COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE (4)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R001200120006-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 33
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 1998
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: September 23, 1960
• Content Type: SUMMARY

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COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE
(4)
Summary No. 2815 23 September 1960
Prepared by
Foreign Documents Division
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
2430 E St., N. W., Washington 25, D. C.
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THIS MATERIAL CONTAINS INFORMATION AFFECTING THE NATIONAL DEFENSE
OF THE UNITED STATES WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE ESPIONAGE LAWS,
TITLE 18, USC, SECS. 793 AND 794, THE TRANSMISSION OR REVELATION OF
WHICH IN ANY MANNER TO AN UNAUTHORIZED PERSON IS PROHIBITED BY LAW.
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Comm JmST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE (~+)
This report contains` material on Communist revisionism and
dissidence as reflected in Communist and non-Communist sources.
The latest source date used he is 25 August ig60.
Table of Contents
Page
Part 1.
Part 2.
USSR
Soviet"RevisionismtB Defended
Far East
1
1.
II.
III.
China
Unity of Opposites
North Vietnam
Bloc Unity Versus Internal Problems
Outer Mongolia
Revisionism, Dogmatism, and Nationalism
Part 3.
Eastern Europe
13
I.
Bulgaria
Book on Cultural "Hypocrisy" Abroad Again
13
Reviewed Favorably
13
II.
East Germany
15
Discussions on Economic Revisionism
15
III.
Discussions on`Philosophic Revisionism
Hungary
Revisionist Pressures on Literary Policy,
16
Peaceful Coexistence Lim; 7- G in New
Light
C- O-1d. v F- I- D-E -N-T -I -A- L
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Duties 'of Literary. Criticism in Fighting
Revisionism
V. Yugoslavia
Coexistence and War
Part 4. '-Weate= Europe
Denmark
Dissident Criticism of Soviet "Pocket Rattling"
Page
24
24
24
24
28
28
28
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Soviet "Revisionism" Defended.
An article in FDD Summary No 2666, Communist Revisionism and Dissidence
(2), pointed out that "revisionism" had reappeared in the USSR. "Current
revisionism in the USSR is, in reality, an extension of the modifications
of Lenin's doctrine on war and peace adopted at the 20th and. 21st party
congresses. Revisionism in the USSR today constitutes Khrushchev's
reaffirmation of his interpretation of Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist teach-
ings on the inevitability of war and Lenin's doctrine on the methods
used for the seizure of power, i. ea, revolution by violence." (page 1)
The article also said that "the CPSU and its leaders, supporting Khrushchev's
revisionist proclamations, have endeavored to point out that his theses
on peaceful coexistence, disarmament, and the noninevitability of war are
not new theses, for Lenin had maintained the same theses following the
Civil War and was always in favor of peaceful coexistence." (page 3)
Since the publication of Summary No 2666, new information in the
Soviet press on this subject alters the conclusions drawn at that time.
Although, in theory, it is correct to conclude that any changes made in
the interpretation or application of Marxism-Leninism are viewed as
revisionism by doctrinaire Communists, Soviet leaders today maintain that
current modifications and interpretations of Marxism-Leninism are in
effect "creative applications of Marxism-Leninism." On 12 August 1960,
Pravda pointed out. "o" The founders of scientific Communism, Marx, Engels,
and Lenin,, stressed that their teaching is not dogma, but a guide to action,
that it must be developed in conformity with the changes which take place
in public life. Since the creation of the worldwide system of socialism,
the situation to the world has changed radically." On the same day,
Izvestiya declared. "Marxism-Leninism does not suffer dogmatism. It is
pure creation. The great merit of the Central Committee CPSU, headed by
Comrade N, S. Khrushchev, lies in the fact that it consistently carries out
Leninism in-practice, that it c.reatively.develops Marxist-Leninist theory.
This line of the CPSU meets with the unanimous support in the world
Communist and workers movement."
The contention is that since far-reaching changes have taken place in
the world in recent years., the current interpretation of Marxism-Leninism
must conform to these changes. Consequently, the Soviet press maintains
that any changes in the interpretation of Marxism-Leninism which conform,
to the changes in the world situation are not to be considered as revi-
sionism but as "creative applications of Marxism-Leninism" to these changes.
On the contrary, the press states, those who fail to see the validity and
need for these interpretive changes are revisionists. "The strength of the
Communist and workers parties is that they unflinchingly hold to Marxist-
Leninist ideology and irreconcilably struggle both against revisionism and
dogmatic-sectarianism, which contradicts the creative character of Marxism-
Leninism." (Moscow, Sovetskiy flot, 9 Aug 60)
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Since the CPSU, and especially Khrushchev, has recently been accused
of revisionism, the Soviet press has accelerated its campaign to prove
that the current Soviet policy of peaceful coexistence and its stand on
the noninevitability of war are valid and practical interpretations of
Marxism-Leninism in the light of the pre:seiit world situation. Press
articles point out that Lenin"...considered the policy of peaceful
coexistence the general course of the socialist state's foreign policy.
The CPSU struggles consistently for the triumph of Lenin's principle of
peaceful coexistence." (Moscow, Pravda, 12 Aug 60 ) They also stress
that "....Lenin's well-known tenet on the aggressive nature of imperialism,
that the threat of war will exist as long as capitalism exists, is still
applicable in our days, as was emphasized by the decisions of the 20th
and 21st CPSU congresses. Now, under new conditions, however, imperialism,
though far from altering its aggressive nature, has lost its former
capabilities of playing the master in the world arena, while the capabili-
ties of the socialist camp for keeping the aggressors under control are
steadily growing. The socialist states, conducting a policy of peace, and
all peace-loving nations, if they are duly watchful and well-organized,
can prevent another-world war...." (Moscow, Sovetskiy Flot, 9 Aug 60)
An article in the No 10, July 1960, issue of Kommunist pointed out
that Lenin himself had maintained that Marx's theory was not inviolable:
"While carrying on a determined struggle against all the sundry oppor-
tunists, Lenin at the same time did not fear to raise his hand at some
of the obsolete theoretical conclusions and generalizations which had lost
their truth and power with the advent of the new epoch and had become
contradictory to the changed objective conditions. Lenin, the greatest
revolutionary in politics and in philosophy, taught us that 'We do not by
any means regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable....
The same article further showed that in "'.-.fighting against the right-
wing dogmatists and doctrinaires of the Plekhanov and Kautskiy type, Lenin
held up to ridicule their pedantism, their devotion to lifeless, bookish
wisdom and scholasticism, their efforts -td substitute abstract formulas
and schemes, empty and lifeless phrases, and references to one or another
quotation for a concrete historical analysis of the new social conditions
and of new social phenomena. To ignore the changed. circumstances, wrote
Lenin, '...[and] to go on advocating the old solutions given by Marxism
is to be true to the letter and not to the spirit of the teaching, is to
repeat by rote the old conclusions without. being able to use the Marxian
method for analyzing the new political situation....'"
The suthors of the same article summarize the Soviet stand on this
subject: "The new Marxist standpoint that wars are not fatally inevitable
in our time is intrinsically connected with the Leninist theory of the
peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems...."
