AFL-CIO FREE TRADE UNION NEWS: WHAT I FORGOT TO TELL THE 2ND CONGRESS.

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000100050011-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 1998
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: January 1, 1962
• Content Type: PAPER

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AFL-CIO
FREE TRADE
000100050011-5
What 1 Forgot to Tell
The 22nd Congress...
By NIKITA S. KHRUSHCHEV
COMRADES: My profound and heartfelt
gratitude to you for being here today.
This is a special historic occasion. At our
Congress of last October, the delegates'
speeches were forceful, pithy, highly prin-.
cipled, to the point, and intolerant of short-
comings. All the speakers unanimously ap-
proved the Central Committee's political line
and practical activities. Many comrades ex-
tolled me very lavishly. But I can only re-
peat to you what I had already told the
Congress: All the credit belongs to the party
and the Soviet people.
Though I spoke at great length to the
Congress, yet I left out some important mat-
ters. Allow me, dear comrades, to talk to
you today frankly and fully about some of
the matters which I forgot to deal with at
the 22nd Congress. I am anxious to remove
the dangerous after-effects of the period of
the personality cult. Comrades, let me repeat
what I said at the 22nd Congress: We must
all try to clear away these remnants because
they are obstacles to the successes of the
Soviet Union which have been illuminating,
like the rising sun, the right road for other
peoples to achieve the victory of the most
just social system in the shortest historical
space of time.
The Full Truth
Time and again, the bitter, dirty, overt
and concealed enemies of our great party
and Communism have said that Khrushchev
does not dare to have the full truth told
about his own role in promoting the per-
sonality cult of Stalin. Today, I have a sur-
prise for the apologists of capitalism and
the lackeys of imperialism. I will show them
that I am not afraid of the truth. Those of
you who were delegates to our historic
October Congress, which discussed the cult
of personality and its crimes against our
party and many of its loyal and esteemed
comrades, may also be surprised and, I hope,
pleased.
Those of you who were at the Congress
will especially recall that I then said: "Sta-
lin is no longer alive, but we considered it
necessary to debunk the shameful methods
of leadership which flourished in the atmos-
phere of the cult of his personality . . . The
difference between Marxist-Leninist parties
and all other political parties is that Com-
munists do not waver, but boldly reveal and
liquidate shortcomings and defects in their
work. Criticism, even the most acute, aids
our progress." When I said this, I un-
fortunately forgot to tell the delegates, many
of them young in the party, how the per-
sonality cult engulfed all of us. Yes, it en-
gulfed Khrushchev too, as you will learn
from what I wrote about Stalin in my pam-
phlet published on the occasion of his 70th
birthday in 1950. Let me read to you exactly
what I then wrote:
"Millions of people turn with the deepest
feelings of love and devotion towards Com-
rade Stalin who, with Lenin, created the
great Bolshevik Party and our Socialist
State, enriched Marxist-Leninist theory,
and raised it to a new and higher level.
"Comrade Stalin, the genius, leader and
teacher of our party, upheld and developed
Lenin's theory that Socialism can be vic-
torious in one country ... The victory of
Socialism found expression in our new
Constitution, which the peoples of the
USSR justly call the Stalin Constitution
"Comrade Stalin rendered an immense
service in that, in fierce struggle against
the enemies of the people-the Mensheviks,
Socialist-Revolutionaries, Trotskyites, Zi-
novievites, Bucharinites and bourgeois na-
tionalists-he preserved the purity of Len-
in's teachings and the unity and iron
solidarity of the ranks of our party ...
"Soviet people inseverably associate all
their achievements in the struggle for
Communism, in the building of our multi-
national Socialist State, with the name of
immortal Lenin and with the name of the
great continuer of Lenin's cause-Comrade
Stalin. Comrade Stalin's name is the sym-
bol of all the victories the Soviet people
have achieved, and the banner of the
struggle the working people all over the
world are waging against capitalist slavery
and national oppression, for peace and
Socialism .. .
"That is why all the peoples in our coun-
try, with feelings of exceeding tenderness
and filial love, call great Stalin their
father, genius, great leader and teacher
"Thanks to the successful execution of
Stalin's industrialization policy, our coun-
try has become a first class industrial
power.
"The victory of Stalin's policy of col-
lectivising agriculture resulted in the
liquidation of the most numerous exploit-
ing class-the kulaks.
ian people, like all the peoples in the
Soviet Union, are indebted to the Bolshevik
Party, are indebted to the leader of the
party and of the people-great Stalin ...
"The mighty strength of the Stalin
friendship among the peoples made itself
particularly felt during the Great Patriotic
War...
"Thanks to the Soviet Union, thanks to
Comrade Stalin, the peoples of Hungary,
Rumania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bul-
garia, and Albania have taken the path of
building Socialism ... and relying on the
Lenin-Stalin principle of proletarian inter-
nationalism, they have secured their free-
dom and independence ...
"The victory of the Chinese people's
revolution, the creation of the Chinese
Peoples Republic, is a triumph for the all-
conquering ideas of Lenin and Stalin .. .
"Today, the peoples of the great Soviet
Union and all advanced, progressive man-
kind, with all their heart greet our be-
loved Comrade Stalin, the inspirer of un-
shakeable friendship among peoples.
"Glory to our dear father, wise teacher,
genius and leader of the party, the Soviet
people and of the working people of the
whole world-Comrade Stalin."
My dear comrades, I saw many of you
gasp as I was reading. I assure you this
pamphlet is not a bourgeois forgery. Though
it was published by Gosopolitizdat, Moscow
1950, you may now find it impossible to ob-
tain this historic contribution of mine to
the promotion of the personality cult in our
country. I assure you that, as a loyal Bol-
shevik in the highest ranks of party leader-
ship, I wrote every word of it. My ode to
Stalin on the occasion of his 70th birthday,
(Continued on Page 4)
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SELF-DETERMINATION FOR ALL?
`The Question of Hungary'
By SIR LESLIE MUNRO\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\~~\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\~\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\~
THE question of Hungary may be briefly
termed the complaint regarding aggres-
sion by the armed forces of the Soviet Union
against the political independence of Hung-
ary, and the persistent violation of the fund-
amental freedoms and human rights of the
Hungarian people.
The question of Hungary is a question
whether the people of a small European
country were, and are, entitled to demand
the withdrawal of the armed forces of a
foreign power stationed within their land;
whether they should be free to set up a
government of their own choice to replace
the minions of an alien power; whether they
were, and are, entitled to claim for them-
selves as a small people within the frame-
work of the United Nations a neutralist
position in the conflicts of the great powers;
whether a great power may rightly sup-
press by the exercise of armed force their
claim to self-government, and may impose
upon them a foreign-dominated regime of its
own creation; whether a great power, hav-
ing violated its obligation under the Charter
to refrain from the use of force, may assert
that its own actions are not the legitimate
concern of the United Nations.
The General Assembly has repeatedly
called for the withdrawal of Soviet forces
from Hungary as the essential preliminary
of the restoration of Hungarian freedom.
The essential problem is that the Soviet
forces which occupied Hungary in 1956 in
defiance of the wishes of the Hungarian
Government and in the face of the bitter
opposition of the Hungarian people remain
on Hungarian soil. The refusal of the Hun-
garian authorities to negotiate with the
Soviet Union a speedy withdrawal of these
troops must be considered proof that the
present Hungarian rulers are unable to main-
tain their position within their land without
foreign military support.
