CHINA INCORPORATES TIBET

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02771R000300440003-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 30, 1998
• Sequence Number: 3
• Content Type: REPORT

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CHINA INCORPORATES TIBET
In 1792 Tibet acknowledged the suzerainty of the Manchu
Emperors who had invaded the country early in the century.
Under this domination the Tibetans attained an autonomous
status. The Chinese Empire was able to maintain only a nominal
loose control over Tibet and when the Manchus were overthrown
in 1911, Tibet expelled the Chinese troops and representatives.
Between then and 1950 the Chinese government did not attempt
to exercise control over Tibet, although several attempts were
made to incorporate it into China as were the eastern sections
and border lands in 1928.
Thus, even in modern history, the Chinese hold over Tibet
has always been a very loose one and Tibet's right to.autonomy
over its internal affairs has been recorded.and recognized
in a number of international documents.
The situation was succinctly stated by Pandit Nehru, speak-
ing in Madras on 14 April 1959. He said: "We accepted the
Chinese overlordship of Tibet and we stand by it. But the
Tibetans are not Chinese and I cannot imagine any feasible
or practical or happy solution without the autonomy of the
Tibetan people."
A degree of autonomy was recognized by China in 1931
when the original constitution of the self-proclaimed Chinese
Soviet Republic recognized for national minorities the "right
to complete separation from China." Tibet was mentioned as
being among those who should "enjoy the full, right to self-
determination; i.e. they may either join the Union of Chinese
Soviets or secede from it and form their own State as they may
prefer." Thus the leaders of Communist China officially pro-
claimed that the status of Tibet should be determined by that
country itself.
But this was swiftly to be changed. In 1950, Chinese
Communist troops invaded Tibet who appealed in vain to the
United Nations. After unsuccessful resistance against over-
whelming force, the Tibetans had no recourse but to send a
delegation to Peking to negotiate the terms of its official
relationship to the Chinese Communist regime.
This resulted in a 17-point Agreement which was signed
on 23 May 1951 and acknowledged by the Dalai Lama on 24 October
1951. The main points were as follows;
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"In accordance with th
ities laid down in the Comm
People's Political Consulta
people have the right of ex
under the unified leadershi
Government.
"The central authoriti
ing political system in Tib
also will not alter the est
and powers of the Dalai Lam
shall hold office as usual.
"The established statu
the Panchen Nguerhtehni sha
"The policy of freedom
down in the Common Program
Consultative Conference sha
"The religious beliefs
Tibetan people shall be res
shall be protected. The ce
effect a change in the into
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0 policy towards national-
n Program of the Chinese
ive Conference, the Tibetan
rcising regional autonomy
of the Central People's
s will not alter the exist-
t. The central authorities
blished status, functions
. Officials of various ranks
functions and powers of
1 be maintained.
of religious belief laid
f the Chinese People's Political
1 be carried out,
customs and habits of the
ected, and lama monasteries
tral authorities will not
the of the monasteries.
"In matters related to various reforms in Tibet,
there will be no compulsion on the part of the central
authorities. The local gov rnment of Tibet should carry
out reforms of its own accord....
"The People's Liberation Army entering Tibet shall
abide by all the above ment oned policies....
"The Central People's Government shall have the
centralized handling of all external affairs of the
area of Tibet."
Suzerainty, Not Sovereignty
The 1951 Sino-Tibetan Agreement clearly reserved authority
over internal affairs to the local Tibet government and dele-
gated control over external affairs to the Central Government.
The relationship was one of suze ainty, but not of sovereignty.
The existing political syst m in all its aspects, the
religious beliefs, customs and h bits of the Tibetan people
and the monasteries and their in ome were all fully guaranteed
and compulsory reforms in Tibet ere explicitly rejected.
The Agreement stated that the local government should carry
2
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out its own reforms in accordance with "actual conditions in
Tibet."
