settled only by
means of war. Marxist-Leninists
consider that the strength of the
socialist countries has grown so
much that the imperialists are
compelled to reckon with it and,
consequently, they can be made
to observe the commitments they
assume. However. Marxists-Len-
inists never forget about the per-
fidy of the imperialists and urge
the peoples always to be vigilant,
to intensify the struggle against
the aggressive intrigues of they
warmongers.
What are the n'ain results of
the liquidation of the crisis in the
Caribbean Sea area? The sover-
eignty and independence of so+
cialist Cuba has been consoli-
dated. The ruling quarters of the
United States, who had slighted
Cuba, who prepared aggression
'against her, declared through
their President that they would
not undertake an attack on Cuba.
Of course, the struggle still con-
tinues and precisely for this rea-
son the Soviet Union resolutely
supports the well-known five de-
mands of the Cuban Republic and
gives her immense all-round as-
sistance. It is obvious to every-
one that Cuba's position has be-
come much stronger, that her in-
ternal prestige has grown. The
Cuban people their militant lead-
ers with Comrade Fidel Castro
at the head, have displayed great
courage, firmness and resolution
to defend their socialist achieve-
ments and have contributed tre-
mendously to the cause of safe-
guarding peace. The beacon of
freedom in the Western Hemis-
phere is shining still brighter. Is
,this "Munich?" Is this a retreat?
The authors of the term "second
Munich" are obviously at odds
with elementary history and
know not what they are talking
about.
When Marxists-Leninists speak
of the possibility of preventing
a world war, they do not forget
for a single moment that the sub-
stance of imperialism, its aggres-
sive nature, has not changed.
Our Party proceeds from this in
all its policy. At the sime time it
takes into account the changes
in the world arena, which have
brought about a situation when
imperialism can no longer dictate
its will to everybody and pursue
its aggressive policy unobstruct-
ed. The correlation of forces in
the world now is such that the
camp of socialism and peace is
able to curb the aggressive forces
of imp; rialisrn.
Of course, one cannot guaran-
tee that madmen will not appear
in the camp of imperialism, who
will plunge headlong into a war
adventure. That is why a high
level of constant vigilance, a
sound economy and good arma-
ments are needed so as to be
ready to deliver a crushing rebuff
to an aggressor at any moment.
From the strategic point of view
imperialism's predatory nature
cannot be tamed by mere con-
tempt: and an aggression. if start-
ed, cannot be stopped by disdain.
A modern war canna, be ap-
proached with old yardsticks. A
world war. unless preventri. will
immediately become a thermo-
nuclear war, will bring about the
death of millions upon millions
of people, the destruction of tre-
mendous material values, the
Those who give no thought to the
'consequences of a modern war,
who underestimate or simply dis-
count nuclear weapons as some-
thing secondary in relation to the
mass of the people, are grossly
mistaken. Can anyone doubt that
if the socialist camp did not pos-
sess mighty weapons, above all
nuclear-missile arms, its posi-
tions in the present-day world
would have been absolutely dif-
ferent? What would the security
of socialism have been based
upon in that event? Not on some
magic incantations surely.
The international Communist
movement knows Lenin's defini-
tion of imperialism and has been'
guided by it for decades. Lenin's
definition of imperialism is pro-
found and all-embracing, it con-
tains neither over-estimation nor
under-estimation of the forces of
imperialism. What need was there
to offset these definitions if Marx
and Lenin by a different, home-
made thesis on the "paper tiger,"
which is an under-estimation of
the forces of imperialism?
In order to impose on the Com-
munist movement their definition
of modern imperialism and to Ig.
nore its atomic fangs, some peo-
ple claim that the "paper tiger"
thesis is tantamount to Lenin's
definition of imperialism as a
"colossus on clay feet." It is com-
mon knowledge, however, that
the figurative expression does
not cover or substitute for all the.
substance of V. I. Lenin's overalk
definition of imperialism. More-
over, this expression stresses that
imperialism is still strong ("co-
lossus"), but it stands on an un-
stable basis ("on clay feet") and
is rent by internal contradic-
tions. The "paper tiger" defini-
tion of imperialism speaks only
of its weakness. The main point,
however, is that what we need
are not paper definitions, stub-
bornly thrust upon us, but a
genuine analysis of contemporary
imperialism: disclosure of its
vices, weaknesses, laws leading
to its ruin, and at the same time
a sober assessment of its forces,
including the huge atomic and
other military potential.