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In its effort to prove that current Soviet policies are correct in
respect to Marxism-Leninism and are not revisionistic, the Soviet press
stressed that the balance of power today has shifted in favor of the
socialist camp and that imperialism no longer possesses the power to deter-
mine whether there will be wars or not: "We declare that at present there
is no fatalist inevitability of war and that war may be prevented and for-
ever excluded from public life. Our view has a. solid basis. It reflects
the fundamental changes in the relation of political, economic, and class
forces in, the international arena, changes in favor of socialism. Dog-
matists and sectarians do not agree with this -- the only correct i'arxist
view. They consider this view to be a deviation from the principal posi-
tions of"the working people's class struggle. Brandishing'quotations from
Marxist-Leninist. classics they attempt to demonstrate that as long as
imperialism exists one cannot escape its willfulness and excesses.. They
assert that now, as before, it depends only on imperialism whether there
will.be wars or not.... It is obvious that by its very essence imperialism
remains the same as ever. But it is not difficult also to see that its
aggressive capabilities have been considerably. diminished...." (Moscow,
Sel'skaya Zhizn', 24 Aug 60)
In its attempt to vindicate the CPSU of accusations of revisionist
tendencies in respect to the question of the noninevitability of war,
the Soviet press asserted: "It is impossible to conduct a successful
struggle for peace today by relying mechanically on the old thesis about
wars being inevitable in the epoch of imperialism. This thesis was the
result of a scientific. analysis of imperialism in the period when it was
an all-embracing world system. It was still true at that time when the
Soviet Union was the only socialist country in the midst of a hostile
capitalist world. The situation is different today. Capitalism is no
longer the system which alone has the power to rule historic destines of
the peoples...." (Kommunist, No 10, Jul 60) "Yes, there is now a real
possibility of muzzling the raging enemies of peace.. Only people who are
unable to distinguish yesterday from today can say that wars are inevitable
now, as before, and that imperialism and its general staffs are free as
before to decide arbitrarily: whether there shall be war or peace. No,
that time is over. Another power, more impressive than imperialism, the
socialist word system, now has its say on the question of war and peace,
a power which has become a determining factor in world politics. Peoples
who hate. war now decide this question...." (Moscow, Sovetskaya Rossiya,
17 Aug 60)
Having asserted this position, the Soviet press charged that those
who see the present situation differently are revisionists: "The indis-
putable facts of life fully disprove the theories of revisionists and
reformists who stress that imperialism has changed and is no longer aggres-
sive, that it has turned from a beast of prey into a meek lamb. Only noto-
rious fawners over imperialism are capable of pretending that its predatory
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grin and hypocrisy are a love of peace. But since the nature of imperialism
remains the same, does this mean that another world war is.inevitable? Some
'skeptics' reckon that it will result with fatalistic inevitability from
the very essence of imperialism. As long as capitalism exists, they say,
it means that there cannot be world peace. Those who advocate this view-
point evaluate the present epoch in a biased and incorrect manner, dog-
matically repeating the general formulas on imperialism which were worked
out 50 years ago. But much has changed. since then. International life
has undergone thorough changes. The epoch of the disintegration of impe-
rialism has set in...." (Sovetskaya Rossiya, 17 Aug 60)
Farther defending the CPSU, the Soviet press claimed: "The CPSU and
other Communist and workers parties severely censured the revisionists who
allege that imperialism has lost its aggressive nature. The revisionists
assert that the imperialists no longer strive for the seizure of other
people's-riches and for enslavement of other nations. According to them,
modern capitalism has become 'democratic:;' and 'popular.' Such anti-Wr&:stL
and antiscientific views are harmful to he interests of the working people
and the Communist movement...." (Sel'sk,ya Zhizn, 24 Aug 60)
To underline the hegemony of the CPSU in the international Communist
movement and to show that its policies-on peaceful coexistence, the
noninevitability of war, and the nature of imperialism are correct and have
been unanimously accepted throughout thesocialist camp, Izvestiya on
12 August 1960 stated: "The July plenum of the Central Committee CPSU
has unanimously adopted a resolution approving the communique of the
Bucharest conference and the political line and activity of the CPSU dele-
gation headed by Comrade N. S. Khrushchev at that conference. It is
generally known with whatt resolution the' CPSU and all Marxist-Leninists
unmask the modern revisionists and reformists who shut their eyes to
imperialism's aggressiveness and assert that imperialism is no longer what
it was in the times of Marx and Lenin, that it has become 'better' and
'not dangerous.' The revisionists are thereby suggesting to the nations
that it is not worth their while to waste efforts on the struggle for
peace, that peace will consolidate itself 'by itself."'
In defending the CPSU from revisionist allegations, the Soviet press
was forced to resolve a dual position, i. e., attacking those revisionists
who maintain (1) that imperialism has lost its aggressiveness, not because
of the emerging deterent power of the socialist camp, but through design
and evolution and (2) that imperialism,has not lost any of its aggressive-
ness, but on the contrary has augmented its aggressive nature. The former,
according to the press, has been attributed to Yugoslavia and certain
Western Communist groups, and the latter to Communist China.
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The above situation has been resolved apparently to the point where
the principal press attacks have been levied against Communist, China, which
has recently accused the USSR of following a policy of revisionism in re-
spect to Uae tshets of tns. Ma d:sm-Leenis~n. On 16 !August 1960 in an article in
Bakinsliy Rabochiy, Communist China was openly called to task: "During
the period when the USSR was the only country of proletarian dictatorship
in the world, it was unable to rely on direct economic or military aid
from anyone. The workers class and the working peasantry in the USSR
could depend only on their. own forces and resources, both in building a
socialist economy and ensuring the military safety of the country.. The
present.sittnation.is entirely different. In its struggle for socialism.,
the workers class of any country is well aware of the fact that it will
always receive fraternal support from the Soviet Union as from the whole
socialist camp. Lenin's teachings on the victory of socialism in indi-
vidual"couuntries must be considered today as being inseparably linked
to the successes of the socialist camp. Would it be possible to imagine
the successful building of socialism under present conditions even in
such a great country as, for instance, China, if this country were in an
isolated position and not supported by the cooperation and mutual aid
of all other socialist countries? Such a country, while being subjected
to an . economic. blockade by capitalist countries, would at the same time
be open to military attacks from without. It would experience the great-
est difficulty even in the event it should withstand the furious onslaught
of the enemy."
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Part 2. FAR EAST
Unity of Opposites
The two "revisionist" controversies; carried by the Chinese Communist
Political and intellectual periodicals in1960 have been over the advocacy
by "revisionists" of humanitarianism in literature and over whethe.r'there
is any unity between thought and existence. 'The periodicals which have
carried articles on the first controversy; have included the Wen-i Pao,
No 6. 7, 8, 9, and 11 and Hsin Chien-she,iNo 6 and 7; the periodicals
which have carried articles on the controversy over the unity of thought
and existence and its direct bearing on the law of the unity of opposites
and contradictions have included Hsin Chien-she, No 6, Hung-ch'i, No 4
and 11; and numerous issues of Che-hsueh e'en-chiu, beginning with the late
1959 issues.
A third theme, attacks on "modern revisionists" for preaching the
possibility of peaceful coexistence, ha.. been associated with foreign
policies and has up to now been clearly distinct from the first two
controversies. However, the 1 August issue of Hun ch'i contains an article
byKuan Feng entitled "On the Unity of Opposites which makes an unexpected
link between the domestic revisionists who refuse to acknowledge the
universal applicability of the law of the unity of opposites to the pair
of thought and existence and the foreign "modern revisionists," who, thi s
particular article claims by strong implication, have failed to recognize
that wars are almost to be expected rather than just possible or prevent-
able in this age because the revisionistsFhave failed to apply the law of
the unity of opposites to the opposites of war and peace.
The author, Kuan Feng, is unidentified, but he has written articles
for the Jen-min Jih-pao (for example, the article "On the Political
Significance of Diligence and Frugality," on 23 August) and is probably a
spokesman for the regime on philosophical, subjects.
Kuan's thesis is that the law of the unity of opposites, with the
unity achieved through the mechanism of the dialectical method and with
contradictions being merely another way of describing the existence of
opposites, has not been properly unders-to'od by some people. These have
therefore fallen prey to an entire series of errors with the common
characteristic of having arisen from failure to apply the law of the
unity of opposites in each case of error..; This failure, in turn, has
been due to the retention, by these people, of the bourgeois metaphysical
concept of absolute opposition, that is, that unity is unity and opposition
is opposition and that one opposite cannot change into the other.
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The proper understanding of the law, Kuan said, is that unity can come
only from the prior existence of sets of opposites or contradictions and
that it is the movement from contradictions to unity and back to contradic-
tions and. further unity which constitutes history, including revolutionary
changes.
Kuann then took up concrete cases where misunderstanding of the law
of the unity of opposites has led to errors.
He made passing reference to the controversy of more than half a year's
standing, over the unity of thought and existence,,, one of the cases, but
said that he would not take up this particular application of the law
because the case has already been discussed by so many comrades.
Of the cases Kuan took up, the three with the most interesting policy
implications were the application of the law to the issue of war and peace,
to revolutionary changes, and to the recognition of contradictions.