Previous reports have given details of the
legal framework of repression established
after the crushing of the uprising by Soviet
forces. Special legislation was passed in
1956 and 1957 under which the leaders of
the uprising were tried under summary
jurisdiction and later by specially devised
"people's benches" which were set up within
the Supreme Court, the Budapest Metro-
politan Court and in County Courts all over
the country.
Past reports have brought out clearly the
prosecution and, in many cases, the liquida-
tion of workers' leaders. This persecution
naturally diminishes with the elimination
of its potential victims. During the past year,
therefore, the Hungarian government de-
cided to abolish the people's benches within
the Supreme Court, the Budapest Court and
the Pest County Court. This followed the
abolition of people's benches in four pro-
vincial courts which had taken place in
1958.
There remain in force certain features
in the system of justice in Hungary
which continue to curtail fundamental
freedoms and human rights in that coun-
try. The dreaded secret police continues
under the guise of "security troops,"
Excerpts from report of the United
Nations Special Representative on the
Question of Hungary, presented to the
General Assembly on December I, 1961.
under the direction of officers, many of
whom had been trained in the Soviet
Union, though the freedom of action of
the individual security officer has been
curtailed. The system of people's control
committee's social courts and worker's
guards persists-all obedient tools of the
regime placed and kept in power by the
military forces of the Soviet Union.
Little doubt can be entertained that there
are still many persons in Hungary who have
not regained their freedom. I would wish
to single out for special mention certain
persons still imprisoned for their participa-
tion in the 1956 uprising. First of all, the
distinguished sociology professor and former
Minister of State in the Nagy government,
who is serving a life sentence-Istvan Bibo.
Other outstanding names amongst those
sentenced to life imprisonment are: Gydrgy
Adam, economist and university professor;
Sander Kopacsi, a former Chief of Police of
Budapest and co-founder in October 1956
with Mr. Kadar of the Hungarian Socialist
Workers Party; Ferenc Merei, educationist
and psychologist; Gyula Obersovszky, the
editor of the revolutionary newspaper
Igazag; and Sandor Racz, a leader of the
Greater Budapest Workers Council.
Still in Prison
Among others who were sentenced to
terms of imprisonment, ranging from six to
fifteen years, who are still held: Sandor Bali,
another leader of the Budapest Workers
Council; Laszlo Kardos, former director of
the People's Colleges; Janos Kiszely, a
former trade union leader in the Miskolo-
Borsod district; Gyorgy Litvan, historian;
Pal Locsei, former political editor of the
newspaper of the Communist Party before
the uprising; Istvan Markus, sociologist; and
Gabor Tanczos, former secretary of the
Petbfi Club
During the last year, the regime in Hun-
gary has reverted with persistence towards
policies and practices reminiscent of those
against which the uprising took place. It
may be recalled that the uprising was not
intended to subvert the basic social and
economic changes introduced in Hungary in
the previous decade, but to replace an ar-
bitrary government by a socialist govern-
ment resting on broad national support. The
detestable practices which resulted in, and
were revealed by, the uprising five years
ago have received renewed emphasis.
A new norm system has been adopted
under which Hungarian workers earn
some 15 percent less than during the
past years. Under a recent decree, in-
dividual factory managements have been
empowered to raise norms In the future
at' will without having to refer to the
central authorities.
The total agricultural collectivization
launched under a 'resolution of the Central
Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Work-
ers Party of October 29, 1960 resulted, by
the middle of June 1961, in the collectiviza-
tion of 93 percent of Hungary's arable land.
In this final phase of the collectivization
drive, according to the admission of Dezso
Nemes, a member of the Politburo, about
700 people were prosecuted, of whom 230
were taken into custody.
Moreover, since the autumn of 1960, a
"harder-hitting" atheist propaganda has been
put into effect. This campaign was inaugu-
rated by an article in the October 1960 issue
of World Marxist Review which stated that
the party was "fighting not against believers
but against religion as an ideology to shape
the new outlook of the working people."
Early in December 1960, a number of stu-
dents were expelled from a Catholic semi-
nary after they had refused to attend a
conference called by the "Peace Priests"
who have been excommunicated by the
Church. Later the arrest was reported of
some 50 priests, mainly of the Cistercian
and Piarist Orders.
At the beginning of March 1961, addi-
tional mass arrests were reported of priests,
along with several hundred laymen engaged
in church activities. Shortly before these
developments, the government announced
that six priests, three monks and others had
been arrested "as leaders of an anti-state
organization." Four months later, an of-
ficial communique announced that twelve
of these persons were brought to trial before
the Municipal Court in Budapest charged
with "subversive activities." Sentences were.
passed on them on June 19.
It would appear that the major purpose
of the campaign which culminated in the
above trial is to break the church's re-
sistance to the political objectives of the
regime imposed on Hungary, in particular,
to induce priests to join the "Peace Priests"
organization.
Despite adversity and repression, Hun-
garian national feeling remains alive, to
the evident discomfort of the regime. The
new national consciousness of the youth of
Hungary which stems from the uprising of
1956 has been referred to by a Hungarian
leader as "a grave and worrying problem."
Throughout the consideration of this ques-
tion by the United Nations, the government
of the USSR and the Hungarian authorities
have persistently refused all co-operation
with the United Nations and with the sub-
sidiary agencies set up by 'the General As-
sembly to deal with the question.
It is, therefore, the government of the
USSR and the Hungarian authorities
who are responsible, and solely respon-
sible, for the inability of the United
Nations to make any progress whatso-
ever on a problem which concerns so
vitally the right of self-determination
of a small European country.
The claim of the USSR is, in effect, that
the principles of the United Nations, and
its activities, shall not extend to the sphere
within which the Soviet Union exercises
control. The General Assembly has, by an
earlier decision, declared that it remains
seized of this problem.
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V4W
Statement on Anti-Semitism and persecution of minorities in the
USSR adopted by the AFL-CIO convention last month.
THE recent 22nd Congress of the Soviet Communist Party was held under
the. banner of so-called de-Stalinization. The shame and fraud of this
maneuver to fool the world into believing that the Khrushchev dictatorship
was being humanized and liberalized were painfully exposed on the very eve
of this congress.
In line with the worst anti-Semitic traditions of Czarism and the barbarous
.practices of Stalin, the Soviet government tried and convicted in secret the
most prominent leaders of the Jewish community in Leningrad on the
trumped-up charge of anti-state activities. Jewish lay leaders in Moscow and
other Soviet cities have also been put on trial in camera, convicted, and given
heavy prison sentences.
Simultaneously, the Soviet government has intensified its drive against
the Jewish religion by closing the few remaining synagogues in 12 cities
and by imposing still more rigid police surveillance of the Jewish com-
British Trade Unions and the 'Pay Pause'
By AN OBSERVER
WHEN, back in July 1961, the Conservative
Chancellor of the Exchequer Selwyn
Lloyd issued his "advice" to the trade unions
to stick, for a certain undefined period, to
a "pay pause" (a postponement of wage
claims), he could hardly have guessed that
instead of furthering social peace he would
only be helping to create more social unrest.
The "pay pause" call could only have little
effect except in direct government employ-
ment and in the comparatively insignificant
segments of British economy where wages
are fixed, not by collective bargaining, but
by statutory wage councils.
Though trade unions are never unreason-
able and usually act in a responsible way, the
large sector of the economy governed by
collective agreements hardly suffered from
the Chancellor's advice.