The sowers of these phrases
also say that the enemy should
strategically be despised, but
tactically regarded with all seri-
ousness. But this "double count"
contradicts Marxism - Leninism.
From the Marxist viewpoint,
strategy and tactics are linked 'iy
profound community. Tactics is
called upon to serve the achieve-
ment of the strategic goal; str'i-
tegy does not contradict tactl s,
and is aimed at achieving more
important historical goals. The
international Communist move-
ment is well aware that imperial-
ism is on the decline, that it has
historically outlived itself, but it
also knows that it has atomic
fangs, to which it may resort. A
nuclear war would lead to the
annihilation of hundreds of mil-
lions of people, to a colossal de-
struction of productive forces.
This would make exceedingly
difficult the building of a new
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i1 munists must not keep silent on
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the matter, but must tell the transition to socialism, the dog- especially dan,,crous, too, because
masses frankly and openly about matists usually resort to the fol- it is directed against the line of
the threat. This helps to rally and lowing argument: "Up to our the Communist movement on
raise the peoples for the struggle days, history has not known a such vital questions as war and
single instance of a peaceful
for a lasting world peace, against peace, which affect the destinies
transition from capitalism to so- of all mankind. Left-wing oppor-
imperialism. cialism." But had Marx and En-
The Communist movement e , is more difficult to' ex-
gels worked on the basis of such pose because it hides its capitula-
holds that if the imperialists un- an "argument," they could not tore essence behind "ultra-revo-
leash a war, this will mean the have drawn the conclusion that lutionary" phraseology, playing
final end of the rotten capitalist the victory of socialism and the on the feelings of the masses. In
system. But the socialist revolu- dictatorship of the proletariat these conditions there can be
tion does-not need atomic and were inevitable, because they did only one correct line for the Com-
hydrogen bombs for its advance. not yet exist at that time, any- munists: resolute struggle against
The Marxists-Leninists have where in the world. The strength both Right-wing and Left-wing
held and still hold that the des- of the bMarxist-Leninist theory opportunism, against both re-
tinies of mankind are determined lies in an ability to make a pro- visionism and dogmatism and
by the masses. This is why they found analysis of the key fea- sectarianism; implacable struggle
do not elevate the might of arms, lures of an epoch, and to draw against any distortion of Marx-
including nuclear weapons, to be from this analysis conclusions ism-Leninism.
absolute. But one must not arti- that illuminate the way for.the.. ' The Communist Party of the
ficially counterpose the might of revolutionary forces for decades Soviet Union, like the other
the masses to the might of arms. to come. The dogmatists seek to Marxist-Leninist parties, consid-
To safeguard peacer to prevent a orientate the fraternal parties ers it its international duty to
world war, we must put all forces solely towards armed struggle for abide scrupulously by the propo-
into action: the struggle of the, power, in all circumstances and sitions of the documents of the
under all conditions. These views
masses, the defensive power of Moscow Meetings and develop
the socialist camp and a correct., deviate from Leninism. The `Soviet Union does its best its relations in accordance with
foreign policy of the socialist the principles laid down in them.
to promote the development of This is why countries, which must be firm,. the Communists can
loyal to principles and one taking revolutions of national liberation only feel gravely concerned over
into account at the same time the. and to achieve the earliest aboli- the idea projected recently that
correlation of forces, flexible, not tion of the disgraceful colonial there is a "temporary majority"
excluding-depending on condi- system. It has invariably ex- in the international Communist
tended, and it does so today, a "persists tions-both the method of "spear helping hand to all peoples ris- movement which in its
against spear" and the method ing against imperialism and col- mistakes," and a "temporary mi-
of talks. To go headlong for one onialism. And this is real sup- nority" which "boldly and reso-
of these methods and to reject port, not just verbal support. lutely upholds the truth."
the other haughtily is an unwise, Asa rule, the 'young national . This contention is especially
harmful
un-Leninist policy. states come out for peace and in that it is linked with
an incredible claim that one
As long as the military danger form an important link in the party is the true heir of Lenin,
from the imperialist camp per- zone of peace. It is of the utmost, and all the other parties are
sists, as long as there is no gen- importance to extend this zone apostates of yarx,ism-Leninism.
