BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE NUMBER 67

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000100040001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: June 5, 1961
• Content Type: PERRPT

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Briefly Noted
We call attention to an article from Die Welt (Hamburg, Germany) which
appeared in the l June Press Comments, and to articles from the Frankfurt
Allgeemeine. Zeitung and the American Daily Worker (by Victor Perlo) appearing
in the 6 June Press Comments. These articles refer to an East-West meeting of
economists which met at Kiel, Germany, from 5 to 9 March, to discuss the
economic effects of disarmament. A classified report has indicated more clearly
than these articles do that the Soviet economists firmly asserted that disarmament
would not mean serious depression and unemployment in western capitalist
countries. This is a reversal of an old Soviet propaganda position, according to
which capitalism could only thrive when it had an active arms industry. The
meeting is of course no longer news, but the fact that the Communists have given
up the argument that the capitalists cannot afford to disarm should be kept in mind
in future discussion of the disarmament problem.
According to the Associated Press, a dispatch from Vientiane reports that
a French Missionary was killed by the Pathet Lao on 11 May while he was on his
way to say mass at Na-tum. We take this to be but further proof, if any is needed,
to show that the Pathet Lao are outright Communists who are already carrying
out standard Communist policy and procedures in the area controlled by them and
that, contrary to their claim that Laos should be a neutral state, they have every
intention to turn the country into a Communist state in which all forms of religion
will be abolished.
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391. The Soviet "Troika"
Background: At the UN General Assembly meeting in the fall of 1960,
Khrushchev proposed that the office of. UN Secretary General be replaced by a
triumvirate, to be composed of one Communist, one western and one neutralist
member, each one to have veto rights ;'At the same session he also proposed
adding five neutralist members ~o the ten-nation disarmament commission, in
effect making that body also a tripartite" group (five members for each bloc). In
March 1961, at Geneva, the Soviets also. demanded the application of the three-mar.
principle for the inspection apparatus in any nuclear test ban agreement. Neutral
nations at the IN have suggested, both last fall and this spring, a compromise
under which the Secretary General would have three deputies (western, Comm.
unist, and neutralist.) but the Soviets, still trying to topple Hammarskjold's
office itself, rejected this (as did the US) presumably because it would not afford
a veto right. The idea of a veto is also cropping up in the Laotian negotiations.
The tripartite International Control Commission was first established back in
1954, with western (Canada), Communist (Poland), and neutral (India) members,
but in its first incarnation decisions were by majority vote; now the Soviets
demand unanimity (i.e., a veto right for Poland). Further, the ICC is only to
act when instructed to do so by both chairmen (British and Soviet) of the Geneva
Laos Conference. It is becoming quite apparent that the Soviets intend to prevent
any individual from exerci sing an international authority not subject to their
veto; as Khrushchev told Walter Lippmann (a remark since echoed in Soviet
propaganda), "while there are neutral nations, there are no neutral men. "
This statement is of course consistent with dialectical materialism -- at least
as regards the men.
Evidently the Soviet introduction of neutral's as a third group is only a
smoke screen, intended to mislead neutral opinion and to enlist neutral support.
The neutrals' own proposal for deputy secretaries general does not suit the
Soviets, neither are they satisfied with the old ICC procedure. Gromyko's veto
as a co-chairman of the Geneva Laos Conference does not even have a tripartite
background. In short, the essence of the proposals is the veto right itself.
Now, the Soviet demand for (and where possible, exercise of) a veto right
is nothing new, but what is now proposed is not merely a substantive veto on
major policy questions, which they already have, but a built-in administrative
veto on daily operations. Unlike a veto in the UN Security Council, for which
the USSR must assume full responsibility in the light of world publicity, an
administrative veto could be exercised continuously, without attracting attention
or providing any clear-cut occasions when the world could say, "Thus far and no
farther. " Inspection teams might be actively moving about, creating an illusion
of security and international control, but the Communists could prevent a team
from moving behind a hill where a Pathet Lao ammunition dump was hidden, or
into an area where Soviet nuclear testing was going on. Communist members
could continuously obstruct and delay, and they could also blackmail the west,
raising new demands and conducting still further obstruction until these demands
were met. Effective international action has been a problem for the USSR; in
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391. (Cont.) NOW 5 June 1961
the Suez, Lebanon, and Congo crises, the UN intervened to pacify dangerous
situations, and such pacification defeats the Soviet policy of fishing in troubled
waters and exploiting fears of war to force concessions, a policy cloaked by the
name "co-existence. " Under the system they are now proposing, however, the
USSR could support the UN on many cold-war questions, confident that any
actual UN activities could be rendered harmless to them, or warped to support
their programs.