To Kuan, there is a unity between war and peace by definition, because
they are opposites. The existence of the concept for one presupposes the
existence of the concept for the other. He admitted that there will be no
"war" when the imperialist-capitalist system is iruely eliminated and when
classes have been truely eliminated, but at the same time denied that this
is an admission that in a class society like that of the present, war and
peace do not exist together as a pair. On the contrary, the admission
proves Just the opposite.
War and peace, said Kuan, are special forms of the class struggle and
being opposites, can change into each other under certain circumstances in
accordance with the law of the unity of opposites. Permanent peace is
therefore an impossibility in the present [world understood] class society.
It is precisely because peace can change to war that the socialist camp
with the Soviet Union as the head, the international workers, and the
peoples of the world must exert themselves to prevent wars, protect peace,
and carry out unceasing struggles.
War, said Kuan, is a product of class society and has its roots in
the capitalist system. The capitalists use peace to deceive peoples and
to oppress and exploit them. The proletariat and peoples of the various
countries, on the contrary, expose the imperialists and prevent the
outbreak of,war, and struggle for a just peace, democracy, and socialism,
No "class cooperation" or "social peace" is possible, being only the myths
of modern capitalists and revisionists for deceiving the people. Neither
one exists nor is possible.
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Kuan Feng has thus used a theoretical argument against the possibility
of ,peaceful coexistence that, so far as is known in FAD, has been unique
among the Chinese Communist arguments.
The second case, on revolutionary changes, is explained very simply
by Kuan. Such changes, he said, can only be understood in the light of the
law of the unity of opposites, which teed .Ps tb tthe chars whlshcdmUWte-rei lu-
t atsefom t1x!pdar Edstehco o oppxi es.' T7h? intexeStir?p Irit- Kuan niade was'tkat
these changes can be "promoted" by those who "use the objective dialectical
method and create conditions for promoting the completion of revolutionary
changes. This is true in the revolution for the seizing of political power
and eliminating capitalism, as well as in constructing of socialism. The
facts of the great leaps forward ... have proven in a-fi extraordinarilly
fresh manner.the law that opposites change' into each other. We have used
this law to bring out the-significance of the function of subjective
motive power."
Kuan has thus tied the law of the unity of opposites to two of the
basic measures of the regime, that is, denial of the possibility of
peaceful coexistence and exaltation of the role of "subjective motive
power" or revolutionary enthusiasm.
As a final. point, Kuan asserted that failure to recognize that unity
arises from opposites is also responsible, for denials by some people that
contradictions exist in a socialist society between both the people them-
selves and between enemy classes.
Bloc Unity Versus Internal Problems
The North Vietnamese stand of neutrq.lity in the Sino-Soviet ideological
dispute is clearly demonstrated in the press survey made between 16 July
and 16 August 1960. The press and party leaders have once again carefully
avoided any statements partial to either the USSR or Communist China, and
instead have emphasized the "solidarity and unity of mind among the
Communist and workers' parties in the socialist camp."
A typical example of the neutrality-of the North Vietnam regime is the
statement made by Premier Pham Van Dong on 15 August at a banquet given
by' the North Korean Ambassador Chon Chang-ch'ol on the 15th anniversary
of Korea's "liberation." In this speech, which appeared in Nhen Dan
on 16 August, Pham Van Dong leaned over backward to avoid taking sides
with either of the disputants by praising the struggle of the masses of
Asia, Africa, and Latin America against US "imperialism" to achieve "a
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policy of agreement internally and peace and neutrality externally," on
the one hand, while, on the other hand, stating that "the Vietnamese people
and the DRV [Democratic Republic of Vietnam] government warmly welcome and
support the Soviet proposal for general and complete disarmament and regard
it as a great device for preventing war and preserving peace. The Vietnamese
people and the DRV government warmly welcome and support the proposal of
the government of the People's Republic of China that all countries in
Asia and in the Pacific area, including the US, sign a peace pact of mutual
nonaggression and transform this area into an area of nuclear weapons."
Also indicative of this attitude and of the emphasis on unity within
the socialist bloc is another statement made by Than Van Dong at a recep-
tion given on 22 July by the Polish Ambassador Tadeusz Findzinski in
honor of the 16th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic
of Poland. According to the 23 July issue of NhanDan, on this occasion,
Than Van Dong said: "In the present international' situation, the Soviet
Union and our socialist bloc as a whole are determined-to pursue persis-
tently a policy of peace and to expose and defeat all aggressive and
war-provoking attempts of the imperialists, especially the US imperialists.
The Soviet Union and our socialist bloc as a whole wholeheartedly support
the anti-imperialist movement which is growing powerfully everywhere."
The subject of unity was again,:stressed in an editorial in the
16 August issue. of Nhan Dan which stated that "The communique of the lath
Plenum of the Central Committee of our party concerning the Bucharest
meeting demonstrates clearly the complete agreement of our party with the
Bucharest decisions on the world situation and on the importance of
strengthening unity among all Communist and workers' parties, and among
all socialist countries led by the Soviet Union."
The editorial cited the splendid achievements of the USSR, China, and
all countries in the socialist bloc which "every.day are strengthening the
socialist system." It noted that over recent years, the world balance of
power has "tipped to the side of peace, democracy, national independence,
and socialism. The possibility of maintaining peace, and of preventing
another world. war is increasing every day."
Throughout the period of this survey, the press each day carried
several articles bitterly denouncing the US for its "acts of aggression;
and for its "plots to create war" in Japan, Cuba, the Congo, Cambodia,
Laos, and South Vietnam, but never did it say that war was inevitable.
Internationally, North Vietnam to date has shown no signs of revisionism,
but domestically the regime could be having some trouble. Although no
specific charges were made, To Huu a member of the Central Committee Secre-
tariat, in an article in the June Hoc Tap, stated that "in our society and
in our party there is still much nonproletarian ideology which is an
I
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obstacle to the revolution.... if for one minute we fail to concentrate
on the education of the members of our society, we could have a disaster
such as occurred in 1956. [In 1956 many contributors to the cultural
publications Nhan Van and Giai Pham were arrested for their "reactionary
viewpoints" and the periodicals were banned by government order.]
The problem of internal revisionism might be a real one because To
Huu devotes this entire article in the party theoretical journal to the
need for ideological, cultural, and technical. education for all the people
to wipe out "existing bourgeois traces."
On this point he said: "Although the basic spirit of the party is
proletarian, there remain strong traces of petty bourgeois ideology:
the class viewpoint is vague, vacillating, and confused in the face of
difficulties...it is removed from reality and far from the masses. We
cannot ignore the fact that in their economic and cultural activities, a
number of cadres manifest a bourgeois point of view."
To overcome these weaknesses, according to To Huu, cadres must "study
and understand the party policy lines on ideology, culture, and techniques.
They must devote themselves to study, and: must make every effort to create
a large group of cadres from the working ;,lass who are absolutely loyal to
socialism and have a strong party spirit....
"At the same time, our party will make every effort to help the 'old'
intellectuals to cultivate proper points of view and conduct).. and will
make it possible for them to grow professionally and make their work most
successful....
"We must struggle ceaselessly to resist the erroneous concepts in
ideology, culture, and science that exist among a number of our 'old'
intellectuals. Our struggle in this respect has been weak. Qnly b}r a
deep ideological struggle can we develop our culture, education, and
science strongly and quickly."
Thus, while there have been no open manifestations of revisionism
or dissidence, To Huu's deep concentration on this subject would seem
to indicate that it does exist.
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III. OUTER MONGOLIA
Revisionism, Dogmatism, an,d".Nationalism
On 1.4 August 1960, an article was published in Unen called "Correct
Understanding of the Present Era," by G. Chimid and S. Udbal, member of
the Presidium of the Great National Rural of the Mongolian People"'s Republic.
Some of the features emphasized in the article are as follows:
At present, we live in a period of unforeseeable changes and events,
most of which have their origin in the difficulties produced during the
transition from the class society of capitalism to the clap sless society
of, socialism. Today, the struggle for peace and the desire-to avert war
have created a situation whereby this subject-matter has become a basic
:feature in national policy. In general, changes throughout the world
continue to favor socialism. Capitalism is on the wane, and the-colonial
system is fast disappearing. A billion people live in a vast area, extend-
ing from the Arctic Ocean to the tropics of Vietnam,~as well as from the
Adriatic to the China Sea. This area is the homeland of the socialist
camp.