The TUC convention in September
unanimously refused to accept this ad-
vice, as long as sacrifices are demanded
only from the workers and employees.
The moving spirit behind this decision
had, for obvious reasons, been not so
much the unions organizing manual
workers, as those unions which look
after the, interests of government em-
ployees in the widest sense.
Severe Setback
The policy of shelving overdue wage de-
mands suffered a further severe setback,
when, ignoring the advice of the govern-
ment, the Electricity Council on behalf of
the whole nationalized electricity industry
granted a considerable wage claim to the
power workers. Prime Minister Macmillan
afterwards publicly expressed his disap-
proval of this concession in no uncertain
terms; but he was unable to enforce his
Chancellor's policy in this field. (The mem-
bers of the Electricity Council are appointed
by the Minister of Power, but are not respon-
sible to him in their day-to-day policy.)
Large wage claims of the mineworkers
and the railwaymen are now pending. Both
the mines and the railways are nationalized
and neither can be compelled to follow the
government's advice. The chairman of the
National Coal Board, Lord Robens, is an old
trade union secretary and is expected to
handle the wage claim strictly on its merits
and on the basis of the financial capacities
of the British mines.
While the trade unions zealously guard
the maintenance of freedom of bargaining,
the real apple of discord between them and
the Conservative government consists in
something else. Disturbed by the failure of
his pressure on industries, where the govern-
ment has no direct means to intervene,
Seywyn Lloyd started to concentrate his
efforts on the sector where the government
enjoys the capacity to wield direct influence.
The civil service unions had just announced
that they were going to submit a claim for
higher salaries. Before it was even sub-
mitted, the Treasury issued its "No."
Still more endangering to social peace was
a move simply forbidding some govern-
ment undertakings to fulfill commitments
into which they entered freely years ago.
In line with such agreements, 120,000 mis-
cellaneous government industrial workers
should have received on January 1 an in-
crease of 2s (about 25 cents) per hour.
The Chancellor simply forbade the
carrying out of this contractual obliga-
tion, thus endangering confidence in the
whole democratic process. The leader-
ship of the unions to which the men be-
long even went to see the Prime Minister
to warn him against the consequences of
his obstinacy in such a. matter, trifling
as the direct effects of this time-limited
move might be. It has been of no avail
so far. Now the unions are seeking legal
advice on whether they have a case
against the government for breach of
contract.
In the light of these events, the reluctance
of the British trade union movement to ac-
cept the Chancellor's invitation to enter a
new National Economic Development Coun-
cil is understandable. The vague idea of
creating such a council with hardly defined
competences was canvassed by Selwyn Lloyd
at the same time as the "wage pause" as a
sop to the unions.
The TUC convention in September. mind-
ful of the trade union movement's respon-
sibilities, did not reject this invitation out-
right. In spite of their organic link with
the Labor opposition, the British unions miss
no opportunity of promoting the interests
of their members through or with the ex-
isting government of the country.
When Selwyn Lloyd became more specific
and offered the TUC six seats in the en-
visaged Development Council, the general
feeling was that such an offer should be
accepted in order to bring the voice of or-
ganized labor into the new institution what-
ever its purpose or powers.
But this mood quickly petered out, when
the Prime Minister in the House of Com-
mons resolutely rejected any suggestion that
the "pay pause" policy should be brought to
an end. Before accepting the offer, the TUC
decided that the whole field of wage and
economic policy should once more be dis-
cussed with the Chancellor.
Situation 'Deadlocked
The meeting between Selwyn Lloyd
and the members of the TUC Economic
Committee ended in deadlock. The Chan-
cellor refused to budge on the pay pause
-which has broken down as a policy
long ago, but poisons the atmosphere-
and the TUC representatives did not pro-
nounce acceptance of the invitation to sit
in a Development Council which, under
the given circumstances, could not do
anything positive.
"Our biggest argument," said the very
moderate leader of the steel workers, Harry
Douglass, after the meeting with the Chan-
cellor, "the argument which hurts the TUC
most, is that the government is breaching
constitutional negotiation machinery which
has taken us many years to build up."
Here the matter rests at the moment. The
trade unions are certainly open to any rea-
sonable argument. They would perhaps even
recommend support for postponing wage
claims for a short time, if they would feel
that the Conservative government had any
conception of an economic policy, after the
end of the pay pause, aimed at improving
the country's competitive position.
But, for the moment, they are under the
impression that the Macmillan government
has only one objective: namely, that only
the workers and employees should accept
sacrifices, while everything else remains per-
missible for those groups of the population
which are nearer the government's heart.
PERSECUTION OF JEWS, OTHERS
munity. This persecution is in sharp contrast with the repeated claim of the
Soviet government, In its propaganda to the peoples of Africa and Asia, that
the Communist system respects the religious freedom of all.
The harsh measures against the Jewish minority in the Soviet empire is
an integral part of the stepped-up drive against freedom of conscience,
against Islam and Christianity as well as Judaism in the USSR. These acts
are not a momentary relapse Into Stalinist anti-Semitism; they are fully in
line with the new Soviet Communist Party Program which is absolutely bind-
ing for Communists 'in the USSR and throughout the world.
It is especially significant for the newly independent nations of Asia and
Africa that this persecution of religion often serves as a cover for uprooting
the desire for cultural and national freedom and is particularly intense in
the Central Asian and border areas of the Soviet Union.
The convention condemns the renewed Soviet campaign of anti-Semitism
and the persecution of other minority peoples in the USSR. These inhuman
policies further confirm the utterly reactionary nature of the Soviet dictator-
ship as a regime which persistently violates the ideals of the Charter of the
UN and the Declaration of Human Rights.
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at I Forgot to Tel
(Continued from Page 1)
which we ordered all Soviet peoples to cele-
brate with profound joy, is perhaps my most
complete and fervent pronouncement in sup-
port of the cult of personality. Even nearly
eight years after his death, and now that
Stalin has been unburied and reburied, I
can still see how much I succeeded in pro-
moting the cult of the individual.
Comrades, I must tell you that my pam-
phlet glorifying the cult of the individual
and rallying support for Stalin whom we
recently demoted and degraded by remov-
ing him from alongside the remains of the
immortal Lenin, was no mere momentary
outburst of exaggerated praise on the oc-
casion of an anniversary. It was, as I will
now prove, rather a continuation and sum-
mation of my deep devotion to and unceasing
support of the personality cult throughout
the years of my advance to the heights of
party leadership.
Today, after the historic events and the
great changes in our country since the 20th
Congress, I can freely say to you that I
had also forgotten to tell our recent Con-
gress about my rousing address to the Eighth
Extraordinary Congress of the Soviets in
December 1936; I then stressed with all my
strength and authority that:
"Our party has victoriously led and is
leading the working class, because at its
head stood that genius of mankind, Lenin,
because our party is now being led by the
brilliant Stalin . . . During the civil war,
Stalin appeared in every place where the
issue was in doubt, and wherever he ap-
peared victory remained with the army of
the revolution. Stalin, his genius, and his
will, are familiar to all of us, to every
worker of our country, because there is
not a single undertaking directed toward
the strengthening of the might of our
motherland, toward the Socialist well-be-
ing, which has not been inspired by Com-
rade Stalin . . . We know, comrades, to
whom belongs the main credit for our
AFL-CIO
FREE TRADE UNION NEWS
Published monthly by
DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS,
AFL-CIO
American Federation of Labor and
Congress of Industrial Organizations
GEORGE MEANY . . . . . . . President
WILLIAM F. SCHNITZLER . . . Sec'y-Treas.