Perhaps Khrushchev believes that the time has come when he can turn
international organizations into mere facades, separate neutrals from the west,
and force the west to bow to his will. But the neutrals, such as Ghana, India,
Yugoslavia, and Burma, opposed Khrushchev's proposal for replacing the
Secretary General's office last fall, and he seems to have made no new
non-Communist converts since then. The neutral nations have a greater stake in
the UN than the members of the eastern and western alliance systems, and they
appear to recognize Khrushchev's proposals for what they are, an attempt to
break down international organization, and a refusal to recognize international
authority.
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6
5 June 19
1
Background: Throughout Latin America the words "Reforms Agraria"
(Agrarian e form) are an almost magic phrase that denotes the aspirations of
the rural people for a better life. Frequently, the complexity of the subject is
overlooked, sometimes deliberately. Communist and Castro agitators give the
subject a simple rsaning - the breaking up of large estates and the destruction
of the traditional upper classes, identified as the collaborators with "Yankee
imperialism. " The agitators' handbook of the Colombian Communist party,
entitled: What Is and For What Does the Communist Party Fight? puts the
matter into a disarmingly simple catechism. "Colombia is a rich country but
the people of Colombia are poor. Who are the ones responsible for the misery of
the people. The responsible persons are the powerful North American financiers,
the owners of the large estates (los latifundistas) and the big merchants (los
grandes empresarios). Of the eight million people who live in the farming
regions, only eight thousand own the land. These eight thousand owners of large
estates (latifundia) enrich themselves everyday from the work of the other more
than seven million persons who live in the farming areas. 11
The Venezuelan agrarian reform program is an outstanding example of a
democratic approach to the difficult problems of agrarian reform. It undertakes
to gi we land to the landless, and, hence, answer the Communist agitators'
charge with appropriate action. More importantly, it recognizes the futility
of this over-simplified solution and seeks to develop the vital ancillary social
improvements that will make the program successful in improving living standards
and agricultural productivity. These activities include, building of roads,
houses, schools, water lines and sewers, the provision of agricultural credits,
the provision of technical agricultural advice, and the planning of a national
marketing program.
The Venezuelan agrarian reform law was passed on 5 March 1960. The
first article defines as its objective: ".... the transformation of the agrarian
structure of the country by incorporating the rural population into the economic,
social and political development of the nation, through the substitution of the
latifundism system by a just system of ownership, tenancy and exploitation of
the land, based on an equitable distribution of the same, the adequate organza..
tion of credit, and an integrated assistance for the agricultural worker... "
Since the law was passed, over one million hectares of land have been distributed
to more than 30, 000 heads of families of the formerly landless peasant class. It
is hoped that, at this rate, the task of land distribution will be completed in four
years. Of the land distributed, 150, 000 hectares were purchased by the govern-
ment from the holders of large estates, the balance of the land distributed was
either government land or land confiscated from officials of the former
dictatorship under the terms of the illicit enrichment laws passed to deal with
these individuals. In this period of time, production of basic crops, corn, beans,
yucca, etc. , has increased markedly. Because the purpose of the law was not
only to distribute land to the landless but to change the absentee landlord system
that had been retarding production, this result is particularly gratifying. The
results in onAp ed}f ble 2i tt/$B ;v(ANA-WbV7t&0b69AQOSA"6tA60ta7i
' ^ ? 9 "' (continued)
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392. (Cont. .- 1 ? `. ^' - 5 June 1961
production was 250, 000, 000 tons and that for 1960 was 640, 000, 000 tons.
Although the distribution of land has out-run the development of the ancillary
improvements, noted above, progress is being made in housing, road building,
and rural credit to peasants rose from 51, 000 loans in 1959 to 108, 000, in 1960.
Venezuelan officials realistically point out that agrarian reform will not be
completed in one year or even ten years, citing the example of Mexico.
However, they are well on the way to achieving the kind of democratic social
revolution Mexico achieved in the 1920ts and 1930's. Most importantly, they are
demonstrating the vitality of democratic society in Latin America.