The Congress of Communist and Workers Parties, which met in Moscow in
1957, pointed out the following: "The outstanding event of our era was
the great; socialist October revolution which took place in Russia and which
set the pattern for the transition from capitalism to socialism. The ex-
istence of the two opposite social systems in competition with each other
explains the situation we observe today." However, at present, there are'
revisionists and dogmatists whose interpretations of world affairs differ
greatly. Some of them go to extremes in expressing their opinions.
Revisionists emphasize economic competition or cooperation, but pay less
attention to the class struggle or the problems of transition from capital-
ism to socialism. The dogmatists, on the other hand, analyze the present
only to advocate the destruction,of imperialism by means of all-out war.
It is well to remember what Lenin said with regard to eras throughout
the course of history. "During any period, past or future, there are times
when one may move forward, and there are times when it is better to retreat.
Therefore, if a movement is falling apart, the solution is to twist and
turn in as many directions as necessary to accomplish one's ends. -Under
such circumstances, no historical. movement can develop both rapidly and
successfully at the same time. Whatever class is dominant during a given
era, the course of development can only be planned by-knowing thoroughly
the basic: facts of the situation so that the historical significance of
the period can be recognized for what it is. If the actual nature of the
era is known and one is properly oriented within it, it then becomes possi-
ble to establish tactics which are effective..`..'
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Correct understanding of the present era requires a thorough knowledge
ofthe Marxist-Leninist world outlook. The views-of dogmatists are one-
sided if they interpret the present epoch as one of imperialism and wars
only, to the exclusion of all other factors. Imperialism has declined and
can no longer be regarded as a world power. Socialism, on the other hand,
has spread over a large part of the world: and is still exerting great in-
fluence over people outside of the socialist camp. Under present inter-
national conditions, there are two choices, either war or peaceful coexist-
ence; there is no third choice. V. I. Lenin stated the following: "When
military technology has reached a point sufficient to produce mass destruc-
tion, at such a time it becomes impossible to carry out a successful gen
eral war." The opinions of those who throw doubt on the policy of,peace-
ful coexistence should be placed in the category of faulty reasoning. It
should be. remembered that socialism and aggression are opposites which are
not compatible with each other. The destructive power of contemporary
weapons represents a change which has to be taken into account. One of
the most important aims of socialism consists of peaceful construction.
Lenin always supported the doctrine of peaceful coexistence among
nations having different social systems. At present, the foreign policy
of all socialist countries is based on this principle. The Soviet Union
has taken the lead by setting an excellent example for all the world to
observe. Khrushchev made the following statement with regard to inter-
national peace and security: "The struggle for a world outlook, the
interests of humanity, and decisions of Importance affecting the future
are to continue along the path of peaceful coexistence with all countries,
irrespective of their social systems. Moreover, it is necessary to support
this situation resolutely by setting a convincing example to others, and
not by means of world-wide military pow+:sr." The Mongolian People's"Revolu
tionary Party supports the views held in Moscow with regard to the elimina-
tion of war. The balance of power on the international scene favors the
possibility of avoiding major military operations. The problem of total
disarmament throughout the world is one that should be studied carefully.
The Soviet Union has set an example by reducing armed forces unilaterally.,
Total disarmament, however, is a matter which can only be obtained by
means of peaceful negotiation.
The transition to socialism should not rely solely on warfare. The
basic principles of Marxism.-Leninism recognize peaceful transition from
capitalism to socialism. The nature of the transition depends largely on
local conditions with regard to both time and place. The only way to
preserve the essence of Marxism-Leninism is to take a,strong ideological
stand against the extreme views of revisionists, dogmatists, and nationalists.
The total victory of socialism and peace requires much effort and a better
understanding of Marxist-Leninist teaching.
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Part 3. EASTERN EUROPE
The East European press is concerned with evidences of revisionism
in connection with the problem of.peaceflul coexistence and in the areas
of culture, economics, and philosophy.
In an atmosphere of heightened Sino-Soviet tensions on the problem
of peaceful coexistence, the Hungarian and Yugoslav press denounce mani-
festations which are in opposition to the Soviet line on this question.
A Hungarian author attacks those who deviate from the Soviet peaceful
coexistence line by their assertion that "a uniform socialist transfor-
mation is taking place throughout the world." Edvard Kardelj, the Yugo-
slav Vice-President, points to Chinese "impudent distortions" of scien--
tific socialism on the subject of war and peace in his denunciation of
Chinese attacks on Yugoslav revisionism.
The problem of cultural revisionism is dealt with in the Bulgarian,
Hungarian, and Rumanian press.: In Bulgaria, an attack on cultural re-
visionism abroad, especially in Yugoslavia, is reviewed favorably. In
Hungary, the proponents of literary modernism are denounced for failing
to discern the "radical novelty of the new socialist reality," ! and there
is also a quotation of a French Communist criticism of Lukacs which is
in direct opposition to previous Hungarian and other criticisms of him.
In Rumania, two Writers Union publications cite the dangers of revision-
ism in literature and call on critics to combat it on the basis of Marxist-
Leninist ideology.
With regard to economic and philosophical revisionism, the East
German press contains recent additional discussions of and. by two ac-
cused economic revisionists whom the party had dealt with 3 years ago.
The leading East German philosophical journal attacks a "profoundly
revisionjstic" work on materialist dialectic by a Czech author.
Book on Cultural_ "Hypocrisy" Abroad Again Reviewed Favorably
Twice previously favorably reviewed (see Summary No 2619, Eastern
Europe Press Survey (107), pp 7-10), Ivan Ruzh's Zakonut na literaturnite
dzhungli (The Law of the Literary Jungles), published by Bulgarski
pisatel" Publishing Enterprise, Sofia, 1959, is the recipient.Qf'ac-
colades for the third time to date, by Sv. Buchvarova in Rabotnichesko
Delo, 17 July 1960, for its allegedly skillful indictment of cultural
"hypocrisy" and revisionism abroad.
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Despite the apparent success and importance being attached to Ruzh's
"offensive in socialist culture," Ruzh, who is deputy chief editor, of
Plamuk, monthly periodical of the Union of Bulgarian Writers, and recip-
ient of the union's 1959 award for the aforementioned book's contribution
to the field of literary theory and criticism, has himself been the tar-
get of criticism, as evidenced in the article, "Ivan Ruzh Fights Against
Dogmatism," by Stoyan Karolev, published in Plamuk, No 6, 1960.
Karolev, in a detailed refutation of criticisms levied previously
against his work by Ruzh, describes Ruzb: as "a criticizer of critics who
has not written anything creative for many years," and charges that
"regrettably, his critiques suffer from the same shortcomings which
abound in his previous creative work, i.e., apologetics and dogmatism."
He adds that "Ruzh, in his attacks against critics, loves to pose as
an antidogmatist, but the cultured readercan hardly be deceived, since
Ruzh, in his articles against dogmatism, inevitably manifests dogmatism."
Karolev concludes that "the correct and productive development of Bul-
garian literary critiques requires discussions and controversies, but
to argue as Ivan Ruzh does in his articles, is quite unprofitable, if
not, even detrimental." Ruzh and Karolev were elected members of the
presidium of the Union of Bulgarian Writers at the 8 July 1960 elec-
toral meeting of the writers union.
Excerpted below is that portion of }3uchvarova's review in Rabo-
tnichesko Delo which deals specifically with Ruzh's_criticjue of Yugoslav
revisionism.
"The author of this militant book not only conscientiously,exposes
the cultural facts of life in the West which are harmful to'bourgeois
ideology and reality, but also knows how to point out the contradictions
in both the opposition's concepts and in its practices and knows how to
reveal the intentional omissions and distortions of real facts. This is
particularly valid in his articles against revisionism. Ruzh, in a reply
to Yugoslav revisionist Risto Tosovic, writes, 'There are production'
novels in Soviet literature, but Tosovic can turn to the French litera-
ture of the 1930s to find whole piles of production novels in the most
literal sense of the word. There are even theorists on these novels.