This was reinforced through the signing of the Sino-Indian
Agreement on Tibet in April 1954. The famed Panch Shila, or
the five principles of international cooperation, formed the
preamble of this document. These five principles, which also
provided the basis, for the Bandung Principles, proclaimed by
the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, in April 1955
and subscribed to by the Chinese Communist Government, read
as follows:
1. Mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty.
2. Mutual non-aggression.
3. Mutual non-interference in internal affairs.
4. Equality and mutual benefit.
5. Peaceful coexistence.
Premier Nehru thus recognized Chinese suzerainty, but not
sovereignty, over.Tibet. It is clear that the Panch Shila
and the Bandung Principles, plus other international documents
recognizing the freedom of countries from interference in their
internal affairs included Tibet.
If any doubt existed as to the legal status of Tibet as
proclaimed by the Chinese it was dispelled by their reiteration
of Tibet's autonomy. For example, Chou En-lai confirmed the
independence of Tibet in its internal affairs when he talked
to Nehru in India in 1956. These assurances.were recalled by
Nehru in a speech he gave before the Indian Parliament in the
late spring of 1959.
He declared:
"When Premier Chou En-lai came here two or three
years ago, he was good enough to discuss Tibet with me
at considerable length. He told me that while Tibet had
long been a part of the Chinese State, they did not con-
sider Tibet as a province of China.
"Therefore, they considered Tibet as an autonomous
region which would enjoy autonomy. He told me further
that it was absurd for anyone to Imagine that China was
going to force Communism on Tibet."
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The Constitution of the People's Republic of China, adopted
d
tin
in September 1954 and based on the Common Program adopte
1 4--
September 1949 by the Chinese Pe
Conference, is another official
continued existence of national
tution guarantees that'all natio
in compact communities in a giv
ople's Political Consu a ve
document which guarantees the
minority groups. The Consti-
nal minorities living together
n area may exercise their right
to regional autonomy. All are free, it says, to use and foster
f
their own spoken and written la
their own customs and habits.
the historical record or in nat
documents about Tibet's status
entity, or about its right to
internal affairs.
orm
guages and to preserve or re
hus, there is no question in
onal and international legal
s a country and as a, national
exercise authority over its
Contravention of the Sino- ibeil Agreement of 1951 started
almost immediately and continued,, for eight years, culminating
in the action dissolving the local government of Tibet. The
violation of articles which res
structure to the existing local
the following examples of'actio
1. It created a Peop
the Chamdo area, the weste
ricted the internal political
government are indicated in
s by the Peking regime.
e's Liberation Committee of
n half of Sikang Province, in 1951.
2. It created a new governmental committee in
Shigatse, the Panchen Kanp Lila, in competition with the
established government in hasa in March 1954.
3. In April 1956, it created the Preparatory Com-
mittee for the Tibetan Autonomous Region (PCART).
4. It established me
sentatives of the follow-in
government in Lhasa, the P
Liberation Committee of th
Communist Party.
The internal authority of t
of Tibet in Lhasa was first con
other local government headquar
consolidating nominal governmen
was ruled in fact by the Commun
Work Committee.
The Chinese State Council
March 1955 leaves no doubt as t
It stated that:
4
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bership of the PCART from repre-
four bodies: the Tibet local
nchen Kanpo Lija, the People's
Chamdo area and the Chinese
he recognized local government
ravened by the creation of two
ers and diminished further by
control in the PCART which
st Party through its Tibet
uthorization of the PCART in
the functions of that body.
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The Preparatory Committee f :r the Tibetan Autonomous
Region will have the nature of atate organ, charged
with the responsibility of making preparations to establish
the Tibet Autonomous Region and will be directly under
the State Council. Its major task is to prepare for
regional autonomy in Tibet, as provided in the Constitu-
tion and the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Libera-
tion of Tibet and according to the concrete conditions
of Tibet."
The actual power of the PCART rested in the hands of the
following representatives of the Central Government, although
there were many other Chinese officials on the Committee:
General Chang Kuo-hua, Commander of, the Communist Tibet Military
District; Lieutenant General Tan Kuan-san, deputy secretary
of the Party's Tibet Work Committee; Major General Fan Ming,
deputy political commissar of the Communist army in Tibet and
deputy secretary of the Party's Tibet Work Committee; and
Chang Ching-wu, Central Government official representative in
Tibet and secretary of the Tibet Work Committee.. It was he who
arranged for the establishment of the Preparatory Committee in
1956. When Chang Ching-wu is absent, his functions are assumed
by Chang Kuo-hua.