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T"'" 5 June 1961
Background: The component territories comprising Portugal's 500-year-
old empire in Africa are: Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, Sao Tome,
and Principe and the Cape Verde Islands (Madeira, although it is nearer to
Africa than to Europe, is not considered an overseas territory). The population
of the first three (tb others are governed by Portuguese law and citizens
possess all the rights - such as they are - of Portuguese citizens) are divided
into two catergories: nao-indi eras (non-natives) and indigenas (natives). The
first group is governed like and has rights similar to other in the
rnetropole or in overseas territories; the indigenas, however, a totally negroid
majority, are governed by tribal custom; possess none of the rights of Portu-
guese citizens and, furthermore, suffer from economic and social discrimination
and can be made subject to forced labor. The determination of the Portuguese to
maintain their colonial empire is defended largely by stating that the components
are an integral part of the nation, hence not an empire and not subject to UN
decision. They consider their overseas possessions to be their heritage from
Prince Henry the Navigator, an unalienable national patrimony, and they take
great pride in possessing what has become the largest remaining empire outside
of Communist territory. They consider that the relinquishment (e. g. , like
Britain or France) of their empire would reduce Portugal to the status of an
insignificant European state and would be ruinous to the economy. Their answer
to the problem of the assimilation of the indigenous peoples is the assimilado,
a status which is exceedingly hard for an uneducated nao-assimilado to attain,
and even if he does succeed in doing so, he is still subject to social and
economic discrimination . The Portuguese contend that the disorder in their
African possessions is solely the result of outside interference and that the posture
of the US government in Africa has stimulated and ecnouraged the developments
there. They also insist that in so doing the US has turned its back on a NATO
ally. They contend-that they will make no reforms while under pressure. It
is barely possible - Salazar, the dictator of Portugal, is 71 - that Portugal
may do something to alleviate the hardships endured by the nao-assimilados.
But the strong Portuguese reaction to the US vote in the UN favoring develop-
ment of the Portuguese colonies toward independence is an indication that this is
unlikely. At the recent conference held in Monrovia a mild resolution demanding
African support only for "autonomy" for Angola was passed. This was in keeping
with other resolutions passed at the same conference, which was dominated by
moderate leaders of Africa. Although continued Portuguese rule is likely for
the immediate future, for months past signs of unrest and dissatisfaction have
been growing, particularly in Angola. The Portuguese have been re-inforcing
armed forces to suppress the resistance. The major thrreat to Angola seems
iikely to come from Angolan insurgents under direction of the UPA in south-
western Congo and the Portuguese enclave of Cabinda, which is surrounded on
+.hree sides by the two Congo Republics. And even with the present chaotic
situation in the Congo there is considerable evidence that some arms are ering antunk nowthnence into
flg ? Angola is0a TeOrroris acc t es with
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393. (Cont.) aimed at Angola on at least a limited scale appear to be under direction of
Angolans from Leopoldville.
FYI: Thus far, at least 5, 000 persons (approximately 1, OOO whites and about
4, 000 negroes) have been killed in the Angola disturbances - more than in the
Congo Republic and South Africa combined.
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une l
ackground: The Soviet leaders claim that Marxism-Leninism is itself a
science, ad they like to identify themselves with science in general. This has
obvious propaganda advantages: science enjoys great prestige the world over,
and those who link themselves with this prestige can hope to share the glory.
But the Soviet government also sees science as a means of directl
furtherin
y
g
their power. Physics and chemistry provide the basis for new rockets and bombs;
biology is essential for bacteriological weapons. And the Soviets also concern
themselves with the possibility of applying science to the manipulation of human
beings. In this connection they have been especially interested in the possibilities
of cybernetics. "Cybernetics" is a term coined in 1947 by Norbert Wiener and
other western colleagues, and is derived from the Greek for "steersman. II
The term is also related to our word "governor, " in the sense of a device for
automatically controlling the speed of a machine. Cybernetics may be defined
as that body of theory concerned with the regulation of complex systems; in other
words, it is the science of control. Wiener's own specialty is mathematics and
computer design, but he was in close contact with a group of mdeical scientists
and he became convinced that systems of control are similar in the physical and
biological worlds; he believed that these similarities had hitherto been overlook-.d
mainly because of the professional lines which separate specialists in, say,
physiology, from, say, physics. Cyberne.ticists hold that living organisms --
and, many of them would add, societies -- have devices w-hich, like the governor
on a steam engine, or like a thermostat, make them self-regulating, and which
keep them operating in the most efficient manner. There may be complicated
variations in the forces or impulses entering into these devices or control
systems, and these forces or impulses (called "inputs" in the trade) may
interact in highly complex ways, but the cyberneticist believes that in principle
he can analyze these variables and describe them, using the terms and techniqu;s
of modern mathematics. Furthermore, when the variables in one system are
understood, this understanding may be applied to other systems with like
variables.