?
Department of International Affairs
MICHAEL ROSS, Director
JAY LOVESTONE, International Publications
Address correspondence to
Room 509, 1710 Broadway, New York 19, N. Y.
or
Room 409, 815--16th St., N.W.,
Washington 6, D.C.
Subscription: U.S.A. and Canada-$3 a year
Overseas- $4 a year
Vol. 17 JANUARY 1962 No. I
victories. This credit belongs to our leader,
Comrade Stalin ... wherever this gang of
murderers and scoundrels, whose crimes
can hardly. find precedent in history, were
quickly unmasked and destroyed, we are
indebted primarily to Comrade Stalin .. .
The genius of Comrade Stalin has guar-
anteed victory to the Party and all the
workers of our country."
Comrade Mikoyan will recall, I am sure,
how he himself together with Kuusinen,
Shvernik, Malenkov, Molotov and Kagano-
vich vigorously applauded me when I de-
clared, after the execution of Tukhachevsky
and the other eminent officers of the Red
Army, in December 1937:-
"I swear that I will not retreat one step
from the line pursued by our Leninist-
Stalinist Party, our great Stalin . . . I
summon you all to consolidate your ranks
more closely, to deal more firmly and
mercilessly with the enemies of the work-
ing class, the enemies of the people-this
impurity, this weed in our Soviet fields,
these traitors ... and all other kinds of
scoundrels ... Those who have traded the
blood of our working class have been un-
masked by our military Chekists, the or-
gans of the People's Commissariat of In-
ternal Affairs headed by Comrade N. I.
Yezhov ... We have ground these scound-
rels to dust. Comrades, ... I summon you
to greater hatred of our enemies. We will
show still greater love for our Bolshevik
Party, our leader, the great Stalin."
That criminal degenerate Yezhov! His
name is a symbol of the most infamous, the
cruelest, sadistic crimes against the Soviet
people. It is Yezhov and his agents and not;
his victims whom we should have always
dishonored and punished.
Allow me, comrades, to continue to un-
lock the closed book of party history. At the
Eighteenth Congress of our party, in March
1939, when the Nazi and Fascist beasts were
preparing the ground for the Stalin-Hitler
Pact for dismembering Poland and launch-
ing World War II, I stirred the delegates
by solemnly proclaiming, in the very pres-
ence and with the full approval of Stalin,
that:-
"Every Bolshevik, every worker, every
citizen of our Soviet country, is clearly
aware that for the successful and victor-
ious defeat of fascist agents-,all these
despicable Trotskvites, Bukharinites, and
bourgeois nationalists-we are primarily
indebted personally to our leader, our
great Stalin ... The love of the Bolsheviks
of the Ukraine for Comrade Stalin re-
flects the unlimited confidence and love of
the entire Ukrainian people for the great
Stalin . ."
I am very sorry, my dear comrades, that
I had forgotten to cite this speech of mine
in my attack against the cult of the in-
dividual at the 22nd Congress. Then, many
very eminent members of the party and
state were framed and murdered. I said,
they "became victims of the unjustified re-
pression during the period of the cult of
personality" to whose martyrdom we are
now going to erect in Moscow a monument
"to perpetuate the memory of comrades- who
were victims of arbitrary action."
Yes, during the last Party Congress in
which Stalin participated, the Nineteenth,
in October 1952, 1 made sure, as one of his
closest colleagues, to address the delegates
in the spirit of my pamphlet. I then said:-
"The victories and achievements are the
result of the correct policy of the Com-
munist Party, the wise leadership of the
Leninist-Stalinist Central Committee of
our beloved -leader and teacher, Comrade
Stalin ... Long live the wise leader of the
party and the - people, the inspirer, and
organizer of our victories, Comrade
Stalin."
As you know, Stalin died within six months
after my address. I would have rendered a
real and very valuable service to our party
had I revealed to the 22nd Congress these
facts about my own role in the perpetration
of the crimes of the personality cult, because,
as the Chairman of the Credentials Com-
mittee, Comrade V. Titov, reported, 68.1
percent of the delegates had entered our
party since World War II. So many of the
delegates at the 22nd Congress, like the
members of central committees of the Com-
munist parties of the Union Republics, krai,
and oblast party committees, are really
young in our party ranks and experience.
Youth Must Know All
These new invigorating forces of our Com-
munist Party should be brought up and
educated with a full knowledge of its true
history. Youth is very important and must
know all. "Youth wants to know," as the
American bourgeois hucksters say. This is
urgent, because, as I told our 22nd Congress
"the ranks of our party
are being joined by more and more well-
educated people. Now every third Communist
among us has a higher or secondary educa-
tion." Need I remind you that while at the
20th Congress, there were 7,215,505 Com-
munists in party ranks, by the 22nd Con-
gress . . . the number of Communists had
grown to 9,716,00,5?
The following were admitted to the
party: "Workers, 40.7%; collective farmers,
22.7%; employees, 35.6%; and students, 1%.
And what does the category of employees
admitted to the party represent in our time ?
Nearly two-thirds of them are engineers
and technicians, agronomists, zoo-technolo-
gists, and other specialists." We cannot keep
in ignorance such a large body of educated
people. -
And comrades, since we are all members
of the harmonious family of Communism, it
would not be fair to me nor to the party, if
I merely stopped with the disclosure about
this pamphlet which by now must be secure-
ly buried. We must now go further. I have
enough confidence in the Soviet people and
in the comrades of our fraternal parties to
consider publishing and distributing widely
in 1962 the full text of the speech on Stalin
which I made midnight of February 25,
'1956 at a special session at the 20th Congress
of our glorious party. This is the speech
which that American busy-body Allan Dul-
les, somehow secured and spread throughout
the world.
The Soviet people should not wait decades
before they can read the text of my 20th
Congress address, as they waited for the
published text of Lenin's testament warning
the Central Committee about Stalin's serious
defects. If we wait that long, we will let
weeds flourish in our fields. By not taking
into account at the proper time the precepts
of our great teacher, Lenin, our party paid
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V"W 17
II the 22nd Congress
a heavy price. As a Bolshevik, I confess
that I must assume much of the blame for
the heavy price our party paid because of
this impermissible delay.
Comrades, I can see why you might ask:
Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev, how could
you have written this glowing adulation of
Stalin and then, three years after his death,
how could you have told the 20th Congress
that the same Stalin was guilty of murder,
sadism, degeneracy, and inhumanity? You
see, we Bolsheviks are creative Marxist-
Leninists. To the bourgeois ideologists this
seems like a bewildering contradiction. But
in our most advanced social and economic
order, we have the highest standard of cul-
ture, of true civilization. As a worker, a for-
mer miner, who knows what toil means, I can
tell you that we Communists can perform
great miracles when we remain unswerv-
ingly loyal to and work hard for the party
line and leadership. But, as our old Russian
saying goes: "Different seasons, different
birds; different birds, different songs."
Yes, Comrades, believe me that the per-
sonality cult, or, as our dear Chinese com-
rades call it, "the superstitious belief in the
individual," has always been alien to me.
As I told the December 9th session of the
WFTU Congress meeting in Moscow:-"I am
not happy when I am recognized and ex-
tolled; I am happy when my people and the
class-the working class-are extolled."