eral and complete disarmament, of peace, to strengthen the mili- To proclaim to the whole world
the CPSU deems it to be its sa- tant alliance of the socialist and that a situation has now devel-
cred duty to keep the defensive the newly-independent states, to oped in the international Com-
might of the Soviet Union, the solve patiently - through nego- munist movement analogous to
combat readiness of as armed tiation - disputes which arise, that in the period of the Second
forces at a level oi:.;: a :teeing and to prevent all actions that International on the eve of its
the complete rout of a;iy enemy. might undermine the positions of split, and similar to that in the
Mankind knows what great mili- the progressive forces in these ranks of the Social-Democratic
tary power is wielded by the So- states and -weaken the friend- Party of Germany in December
viet Union and this steadily ship between the newly-free 1914, when its leadership ad-
growing force is wholly placed states and the countries of so- hered to positions of chauvinism,
at the service of the, cause of cialism. It would be extremely means in effect telling the entire
peace. If a war is imposed upon harmful to try tc, fit revolution- international Communist move-
us, the Soviet Union will be able ary processes in this extremely ment it has sunk into the morass
to stand up for itself and for its varied world ir"" ready-made of opportunism and social-demo-
allies. No one can have any doubt moulds, as the -.ogmatists are cratic revisionism, and setting
on this score. But we, Commu- trying to do. oneself up as the only party
nists, genuine humanists, are The CPSU steadfastly fought, which adheres to correct Marx-
called" upon by history to create as it does now, both against re- ist-Leninist positions.
fhe fairest society and this is why visionism, and against dogmatism It also indicates an incredible
we must do everything we can and sectarianism. But some peo- arrogance, a complete absence of
to ensure the peoples peace and pie lay one-sided emphasis on any sense of respect or any de-
favorable conditions for their the struggle against revisionism sire to heed the.unanimous view
struggle for a bright future, for only, and moreover decry crea- and the appeals of the over-
communism. tive Marxism-Leninism as "re- whelming majority of the fra-
The CPSU holds that true hhap- visionism," introducing obvious ternal parties, each of which has
piness can be achieved by the confusion into the Communist done great service to the inter-
peoples only on the lines of so- movement. Marxist-Leninists are national proletariat, and has
cialism and communism. The duty-bound to analyze the spe- great revolutionary experience.
CPSU, as all the international cific situation and see who, at Is it worthy of Communists to
Communist movement, holds that each specific moment, is retard- allege that the glorious fraternal
for the working class and its van- ing the advance of the common parties of France, the United
guard=-the Marxist-Leninist par- revolutionary cause. Approaching States, Italy, Spain, i-ritain,
ties-it would be desirable to the matter from this, the only Greece, Belgium, Denmark, Por-
carry out the socialist revolution correct position, one cannot fail fugal, Iraq, Chile, Argentina,
by peaceful means. At the same to acknowledge that a dogmatic Uruguay and many other coun-
time the CPSU invariably stresses approach to the solution of the tries-which are in the thick of
that in conditions when the ex- key problems of the Communist class struggles and daily wage
.in g,' classes resort to violence - movement is a source of the truly heroic battles against cap-
the possibility should be borne gravest errors. italism, for which they are sub-
iir mind of a non-peaceful transi- The disease of leftist sectar- jected to persecutions and re-
tion to socialism, of the need of ianism feeds upon nationalism prisals by the police machine of
armed struggle. and, in turn, feeds nationalism. the imperialist states - stand
In their opposition to the prin- As experience shows, it becoiftes aside from the struggle of the
ciple of variety of dorm in the particularly intolerable when it masses and support imperialism?
-? manifests itself in the activities But this is blasphemy against
selfless fighters! In fact it is help
for the enemy against whom the
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What the Cominunfsts need is
not division into ,majority" and
"minority," but unity, unity and
again unity. The supreme law of
the Communist movement, the
important feature distinguishing
it from reformists of all hues,
is to scrupulously safeguard its
cohesion and unity.
In the period of the Second
International,' the world bour-
geoisie acclamed the treason of
the social-democratic leadership
and proclaimed war on Lenin and
Leninism. Today the world bour-
geoisie fights against the Com-
munist Parties with no less fury
than it did against Lenin and
the Bolsheviks, as it justly sees
the Communist Parties to be its
principal adversaries, the staun-
chest fighters for the interests of
the people, for the liquidation
of capitalism and the exploita-
tion of the masses. To describe a
great army which daily wages a
real, truly heroic struggle against.
imperialism, for the happiness
and freedom of the peoples, for
the victory of socialis}, as a
"temporary majority" which
"persists in its mistakes" and is
alleged to be following the way
of revisionism, as was the case
with the leaders of the Second
International; means to strike a
blow at the main force of the
revolution, to hamper the victory
of the cause of the revolution.