While the structure of Tibet's local government was being
revised at the highest levels, the Communists were taking over
functions that directly affected the daily life of the people.
The Liberation Committee of the Chamdo.Area, for example, formed
local and regional organs and issued orders affecting Lhasa,
voided all debts "incurred as a result of former levees,.""
abolished the ""feudal service system" of the former government
and established trading companies and schools.
It is interesting to note that the Central Government
maintains that the Chamdo Area is not in Tibet although the
region is inhabited by Tibetans and was once definitely part
of Tibet, and despite the fact that the.Central Government
itself included representatives from the People's Liberation
Committee of the Chamdo Area in the PCART.
While the Communists were establishing the additional
government units to,usurp some of the legitimate functions of
the local government headed by the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, officials
of the Tibet government were being dismissed by the Central
Government. The two premiers, Lukhang and Lobsang Tashi were
dismissed; the Cabinet was forced to dissolve its Foreign
Affairs Bureau; and in 1953 the Indian press reported that
all non-Chinese advisers to the Dalai Lama had been dismissed.
The foregoing presents clear evidence of.the shift in local
government authority in terms of the governmental structure.
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On the question of actual control over the internal affairs
of Tibet, testimony is available from the highest authority.
The Dalai Lama, after years of ',silence, interspersed only
with cautious statements, issued a statement in Tezpur on
18 April 1959, following his escape from the Communist army.
In it, he clearly stated that: j
"...after the occupation of Tibet by the Chinese
armies, the Tibetan Govern ent did not enjoy any measure
of autonomy, even in inter al matters, and the Chinese
Government exercised full Powers in Tibetan affairs.
"In 1956 a preparator committee was set up for
Tibet with the Dalai Lama is chairman and the Panchen
Lama as vice chairman and General Chang Kuo-hua as the
representative of the Chin se Government.
"In practice even thi body had little power and
decisions in all important matters were taken by the
Chinese authorities.
The Dalai Lama and h I s Government tried their best
to adhere to the 17-point greement, but interference
of the Chinese authorities persisted."
The frantic efforts of the
dence contained in this stateme
Dalai Lama was not a free agent
the charges corroborated by the
puppet of the Central Governmen
what the Communists have done i
tical articles in the Sino-Tibe
allow any misinterpretation.
Communists to counter the evi-
t included charges that the
and an effort was made to have
Panchen Lama, who became a
in 1950. The contrast between
Tibet and the pertinent poli-
Agreement is too glaring to
Any doubt about the Centra
regard to the internal autonomy
ante of the traditional charact
been dispelled by Mao Tse-tung'
Handling of Contradictions Amon
ruary 1957.
This speech contains a maj
reforms" in Tibet in the follow
Government's intent with
of Tibet and with the mainten-
r of the people, should have
famous speech, ""0n the Correct
the People," given on 27 Feb-
r Communist statement about "social
ng terms;
"Because conditions its Tibet are not ripe, democratic
reforms have not yet been tarried out there. According
to the 17-point Agreement eached between the Central
People's Government and the local Government of Tibet,
reform of the social syste must eventually be carried out.
But we should not be impat ent; when this will be done
can only be decided when the great majority of the people
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of Tibet and their leading public figures consider it
practicable. It has now been decided not to proceed
with democratic reform in Tibet during the period of the
second Five Year Plan (1958-1962) and we can only decide
whether it will be done in the period of the third Five
Year Plan in the light of the situation obtaining at
that time."
Economic and social reforms had been invoked in several
areas of Inner Tibet and various preparations for reforms had
been made in Tibet proper. Mao's statement to the Tibetans
was a clear ultimatum--the Central Government would decide
when the reforms would be imposed and it would decide. their
nature. He was, however, quite firm on the point that the
reforms would have to be carried out sooner or later.