However, to date, it has not occurred to Anyone to accuse the whole of
French literature of this crime. However, as soon as the question of
Soviet literature comes up, the existence of some shortcoming in some
authors or works is declared a flaw in the whole of Soviet literature.'
"The author also exposes revisionist complaints on the 'oppressive'
critical beginning in [early?] Soviet literature. Ruzh writes, 'Can
the Yugoslav critic rememberthe title of at least one Yugoslav novel
in which current Yugoslav reality is portrayed in a negative or gloomy
light? In articles hitting at the cult of the personality in literature,
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which articles appeared after the 20th Congress of the CPSU in Soviet
periodicals, it was emphasized why writers were unable to refute this
manifestation [cult of personality]. Now, such works are appearing;
for example, Bitva na puti (Struggle Along the Way), by G. Nikolayeva.
But, will the fastidious Tosovic permit us to ask him whether and in
which works Yugoslav writers reflect the purges carried out in Yugo-
slavia?"'
II. EAST GERMANY
on Economic Revisionism
In noting the self-criticism of the former economic revisionists,
Fritz Behrens and Arne Benary, published in Neuer:Weg, No, 9, May 1960,
the 1 June 1960 issue of the West German bi-monthly SBZ Archiv pointed
out that the mistakes of these two economists were made over 3 years
ago and that the party had settled with them in the spring of 1957.
"Since Behrens and Benary were always loyal SED (Socialist Unity Party)
members, they even at that time undertook self-criticism and distanced
themselves from their "revisionist" views.... We therefore ask our=
selves why Ulbricht at this time, 3 years after their voluntary self-
criticism, is interested in publishing their new declarations of guilt."
The article then surmises that just as Schirdewan, Oelssner, Selbmann,
and others were Ulbricht's actual targets when he first criticized
Behrens and Benary 3 years ago at the time when the regime was facing
economic difficulties, so their additional self-criticism now, when
East Germany is also burdened with economic problems, is a warning to
higher officials who may be anticipating changes in party leadership.
In any case, it can be noted that Behrens continued to publish
articles, chiefly on labor productivity, in the 1959 issues of the
East German journal on economic theory, Wirtschaftswissenschaft, and
that Benary, who was charged with more serious revisionist views and
is still being rehabilitated through factory work, published an article
in issue No 8, 1959 of this journal, entitled"An Experiment With a New
Wage Form.." The entire question of wages and prices, in which Marxist
theory is inadequate and capitalist aspects have been proposed, for
instance those on marginal analysis by the Soviet professor Leonid
V. Kantorovich(in a New York Times article of 12.June 1960), appears
also in East Germany to be a more permissive field for Marxist eco-
nomists, but, at the same time, one in which charges, of revisionism
could conceivably arise. Particular East German interest in this
field is further revealed in the report of the November 1959 meeting
of the economic section of the East German Academy of Sciences, to
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which body a number of former dissenters belong, such as Behrens, Fred
Oelssner, and Juergen Kuczynski. At this meeting, which was reported
in issue No 1, 1960 of Wirtschaftswissenschaft, particularly Oelssner
and Behrens took a leading part in describing the need for working out
a correct economic price policy and the need for better methods of meas-
uring labor productivity. At the same time, rather lengthy criticism
of Behrens and Benary, charging them again with misinterpretation of
Marxist economic laws, was made in an article entitled "The Essence and
Use of Economic Laws" in the No 5, 1959, issue of Wirtschaftswissenschaft.
Another field in which the economic section of the Academy of Sci-
ences appears to be particularly concerned is that of researching, to
refutate modern bourgeois economics. Ari.entire special issue of Wirts-
chaftswissenschaft (no 7), published in May 1960 is devoted to thi-s
subject, in which critical mention is made, in two articles, of the
Polish economist, Oskar Lange, as well as of K. Laski, both of whom
have been considered in East Germany for some time as deviationists.
Lange is particularly criticized for conending (a 1958 article pub-
lished in Warsaw is cited) that the input-output analysis of the US
economist Leontief is a further development of Marx's theory of repro-
duction. Two additional articles in No ;3/4 and 6, 1959of Wirtschaft-
swissenschaft were also devoted to refuting this contention.
Discussions on Philosophic Revisionism
In the field of philosophy, the following is excerpted from a
lengthy criticism in Deutsche Zeitschrift; fuer Philosophie, No 5,
March 1960, of what is termed by the East. German reviewer a "pro-
foundly revisionistic" work written by a Czechoslovak philosopher
at the time of the 20th CPSU Congress, but only recently translated
into German. Its publication in East Germany at this time is par-
ticularly questionable, in view of certain points of similarity
existing between the opinions of Cvekl, the Czechoslovak author, and
those of East German philosophic revisionists of the 1956-1957 period.
"The work Kate orien der materialistisschen Dialektik (Categories
of the Materialistic Dialectic), edited by M.M. Rozental and G.M.
Shtrak, closely and fruitfully connects the categories of materialistic
dialectic with the general theoretical questions which have been posed
by modern natural science and the development of socialism-Communism
in the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies. This connection is
missing from the study, Ueber materialistische Dialektik (On Materi-
alistic Dialectic) by Jiri Cvekl....
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"It seems to us that the author [Cvekla has not clarified the rela-
tion of dialectics and metaphysics, nor that of materialism and idealism.
If one restricts oneself in the two above-mentioned subjects to the...
fight between dialectical and antidialectical thinking and also makes no
qualitative differentiation between the relation of dialectics and meta-
physics and the contrast between materialism and idealism, one falls into
idealism which circumvents the basic question of philosophy and is di.--
rected toward method, as is the case with Kant, Hegel, the neo-Kantians,
and other idealistic philosophic systems. For materialism, on the other
hand, the world view as theory is the basic key from which the method is
derived. The correct structure of philosophy is derived solely from the
correct materialistic solution of the basic question of philosophy. Al-
though the author creates a perfectly good basis for handling the con-
tents: and questions...of dialectic for the correct solution of the re-
lation of idealism-materialism and metaphysics-dialectics, he is not
consistent in the further treatment of the problem....
"The author asserts that the dialectic is identical with dialec-
tical materialism and with Marxism. If it is possible to equate Marxism,
dialectical materialism, and the dialectic, why do these three different
concepts exist? he asks. According to the author, the equating of them
has a purpose, although differences between them exist. He tries to
make these differences clear.... Marxism, he says, is, as theory, a
direction, a movement in the field of philosophic, economic, and socio-
political thought which is derived from Karl Marx which solves in as
unified way the philosophic, economic, and sociopolitical questions
which arise from the struggle of the working class and which must be
answered if the transition to a classless society is to be made. Ma-
terialism, on the other hand, is one of the ...basic directions in
philosophy and/or science, a definite kind of world, view. 'But both
Marxism and materialism are ideological directions within-definite
scientific areas and/or within philosophy, he says. In contrast to
this 'world viewe or (sic!) 'dialectic' has definite areas of compre-
hension which pertain to a precisely defined object of comprehension
and to the questions arising from this. Philosophy arises as the
result of the thought research of the world, i.e.. the totality of
the whole, the main forms of animate and inanimate nature, the history
of society and of comprehension.
"It would be more correct to say.that materialism is not just
any one of the basic directions in philosophy, but rather the only
scientific philosophy, if we take dialectical materialism as the
basis. The equating of Marxism, world view, and dialectic we con-
sider false. In contrast to this, the new Soviet textbook Osno
Marksizma-Leniniz (Principles of Marxism-Leninism,),...-points out
that Marxism-Leninism is a unified and completed teaching which em-
braces dialectical and historical materialism, political economy, the
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theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution, aM the theory and his-
tory of the development of socialism and Communism. Dialectical and his-
torical materialism 'is the philosophic teaching of Marxism-Leninism, the
unshakable basis for the entire structure of Marxism-Leninism.
"We also do not consider it admissible to assert that 'in Marxism,
philosophy is identical 'With dialectic., that it is dialectic and noth-
ing more,' and that it is 'materialism, dialectic, world view, method,
ontology, and epistemology.' Aside from the inadmissible introduction
...of the bourgeois concept of 'ontology, into Marxist' philosophy (the
attempt to 'ontologize' Marxist philosophy is found throughout the en-
tire work)..., an equating of dialectic with world view leads to the
placing of these two terms on the same level and thus to...a denial of
the primacy of world view over method, as the author himself asserts
on page 16. It is, however, necessary to differentiate between world
view and dialectic as method. B.O. Group [East German philosopher.] cor-
rectly asserts that world view and method are two different things.