The Communist movement is
? faced with extremely complex
and responsible tasks. The vital
interests of the masses, the devel-
opment of a successful struggle
against im ie.?ialism, for the aboli-
tion of tl :-hameful system of
exploitat.iih: and national oppres-
sion, for titu triumph of socialism.
and communism, imperatively
demand tl'e consolidation of the
international alliance of the Com-
munist Parties and. its solid, in-
destructible unity. Iii~tory will
not forgive any 1c-_;..: who, in
this crucial historic;. -riod, fails
to recognrzle we mz..n thing re-
quired of him-to w? cork persist-
ently and in every way tc
strengthen the unity of the Com-
munist Parties-and acts con-
trary to the vital interests of the-
peoples.
The differences between indi-
vidual Communist Parties on this
-or that matter do not have deep s
roots in the social system of the
socialist countries. Whereas in the
Conditions of capitalism the con-
tradictions have an objective
foundation and are therefore an-
tagonistic in nature, the differ-
ences among Communist Parties
are above all subjective. Conse-
quently, there is every ;ground
for successfully overcoming these
differences. One must proceed
from the higher aims and inter-
ests of the international Com-
munist movement and seek ways
of drawing closer together, ways
of cooperation and unity. If one
does not stick stubbornly to.' a
special position, if one is guided
by Marxism-Leninism and pro-
ceeds from the higher interests
common to the entire movement,
and finds "the physical strength
of mind" to march in stop with
the entire movement, then-inter-
national solidarity in the Commu-
Gus Hall, Communist spokes-
man, some time before the de-
bate took shape, had this to say
about peace:
IT IS our task to reveal to
every American that U.S. big
business and big brass are today
the chief force for war, that the
monopolists who exploit the
American people through high
prices, high taxes and ?huge war
budgets, are the very forces that
aim at world domination and
world exploitation. We must
make clear that their talk of de-
fending freedom is a fraud.
The enemy of our security,
freedom, and peace is not abroad.
That enemy is here at home.
This must be patiently, convinc-
ingly and persistently explained
to the American people.
War is the constant companion
jig
of capitalism. As long as impe-
rialism exists there will be soil
for wars of -aggression. Hence i he
need for the greatest vigilance
and struggle.
But it is not true, as some have
said, that as long as capitalism
exists in any part of the world,
war is inevitable. War can be
prevented. Moreover, as the
forces of socialism continue to
grow, the superiority of the
forces of socialism and peace will
before long become absolute and,
in the words of the 81 Party
Statement, "a real possibility will
have arisen to exclude world
war from the life of society oven
before socialism achieves com-
plete victory on earth, with cap-
italism still existing in a part of
the world."
Gus Hall: The U.S._ in
Today's World.
To view the new possibilities ism has not changed, and is again'
of halting war as a gift art ab- resorting to . such measures
stract objective development or against Cuba. But is it not a fact
as gifts from an imperialism that that, because of the new factors,
has changed its nature, would it is fully possible to defeat these
lead to passivity and inaction. On policies of aggression? And such
the other hand, to see the new a defeat would be a retreat and
possibilities arising because of the a setback for the American rul-
growing power of the socialist; ing circles.
world, combined with the sirug- U.S. imperialism has not given
files of the anti-imperialist and. up its old policies that have in
peace movement will lead to the past paid off so well. it. is
confidence, to new enthusiasm still building up points of an-
and renewed activity. tagonism. It is building the war
In the old circumstances, when machines of West Germany and
the war-like predatory imperial- Japan. What is new, however, is
ism dominated the world scene, that now the possibility exists for
such a possibility did not exist. preventing these policies from
In the past, armed marines were bearing their grisly harvest of
sent in without hesitation. If not war.
the marines, then aggression by ,
economic boycott was-begun. Gus Hall: The Summit and
In this sense, U.S. imperial- After -
unity of the Connnturist Parties,
to encroaching on the very prin-
ciple of proletarian international-
ism. It may lead first to the ap-
pearance of a "minority" trend
and then to the danger of a split
in the international Communist
movement, to the joy of its com-
mon enemy-international impe-
rialism.