Mao made a further clarification in the same speech by
saying that "democratic reforms and socialist transformation
have, in. general, been completed in most of the national min-
orit areas." These minority areas had also been promised that
t ere would be no interference with their. traditional pattern
of life or with their basic social structure and culture.
Mao's "contradictions" speech was not the first indication
that all was not going well in Tibet. Chang Kuo-hua had announced
in September 1956 that there would be an alteration in the time-
table for Tibet. He said that "democratic reforms" would not
be effected for "a comparatively long period to come" as they
had to await the acceptance of a majority of Tibetans.
The intention to put the Communist program into at least
partial reverse was given more practical attention by Chang
Kuo-hua when he said on 22 April 1957:
""...organs set up in the past by the various locali-
ties in preparation for carrying out these democratic
reforms must ...be properly reorganized. An appropriate
number of the work personnel of Han inese7 nationality
who came to help prepare for democra is reforms in Tibet
must also be transferred to other areas of the fatherland
to. take part in socialist construction."'
The degree to which the postponement of the reforms was
to be honored was thrown into further doubt by Chang's admoni-
tion to Tibetans and Chinese to be ?kconstantly on guard against
the subversive activities of imperialist elements and the
rebellious activities of separatists against the fatherland."
r(
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The Seeds of Revolt
In his Tezpur statement,
Tibet, the Dalai Lama revealed
ment by the Chinese began in 1
said ""a struggle had started i
assumed serious proportions in
the Chinese armed forces destr
Many lamas were killed and a 1
cials were taken and employed
China."
According to resistance ld
the Chinese started at the town
Lhasa. It spread in area, reac
Kantzu Tibetan Autonomous Chou
in June and July the fighting s
All reports corroborate the fac
of Litang bore the brunt of the
of other towns and monasteries
of New Delhi of July 1956 confi
said that the fighting was then
150 miles from Lhasa.
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ssued after his escape from
that the struggle against engulf-
55. By the end of the year he
the Kham Province and this
1956. In the resultant struggle
yed a large number of monasteries.
rge number of monks and offi-
n the construction of roads in.
aders, the 1956 uprising against
of Dzachuka, northeast of
hing northeast as far as the
in Szechwan Province in May and
ept westward toward Lhasa itself.
t that the town and monastery
Chinese attack and that a number
were bombed. The Statesman
rmed many of the reports and
raging around Tinga, only
In the intervening three years, fighting against the
Chinese appears to have continued in a number of places., led
principally by the Khamba tribeIsmert.
On 20 March 1959, after days of rumor and apprehension,
the Indian External Affairs Ministry in New Delhi confirmed
reports that the Chinese Communlists had fired upon the people
in Lhasa in an attempt to put down demonstrations which were
described by witnesses as ?peac
assembled around the Dalai Lama'
prevent him from attending a cu
ters because they were fearful
Despite the demonstrations
ment tried to maintain friendly
entered into negotiations to re
the people's anxiety. While th
lobbed several mortar shells in
Lama's palace.
ful." Some .10,000 people had
summer palace in order to
tural show at Chinese headquar-
hat some harm might befall him.
, the Dalai Lama and his Govern-
relations with the Chinese and
tore peace in Tibet and assuage
s was going on, the Chinese
the direction of the Dalai
The Communist Maneuver
The events of March 1959 p
tion of Tibetan dissidence with
convert Tibet into a Communist
of 1950, efforts to place Tibet
and to make Tibetans embrace Co
su.res on local leaders to the e
ovide the most recent manifesta-
Communist China's efforts to
ociety. Since the occupation
directly under Peking's control
munism ranged from subtle pres-
ployment of direct force. The
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record indicates that'the Communists bombed monasteries, killed
monks or impressed them into labor brigades, killed women,
indiscriminately shot civilian males and forcibly deported
Tibetan adults as conscript labor while shipping Tibetan youths
to China for "re-education."
These acts display the intention to destroy all Tibetans
who oppose the Communist effort. The opposition appears to
include the vast majority of the people of Tibet. In view of
this, there is no doubt that the Chinese Communists can be
adjudged guilty of the international crime of genocide. As
the world knows, from the beginning of the Chinese occupation
of Tibet in 1950, the Tibetans have fiercely resisted the occu-
pation power despite the Sino-Tibetan 17-point Agreement which
promised administrative autonomy to the country.