Some of you might be aghast at these
revelations by myself about myself. Some
might even worry that the capitalist enemy
will exploit and take advantage of these
revelations. Already, some critics of our
Soviet system have taunted us that our col-
lective society has developed a more brutal
and more destructive cult of the individual
than that ever developed by any of the
countries with the most ruthless capitalist
individualism. These enemies of Communism
repeatedly say that the cult of the individual
is inherent in our society which they slan-
derously call a totalitarian tyranny and
which they say inevitably leads to one-man
despotism at the helm of the dictatorship.
These impudent slanderers of our ad-
vanced society insist that such a personality
cult cannot be avoided regardless of the
firmest pledges by the head of our Party
Central Committee to prevent its occurrence.
These bourgeois cynics, to prove their out-
rageous calumny, have cited Stalin's insist-
ence before the American Commission of
the Executive Committee of the Communist
International (ECCI) on May 6, 1929 that
"there are no 'Stalinites' . . . there must be
no `Stalinites'." They have even gone so far
as to support their position with the fol-
lowing remarks by Stalin before the Presi-
dium of the ECCI on May 14, 1929:
"The Russian Bolsheviks would have
ruined the cause of the Russian Revolution
had they not known how to conform the
will of the individual comrades to the will
of the majority, had they not known how
to act collectively . Ability to act col-
lectively, readiness to conform the will of
individual comrades to the will of the col-
lective, that is what we call true Bolshevik
manhood. For without that manhood, with-
out the ability to overcome, if you like,
one's self-esteem, and subordinate one's
will to the will of the collective, without
these qualities, there can be no collective,
no collective leadership, no Communism."
To these conceited bourgeois pundits, who
say that my pledges against the personality
cult are as worthless as Stalin's, I can give
only one answer: Get out of your trance.
Learn something about the great infallible
science of Leninist dialectical materialism.
Only then will you be able to pose such
questions in their appropriate moral focus,
free from bourgeois distortion. If you really
understood and supported our Leninist sys-
tem, you would never raise such questions
and you would see that our iron proletarian
dictatorship is a much higher form of democ-
racy than the multiple party system of par-
liamentary democracy.
By now even our blindest enemy can see
that we are not the same Soviet Union that
it was in the first years of the Revolution.
We have long since changed our shorts for
our fathers' long trousers. We, you and I,
would be fools (slyuntyai) if we were not
proud of our mighty fathers.
No Figment of Imagination
I am Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
.1 am a representative of my great party, the
Communist Party, created by Lenin, ' the
party which is leading the working class and
is reaping the fruits of struggle, the party
of Lenin. Today, I, who have been a mem-
ber of the Central Committee since 1934-
more than 27 years, and a member of the
Politburo since the 18th Party Congress in
1939-am not afraid to tell you that my
adoration of Stalin was no figment of my
imagination. It was rooted in the reality of
my very intimate leadership relations with
him-especially in regard to affairs in the
Ukraine, since I was secretary of the Ukrain-
ian Central Committee from 1938 .to 1949.
It fell to my lot to be closely associated
with Stalin in a whole series of his unlawful
and criminal actions in the Ukraine and
elsewhere about which I knew and many of
which I carried out with full Bolshevik
devotion, responsibility and Marxist-Leninist
understanding.
In my summary remarks at the 22nd Con-
gress, I referred to the fact that, even after
Stalin died, it was difficult to settle such
questions as to who was responsible for the
murder of Kirov, Yakir, Tukhachevsky, Or-
dzhonikidze and many other distinguished
party and state figures who perished in-
nocently. I recall having told the Congress
"how difficult it was to settle such questions
when the Presidium of the Central Com
mittee included men who had been guilty of
abuses of power and mass reprisals. They
(Molotov, Kaganovich, etc.) resisted all
measures designed to expose the personality
cult and subsequently launched a struggle
against the Central Committee."
In this same address at the Congress on
October 27, 1961, I referred to the speech
delivered by Comrade Shelepin who told
"how those best representatives of the Com-
munist Party and the Red Army were an-
nihilated . It is necessary to state that
Comrade Yakir once enjoyed great respect
with Stalin. One may add that, at the
moment he was shot, Yakir cried out: `Long
live the party! Long live Stalin!'. He be-
lieved so much in the party and in Stalin
that he did not even allow the thought that
an unlawful action was being consciously
perpetrated."
Comrades, before shedding further light on
these crimes, especially on the murder of
Yakir, allow me to repeat what I told the
22nd Congress: "It is our duty to thoroughly
investigate cases of this kind connected with
abuses of power. This will pass, we shall
die-we are all mortals-but while we work,
we can and must clear up many things and
tell the truth to the party and the people.
We are duty bound to do everything to
establish the truth now, for the more time
passes after these events, the more difficult
it will be to establish the truth ... This must
be done so that such things never recur."
Yes, my dear comrades, I was sincere
when I stressed this to the Congress. How-
ever, in this connection, I forgot to tell our
historic Congress that after Yakir was ex-
ecuted, I, Nikita Khrushchev, told the fourth
Kiev Party Conference in 1947 that "the
Yakirs and other scoundrels wanted to let
in German Fascists and make the Ukrainian
workers and peasants slaves of Fascism and
the Ukraine a colony of the Polish-German
Fascists."
In that same year, I also presented to the
Fourteenth Ukrainian Party Congress my
political evaluation of the worst crimes which
we had perpetrated against many of the
comrades in the Ukraine:
"Our cause is a holy cause. And he
whose hand trembles, who stops half-way,
whose knees shake before annihilating ten,
a hundred enemies, exposes the Revolu-
tion to danger. It is necessary to fight the
enemies without mercy. Let us erase from
the surface of the earth everybody who
plans to attack the workers and peasants.
We warn that for every drop of honest
workers' blood we will shed a bucketfull
of the enemy's black blood."
As an honest Bolshevik I must confess
to you that I have also forgotten to tell
the 22nd Congress that my remarks at Kiev
were made in line with the following resolu-
tion which I had presented to and which
was unanimously adopted by the Moscow
Party Conference in May 1937:
"The Moscow Party Conference assures
the Central Committee of the Party and
our Vozhd, teacher, and friend, Comrade
Stalin, that there had not been and will
not be mercy for the spies, diversionists,
and terrorists who raise their hands
against the lives of the toilers in the
Soviet Union; that we will annihilate the
spies and the diversionists also in the
future and will not let the enemies of the
USSR live; and that for every drop of
workers' blood the enemies of the USSR
will pay with poods of blood of spies and
diversionists."
Comrades, I almost forgot to tell you that,
on February 8, 1955, in nominating Bulganin
to replace Malenkov as head of the govern-
ment, I said, in emphasizing his great qual-
ification for this very high office in our
beloved Socialist motherland, that he was a
"worthy disciple of the great Lenin, and one
of the closest comrades-in-arms of the con-
tinuer of Lenin's cause, Joseph Vissariono-
vich Stalin. Comrade Bulganin is an out-
standing party and state leader."
I wonder, dear comrades, what would have
been the reaction of the 22nd Congress dele-
(Continued on Page 6)
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For Peace and Progress in Middle East
Resolution on the Middle East adopted by the AFL-CIO conven-
tion held in Miami Beach, December 1961.
RECENT developments in the Middle East create a more favorable situation
for promoting lasting peace and stepped-up economic and social progress
in this vital region.