The line laid' down for the
CPSU by its 20th and 22nd Con- -
gresses is the line of rallying all
the forces of socialism, consoli-
dating the unity of all fraternal
parties, rallying all the forces -of
the anti-imperialist front. It is
the basis of our position in the
development of our relations with
socialist Yugoslavia. The stops
taken recently by the Yugoslav
Communists and their leaders in
their. home and foreign policy -
have eliminated much that was
erroneous and damaging to the
cause of building socialism in
Yugoslavia. The Yugoslavia Com-
munists took 'steps towards rap-
prochemetnt and unity with the
Yugoslavia, that "new bourgeois
elements" have occupied a domi-
nating position there, lie delib-
erately, do not want. to analyze
facts ' and, `phenomena but are
substitutirig fabrications for them
and trying to' push- the people of
a whole country out of the ranks
of the fighters for socialism. The
CPSU declares openly that there
are still differences with the
League of Communists of .Yugo-
slavia on a number of ideological
questions. But-rappochement be-
tween Yugoslavia and the coun-
try building communism can un-
doubtedly help in overcoming the
differences on a number of ideo-
logical questions much quicker.
The Communist Parties have a
tried and tested. method of set-
tling controversial issues by way
of collective discussion. Our
Party has always advocated this
method. The CPSU is convinced
that with collective discussion -of
the most important questions of
contemporary world development
it is possible to ensure unity of
niDiAp~ftl"(Yf"i ti E 4~ of V; nu t untst
en ag
tantamount to undermining s "capitalism has been'restored" in
the
very, foundations of the fraternal 13
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Below is the Corrkmunist Party
of the U.S. statement discussing
the world struggle for peace and,
especially, how it expressed it-
self in the Cuban crisis. The
statement follows:
*
THE AMERICAN people, in
common with all humanity,
breathed a deep sigh of relief
when, in the recent Caribbean
crisis, a nuclear war was avert-
ed, and the invasion of Cuba,
which could have triggered such
a world war, was prevented.
The stage had been set for
such a dreaded Armageddon by
the aggressive and unilateral
brinkmanship of U.S. imperial-
ism, in particular by' President
Kennedy's reckless blockade of
Cuba, his piratical interference
with freedom of the seas, and
his unwarranted intervention
into the internal affairs of an
Catastrophe was averted by
the firm policy of peaceful co-
existence flexibly and correctly
applied, in the first place by the
Soviet Union, and adhered to by
virtually the entire world Marx-
ist movement; by the peace policy
of the heroic Cuban people and
their government led by Fidel
Castro; by. the pressures for
world peace exerted 'by the neu-
tralist countries; and by the
forces of peace in the capitalist
states, including our own coun-
try, who rallied around the slo-
gan, "No war over Cuba."
the idea that this signifies in the
least a lessening of pur revolu-
tionary perspective. Because on
the smoking ruins no socialism
can be built. On. the contrary we
are convinced that in our epoch
the fight for peace has become a
primary condition of the struggle
for socialism.,,'
Li$ C 'ia
BACHIR HADJ ALI First Sec-
retary of the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Al-
geria;' from remarks at the So-
cialist Unity Party Congress in
the German Democratic Repub-
lic:
"Just as we seek a policy of
unity within our own country so
too we strugg a for unity within
of the missiles. 't'hey are pressing
for the outright invasion of
Cuba.
Furthermore, they have drawn
the dangerous and erroneous
conclusion that the "policy. of
strength" has been vindicated,
and that it is z1 mandate for a so-
called "harder" and more adven-
turous line by U.S. imperialism,
especially toward the Soviet
Union and the other socialist
states, but also against the neu-
tralist and newly emerging in-
dependent countries.
IN THE NATIONAL interest
of our country, and in solidarity
with international Marxist and
other peace forces throughout
the world. the Communist Party-
of the U.S. decisively rejects this
view and will continue to op-
pose it with maximum effort as
a menace to the struggle for
peace and peaceful coexistence.
For this reason, the Communist
Party of the U.S. regretfully finds
it necessary to take sharp pub-
lic issue with the policy of the
Chinese Communist Party in re-
spect to the Caribbean crisis and
in respect to. its wrong position
on peaceful coexistence in gen-
eral.
*
WORLD
PEACE was saved;
peaceful coexistence an,d peaceful
competition were vindicated; and
the right of Cuba to determine
her own way of life and her own
social system was preserved.
Premier Khrushchev stood
forth as one of the great states-
men of our times, fully deserving
the accolades of appreciation
which arose from the most
diverse world quarters for his
unwavering, realistic and ?monu-
anental service to the cause of
world peace.
The assessment of the Carib-
bean crisis is not merely a mat
ter of an abstract "post-mortem,"
or of Monday morning "second-
guessing." The success of the
thole struggle for world peace,
present and future, whether
over danger spots in the Far
East, Berlin, Africa or Latin
fir. erica, depends upon a correct
evaluation of the Caribbean
crisis, its outcome and signifi-
cance.