Tibetan resistance to Communist China was sparked by the
Communists' coordinated political and military policy aimed
at the communization of Tibet. A large Communist army, probably
of some 100,000 men, established garrisons near. major towns
and along the borders. Airfields and strategic roads linking
Tibet with China were built by gangs of Tibetans who had been
forced into labor. In his interview with the press in India
in April 19.59, the Dalai Lama made specific reference to the
Tibetan "martyrs" who had died working on these projects.
Most of the measures taken t communize the country violated
the 1951 Agreement. Despite the failure of the Communists to
register any success with their program of transforming Tibet
into a Communist society, Tibetans came to the realization that
the Communist regime threatened their religious institutions
and their traditions.
Monks in Forced Labor
During 1957, the Communists continued their efforts at
collectivization, resorting'to forced labor and campaigns to
destroy religious institutions and to undermine religious leaders.
During this time the Khamba rebels continued their guerrilla
resistance.
After anti-Communist demonstrations in Lhasa on 10 March,
armed revolt broke out in the city on 19 March. The uprising
of the lay people and monks was suppressed by the Communists
who are reported to have bombed several important monasteries
and destroyed valuable manuscripts and relics.
Before the full-scale Tibetan uprising in March the esti-
mate of the number of Tibetan refugees in India was 8,000. By
the end of May this number had increased to 21,000. Refugees
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reported that the Communists h nted down refugees fleeing to
India, killing and wounding a treat number of them.
Various items of information regarding killings, imprison-
ment, deportations and acts of destruction were reported for
the first three months of 1959 before the main uprising. Guer-
rilla leaders reported that eight monasteries were deliberately
destroyed by bombing. The eldest brother of the Dalai Lama,
Thubten J. Norbu, interviewed t the University of Washington
on 24 March, accused the Chine e Communists of having machine-
gunned thousands of men, women and children; of destroying
monasteries with populations of up to 5,000; and of slaughtering
the monks.
As of 4 April, according to a Tibetan wool merchant now
a refugee in India, Chinese regression in the Kham Province was
ruthless. Monasteries which frmer.ly had 1,000 lamas were
reduced to populations of 100. The others were either executed
or drafted into forced labor o collective farms. After the
revolt in Lhasa, even Khambas who cooperated with the Communists
were executed simply because they were Khambas.
Most of the information regarding the suppression of
resistance in Tibet was obtained from the border towns of
Darjeeling and Kalimpong. These reports revealed that the
Communists shelled many important buildings in Lhasa such as
the Dalai Lama's summer palace, the offices of the Tibetan
Cabinet, the medical college, the Jokhang cathedral and the
Sera and Drepung monasteries. The entire population of Sera
and Drepung were reportedly taken into custody for "'screening.
The number of Tibetan dead in Lhasa was placed at 2,000
as of 27 March. By the end of that; month the Communist army
had sealed off the Indian frontier to prevent the escape of
Tibetan refugees and guerrillas. Reports at this time also
stated that the Communists were shipping Tibetans from Lhasa
out of the country in military trucks. Similar deportations
were reported in progress at G ;antse and Shigatse.
Information dated 4 April oted the indiscriminate shooting
of the Khambas. Lamas reaching Mismari, India, from Dekaung
on 14 May stated they had seen Communist machinegun and bombing
attacks in the Lhikh area, two days' march southeast of Lhasa.
They reported that thousands were attempting to flee Tibet
because of the increase in Communist persecution and indoctrina-
tion.
In Lhasa, the people's cou
into action by the middle of Ma
were landowners who were being
the "reactionaries." They were
heavy chains on their way to t1
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1.0
Irts were reported to have gone
Most of the "defendants"
tried for collaboration with
paraded through the streets in
e place of execution.
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As. of 22 May estimates of the number of Tibetans killed in
Lhasa anged from 5,000 to 10,000 out of a population of some
70,000. About 5,000-10,000 ablebodied men were deportedi'some
to work on the railroad from Siningfu to Lhasa. It is estimated
that a total of 200,000 Tibetans had been killed by the Chinese
Communists in recent years of fighting.