In practice, the cybernetic approach has gained much of its impetus from
the development of complicated computers, or "mechanical brains. " (Wiener's
own thinking..was influenced by his World War II experience in devising anti-
aircraft fire-control apparatus which was intended to direct the AA guns, as a
duck-hunter directs his shotgun, to a point where the target was expected to be. )
To develop better computers it was necessary to understand complicated work-
ings of the human brain, and to learn more about the latter. To make a machine
with a mind like a man, one must regard the mind as being like a machine itself,
and analyze and describe it in the same kind of terms. In the cybernetic approach,
the mind is no longer regarded as a closed "black box" or as a bucket for
receiving impressions, but as a system which can be understood -- and directed.
The development of computers is very important to a country which is
interested in developing its industry and modern weapons, all the more so when,
as in the case of the USSR, there is a labor shortage (partly due to war losses
and partly to low efficienty). In actual fact, models based upon brain activity
have been employed in heRe e USSaseR s1B0f1TrI :
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394. (Cont. 1 5 June 1961
and chemical plants. The Soviets are using computer-oriented methods even mere
broadly in economic planning and development, which the Soviets now refer
to as the science of economic cybernetics. Comprehensive state economic
planning presents many problems which are solved automatically in a free
supply and demand economy, and the Soviet planning apparatus has never been
adequate to meet them -- hence the shortages, the distribution problems, the
bottlenecks. The need for advanced computation methods to make Soviet planning
work creates a sort of forced draft on Soviet cybernetics in general.
From these uses of cybernetics, the question arises: "What is its
applicability in controlling society?" The Soviets recognize that mathematical
tools are not yet sufficiently sophisticated, and that social activity has not yet
been sufficiently described in measurable terms to make a legitimate science
of social cybernetics possible. Wiesner himself has expressed doubts about
the feasibility of such a science, although some American socialogists are
confident that it can ultimately be done. The task of mathematical modeling and
computer simulation is much more difficult than in the case of, say, biologic
cells, and there too, success has not been fully achieved. Nevertheless, diversity
and heterogeneity in Soviet society might well be viewed in cybernetic terms, like
the frictions in economic planning, as perturbations in the system which dissipate
energy, curtail output, detract from maximally efficient operation, and generally
induce disharmony or entropy (i. e., lost motion). As with economic planning,
the very failures of Soviet society encourage the elaboration of new remedies; the
western social system can safely contain and even profit from diversity, while
the Soviet system must suppress it or perish.
One great problem in applying cybernetics in a society is that of isolating
and controlling the inputs, of creating laboratory-like conditions. The Soviets
have found that only so much can be accomplished with the grown generation
through either persuasion or coercion, and that they cannot induce acceptance of
Communist ethics, morality, and objectives by these methods. Although 42
years have passed since the Bolshevik Revolution, parents still pass on to their
children "outmoded ideas, It such as religion, a desire for private property, and
a lack of interest in the Plan. Psychologists and educators, once nearly outlawed
for unorthodox thought, have returned to positions of influence since the mid-
fifties, and they argue that the way to produce a New Soviet Man, whose thought
and behavior will be predictable and in tune with the "transition to communism, "
is to mold genuine belief at the earliest possible age. This is not a new idea --
Plato proposed something similar -- but the program can now be supported by
experimental work, conducted on cybernetic principles. By controlling and
directing the early ideas of the child, they hope to train him to control and direct
himself in the desired direction. Minds would be like governors and thermostats,
constructed and set to regulate themselves at the Communist speed and tempera-
ture. A number of institutes in the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences RSFSR con-
duct work in learning, cognitive processes, and character formation -- as well
as investigation of the actual electro-chemical modifications involved in informa-
tion processing by the brain and nervous system. A. R. Luriya, for example,
has demonstrated the importance of verbal control in establishing behavior
patterns. One need not necessarily have controlled conditions to appl
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394. (Cont.) ``"` 5 June 1961
psychological methods and the Soviets may for example, be using psychological
techniques in foreign propaganda. But by far the best opportunity to apply this
work is that offered by the Soviet boarding schools, where it is possible to
control to a high degree the child's environment during its formative years,
!'irternalizing" the right ideas, such as the desirability of work. Thus human
beings might be "programmed, " like computers. What violations of human
rights, aspirations, and individual choice this may involve are largely discounted.
Boarding schools have long existed in the USSR for displaced and orphan
children, and in 1956 the party decreed their further extension for other
children. There are now some 1300 such schools with enrollment upward of
600, 000. The en rollment goal is 2 1/2 million by 1965, and Khrushchev and
others have asserted without reservation that this will be the universal mode of
e