POWERFUL ultra-Right cir-
cles - enraged by the peaceful
settlement of the crisis - are
exclaiming that President Ken-
nedy played a "sell-out" role,
and are pressing for a more ad-
venturous policy for U.S. imperi-
alisin in respect to Cuba and all
over the world., They have al-
ready compelled the Administra-
tion to equivocate on the no-in-
vasion promise given by Ken-
nedy when Premier Khrushchev
originally agreed to the removal
the international communist
movement.
" WWTe fully support the proposal
of Comrade Khrushchev to avoid
public polemics and to allay
time for tempers to calm down.
"We express 'our agreement
with the line of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union adopted
at the 20th and 22nd Congress
and with that of the 81 Party
statement on the basis of our own.
experience. After the crisis in the
Caribbean an old peasant said to
me:
"'It is said that Khrushchev
does not believe in God. But 3.
has won a place in Paradise by
saving the world from a war.?
"We must also add that be. has
saved Socialist Cuba."
In effect, the position of the
Chinese Communist Party, like
that of certain powerful U.S.
monopoly circles, is that the reso-
lution of the Caribbean crisis is
a victory for U.S. imperialism, its
"policy of strength" and "tough-
ness" over the alleged weakness,
.fear and capitulation of the So-
viet Union.
This pseudo-left dogmatic and
sectarian line of our Chinese com-
rades dovetails with that of the
most adventurous U.S. imperial-
ists -and gives the latter encour-
agement. Not only is it harmful
and incorrect, but the Chinese
Communist Party is systematic-
ally and openly pushing this line
in all countries and Marxist Par-
ties of the world, in utter disre-
gard of the 81-party statement
which it signed, and in violation
of the norm of all Marxist parties
to 'fix their own policies, and
finally to the detriment and dis-
unity of the broad peace move-
ment, in individual countries and
on a world scale.
THE CPUSA cannot be indif-
ferent to the fact that the Chi-
nese Communist Party seeks
converts for its dangerous poli-
cies in our country, and that the
open promulgation of its poli-
cies can only spread confusion
and disruption. It rejects the
line of the Chinese . Communist
Party and, in the. interest of
16
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peace and peaceful coexistence,
energetically opposes it.
The CPUSA has hoped that the
sharp strictures by the world
Marxist movement against the
unprincipled anti-Soviet, anti-
peace and anti-Marxist line of
the Albanian Communist Party,
of whom the Chinese Communist
Party is the principal supporter,
would have had a beneficial
effect upon our Chinese Com-
rades, at least. It had hoped that
its constant. reaffirmation of its
adherence to the line of peace-
ful coexistence would also have
carried some weight with the
Chinese Communist Party. But
neither of these sound and re-
sponsible attitudes achieved the
necessary results
The CPUSA must now speak
plainly "nd bluntly, conscious of
its natio.wl and international ob-
ligatioi:s, as the Marxist-Lenin-
ist Party in the heartland of the
world's most powgrful and arro-
gant imperialism.. 1,
The CPUSA, at the same time,
reiterates its deep appreciation
of the past achievements of the
Chinese Communist Party, its es-
tablishment of socialism in the
world's most populous country,
the victory of the Chinese people
over Chiang Kai-shek, the stooge
or U.S. aid world imperialism.
a,
THE ETlRO '70US and dan-
gerous character of the policies
pursued by the Communist Party
of China, on which their position
on the recent events in Cuba is
o; viously based, was already
evident in its statements and dec-
larations over a number of years.
These views find their sharpest
and clearest expression to date in
their editorial on "the differ-
ences" with the Italian Commu-
nist Party published in the Wash-
ington Post of January 3rd.
The threat of - thermonuclear
world war was not and is not a
paper tiger, either tactically or
strategically. That threat in the
Cuban crisis posed the possibil-
ity of final total disaster for mil-
lions of people, including every
major city in the countries on
the three continents of the north-
ern hemisphere, and that includes
,our own country, the U.S., as
well as the Soviet Union, East-
ern and Western Europe and
China. All the military installa-
tions were part of the alert and
the. count-down.
The victory for the policy of
peaceful co-existence with its
negotiations and compromises to
maintain peace and the integrity
of nations has nothing in common
with the slanderous charge of'
"Munich." They are not steps to
war but to peace. The use of
the vile slander of "Munich" and
"appeasement" is an absurd dis-
tortion of history and is un-_
worthy of consideration by Marx-
ist or any serious historian.