On the basis of the foregoing examples of ruthless acts
by the Communist regime against the Tibetan population over a
period of some eight years, the conclusion is inescapable that
there was every intention of using violence in order to imple-
ment the communization of Tibet.
It is equally inescapable that all these killings, arrests
and deportations can only be equated to an outright charge of
genocide. This has been done by the International Commission
of Jurists in Geneva which on 5 June reported that Chinese
Communist acts in Tibet over the past nine years constituted
the "crime of genocide" in an attempt to destroy the Tibetan
people. A report by this organization representing 35,000
lawyers from 53 nations said that since 1950 the Chinese
Communists had killed more than 65,000 Tibetans who had opposed
them.
The Commission of Jurists said it would "initiate such
action as envisaged by the Genocide Convention of 1948 and by
the Charter of the United Nations for suppression of these
acts..."
The Commission's report was-prepared by Shri Purshottam
Trikamdas, senior advocate of the Indian Supreme Court and
former secretary to Mohandas Gandhi. Trikamdas said the report,
a preliminary one, was based on two months of study of 'documents
And'interviews with Tibetan refugeeo in India.
The report also accused the Chinese of over-running Tibet
with 500,000 Chinese immigrants with another four million to
come.
Control over Education
A concerted effort is being made in Tibet to subvert the
youth of the country through the establishment of a series of
schools where they will be indoctrinated in Communism.
In April 1957 Peking announced that some 70 primary schools
with accommodation for 6,000 students had been established in
various localities in Tibet.
The intent of the program was indicated in the Lhasa news-
paper Tibet Jih Pao which said on August 2 1957:
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"Last year a number o
places in Tibet. This has
development of cultural an
Tibet and the training of
Tibet. However, certain u
dissatisfied with our open
the unreasonable phenomenon
appeared in certain locals
from the students' parents.
The true aims of the Commu
by Thubten Nyenjik, Abbot of Gy
on 20 July 1956. He declared:
"The Chinese have set
are designed solely for the
of the youth of Tibet with
vocational training and no
pupils with their own cult
fact, the Chinese are wagir
all the indigenous schools,
Chinese. The aim of Chines
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schools was opened in various
a positive function in the
educational undertakings in
killed persons for building up
per--level personages are even
ng schools. At the same time
of drafting people into schools
ies, arousing many complaints
of
ist school program were stated
ntse Monastery, in a statement
up schools, but these schools
purpose of the indoctrination
Communist ideas. There is no
attempt to familiarize the
ral and religious heritage; in
g a continuous campaign to close
none of which has ever taught
e education in Tibet is the
production of reliable pro-Chinese Communists and this
involves nothing short of the wholesale alienation of the
Tibetan youth from their ova
tradition and culture that)
humanity and tolerance andli
share to the spiritual heri.
The "educational" program
Tibet Jih Pao included more th
cacres o Tibetan nationality,
members of Tibetan nationality
munist League members. At the s
6,000 members of the Patriotic
more than 1,000 members of the
No precise figures on the
Communist China for "schooling"
sands were trained and returned
occupation, prepared to take ov
n tradition and culture--a
have been noted for their
have contributed their just
tage of Asia and of the world."
y 15 October 1957, according to
n 5,000 local revolutionary
ore than 1,000 Communist Party
nd more than 2,000 Young Com-
ame time, there were mole than
outh Cultural Association and
atriotic Women's Association.
umber of Tibetans taken to
are available, but some thou-
to Tibet with the army of
r governmental positions and
to administer "social reforms."! In September 1956 Chang Kuo-hua
announced plans to recruit between 5,000 and 8,000 students
of Tibetan nationality and "to train 10,000 people on a rotation
basis."
The youth of Tibet may no onger go to India or other
countries for their education. The Chinese Communists have
plainly embarked on a program o mass indoctrination of the
youth of Tibet in a concerted e fort to make sure that all ves-
tiges of the country's age-old dulture are eradicated as quickly
as possible.
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