Among some Arab peoples and their newly established governments, there
has set in an increasing awakening to the menace of Communist subversion
and Soviet imperialism. The Republic of Iraq has strengthened its capacity
to maintain its territorial integrity and national independence against grave
threats from within and without.
Developments in the Middle East in the period since the last convention
have been marked by three significant developments. First, the borders between
Israel and the Arab States have been quiet. Secondly, there has been a marked
insistence on the part of the states in the area on their independence and
integrity, a tendency which has most recently reflected itself in the re-emergence
of Syria as an independent country. Third, progress has been made in the
terms of economic, and social development; but this progress will not attain
the pace and level it can and should, as long as there is no Arab-Israeli peace
and the resulting crushing burden of heavy military expenditures-especially by
Nasser--continues.
In this improved situation, the continued lag in eliminating Arab-Israeli
hostility is most distressing. The persistence of this hostility is destructive, first
of all, of the most vital national and economic interests of every country in the
Middle East. Furthermore, this persistence provides Soviet imperialism with an
opportunity to resort to maneuvres which seriously undermine the prospects for
world peace.
In view of the foregoing, we appeal to the workers, peasants, and intel-
lectuals of all the countries in the Middle East to bring all possible pressure
on their governments to settle their differences through negotiations and secure
peace and friendship among themselves on the basis of mutual recognition of
their territorial integrity and national Independence.
In particular we appeal to all the countries in the area to protect the
existing quiescence, to liberate resources for peaceful, economic and social
development and to move forward to lasting peace and stability by the
negotiation of a disarmament agreement based on the principles of mutual
trust, non-belligerence, inspection and control.
The AFL-CIO pledges itself to the working people of the Middle East
(Continued from Page 5)
gates if I had brought to their attention, as
I did before you today, these disclosures in
regard to my own attitude towards the mur-
der of Yakir and the many hundreds of other
eminent comrades whom we must now lose
no time in rehabilitating. I know that some
of you comrades, who were delegates to the
20th Congress, must now be asking your-
self: why did Khrushchev find it correct to
defend Stalin on February 14, 1956-just
eleven days before his secret speech against
the cult of personality and its crimes against
the party? But I do not want any of the
comrades, whom I have the great pleasure
to address today, to have any misunder-
standing. I know that, though you are good
Marxist-Leninists, you must be painfully
puzzled by now.
Some, of you must be asking yourselves:
Why did Khrushchev forget to tell the Con-
gress about his part or admit any of his
guilt in Stalin's crimes? Was Khrushchev
blaming others in order to hide his own
guilt? Why is Khrushchev and no one else
entitled to immunity from criticism, con-
demnation, and punishment by the party and
the Soviet peoples? Was his guilt so great
and so grave?
Do not be too harsh with me, comrades.
I hope that no one here will, after having
heard my review of some phases of our
party history, remind me about the pointed
Russian saying: "You cannot wash a black
dog white." This is no time to recall the
lines of one of our young poets, purged from
the Komsomol in 1957, whose name I think
was Extushenke, saying: "But behind the
that we will do all in our power to have our government render them the most
generous assistance in all undertakings to assure lasting peace and the ad-
vancement of economic development, freedom and human well-being for all
the countries in this historic and important region.
SUEZ CANAL
We reaffirm our support for the principle of freedom of navigation for all
nations in the Suez Canal. We unreservedly uphold the stand of the Inter-
national Transport Workers Federation (Berne 1960) that the detention and
blacklisting of ships of other nations by the UAR government threatens the
livelihood of seafarers and other workers.
We urge the U.S. government to stand firmly and unequivocally by this
principle and to exercise all its influence in the United Nations and among the
maritime powers to ensure that all nations, including Israel, be accorded the
right to freedom of passage through the Suez Canal.
We particularly appeal to the working people of the UAR to have their
government assure all nations freedom of passage through the Suez Canal-in
compliance with International law and the Six Principles by the UN for govern-
ing the management and operation of this international waterway.
ARAB REFUGEES
We are greatly concerned by the continuing humanitarian problern of the
Arab refugees in the Middle East, and we shall continue to extend our support
to measures taken to enable them to be reintegrated as productive citizens in
the lands where there is room and opportunity for them to settle down among
their own kith and kin.
With the attainment by all the countries of the Middle East of their
independence, the scene has been set for the re-emergence of the Middle
East on the international stage as an area of prosperity and human advance-
ment. We have seen how the abandonment of traditional rivalries in Western
Europe has led to a new area of notable progress and development, based on
the cooperation of all the states concerned on a footing of equality and
mutual respect.
We urge upon the nations of the Middle East to learn from this example.
If is high time that the responsible leaders of the nations of the Middle East
give their paramount attention to improving the social and economic condi-
tions and advancing the democratic rights of their peoples-rather than to
keeping alive and even aggravating the suspicions, tensions, and hostilities of
yesterday.
speeches, some obscure game is being
played."
After all, my dear comrades, I did make
it very clear to our 22nd Congress that: "We
still have a lot of work to do to put an end
to the remnants of the past." Comrades, I
urgently plead with you to support me and
to judge me on the basis of the following
proposal to the 22nd Congress:
"We Communists highly value and sup-
port the authority of correct and mature
leadership. We must safeguard the auth-
ority of leaders recognized by the party
and the people . . A man who forgets
that he must carry out the will of the
party, the will of the people, cannot prop-
erly speaking, be called a real leader .. .
"Every party worker in a position of
leadership must set an example in all his
activity of service to the people and must
be an example to all Communists and non-
party members . . . A member of the
CPSU Central Committee and a candidate
member of the CPSU Central Committee
must Justify in all his activity the great
trust the party has shown him. If a mem-
ber or a candidate member of the CPSU
loses his honor and his dignity, he cannot
remain in the Central Committee."
I plead with you as a Bolshevik, as one
to whom the party is everything in life and
who has throughout his years given every-
thing of his life to the party and always
carried out the will of the party, to believe
me when I say to you: In 1936 as in 1961,
in 1952 as in 1939, in 1937 as today-all of
the time, in all of my activities, I have loyal-
ly and energetically carried out the general
line of the party and reflected the true
spirit and aims of our Bolshevik system. I
am proud to have been and to continue to
be a product of our great monolithic party
which leads the proletarian dictatorship and
which alone can build the Communist society.
Yes, my dear fighting comrades, what I
forgot to tell the 22nd Congress and what I
told you today only proves that the Com-
munist parties represent the hope of man-
kind and that the Communists are the most
unselfish and devoted fighters for truth,
justice, honesty, decency, fairness, real
comradeship, and new heights and glories of
civilization.
Your presence here is proof of your in-
domitable faith in the triumph of Com-
munism. Your record in the fighting ranks
of the defense of our great Socialist mother-
land shows your unwavering fidelity to the
party. With your devoted labor assured, the
program adopted by our historic 22nd Con-
gress is bound to provide the Soviet people
with new strength and vitality to solve all
the key problems of Communist construction
and achieve the wonderful Communist
society.
For my part, I am overjoyed finally to
begin to open for you but a few pages of
the true history of our glorious party which
has always fortunately been led by Leninist
Central Committees. The sun of Communism
is truly rising above our motherland.