THE DOGMATIC and secta-
rian repetition of phrases by our
Chinese comrades reflects a fail-
ure to grasp the essence of Len-
in's admonition that Communists
"must operate on the basis of
scientific principles." Lenin thus
elaborates, "Science demands,
first, the calculation of the ex-
perience of other countries, es-
pecially if these other countries,
also capitalist countries, are un-
dergoing, or have recently un-
dergone, a very similar experi-
ence; second, science demands
the calculation of all forces,
groups, parties, classes and
masses operating in the given
country, and does not demand
that policy be determined by
mere desires and views, degree
of class consciousness and read-
iness for battle of only one group
or party." Here, Lenin gives a
sharp warning against both nar-
row nationalism and against the
mechanical dogmatic application
of policy.
We do not accept the negative
attitude of theiCommunist Party
of China on peaceful transition
to socialism. We hold that they'
fail to consider what is the new
situation in the world which
strengthens t struggle for a
peaceful tra sition. Without
elaboration at this time, we also
differentiate from their views on
the struggle against _monopoly_
capital, and especially as regard
to our own country.
t#'
WE DEEPLY REGRET the
necessity to express such sharp
differences with our Chinese
comrades. The world needs the
unity of the socialist sector. That
American imperialism grabs at
every point of difference is to
be expected. The fight against im-
perialism, and for peace and so-
cialism requires international
working class solidarity and the
unity of the forces of the social-
ist sector in this world today.
That unity is not to be achieved
by the compromise of basic prin-
ciples. It. can be achieved only
on the basis of the policies of
the 81-Party statement. We hope
that our Chinese comrades will
correct their policies in accord
with the tested experience and
,line of the world Marxist move-
ment.
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THE ULTRA-RIGHT and the PEA E and PEACEFUL
KENNEDY, ADMINISTRATION
THE threat from the ultra- PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE is
Right continues to mount in the the only policy which is in ac-
U.S. At the same time, the Ken- cordance with the state of the
nedy Administration pursues a world today. The basic shift in
cold-war, interventionist, and world relations, which has pro-
generally anti-democratic course ceeded since the end of World
The Kennedy Administration War II, cannot be reversed. The
pursues a contradictory course main historic trend continues: in
which flows from the instability favor of socialism, of independ-
of the U.S. imperialist position, once from imperialism, of the
from the new relationship of
world forces, (the growing forces of democracy and prop-
strength of the socialist, anti- , ress. Ours is the epoch of the
imperialist and peace forces), disintegration of imperialism. It
which it recognizes but does not is the epoch of the rise, consoli-
fully and properly assess. Its dation and final victory of world
wavering course results also from
the pressure of the mass of peo- socialism. In such an epoch, the
ple in our own country, particu- strength of the world forces ar-
larly from the working class, rayed--against imperialism must
the Negro people, the peace forces continue to grow, and with it the
which have been its main mass realistic possibility of averting
support and which elected it. war between capitalist and so-
It is of course true' that these cialist states and of establishing
maneuvers, pretenses and con- peaceful coexistence as a long-
cessions are forced upon him by range policy. In such an epoch,
the strength of the world peace war is not inevitable, and world
forces, by the deterioration of 'peace and disarmament can be
imperialism in particular, by the fought for as realizable goals.
declining world prestige and po- However, peace will not come
sition of U.S. imperialism in par- of itself. It must be fought for.
titular, and by the deep-rooted To obtain a national policy of
peace and democratic sentiment peaceful coexistence, the people
of the American people. must wage a constant struggle
But the fact remains that the against the big monopoly and
Kennedy Administration has not imperialist forces in our country
closed the door to accommodation -the forces who seek to block
to those world realities, as the the liberation struggles of col-
ultra-Right wishes it to do, and onial and oppressed peoples and
this involves a certain recognition to "contain" socialism, while at
of the new necessities of the prey- the same time they strive to ad-
ent-day world at home and vance their own aggressive, ex-
abroad. This is an important dif- pansionist ambitions.
ference, which the forces for Today, American imperialism
peace and democracy must recog- ,strives to undermine and destroy
nize and exploit in order to bring the revolution of the Cuban peo-
about the required change in na- ple through economic warfare,
tional policy. accompanied by plots and prepa-
It would be a serious mistake rations for military intervention.