They are,, of course, closely related to one another, whereby in the
unity of world view and method, world view is the deciding. factor....
"By ignoring the fact ...that for materialism, the world view as
theory is primary and method is secondary, J.'Cvekl overestimates the
achievements of pre-Marxist philosophy and erases the class (and thereby,
qualitative) differences between Marxist and bourgeois philosophy....
It appears untenable to us to see in Hegel a 'materialistic trait,' so
that the usual separation between being and consciousness, content and
form, the particular and general, knowledge and practice is 'overcome.'
When the author further points out that this overcoming takes place on
the foundation of idealism and of the absolute spirit, then one can no
longer see any 'materialistic trait.' Also untenable is the author's
thesis that Kant's entire work is a critique of metaphysics. Despite
the positive dialectical and materialistic elements in Kant's early
writings, metaphysical traits predominate in his later works and climax
in the attempt to reconcile knowledge and faith. The erasing of the
qualitative difference between Marxist and Hegelian dialectics is seen
...in the author's unrestricted declaration that the dialectic leads
to atheism because it undermines the logical preconditions of idealism.
We believe that the dialectic as such is not able to do this, but only
materialism as theory, as the right answer to the basic question of
philosophy. The dialectic is naturally connected inseparably with
dialectical materialism....
"One cannot agree with the author's assertion that every category
contains an element ...of the law, that it expresses a part of the uni-
versal legality and that we can identify categories and laws within
certain limits. Although this is valid in many cases, there are. cer-
tainly categories which express no law. Also the author's. assertion
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that the spiritualistic standpoint is not so far removed from that of
metaphysical materialism because the spiritual conception of subject as
soul, spirit, etc., is only the transfer of the metaphysical idea to an
inseparable thing in the sphere of psychic activity, betrays the author's
unpartisan behavior on the basic question of philosophy and betrays an
attempt to make the methodological viewpoint absolute. The author says
that certain categories can have two or more meanings and that partisan-
ship means, at one time, the expression of subjective class and party
interest, and, at another time, it means the social and class determina-
tion of thought. In Marxist philosophy, however, partisanship. cannot
have two or more meanings. Marxist partisanship is the expression of
the highest objectivity, because Marxist philosophy is the only scien-
tific philosophic system which imparts truly objective knowledge of the
most general laws of development of nature, society, and human thought....
"We cannot agree with the author's further characterization of func-
tional dependence as a form of causality which has been robbed. . .of sev-
eral traits. 'Wherever it is: a question of 'conditioning,'.'-''functioft,'
'dependence,' 'correlate,' .'.Influence,' the concern is with a more or
less diluted... derivative of universal causality.' We point, in this
connection, to the attempts primarily of the neopositivists to substi-
tute functional relations for causality. These attempts, however, fail
through the fact that a mathematical function as the expression of recip-
rocal relations of sizes is reversible at any time -- a fact which is
not true in a causal process. The function concept signifies a concep-
tual-logical connection, while the causal process signifies a real con-
nection.
"...For Cvekl the chief object of dispute is not the contrast
between materialism and idealism, but that between metaphysics and
dialectics -- a fact which ultimately approximates a denial of the
philosophic' position of Marxism.' This attempt [of Cvekl's] leads
directly to attacks against the .'dogmatists' in a revisionistic
evaluation of the 20th Congress of the CPSU. We have, in general,
the impression that the author sees, the chief danger in the inter-
national workers movement, in'dogmatism and not in revisionism,
although the 'Declaration of the Consultation of Representatives of
Communist and Workers Parties of Socialist Countries' (Moscow, ]A-
16 November` 1957) .scientifically showed the exact opposite. This was
again affirmed recently in Point 1- of the Seventh Congress of the
Hungarian Socialist Workers Party....
"J. Cvekl stresses in the foreword to the second Czechoslovak
edition'that his work was written at the time of the 20th Congress
of the CPSU. It [the book] arose in an atmosphere which was char-
acterized by sharp criticism of the various forms of dogmatism, by
criticism of ossification, of the underestimation of non-Marxist
philosophy and science, criticism of the viilgar..unificati-on of
philosophy and. politics, criticism 'of the mistakes ;connected..:with, .
Stalin; [it arose.in an atmosphere] .characterized by a.renewed in-
terest In the Leninist philosophic heritage....'
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`.'There is no doubt that the personality cult involving Stalin im-
peded the development of Marxist-Leninist theory. However, Stalin's
works represent a worthwhile enrichment...and outstanding populariza-
tion of Marxism-Leninism. Above all, the works of Stalin are distin-`
guished by their strict partisan-character and the connection they. draw
between philosophy and politics -- a fact which apparently displeases
Cvekl very much.... We also miss in Cvekl factual and fair evaluation
of Stalin. For instance, the author considers...Stalin?s works on dia-
lectical and historical materialism to be 'a characteristic view of dia-
lectical materialism in which priority is given to brevity ...andpopular-
ity, rather than to the ideal richness, philosophic erudition, enthusiasm,
and careful reference to the development of philosophy and the sciences
which distinguish the works ...of the founders of Marxism-Leninism.'
"We cannot share this view. We see in Stalin's works a significant
contribution toward connecting Marxist philosophy with the concrete
social and political problems and toward popularizing Marxist philosophy:...
"We also consider Cvekl's objections to Lysenko as little justified
as his objections to Stalin. Outstanding Soviet philosophers, such as
Lebnov, Rosental, and others, are almost [totally] discredited when the
author writes, 'Larger synthesizing [synthetische works, namely Soviet
works, for example by Leonov, Rosental, and others, have,a predominantly
popular and derivative character and become obsolete very fast.'
"The reviewer is very well acquainted with the works of these
Soviet authors and can say that...they and other works of Soviet philos-
ophers play a positive role not only in the Soviet Union, but also in
the People's Democracies and in the GDR...,,. We should also like to take
this opportunity to ask the Dietz Verlag [publishers] how it could, [as
recently as] in 1959, permit the publication of this profoundly revision-
istic work by Cvekl." -- Erhard Albrecht (Greifswald)
What was termed additional information on the background of the 1957
Harich trials and subsequent events involving the Schirdewan Wollweber-
Selbmann faction, appeared in the 1 July 1960 issue of the West German
SBZ Archiv in an article by Heinz Zoeger, a member of the Harich group,
who recently fled to the West following his release from prison.
According to the article, the following facts had up to now not.-been
completely established" The trials were "show trials" :serving as preparation
for the later dispute with the Schirdewan group. The trials were also
Ulbricht's rebuff to certain leading groups in the USSR which wanted a
change in Soviet policy toward Germany following Stalin's death. Asser-
tions made in the indictment that members of the group wanted to change
the situation in East Germany by force were, it says, a complete inven-
tion of the State Security Service. "The juristic prosecution of the
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Harich group was not legally justified...and even SED (Socialist Unity
Party). lawyers doubted the legitimacy of the trials.... Ulbricht him-
self later termed the trials a preventive measure." Ulbricht was, ac-
cording to the article, fully aware of the views of the Schirdewan
group but did not venture to oppose them until Moscow had regained the
upper hand, following the revolts in Hungary and Poland. "It is note-
worthy that Ulbricht himself, even then, treated members of the Schir-
dewan .group with caution and still does -- a fact which is in complete
contradiction to the seriousness of the charges against them."
In a dispatch of 27 July 1960, the West German publication, Infor-
mationsbuero West, reported the following denunciation which 9ED
has made of "revisionist tendencies" (i.e., attempts to dilute the
atheistic teachings) carried on in the East German youth consecration
program.
"Eighty-eight percent. of the school graduates, i.e., about 135,000
boys and girls, took part in youth consecration this year, according to
a report of the 'Central Committee for Youth Consecration.'