(Greatly fatigued by the enormous amount of
work in preparation for and at the recent 22nd
Congress of the CPSU and his ,many duties as
head of the Soviet government, Khrushchev re-
cently went into a deep slumber. In the course
of his heavy sleep, Nikita Sergeyevich Khrush-
chev dreamt that he delivered the above ad-
dress to a select group of his comrades. Editor)
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DEMOCRACY VS. DESPOTISM IN LATIN AMERICA
IN recent years, Latin America has wit-
nessed the passing of several dictator-
ships. In Venezuela, Peru and Columbia, the
forces of democracy have made' the , most
encouraging headway.
Despite this welcome progress of democ-
racy, millions of Latin Americans are still
the victims of various types of despotism.
These oppressive regimes are of three types:
military dictatorships as in Paraguay; the
despotic gangster regime of Haiti; and the
Communist totalitarian dictatorship imposed
on the people of Cuba.
In the Dominican Republic, the embattled
democratic forces are in the midst of a
bitter struggle with the remnants of the
former Trujillo dictatorship. They have yet
to triumph over the reactionary government
bureaucracy and completely defeat the in-
sidious Castro Communist elements who have
infiltrated the ranks of the Dominican
revolution.
We commend the role played by the
government of the United States which
effectively contributed to the weaken-
ing of the Trujillo dictatorship by im-
posing economic and diplomatic sanc-
tions agreed upon by the OAS. Through
the quick adoption of preventive military
measures, the attempted re-establish-
ment of a dictatorship by members of
the Trujillo family was forestalled.
Of the three types of despotism, the Com-
munist tyranny forced upon the Cuban people
and maintained through deceit, terror, and
Sino-Soviet subversion and subvention, is
the most 'dangerous to the peace and free-
dom of all the peoples of the New World.
This modern, streamlined tyranny rests on
Tunisian Labor's Greetings
Excerpts from address at AFL-CIO con-
vention by Ben Azzedine, general secretary,
Tunisian General Labor Union.
In the past decade, due to the awakening of
people and the solidarity of the democratic
world especially of the workers, we are witnes-
sing a real transformation of human society.
It almost seems superfluous to recall here the
active and vanguard role which your movement
has taken in this fight for freedom of all peoples.
However, we want to emphasize again that the
Tunisian workers are not prepared to forget
what the AFL-CIO did to help in the liberation
of our country, Tunisia.
But in this great battle for freedom is our
task finished? Certainly not. First of all there
remain several countries still under the yoke of
colonialism, imperialism and dictatorship in spite
of the heroic struggle of the people of these
countries and the sacrifices being made to re-
gain their political independence.
Furthermore, for trade unionists, political inde-
pendence is not an end in itself but rather a
means to secure prosperity, greater well-being
and justice.
That is why we must fight with vigor and
energy against the idea of replacing political
by economic domination, which would mean the
recreation of colonialism in a new form, or the
installation of a dictatorial regime where man
would be exploited without the elementary guar-
antees of. reedom.
Resolution on Latin America adopted
by the AFL-CIO convention in Miami
beach last month.
a mass "monolithic" party which dominates
totally every walk of life.
Castro's categoric declaration of December
2, 1961, that he was and is a Communist and
that he will be one until the day he dies
once and for all dispells the illusions and
false hopes about the nature and aims of
his Cuban regime. No one can any longer
consider the Castro government as anything
else but Communist in its aspirations and
actions.
At the cost of ruining its economy and
tragically impoverishing its people, this
regime is feverishly building a huge
military machine for armed aggression
against the free nations of Latin
America.
Cuban Threat
Latin American governments in increas-
ing numbers are beginning to realize the
threat to the peace and the democratic
stability of the Western Hemisphere in-
herent in the Communist regime in Cuba.
But even in the non-dictatorship countries,
there are privileged groups which have only
contempt for the individual dignity and well-
being of the common people. These vested
interests are determined to maintain their
special privileges by thwarting all measures
aimed at securing a balanced economic de-
velopment of their respective countries and
a rising standard of living for their people.
These reactionaries are the sworn enemies
of much needed and long overdue social and
economic reforms like:-just distribution of
the land, more equitable distribution of the
national wealth, and sound tax revisions.
Because these elements are a serious ob-
stacle to the program of the Alliance for
Progress, our government should redouble
its efforts to speed the realization of this
broad and basic reform program.
We urge the Organization of American
States (OAS) through the Foreign Ministers
Consultative Conference scheduled for Jan-
uary 1962, to take effective, collective mea-
sures against the Castro regime, on the
basis of existing treaties, freely subscribed
to by all the nations comprising the OAS.
We extend our warmest solidarity to the
Cuban people, those who are suffering under
the dictatorship inside Cuba and those who,
in such large numbers, have been forced to
seek haven abroad, mostly in our country.
We wish to extend special assurance of
solidarity and support to the workers of
Cuba who, regardless of cost and sacrifice,
are leading the fight to regain for their
country freedom and dignity.
We urge again the government of the
United States to stop all economic and
military aid to the dictatorships of Haiti
and Paraguay until such time as political
and trade union freedoms are firmly
re-established and general elections are
called under proper guarantees. We also
urge the OAS to stop. ignoring the viola-
tion of human rights and basic demo-
cratic principles in these two countries
and initiate positive collective action
which will eventually bring about the
re-establishment of firm constitutional
democratic regimes.
We commend the efforts by democratic
forces inside and outside Nicaragua to bring
about a peaceful solution of the political
crisis caused by the continuation of the
Somoza dynasty which, for over 30 years,
has governed the country as if it were a
private domain.
We also welcome the support by the trade
unions of Nicaragua for this program which
will bring about a gradual peaceful transi-
tion from a dictatorship to a democracy,
thus avoiding violent upheavals which might
be exploited by Communist and other anti-
democratic elements to seize power.
We note the assurances given by spokes-
men of the present Government of Ecuador
that not only trade union rights will be
fully respected, but that also the political
democratic structure of the country will not
be altered as a result of the recent change
of government. The free trade unions of the
Americas should spare no efforts to assure
the solid victory of democracy in Ecuador
over all totalitarian and other reactionary
forces.
We reiterate to the government of the
United States our recommendation to
strengthen with economic aid and political
and diplomatic support those democratic
regimes of Latin America which, because of
their far-sighted social reforms and strong
opposition to Communist infiltration, are
facing grave dangers caused by the Com-
munist tactics of sabotage and insurrection.
Algerian Unionists' Appeal
Excerpts from address at AFL-CIO con-
vention by Mohamed Chennaf, general sec-
retary, Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA).
Algeria, for over seven years, has been com-
pelled to battle the French colonialists in order
to put an end to the perpetuation of a truly
criminal situation in Algeria and to attain her
independence.
The entire nation is mobilized behind this most
difficult and worthy struggle. Everywhere, UGTA
assumes its responsibilities, at home in the
countryside, as in the cities, and on the inter-
national level.
Affiliated to the ICFTU we take an active part
in all its international activities. Further, we
maintain strong and friendly ties with all the
national trade union organizations and the work-
ers of the entire world.
We are particularly hopeful that an aid cam-
paign on behalf of the Algerian people and the
Algerian workers can be launched throughout
the U.S. Such a campaign could be organized
in order to support UGTA's social work program.
We are convinced that concrete measures of
this kind will serve to strengthen the ties of
friendship which exist between the people and
workers of the U.S. and Algeria. Such an ex-
pression of solidarity on your part could be-
come a factor in bringing about the sincere
negotiations between the French government and
the Provisional Government of the Algerian Re-
public, for the purpose of achieving lasting
peace based on the territorial integrity and the
unity of our nation.