to underestimate the danger to In the Congo, Wall Street allies
peace and democracy of the Ken- itself with Belgian imperialism,
nedy Administration. It would be with the aim of taking into its
no less serious a mistake to un- own hands control of the coun-
der-rate the possibilities of pres- try's resources and depriving the
suring it in another direction. It Congolese people of their hard-
is essential to fight imperialism, won independence. The fight for
war, and reactoinary measures peace, which is menaced by these
whether it comes from the Ken- aggressive imperialist policies,
nedy government or the ultra- demands an unrelenting struggle
Right. by the American people against
However, the situation requires the actions of U.S. imperialism in
that the main direction of the at- these and other parts of the
tack should be at the war-monk- world. it demands their whole-
Bring and fascist forces who are hearted support for all struggles
presseuring the Kennedy Admin- of colonial and oppressed peo-
istration further to the Right. At ples for their freedom.
the same time, every policy or The fight for peace demands a
action of Kennedy that plays in- far greater struggle for the recog-
to the hands of the Right should nition of People's China, for her
be sharply opposed and criti- admission to the UN, for an end
cized, building up the pressures' to American, occupation of Chin-
upon _the Administration for a ese territory through the puppet
change of policy in the direction Chiang Kai-shek, and for the
of peaceful coexistence and de- lifting of the total economic em-
fense of democracy. bargo which now exists.
Gus Hall, Political Affairs, Communist Party
August 1961 Resolution, Aug. 1960
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"The Soviets lets,Q a4i4e..a0. Reorganize"
In Soviet industry,. the.. f a lowing major reorganizations
have occurred.in recent years::,
1, in 1953,after Stalin's death, Malenko.' tried to
combine Stalin's 57 ministries into a sma1:, number off'
super-ministries. He hoped to eliminate dtplication
between the various ministerial empires, btt the
results were chaotic, ministries were recreated, and
in little more than n year, there were as w.ny
ministries as before,
2. Beginning in 19$4, a decentralizing reorganization
was tried, with many factories removed from direct
Moscow control, and put under Union Republic or Oblast
(provincial) dl,recttgn, This reform was never completely
pa r*K',w4 ont .
S, In 1957, virtually all, economic ministries were
abolished and a system of 103 regional economic
Vuncils (Sovnarkhozy) was set up, with functional
subdivisions in each Sovnarkhoz. The object was to
reduce duplication between ministries and over-
centralization, but to the degree that these aims
were achieved, they were purchased at the cost of
regional duplication and localism. In June-July 1960,
operational control of the local.Sovnarkhozy was
given to Republic Sovnarkhozy.
4. In November 1962, Khrushchev moved to enlarge the
Sovnarkhozy geographically, and to split them
functionally, along with corresponding party organs,
into industrial and agricultural sections, Further-
more, party officials and party organs are to assume
a direct, operational responsibility, rather than
limiting themselves to indirect control through state
organs.
Without retracing here the details of agricultural reorganiza-
tion through the years, it should be noted that it has been
at least a, frequent, and that in agriculture the tendency
to look for individual scapegoats is stronger. On 8 March
1963, a new Minister of I, riculture (Ivan P. Volovc.henko)
was appointed, the fourth in four years. His predecessor
(Konstantin Pysin) had only lasted ten months.
There is no better example of the shifting sands of
Soviet rule than the history of the planning apparatus,
which is supposed to draw up long range plans and see that
they are carried out on a day-to-day basis. In 1945-1949,
Gosplan, the State Planning Commission, was changed to a
Committee, and stripped of its material allocation and
technical departments. In 1953 this change was reversed, and
Gosplan was strengthened again. Then in 1955, Gosplan was
split into a long-term planning organ (still caTles Gosplan)
and a State Economic Commission (Gosekonomkommissia)
for
current planning; the technical departmen wa.s also split
off again. In 1957, when the Sovnarkhozy were established,
the Gosekonomkornr issia was abolished, an' Gosplan was made
stronger than ever, recovering control of current planning
and assuming powers formerly exercised by the now-defunct
ministries. However, an Economic-Science Council
(Gosekonomsovet) was created, and in 1960, this body took
over long range planning from Gosplan. In the November 1962
reorganization, Gosplan was again redirected to assume long-
term planning responsibilities, with current planning mostly
in the hands of Republic and lower planning organs, under the
supervision of the USSR Council of National Economy (USSR
Sovnarkhoz). To expect far-sighted planning from bodies which
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are so. subject to : changer themselves.. is. obviously,, ridiculous.
T'
Every such' reorganization of course involves shifts 'of
personnel, reclassification of: files and indices, and
constant interruptions.. of.- work to deal with organizational
problems. Experienced bureaucrats probably find`these
changes a welcome opportunity to conceal their personal
failures and build new empires. There-is an old"military
proverb which the Sovtets..seem;.to ignore: "Order,
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order,-disorder."
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