"According to the report, the position of the Catholic and Evan-
gelical Churches toward 'youth consecration' is said.to.have led to
'revisionist elements in the youth consecration movement.' The re-
port said there were [SED] officials who wanted to clothe the youth
consecration program 'in ideologically neutral dress'; for them the
program was 'too polemical.' The party has had a discussion with
these 'revisionists' and has 'overcome' them. Among some of the
elements which the Central Committee of the SED terms 'revisionist'
are the attempts to replace the term 'youth consecration' by 'youth
celebration' [Jugendfeier] and to hand out to participants a book
called Unser Deutschland (Our Germany), in place of the book Weltall-
Erde-Mensch (Universe, Earthy Man), the former 'offering no c eat r
philosophical orientation.' The report adds that 'sectarian elements'
have also arisen in the youth consecration movement. Such elements
demanded that only children who had no religious affiliation could
participate in youth consecration. But the SED, it [the report] said,
declares that `under the conditions of the worker and peasant state,
all children must participate.'
III. HUNGARY
Revisionist Pressures on Literary Policy Peaceful Coexistence Line;
Lukacs.in. New Light
The August 1960.issue of the Hungarian trade union monthly Munka
restated and defended the party's right to guide culture: "The re-
visionists denied and they still deny the right of the party and state
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to direct all areas of cultural life and to intervene in the course of
cultural development. A denial of party and state guidance always means
a support of bourgeois culture as opposed to socialist culture.". But
in closing, the article denied that this meant centralized control;
rather, it merely pointed up the need for "education",of artists.
Lajos Kiss, an: editor of the Szeged literary monthly Tiszataj,
which has always been a stronghold for pure party line literature, con-
tributed to Budapest literary journals trice in August, apparently as
part of the antimodernism campaign which has still not forced modernists
out of their leading literary positions in Budapest. In the 12 August
1960 issue of Elet es Irodalom, the weekly of the Hungarian Writers Fed-
eration, Kiss took up the problem of "literature and technology" and he
attacked, in the person of Lajos Maroti (a young scientist-poet who pub-
lishes frequently in Elet es Irodalom), those who fail to see the radical
novelty of the new socialist reality. "In the final analysis., this
[denial of radical novelty] involves a deeply embedded bourgeois remnant
and not at all 'eternal principles' of life," Kiss wrote in closing. In
the August issue of Kortars Kiss took up the problem of.modernism as
such" "We have often. experienced in the current modernism debate that
there are midwives in our new literature who would like by clever in-
trigues to replace the healthy new-born children [i.e., socialist realism]
with the sickly offspring of old, sick parents --'of capitalism." Later,
in his criticism of the various forms of modernism, Kiss wrote:.."Others
say that the changes taking place in reality must be reflected in the
content of literature.... But where do the believers in modernism see
these changes? In the achievements of technology and the natural sci-
ences.... 'Gestalts' ["'forms":'-in a phenomenological or metaphysical
sense, "configurations"] hitherto unknown. are coming into being....
The newest historical fruit of our century is -- 'the atomic era.' This
means the beginning of the absolute dictatorship of technology and the
natural sciences." Kiss rejected these views, calling'', them symptoms of
the panic among intellectuals in the "dying" bourgeois' world. By way
of Heisenberg, "an outstanding representative of physical idealism",
Kiss carries his argument against Plato "In the century;: of the'vic-
tory of materialism, Plato and his philosophy can only, play the role
of Don Quixote.... The above ideologies, whether expressed in philosophy
or literature, have common roots with bourgeois reality. In place of
law they put possibility, in place of matter they put a mathematical
formula, in place of content they put form. Thus they try to deny the
necessity of the destruction of bourgeois society. Technicalizing,
modernist literature capitulates before the agonizing bourgeois society."
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The August issue of Munka also acknowledged revisionist pressures
on the "peaceful coexistence" line. After restating and supporting the
Soviet line on peace and disarmament, the author, Gyorgy Fono, attacked
Western proponents of a more aggressive foreign policy (the US author
William S. Schlamm and the West Germans in general) and Western spokes-
men who point out the inapplicability and falsehood of Marxist theories
jAverell Harriinann, George Kennan, Adolf Berle,, and Mandes-France).
Fono then attacked the "much more dangerous" revisionists:. "Hiding
behind the mask of 'true creative Marxism' they spread what are essen-
tially the same views.... They assert that a uniform socialist trans-
formation is taking place throughout the world,...and that the theses
of Marx, Engels, and Lenin apply only to the past." Fono attacks
Strachey and Coal for their theories of an "administrative revolution"
and he attacks Guy Mollet for his theory of the "evaportation" of cap-
italist property: "According to them, there can be a 'just distribu-
tion' of income and the concept of class is being eliminated. Naturally
they deny the class struggle too. Together with the Hungarian Gyorgy
Lukacs they attempt to prove in various ways that the struggle between
classes with opposed interests is being forced into the background in
our day by the struggle between the believers in peace and war or, in
other cases, democracy and dictatorship." Fono cites an article by
the "well established Hungarian revisionist" Ferenc Fejto in the 10 March
France Observateur which noted that "the policy of relaxation increases
the possibilities of the revisionists," and Fono cites an article by
S. King Hall (Liverpool Daily-Post) which called revisionism "our best
ally in the cold war." Fono remarked: "We could not have put it more
clearly'. Fono closes with a ritualistic repetition of the Soviet line:
"Today, socialism is peace.... Today, socialism is irresistably winning
throughout the world."
Curiously but significantly, just as Fono in Banka was repeating
the old charge of revisionism against Lukacs, the literary weekly Elet
es Irodalom (5 August-1960), quoting the French Communist Pierre Daix,
was charging Lukacs with the opposite sins of dogmatism and schematism.
If Daix had been writing in Hungary he could have been.classified as a
liberal and modernist, a defender of literary freedom, of national in-
fluences on literature, and of international cultural exchange. The
Hungarian reviewer, Gyorgy Balazs, quoted Daix as follows: "Lukaes,
with his rigid categories, burns up every bridge between the literature
of the nor.Lsocia-list part of the world and the... literature of peoples
building socialism." This is just the opposite of the usual charge
brought against Luckas in print. Balazs is careful to note that this
view of Lukacs is from the French viewpoint and he does not openly
suggest a Hungarian re-evaluation of Lukacs. But the appearance of
his article clearly.shows the divergence between the viewpoints of
the literary weekly Elet es Irodalom and the more orthodox party line
publications, and it suggests that French Communists might have a
disturbing influence on ideological stands taken by parties behind
the Iron Curtain
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Duties of Literary Criticism in Fighting Revisionism
In his report to the Third Congress of the Rumanian Workers Party
in June 1960, party First Secretary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej called the
ideological and educational struggle the principal field for the class
struggle in Rumania at present. DiscussLng the role of literary criti-
cism in the class struggle, two publications of the Rumanian Writers
Union cite the dangers of revisionism in literature and the duties of
critics in combating it.
An editorial in the July issue of Viata Romineasca stresses "...
the special tasks of aesthetics and literary criticism in countering
the influences of various idealistic and revisionist theories with the
steel armor.. .of Marxist-Leninist ideology...."
Writing in Gazeta Literara of 28 July, Savin Bratu says: "...As
a result of the prompt action of literary criticism, the revisionist
disease, detected and destroyed at its first attempts at erosion,
could not make headway in our country. Following the call of our
party, our criticism has learned how to overcome any indication of
departure from its active social function of vanquishing the bour-
geois snares of formal analyses, of archivistic, apolitical historio-
graphy, of philosophical speculations divorced from reality, and to
take a firm attitude against liberalistic: and objectivistic tendencies
which accept the heritage of the past in a block and give a professorial
evaluation of our new literature, not using the party spirit as a basis...."
V. YUGOSLAVIA
Coexistence and War
The "revisionist" Yugoslavs appear to enjoy a certain amount of
"peaceful coexistence" with at least one member of . the socialist camp,
as far as historical accounts on Yugoslavia are concerned. Specifically,
the Yugoslav correspondent in Krakow reviews, in the 31 July 1960 issue
of V.esnik, all the items on Yugoslavia in the Polish general encyclo-
pedia, which was first published in 1959, and concludes by saying that
"we can state that 'Yugoslavia' have been treated well and impartially
in the Mala Encyklopedia Powszechna." 'Ibis. constrasts with past an=
guished complaints in the press that Yugoslav subjects, particularly
Yugoslav Communist activities, have.been distorted, misrepresented., or
even omitted in publications of other socialist countries, such as the
revised edition of the Soviet encyclopedia.