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 Approved For ReI ae 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-030 000100050611-5
AFL-CIO Girds to Meet the Challenges Ahead
THE fourth constitutional convention of the
American Federation of Labor-Congress
of Industrial Organizations, which was held
in Miami Beach, Florida, December 7-13,
adopted a comprehensive legislative and po-
litical program covering almost every as-
pect of American life, including a wide-
ranging foreign policy program. Thanks to
an agreement on handling internal disputes
and civil rights problems, the federation
emerged from the convention strengthened
as a unified labor movement.
The convention was attended by 950 dele-
gates and many hundreds of guests and
observers. In addition to two fraternal dele-
gates from the British Trades Union Con-
gress (Claude Bartlett and William J. P.
Webber) and one fraternal delegate from
the Canadian Labor Congress (William
Dodge), the foreign guests included ICFTU
President Arne Geijer; the general secretary
of ORIT, Arturo Jauregui; the ambassador
to the United Nations from Upper Volta,
Frederic F. Guirma, an official in the Build-
ing Trades Union of his country; Assistant
General Secretary Mohamed Chennaf of the
Union of Algerian Workers; General Sec-
retary Ben Azzedine of the General Union
of Tunisian Workers; and Mohamed Abder-
razak, assistant general secretary of the
Moroccan Union of Workers. All of them
brought greetings from their organizations
to the AFL-CIO delegates. -
Worldwide Visitors
In addition, some 115 union leaders and
labor specialists from Latin America, Africa,
Asia, the Middle East and Europe witnessed
the debates and actions of the convention.
The President of the United States,
John F. Kennedy, and Secretary of
Labor Arthur J. Goldberg addressed the
convention. (Excerpts from their speech-
es were published in our preceding is-
sue.)
Among the many other distinguished per-
sonalities who had been invited to greet the
delegates were the famed Baptist pastor Dr.
Martin Luther King, who is president of
the Southern Christian Leadership Confer-
ence and as such leader of the non-violent
Negro resistance to racial discrimination, and
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, widow of President
F. D. Roosevelt, whom AFL-CIO President
Meany presented with $680,448.43 from
American unions as first instalment of the
$1 million the AFL-CIO Executive Council
undertook to raise for the Eleanor Roosevelt
Cancer Foundation.
The convention acted on almost 200 policy
resolutions. Major decisions taken by the
delegates were the following:
-Proclaiming the drive to "organize the
unorganized" as the "major unfinished busi-
ness of the American labor movement," par-
ticularly in the clerical, technical and pro-
fessional fields.. It was pointed out that the
1.5 million workers organized since the mer-
ger of the AFL and the CIO in 1955 have
been largely offset by membership losses
resulting from technological changes and
plant shutdowns.
-Calling on affiliates to press for higher
wages, shorter hours and contracts which
would assure year-round employment or in-
come, with adequate benefits upon job loss.
-Urging increased federal expenditures
to meet the nation's needs as well as to
stimulate rising sales, production and em-
ployment, stressing that "present economic
advance has a long way to go before full
employment and maximum use of plants and
machines can be reached."
-Stressing the need for a modernization
of the federal budget and a sweeping pro-
gram of tax reform.
-Calling for further expansion of the
wage and hour law beyond the 3.6 million
additional workers covered in amendments
adopted in 1961 and a step-up in the sched-
ule for reaching the new $1.25 per hour
minimum wage.
-Giving top priority to health care for
the aged under the social security system as
a "must" at the next session of Congress.
-Calling on Congress to enact a broad
program of federal aid to education includ-
ing both school grants and funds to help
pay teachers' salaries.
-Declaring that the "resurgence of right-
wing fanaticism with its new open attacks
on democracy" constitutes a threat to the
nation's liberties and national security.
-Calling upon Congress to enact a new
tariff and trade law in 1962 that would
"provide a maximum opportunity for expan-
sion of trade and which would provide ef-
fective measures for easing the impact of
increased imports, actual and anticipated, re-
sulting from tariff reductions, through trade
adjustment assistance and other effective
measures."
-Renewing organized labor's support for
long-term, large-scale economic and techni-
cal assistance for underdeveloped nations
and calling for a shift from emphasis on
scattered projects to the promotion of sound
national development programs.
-Approving resolutions on foreign affairs
which took strong stands on defending the
freedom of West Berlin, on the UN, African
labor and the Middle East. (See the preced-
ing and this issue of the AFL-CIO Free
Trade Union News for the texts of these
resolutions.)
-Instructing the Executive Council to
consider any application for reaffiliation to
the AFL-CIO by organizations expelled in
1955 on findings of corrupt leadership "in
the light of the existing rules of the federa-
tion" and after ascertaining that any union
readmitted be "free from any and all cor-
rupt influences."
-Calling for top-level conferences among
unions organizing in the same field to pave
the way for cooperative organizing cam-
paigns by unions, groups of unions, or the
AFL-CIO itself, and directing new efforts
to resolve problems of organizing jurisdic-
tion.
-Giving its overwhelming approval of a
broad new plan for the settlement of juris-
dictional disputes between affiliates. The
plan calls for mediation and arbitration of
conflicting jurisdictional claims with final
power of decision resting in the Executive
Council. Adoption of the new plan was seen
as providing the basis for termination of
long-standing differences between industrial
unions and building trade craft groups over
the right to represent workers doing plant
construction.
-Pledging that the federation would "in-
tensify its drive to make fully secure equal
rights for all Americans in every field of
life and to assure for all workers without
regard to race, color, creed, national origin
or ancestry, the full benefits of union mem-
bership."
AFL-CIO President George Meany des-
cribed the resolution as "the most compre-
hensive on this subject ever presented to
any convention I have attended." Vice Presi-
dent A. Philip Randolph, head of the Brother-
hood of Sleeping Car Porters, termed it
"the best resolution on civil rights that the
AFL-CIO has yet adopted." The resolution
listed the basic fair practices the AFL-CIO
demands of its affiliates and set forth a
broad legislative program aimed at assuring
equal rights for all Americans in every area
of human endeavor.
Action Against Bias
"As trade unionists," the convention de-
clared, "we insist on fair practices in unions,
in employment, in housing, in public ac-
commodations, in schools, in citizenship and
in every field of life."
It called on all affiliates to eliminate any
remaining segregation of local union mem-
bership on the basis of race or color; to
make sure their contracts do not permit
separate lines of seniority on the basis of
race, religion or national origin, and that
equal opportunities on the job are guaranteed
for all workers; to take the initiative in
expanding apprenticeship and training op-
portunities for all workers and in insuring
that qualified applicants are accepted with-
out regard to race, creed, color or national
origin.
Heart of the machinery set up to enforce
compliance with AFL-CIO policy is a pro-
vision granting the federation's Civil Rights
Committee the authority for the first time
to initiate complaints on its own where there
is evidence that discrimination is being prac-
ticed in union ranks.
The convention voted the funds to carry
on the AFL-CIO's work by increasing the
per capita tax paid by unions affiliated with
the federation by 2 cents to 7 cents per
member per month.
George Meany was unanimously elected to
his fourth two-year term as president of
the AFL-CIO. Secretary-Treasurer William
F. Schnitzler also was chosen without op-
position for a fourth term, and 27 vice presi-
dents were re-elected by acclamation.
The AFL-CIO convention showed that
American labor is determined to meet the
many problems and challenges facing the
trade union movement and will do every-
thing in its power to serve its members, the
nation and the free world.
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