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In the disputes between the East and the West, the Yugoslavs regu-
larly back the Soviet position, their support ranging from strong approval
to mere acquiescence, according to published evidence. However, this
does not prevent them from indirectly criticizing in print Soviet actions
when they run counter to the Yugoslav position or threaten it. As pro-
fessed strong supporters of peaceful coexistence, the Yugoslavs reflect
in their press a concern with the deterioration of the international
situation since the collapse of the Paris summit conference. A Nova
Makedonija writer in the newspaper's 31 July 1960 issue chides the great
powers for lip service to the principle of coexistence.. He notes that
"comprehension and interpretation of the policy of coexistence are
varied. Many consider coexistence as a temporary necessity and inter-
pret it as 'some kind of life of peoples and states'. or as a 'temporary
lull or maneuver during which each seeks to outwit the other.' objec-
tively viewed, such conceptions... represent an expression of conscious
or unconscious opposition to the true and real policy of active peace-
ful coexistence...which means the final rejection of force, oppression,
and war as methods and means for solving controversial problems and
conflicts; it means noninterference in the internal problems'of other
nations and countries....
"Sad to say, all,, do not pursue this practice, particularly certain
great powers. In the final analysis, the May failure in Paris was noth-
ing other. than the result of nonadherence to the principle of coexistence
in practice." It should be noted that the writer does not specifically
charge the failure to the US alone.
Red China's position is ridiculed when the author writes that
"insistence! is now again being expressed that it be.proved that the
'nature of imperialism,' regardless of changed historical conditions,
inevitably leads to aggression and war. From this, the quite absurd
(but still dangerous) conclusion is reached that wars cannot be
avoided through 'fruitless' talks with imperialists; this (translated
into the language of practice); means, that one should. prepare for a
military miscalculation. Of course, this theory meets with extensive
condemnation, especially from the Third Congress of the Rumanian Workers
Party. . .and the speech of Premier Khrushchev at the congress."
Returning again to the theme of active coexistence, the writer
submits that "at the present stage of progress in composing international
incidents., ..the declarations and comforting formulations are not satis-
factory which hold that the door to bargaining and talks is not closed
but only 'ajar.' It is time, ...by consistently applying and honoring the
principles of coexistence, to produce an atmosphere-of mutual trust....
The great powers, especially those at the head of the blocs, should put
in concrete form their proclamations of readiness for agreement, their
good will, and their devotion to peace, at least with the introduction
of a,genuine policy of coexistence and with genuine agreement in the
interest of peace and all of international society."
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A major rebuttal, to the Chinese Communist attacks on Yugoslav "re-
visionism" has appeared in the form of a book-length discourse, Soci ali-
,zam i Rat (Socialism and War), by Edvard Kardelj; Vice-President and
leading theoretician of Yugoslavia. It has also appeared serially in
the 12-20 August 1960 issues of Borba. (An English translation is avail-
able in the FBID Daily Report: USSR and East Europe, Supplement No 10)
2 September 1960.) The following Yugoslav review of the book in the
25 August 1960 issue of Kommunist highlights the main points made by
Kardelj
"This discourse by Edvard Karjelj throws light not only on the
sources and real meaning of the unprincipled attacks and the unrestrained
hue and cry of the leading circles of the Communist Party of China on
the foreign policy of socialist Yugoslavia, but also on the essence of
the basic conceptions which permeate the present international policy of
China and the historical consequence which approbation of these concep-
tions would evoke in the development of modern socialism.
"Kardelj has subjected to very comprehensive and documented analysis
the political course which the Chinese leadership has proclaimed and very
stubbornly implemented in the past several years. This analysis has
served him as a basis not only for confirming the objective values and
essence of this course, but also for a positive exegesis of the views
of the Association of Communists of Yugoslavia on the essential aspects
of current international relations and the burning problems of the fur-
ther development of socialism under present conditions.
"Confronting the views of the authors of the Chinese attacks on
Yugoslavia with the views of the Marxist-Leninist classics on the
questions of war and peace, the factors of socialist revolution and
the development of new social relations, the ways and forms of the
change of capitalist society into socialist, and the contradictions
of the transitional period, Kardelj has proven the total unjustifi-
ableness of inviting Chinese writers of articles to be loyal to the
science of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and he has shown the,open sub-
jectivism of the most important Chinese theses, the willful interpre-
tation, and the impudent distortion of many altogether clear and
unambiguous. positions of the founders of scientific socialism.
"The examination of the ideological value of many. of the-;positions
of the Chinese Communists shows that they cannot be defended. as being
scientific, Marxist, and socialist. However, their basis, the reasons
which gave them-birth, and their sociohistorical consequences have been
interpreted through the Marxist method. Kardelj accomplished this by
analyzing the objective movements of contemporary reality and the pro-
found changes the world is undergoing in our time.
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The most important theme of Kardelj's discourse is the question
of the inevitability of war today and, in connection with this, the
meaning and substance of the policy of coexistence from the viewpoint
of the struggle for socialism....
"Kardelj's conclusion, based on a condensed summary of the socio-
political changes of the last decade, is expressed thus: '...the fate
of peace does not depend only on the forces and will of imperialism,
but also on the policy and the subjective conceptions of the decisive
socialist factors.'
"Analyzing the internal logic of the Chinese views on the in-
evitability of war and the reality of the policy of coexistence, Kardelj
also considers their theories on the ways and forms of socialist revolu-
tion, on just and unjust wars, on the relations between socialist coun-
tries and their prospects.
. "Besides the ideological absurdities of these theories, the
author has shown the legal and rational bond between the foreign policy
orientation of the Chinese leaders and the given inner structure of
Chinese society and its contradictions. Finally, Kardelj has pointed
out the objective assumptions which can influence Chinese socialism
sooner or later to master and leave behind its present vacillation."
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Part 4. WESTERN EUROPE
Dissident Criticism of Soviet "Rocket-Rattling"
Editorially, under the heading "Rocket-Rattling," SF (weekly organ
of the Danish dissident Socialist People's Party). notes in its issue of
29 July 1960 that in the preceding two weeks the Soviet government had
found occasion to threaten the US and "its base countriest" with rockets
twice, and Belgium and its allies with conventional military interven-
tion once. This, the editorial observes, was a far cry from the Camp
David days, when Khrushchev and Eisenhower jointly conceded that in our
day international conflicts cannot be settled by war.
It carefully explains that the change in Soviet foreign policy
from the restraint which characterized Soviet criticism of the US in
the period just before and after Khrushchevts visit to the US, and which
Peiping indirectly attacked so sharply, to the currently bellicose
Soviet language has been prompted not by Chinese pressure, but by the
"incorrigibly aggressive policy" of the US. The editorial leaves no
doubt that SF views the situation from the Soviet standpoint. And as
if to prime the reader with forensic amnunition, a vide choice of US
moves and positions are listed, apparently implying an axiomatic premise
that all US acts and postures are "aggressive." At:the same time, how-
ever, only two'instances are deemed necessary to illustrate Soviet
"patience and reasonableness": postponement of a settlement of the
Berlin issue, and Soviet support in Security Council meetings of UN
intervention in the Congo.
Having thus laid the toughened attitude of a"patient and reason-
able" Soviet government to US "imperialist aggressiveness," SF permits
itself, somewhat condescendingly, to criticize Soviet "rocket rattling,"
which, although "doubtless only a scare policy," it: considers ill-advised
"Since it', scarcely can be taken seriously, if-'does' not frighten
anyone," the editorial says, "and if it were seriously meant, it would
not solve a single problem." Soviet rockets, it points out, can guar-
antee neither Soviet security nor Cuban independence, but only the
destruction of most of the earth, including the USSR and Cuba; the new
Soviet "brink-of-war" policy "merely heightens international tension,
fails to further the anti-imperialist revolution, promotes imperialist,
solidarity, and strengthens Adenauer'o-positions, but does not solve
.a single crucial question."
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